Dalit Movements
Dalit Movements
Dalit Movements
The Scheduled Castes, earlier known as the harijans (a term coined by Mahatma Gandhi in 1933)
or the children of God, who now prefer to be called Dalits, constitute 16.6 per cent of India’s
population. They occupy the lowest rank in the Hindu caste order and are also called avarna.
Historically, their touch, their shadow or even their voices was believed to pollute the high caste
Hindus. An untouchable could not enter a Hindu temple or be taught how to read. They were
banned from drawing water from village wells because their touch would taint the water for
everyone else. They had to live outside of the village boundaries, and could not even walk
through the neighborhoods where higher caste members lived. If a Brahmin or Kshatriya person
approached, an untouchable was expected to throw him or herself face-down on the ground, to
prevent even their unclean shadow from touching the high caste person. Legally they are no
longer untouchables, but in practice many of them still have to bear the stigma.
Most of the Dalit movements in the colonial and post-colonial period centred on the problem of
untouchability (anti-untouchability movements). Movements were also launched for reservations
in educational institutions, political offices, government offices and welfare programmes.
Reformative Movements: It tries to reform the caste system to solve the problem of
untouchability.
Alternative Movements: It attempts to create an alternative socio-cultural structure by
conversion to some other religion or by acquiring education, economic resources and
political power.
A major anti untouchability movement was launched by Dr. B.R Ambedkar in the 1920s
in Maharashtra. Though this movement is primarily rooted in Maharashtra, it has spread
to different parts of the country and has acquired an all-India character.
During the 1920s, the Mahars launched unsuccessful satyagrahas against untouchability
in Maharashtra.
Ambedkar saw the possibility of getting social and economic equality for the Dalit
through political means (Zelliot 1970; Nath 1987).
Ambedkar set up the Independent Labour Party (I.L.P) to protect the interests of the
labour classes. Though the party was open to labourers of all castes, it was mostly
dominated by the Mahars. This party was not able to make much impact.
Later, in 1954, Ambedkar formed the Scheduled Castes’ Federation (S.C.F) to fight
elections and look after the interests of the Scheduled castes. These interests were mainly
confined to reservations in jobs and political positions. The SCF was later converted into
the Republican Party in 1956 and it included within its fold the Scheduled Castes,
Scheduled Tribes and backward castes.
In 1930s, Ambedkar felt that the only way to improve the status of the Dalits was to
renounce the Hindu religion.
In the 1950s, Ambedkar came to the conclusion that Buddhism was an appropriate
alternative religion for the Dalits as it was an indigenous Indian religion of equality. In
1956, Ambedkar, along with a large number of his followers, mostly Mahars, converted
to Buddhism.
A study by Wilkinson and Thomas (1972) found no significant changes, either social or
occupational, in the lives of Dalits even after conversion.
But the movement helped in spreading the Dalit consciousness and a right to assert their
own identity.
The Dalits of Maharashtra launched the Dalit Panther Movement in the 1970s. At first, it
was confined to the urban areas of Maharashtra. It has now spread to Gujarat, Karnataka,
Andhra Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, etc.
They condemn and discard the dominant culture and attempt to build an alternative socio-
cultural identity for the oppressed classes.
Most of their activities are limited to propagating their ideas by publishing literature such
as poems, stories, plays which are used a means of protest against the Hindu intellectual
tradition and religion.
This Dalit literature has gained popularity especially after the 1990s.
Apart from this Dalit agricultural labourers have participated in in land grab movements and also
launched struggles demanding higher wages in the 1960s. The Dalit agricultural labourers and
sharecroppers launched struggles even during the British period. Various voluntary organisations
such as the Rural Community Development Association (RCDA) IN Tamil Nadu, the Harijan
Labourers Association, and the Association of Rural Poor (ARP) in West Bengal tried to
organise and mobilise agricultural labourers during the 1970s and 1980s.
The most important leader of the Dalit Movement in India was Dr. B.R Ambedkar. He
formed the Independent Labour Party and Scheduled Castes Federation.
Owen Lynch in his study, The Politics of Untouchability (1969), gives some information
about the organisation of the Jatavas of Agra.
Denis Von der Weid and Guy Poteivan (1981) give a brief account of the organisation of
the RDCA in Tamil Nadu.
Saurabh Dube (2001) analyses the changes in the Satnami Mahasabha between 1925 and
1950.
Juergensmeyer (1982) in his study on the Adi-Dharma, gives an account of the
organizational structure and its role in uniting the various factions of the Dalits.
Robert Hardgrave (1969) and A. Aiyappan (1944) give an account of the organisation of
the Nadars and the Iravas.
PARTICIPANTS:
Even though the economic differences among the harijan communities are generally
ignored, scholars such as Zelliot, Lynch, Hardgrave, Aiyappan and Juergensmeyer note
that there are social and economic stratification among the Scheduled Castes,
The leadership of their political movements has come from those jatis of the Dalit who
had improved their economic conditions.
The main participants in the contemporary Dalit Panther Movement in Maharashtra,
Gujarat, Karnataka and Uttar Pradesh come from the urban, educated middle class.
The Mahars of Maharashtra, the Chamars of Uttar Pradesh, the Vankars of Gujarat, and
the Malas of Andhra Pradesh are in the forefront of the Dalit movements in their
respective regions.
The Mahars of Maharashtra have been the most active in the Dalit movement.