Women and Culture

Edited by Caroline Sweetman
Oxfam Focus on Gender

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or
transmitted in any form or by any means without the written permission of the Publisher.
Front cover photo: Reading the Koran, Bangladesh. BADAL/OXFAM
©Oxfam 1995
Published by Oxfam (UK and Ireland), 274 Banbury Road, Oxford OX2 7DZ, UK
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Contents
Editorial 1
Caroline Sweetman
Thinking about 'culture': some programme pointers 7
Seble Dawit and Abena Busia
Gender relations, development, and culture 13
Maitrayee Mukhopadhayay
NGOs, gender, culture and multiculturalism: a Zimbabwean view 19
Colleta Chitsike
Challenging cultural constraints: a personal testimony 25
Rehana Khatun Adeer talks to Liz Clayton
Working with a radical agenda: the Musasa project, Zimbabwe 30
Sheelagh Stewart
Women, conflict, and culture in former Yugoslavia 36
Jovanka Stojsavljevic
The rise of religious fundamentalism in Britain: the experience of Women
Against Fundamentalism 42
Sue Katz
Culture and the law in Islam 45
Women Living under Muslim Law
Institutional opposition to gender-sensitive development: learning to answer
back 47
Sara Hlupekile Longwe
Fempress: a communication strategy for women 51
Adriana Santa Cruz
'I, Black woman, resist': Interview with Alzira Ruf ino 55
Katrina Payne
Resources:
Book Review: Colour, Class and Country: Experiences of Gender,
(eds Gay Young and Bette Dickerson) 59
Janette Davies
Organisations working on culture 61
Further reading 61
Gender and Development Vol 3, No. 1, February 1995

Our change of name
S
tarting with this issue, Focus on Gender changes its name to Gender
and Development. I would like to take the opportunity of
welcoming all readers, new and established, to the journal.
In the two years since its inception, Oxfam's gender and
development journal — the only one published in Britain which
focuses primarily on these issues — has pursued a unique
commitment: to offer a forum for discussion of gender and
development issues to the widest possible audience, fusing the
experience and research of development practice as well as academia.
It is Oxfam's belief that this cross-fertilisation is of worth and interest
to both major constituencies in our target readership.
Our intention is to make Gender and Development accessible to the
widest possible readership, but this does not mean that we sacrifice the
standard of the material that you read in the journal. Rather, it means
following a policy of using clear, accessible language to express
complex ideas. In this way, we hope to encourage contributions and
readership among people who may not have had access to formal
education, in South and North. Ultimately, this policy signifies
Oxfam's commitment to ending the bias which has existed in
development studies, of expressing ideas about the South in language
accessible only to those who have had education from the North. For
Guidelines for Contributors, write to me, at the Oxfam address.
To consolidate our commitment to provide a forum for the South as
well as the North, practitioners as well as academics, Gender and
Development has appointed an international Editorial Board (see inside
back cover). Composed of academics, development practitioners, and
activists within the women's movement, the Board will advise on the
direction and editorial policy of the journal, identify themes for
coverage, and will provide a refereeing function for articles, when
appropriate.
Finally, from this issue, subscribers to the journal will find that they
have been sent a copy of Links, the newsletter of Oxfam's Gender
Team. Readers' comments and criticism of the journal, or Links, are
welcomed and will find a forum in Links.
Caroline Sweetman
Gender and Development Vol 3, No. I, February 1995

Editorial
T
his issue of Gender and Development existence, and affect the views and actions
examines the implications of the of individuals, organisations, and nations.
issue of culture, for gender and The concept of development is laden
development work. Our culture is what with the cultural values of post-colonialism,
determines the meaning that we attribute of Northern countries, and of economists.
to every part of our existence. As such, Over the last 30 years, development has
awareness of the power of culture is of been synonymous with a Northern-based
profound importance in understanding not notion of modernisation' - economic
only ourselves and other people, but progress from a 'traditional' to a 'modern'
gender relations, and even the notion of society. Therefore when we consider the
'development' itself. issue of culture this involves us in
Culture determines power relations questioning assumptions about the sort of
within society, influencing women's and development which is currently being
men's access to and control over economic promoted, and the vision of the world
resources, and their ability to take decisions which motivates it.
in the family and community. Economic Modernisers have sought to export
and political forces both shape and are Northern social structures to the South,
shaped by culture. 'Material processes - including the nuclear family, the secular
like the economy or politics - depend on State, and the ideal of female domesticity
"meaning" for their effects, and have (Kabeer 1994). Development initiatives
cultural or ideological conditions of have thus profoundly changed social
existence' (Hall 1992). structures and social relations, including
We need to acknowledge the extent to those between the sexes. As Sara Longwe
which our own attitudes are influenced by observes in her article, 'a developmental
our cultural background. All human beings intervention cannot leave traditional social
are products of a process of socialisation, practice untouched, nor ignore the
which leads us to consider some aspects of existence of customary practice which
our lives as natural and 'given'. Depending stands in the way of development.'
on who we are, where we come from, and
our formative experiences, we attach
different significance to particular things:
Gender, culture, and
the wearing of a head-dress, attendance at a
tradition
funeral, walking on a public road. Different Though the manner in which women's
cultural biases colour every part of human subordination is expressed differs from

2 Gender and Development
culture to culture, 'the secondary status of across the world as guardians of culture.
women is one of the true universals, a true Feminists in South and North reject both
pan-cultural fact' (Ortner 1974, quoted in the idea of female inferiority and the
O'Connell 1994, 88). Biological differences unattainable ideal of perfect domesticity,
between women and men (sex) are overlaid which disguises women's subordination to
with cultural notions about difference, male family members: 'we reject pedestals,
which have no basis in biology (gender). queenhood and walking ten paces behind.
Only when a woman is bearing and To be recognised as human, levelly human,
suckling a baby does nature place practical is enough' (Combahee River Collective,
constraints on her behaviour: yet, through- India).
out the world, biology is used as a rationale
for women's subordination to men.
Different constraints on women exist
from society to society, yet in each location,
at any particular time, ideas of correct
female behaviour are viewed as universal
and unchanging. Gender ideology is
embedded in notions of 'custom' and
'tradition' which direct women's and men's
lives, and ensure conformity to the norms
of society. By appealing to 'tradition',
cultural practices which reinforce the
power of men in our societies are
venerated unquestioningly; but 'tradition is
not the whole of the past but only a part of
it consisting of "frozen movement", the
result of deliberate choices endorsed by
subsequent generations over a relatively
long period' (UNESCO undated, 58).
However ancient and time-honoured
they may seem, traditions may actually
undergo alteration to suit changed
economic, political, and social circum-
stances. What does not change is the Teaching traditional songs and dances, in Tamil
Nadu. In many societies, women are seen as the
underlying ideology of female inferiority, guardians and transmitters of culture, because of
which is disguised in an idealised image of their responsibilities for the care of children.
woman as perfect wife and mother.
This notion of the ideal woman rests on
the need, within a patriarchal society, to Wife abuse: enforcing
enforce women's chastity outside marriage, conformity
and fidelity within it, since paternity is the
ultimate definer of the identity of children. Women who challenge notions of female
Women's modesty and sexual continence is inferiority risk being ostracised by their
thus critical to the survival of the family. In communities, since such subordination
turn, women, as primary carers for their goes unquestioned by the majority of men,
children, have responsibility for passing on as well as by many women. In her article,
societal values to their children. For these Maitrayee Mukhopadhyay explores the
reasons, women are seen by societies origins of the hostility that she encountered
Editorial
from South Asian men when she gave a addresses the 'cultural issue' of violence
talk about her experiences and work. While against women. Those working to 'fight
she was criticising sexism in South Asian those aspects of our culture which betray
society from the point of view of an us' (Moraga 1988) need allies to further the
'insider', the problems of addressing struggle. In the case of the Musasa Project,
culture as a development issue become still this meant working with decision makers
more complex if 'outsiders' are involved. and law enforcers, to educate men about
As Colletah Chitsike observes in her women's right to live without the fear of
article, in reality women can, and do, hold male violence, and to enable women to use
positions of power and responsibility; yet legal structures to ensure this.
these do not become recognised as
'traditional'. A woman who defies gender
norms threatens the stability of the wider
Gender, culture, and crisis
society. Women's achievements may be Increased violence against women is an
ignored, or, in extreme circumstances, integral aspect of warfare. Just as a woman
women who violate cultural norms may be may be viewed as her husband's property,
accused of witchcraft. 'Witchcraft is a way and rape in marriage as a way to assert
of dealing with women's power and its this, in conflict she may be raped by other
challenges, both within and without, and men as a means of violating her husband's
witchcraft accusation exposes the rights over her. Jovanka Stojsavljevic, who
ambiguities and uncertainties created in works for Oxfam in Croatia, discusses the
the process of social change' (Amoah 1987). widespread sexual violence against women
The ultimate method of enforcing in the conflict in former Yugoslavia.
women's conformity to their traditional Whether the identity of a community is
role is physical and mental violence, defined by ethnicity, religion or political
including rape. In some countries, forced belief, this identity becomes supremely
sex within marriage has recently been important in such a time of crisis. In this
recognised in law as rape. Both rape and light, forced impregnation of 'enemy'
wife beating are accepted as the norm in women may be seen as a deliberate attempt
many cultures (Levinson, 1989). to colonise the enemy's territory by forcing
In 1994, after years of lobbying from women to give birth to babies who have the
feminist organisations, the United Nations nationality of the rapist. As Jovanka
recognised violence against women to be a Stojsavljevic observes, communities may
violation of human rights. Despite this disown and repudiate women who have
belated recognition of one of the most been raped, because they have 'betrayed'
widespread forms of abuse worldwide, their culture and violated the ideals of
development projects which address chastity.
violence as an issue still encounter Ironically, the attempts of feminists to
considerable resistance from national publicise the hideous violence against
governments, international funders, and women that has occurred during the
male community members. Although the conflict has been used by the warring sides
law can play a leading role in condemning themselves as a form of propaganda, to
such practices through criminalising them, justify the political agenda of the
cultural norms must also change if abuse of nationalists. Jovanka Stojsavljevic discusses
women is to be eradicated. how feminist organisations in former
In her article on Zimbabwe's Musasa Yugoslavia have resisted such incitements
Project, Sheelagh Stewart discusses the to involvement in conflict justified by
difficulties of working on a project which ethnic or religious identity.
In her article, Sue Katz of Women Ways of working on culture

Against Fundamentalism (WAF) promotes
the ideal of the secular state, arguing that Even where gender ideologies succeed in
when religion becomes a part of national restricting women's freedom of expression,
identity, religious and ethnic minorities are participation, and mobility, women
seen as 'alien', resulting in institutionalised typically have many and varied strategies
racism. There is a need for clarity about the to combat these limitations. Maitrayee
relationship which exists between religion Mukhopadhyay asserts in her article that
and the growing 'fundamentalist' the cultural biases of Northern
movement throughout the world. WAF development agencies incline them to
provide a useful definition of funda- ignore 'the everyday forms of resistance
mentalism: 'modern political movements put up by subordinated groups, because
which use religion as a basis for their these forms of resistance don't fit our
attempt to win or consolidate power and experiences'.
extend social control' (WAF publicity 1994). A common charge levelled at gender
In its article, Women Living Under and development practitioners is that
Muslim Laws (WLUML), an international gender equity is a 'Western' concern, and is
organisation supporting women in Muslim neither needed nor desired by Southern
countries, points out that religious funda- women. This view can itself be seen to be
mentalists appeal to unchanging tradition to an example of cultural bias. Sara Longwe
promote the idea of a single, uniform asserts: 'obviously, if women are very
Muslim world, which is by definition united oppressed and suppressed, they are also
in opposition to those of other faiths. In fact, very silent.' Hearing the discontent of
there are great differences of belief and subordinated groups depends on the
practice among Muslim individuals, willingness to seek them out, and listen.
families, and communities. A myth of an The testimony of Rehana Khatun Adeer,
idealised Muslim woman, at the heart of a who works with DISHA (a social organi-
perfect family, justifies women's sub- sation in Uttar Pradesh, India, which has
ordination to men, in fundamentalist received long-term funding from Oxfam),
interpretations of Islam. gives a glimpse of the degree of social
While Islamic fundamentalism attracts change, on both individual and community
much adverse publicity, particularly in levels, which may occur through women's
Northern countries which have a participation in development projects.
predominantly Christian heritage, funda- Rehana Khatun Adeer challenged her
mentalist movements exist within other seclusion, and the demands of her
religions, including Christianity itself husband's family that she wear an all-
(Armstrong 1986). WAF's definition is enveloping bourkha, in order to take part in
broad enough to include a secular version research for DISHA. Her involvement in
of fundamentalism; there are marked the research has changed not only her own
similarities between the manipulation of life, but also her extended family's view of
religious texts by fundamentalists to justify women's status, abilities, and strength.
women's subordination, and calls from While such participation enables women
Northern politicians for a return to the to challenge their marginalisation within
'nuclear family'. Both use notions of their communities, it also provides
culture and tradition to reaffirm women's inspiration for other women. Collettah
status as subordinate to men, curtailing Chitsike, who works for Oxfam in
female economic and political partici- Zimbabwe, points out that such positive
pation. female role-models can convince women
Editorial
and men that women's empowerment is a

legitimate goal. Defining multiculturalism
Popular culture and gender Just as women's views have been

equity marginalised by men, the views of the
South have been marginalised by the
Addressing the cultural basis of women's North, and the voices of people with a
subordination requires recognition of the formal education are heard above those of
means by which we are socialised to people who have experience, but lack
accept, and perpetuate, a reductive image qualifications. In their article, Abena Busia
of women's achievements and capacities. and Seble Dawit argue that this 'selective
Gramsci, the Italian philosopher and listening' has continued within the
politician, identifies popular culture as a women's movement. They assert that the
critical means of reinforcing the ruling values and aspirations of the South, and
ideas which define social relations (Simon particularly of Southern women, have been
1991). While acknowledging the power of largely ignored by Northern feminists,
the arts and media to perpetuate existing academics, and practitioners.
discrimination, we need to grasp the The ideal of multiculturalism requires
opportunities that the arts and media offer international development agencies to
us, to challenge the status quo. listen to Southern voices, and particularly
Alzira Rufino is a feminist activist and to those which have historically been
founder of the first black women's cultural ignored, on the assumption that the rulers
centre in Brazil. In an interview with her, of a society, or the male household head,
Katrina Payne explored her views on the speaks for all. In her article, Chitsike
need to strengthen the aspects of culture discusses how it feels to be a Southern
and tradition which are beneficial for all woman working for a Northern funding
members of society, not only those who agency, and what the term 'multicultur-
currently have power. Valuing our alism' means to her.
particular cultural heritage should lead to a Social development is a process which is
respect for the heritage of other people, incompatible with the short-term project
rather than to a feeling of our own approach of Northern-based development
superiority. In this way, respect for culture planning. As Colletah Chitsike points out,
as the essential history of a society is changing social relations so that subor-
grounded on a commitment to justice and dinated members of a community have
fairness to all members of our own society, their voices heard necessitates a commit-
and of others. ment of resources on a long-term basis.
In her article, Adrianna Santa Cruz Development initiatives should not only
discusses how one Latin American initia- take note of the need for long-term
tive, Fempress, has been a focus for women commitment to changing culture, but to the
activists by providing publications and need to employ local people, like Rehana
radio run by women, for women. In Khatun Adeer of DISHA, wherever
addition to raising awareness of women's possible.
struggle for equality, Fempress has proved However, the ideal of multiculturalism
to be an effective means for women to set can be perverted if the notion of culture is
up networks, thereby strengthening used as a justification for practices which
alliances in the women's movement. violate the rights of oppressed groups. In
her article, Sara Longwe provides answers
to the charges of 'interference' in the
culture of sovereign states, which may be Social Change (ed Eck D and Jain D) Kali
brought against international development For Women.
agencies which seek to promote gender Armstrong K (1986) The Gospel According to
equity in their development work. Woman, Elm Tree Books/Hamish
Unquestioning respect for the integrity of a Hamilton Ltd.
culture carries a danger of 'cultural Hall S (1992) 'Introduction' in Formations of
relativism': the idea that there are no Modernity, (ed Hall S and Gieben B) Polity
universal concepts of human rights. As Press/Open University.
Busia and Dawit observe, charges of Levinson (1989) Family Violence in Cross-
cultural imperialism can be refuted only if Cultural Perspective, Sage Publications.
the aspirations of Southern women set the Moraga C (1988) 'From a long line of
agenda for development work with a vendidas: chicanas and feminism', in
gender perspective. Feminist Studies/Cultural Studies, (ed. de
Laurentis T)
Caroline Sweetman O'Connell H (1994) Women and the family, Zed
Books.
Simon R (1991) Gramsci's Political Thought: An
References Introduction, Lawrence and Wishart.
Amoah E (1987) 'Women, witches and social UNESCO (undated) The Cultural Dimensions
change in Ghana' in Speaking of Faith: of Development: Towards a Practical
Cross-cultural Perspectives on Women and Approach, UNESCO Publishing.
Women's group in Zimbabwe. A sense of shared culture is a powerful cohesive force, giving a sense of
identity and group solidarity.
Thinking about 'culture':
some programme pointers
Seble Dawit and Abena Busia
This article is a collaboration, from a lawyer and a poet, on those aspects of being
'Southern' or 'Third World' women which seem most important when we think about
how to transform culture, from a gender perspective.
I
n order to consider culture in the gender discrimination within different
programme work of development communities can be neither recognised, nor
agencies, it is necessary for develop- dealt with.
ment workers to examine their own This is not an argument for 'cultural
cultural heritage, and recognise that the relativism', which asserts that each society
way we look at the world is affected by our has its own values which must be judged
own experience of race, class/caste, in their specific context. We must question
sexuality, and gender. We need to learn to the normative idea of the white liberal
take this subjectivity into account in our feminist, and the assumption held by such
daily lives and activities. Transformation, feminists that gender oppression is the
whether individual or institutional, must primary (and only) ground of struggle.
always begin with us looking at ourselves While acknowledging that gender
and our reactions to what goes on around oppression is universal, it is imperative to
us. avoid what Gayatri Spivak terms the
Culturally-based attitudes to race and spectacle of 'White women saving Brown
ethnicity are among the most difficult to women from Brown men' (Spivak, 1988).
challenge. Precisely because we all view Acknowledging the importance of taking
our own cultural assumptions as the norm, race and ethnicity into account allows us to
it is difficult to bring to the fore the impact challenge firmly what Mohanty calls 'the
of these assumptions. Cultural subjectivity authorising signature of Western humanist
flavours both the North/South dialogue discourse' (Mohanty 1991).
attempted by Oxfam in its Women's There are certainly many culturally
Linking Project (Oxfam, 1994), and the legitimised practices, harmful to women,
South/South dialogues that are essential which some women have challenged,
for an understanding of gender and within their own communities, and will
development. Gender discrimination is continue to fight. But there will be tensions
global, but unless racial and ethnic biases if outsiders attempt to dictate to people
in the context of North/South dialogue are about their cultural practices. What must
confronted, the various manifestations of be respected is that it is the Southern

women themselves who, tired of being rise of a particular cultural practice can
unveiled, rescued from fires, or inspected rarely be traced back to a precise economic
between the legs, have done a great deal of or political cause, the way in which such
self-empowering work to combat those practices are promoted and protected
situations, and whose understanding of within the community shows their
their cultural roots result in powerful purpose. As the Ghanaian philosopher W E
analyses based on their first-hand exper- Abraham notes, '... culture is the common
ience. life of the people... [Whatever it] may not
do, at least it puts a bridle on individual-
Examining cultural ism...[and serves an] integrative function...'
constructs (Abraham, 1962)
Within the context of a given culture
Much of the tension aroused by Northern there are norms that guide the behaviour of
attempts to address aspects of Southern individuals and of the community as a
cultural practice is rooted in the way in whole. These norms may be simplified into
which Western academics have shaped rights and responsibilities, firstly, of
their view of the South as alien and 'other'. individuals to each other, and, secondly,
The very language we use shapes the way between individuals and the community.
in which we see the world: Cultures are co-operative systems, whose
raison d'etre is the survival and perpetu-
An old Englishman I met in Africa was ation of the community. One of the issues
reminiscing about his exploration in earlierwhich distinguish cultures in North and
days, and the shock of one culture meeting South is that, in general, Northern societies
another for the first time. 'Can you imagine', he
tend to encourage behaviour based on a
said, 'people so primitive that they love to eat
sense of personal individualism whereas,
the embryo of certain birds and slices from forthe the most part, Southern cultures are still
belly of certain animals? And grind up grassorganised on communal lines. While the
seed, make it into a paste, burn it over a fire,
North may question the limitations of such
then smear it with a greasy mess they extract a collective identity, it should realise that its
from the mammary fluid of animals?' While I own standpoint is not objective, but is, like
shuddered at such barbarism, he went on: that of the South, a product of culture.
'What I've been describing, of course, is a When speaking of cultural dictates and
breakfast of bacon and eggs, and buttered toast.'
practices in relation to women, we very
(Gaskill 1964) often find ourselves questioning the extent
of a community's efforts to govern the
Western organisations must make the behaviour of individuals, and its right to do
effort to examine cultural, including so.
linguistic, practices which shape their own
world view, as rigorously as they do those
in Southern societies. A culture can only be
Gender issues and culture
understood in its political, social, and Gender identity is a social construction,
economic context. whose rationale is related to the biological
We should examine aspects of unfam- difference between the sexes. The way in
iliar cultures bearing in mind that they which gender identity is formed reflects
serve a purpose, even if the nature of this the particular needs and world view of
purpose remains unclear to us. Cultural each society. Culture and gender are thus
dictates are social structures based on intertwined, interdependent, and mutually
economic and political needs. Though the defining to a certain extent.
Thinking about 'culture' 9
It is an acknowledged factor that in an academic point, but part of the process

nearly all civilisations women have been of learning how to think about culture is to
viewed as 'guardians of the culture'. This change radically the ways in which we are
remains true even when, if viewed from trained to think.
the outside, certain aspects of the culture Let us consider two cultural practices
can be said to be harmful to women. which have a negative impact upon
Underlying such anomaly is the general women. On the face of it, the 'reason' for
view of cultural practices as beneficial to the existence of female infanticide in China
society, and the privilege accorded to those and female foeticide in India is identical:
who conform to the culture by practising the over-riding preference for male
and maintaining it. children (Horn, 1992, on China, and
While there is a great deal of work being Cheetu, 1991, on India). Below the surface,
done to address the most oppressive and however, different historical, political,
harmful aspects of culture as it affects economic, and social factors come into
women, there is a danger that the very play, laying the basis for these practices.
important and difficult work of defining There is at least one notable difference
local needs and setting agendas based on between foeticide in India and infanticide
them will be subsumed by indignation in China, namely, the attitude of the State.
which is not based on an analysis of the Though India permits abortion, the Indian
cultural context. Compare the extremely government has outlawed the use of
informative work and writings of local and amniocentesis as a basis for female foeti-
regional activists on female genital muti- cide. China, on the other hand, has a
lation in parts of Africa, and dowry death stringent one-child population policy.
and sati in the Indian Sub-continent.1 We need to ask ourselves the following
We must be aware of the risks of a cross- questions: at what historical moment might
cultural dialogue which, while trying to such practices have come into being? What
highlight similarities, and ground for are the social and economic demands that
women's solidarity and concerted action, perpetuate them? Is class a factor in the
actually ignores critical cross-cultural prevalence of oppressive practices? What
differences in the economic and political combination of social, economic, and
bases of women's oppression. If we group political changes might diminish the
together all aspects of culture which incidence of these practices? How do local
present problems for women under the people understand and explain them?
title 'harmful cultural practices', the danger The responses to these questions, among
is that this may result in an assumption others, reveal the differences between
that the impetus for each oppressive practices which are similar, but not
practice is the same; it might seem, identical. It is the differences, and not the
therefore, that the solutions should be similarities, which will determine the
equally transferable. specific steps to be taken towards defining
Instead, when we consider the relation- a programme to address the problem,
ship of gender issues and culture, we must which has a good chance of success.
start by viewing each situation as unique,
and only then consider the similarities Recommendations for
between it and other situations; not the
other way round. We must ground our
action
work on culture and gender in an Women from different parts of the world
awareness of the need to look at the precise may be approaching the question of culture
context of harmful practices. It may seem from different angles, but there seems to be
a general agreement that tackling gender Illiteracy is intricately tied to the overall
oppression based in culture necessitates problem of the low status of women in
enabling women to empower themselves most parts of the world. If any lasting
and raise their status in their societies; it positive change is to be brought about in
cannot be achieved only by raising the status of women, the illiteracy rates for
women's consciousness of their oppres- women and girls must be brought down.
sion. The United Nations estimates that, while
The emphasis in development initiatives illiteracy rates have dropped, increases in
should be on long-term investment, as population have caused the actual numbers
opposed to short-term results, since of illiterate women and girls to increase
meeting the development goal of (United Nations, 1991). The work of
furnishing basic needs means that cultural literacy organisations is, therefore, critical
norms and gender biases must be to diminishing the negative impact of
identified and addressed, to ensure that traditional gender roles. But literacy is not
women as well as men have the resources the work of these organisations alone. Any
they need: adequate nutrition, employ- donor considering a proposal and any
ment, credit, housing, and health care. grantee preparing one should ask
Altering culture is by definition a long- themselves: where is the education in this?
term process. This is particularly urgent for Southern
Cultural considerations cut across all the women's NGOs, who do not have the
major themes currently being addressed by luxury of focusing all of their efforts on one
development agencies: it is very difficult to
generalise about the different sorts of work
being done to challenge those aspects of
culture which have a damaging effect on
women. In Asia, there is an emphasis on
general literacy, and legal literacy in
particular, as a means of raising women's
consciousness as well as enabling them to
bring about change through knowledge of
their rights. In Latin America, there is a
strong focus on women's reproductive
health care, and freedom from gender-
based violence.2 In many parts of Africa,
much work is being done around
HIV/AIDS in relation to women, including
the effects of the disease on members of the
family, the care of orphans, cultural
practices that put women at higher risk,
and legal remedies for destitute families.3
There needs to be more support for
long-term research and programmes on
attitude-change about gender issues and
the status of women among women, men,
girls, and boys. There is a need for more Young reader, Andhra Pradesh. Literacy is of
research on the knowledge of, attitudes to, great importance in enabling women to bring
and practice of, harmful manifestations of about change, through knowledge of their legal
culture. rights.
Thinking about'culture' 11
issue. It is imperative, therefore, that health example, run workshops on writing

clinics not only provide services but also proposals and reports, and can educate and
provide some sexual and general health inform each other on a reciprocal basis. For
education. Projects for economic activities example, legal services and legal
and empowerment may provide infor- information may be offered to a health-care
mation on how the larger economy organisation in exchange for allowing the
functions. Such project-specific literacy health workers the opportunity to give
does not demand extra time of women, is health education to women in the legal-aid
more immediately useful to them, and waiting room. There are local groups
involves them in the work of the service already connecting in innovative ways, but
they are patronising. these collaborations need to be encouraged
It is in the very nature of Oxfam as a by funding agencies, and formalised as
donor institution, or charity, that the flow programmes where possible (Rao, 1991).
of material resources is from Oxfam in the Relationships between women's NGOs
North to us in the South. There are in-built and traditional NGOs should also be
cultural assumptions about this North- encouraged, to ensure that work on
South flow, which need to be recognised in women's issues is not marginalised.
creating a true sense of partnership. A key Ideally, a gender component would be
to facilitating, and building upon, integrated into the work of every NGO
interaction between a donor agency such as because, ultimately, women need to be
Oxfam and local NGOs working on gender recognised as an integral part of every
issues is local agenda setting. Often, donor- major programme area and the social
driven initiatives are frustrating for both system as a whole.
donor and receivers. While the former The following are general recommen-
wants results, but often lacks knowledge as dations for governments:
to what is truly feasible, the latter need • integration of a gender component into
support to do the kind of work they feel is the work of every Ministry and not
appropriate and useful. In trying to come merely the creation of a Women's
to an understanding, either one or both Ministry;
often settles for work that they do not find • more emphasis on literacy for girls and
useful. women, including implementation of
When women's groups are allowed to laws on the education of school-age
guide the development of their own girls;
programmes, an investment is made in • public support for local women's
local capacity-building. Organisations initiatives, such as childcare centres,
working on the same issue, such as women's shelters, small business co-
reproductive rights, should be encouraged operatives, community health services,
to link up, as should organisations working and legal aid services;
on related issues. In this way, information • training in gender-sensitivity for judges,
can be shared, and can have an impact police, teachers, clerics, and students of
upon those who are the target beneficiaries law and medicine;
of programmes, as well as educating • more and urgent attention to the
providers about relevant work on gender particular situation, status, and needs of
issues that they may have neither the time adolescent and young women;
nor the inclination to examine themselves. • more women in visible official posts in
Women's organisations must also public service.
contribute their own efforts to this linking In conclusion, we must keep in mind
initiative. Larger NGOs might, for that, while the above are general guidelines
for programme activities, the definitions Bibliography

that are ultimately relied on during the
development of individual programmes Abraham, W E (1962) The Mind of Africa,
must come from communities themselves University of Chicago Press, p. 21.
(Alexander, 1990). Whether the interest is Alexander, J (1990) 'Mobilising against the
to strengthen or question culture and State and international "aid" agencies:
tradition, the approach needs to be based "Third World" women define
on indigenous knowledge, and not on reproductive freedom' in Fried M G (ed)
external perceptions of that knowledge. From Abortion to Reproductive Freedom:
Transforming a Movement, South End Press,
Boston.
Notes Cheetu, S (1991) 'Growing menace of female
1 On the former, see Mohammed A'Haleem, foeticide in India', in Indian Socio-Legal
A (1992) 'Claiming our bodies and our Journal, 17:1 and 2, p. 76
rights: exploring female circumcision as an Crick, M (1976) 'The translation of cultures',
act of violence in Africa', in Schuler, M Chapter 8 in Explorations in Language and
(ed) Freedom From Violence: Women's Meaning: Towards a Semantic Anthropology,
Strategies from Around the World; Koso- Malaby Press, London, p. 166.
Thomas, O (1987) The Circumcision of Gaskill, G (March 1964), from Reader's Digest.
Women: A Strategy for Eradication, Zed Horn, S K (1992) 'Female infanticide in China:
Books, London; Walker, A (1993) Warrior the human rights specter and thoughts
Marks: Genital Mutilation and the Sexual towards (an)other vision', in Columbia
Blinding of Women, Harcourt Brace, New Human Rights Law Review, 23: 2, Summer;
York; Hosken, F P (1979) The Hosken p. 249.
Report on Genital and Sexual Mutilation of Oxfam (1994) 'Women Linking For Change:
Females, WIN News. On the latter, see Oxfam's women's linking project', Focus
Cheetu, S (1991) 'Growing menace of on Gender, 2: 3, Oxfam, Oxford.
female foeticide in India', Indian Socio-Legal Rao, A (1991) 'Incorporating gender issues
Journal, 17: 1 and 2, pp. 76-86; Newman, E into development training', Rao, A (ed)
(1992) 'For richer for poorer, till death do Women's Studies International: Nairobi and
us part: India's response to dowry deaths', Beyond, The Feminist Press, New York, p.
International Law Student Assoc. journal of 129.
International Law, 15, pp. 109-143. Spivak, G C (1988) 'Can the subaltern speak?'
2 See, among others, the work of in Nelson, C and Grossberg, L (eds)
organisations such as Flora Tristan in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture,
Peru, SOS Corpo in Brazil, CEFEMINA in Urbana: University of Illinois Press, pp.
Costa Rica, ISIS in Chile. 271-313.
3 See generally, Lamptey, P and Piot, P Mohanty, T, Chandra, Russo, A and Torres,
(1990) The Handbook of AIDS Prevention in L (eds) (1991) Third World Women and the
Africa, Family Health International, Politics of Feminism, Indiana University
Durham, NC; Obbo, C (1993) 'Reflections Press, Bloomington.
on the AIDS orphans problem in Uganda' United Nations (1991) The World's Women, p.
in Berer, M and Ray, S (eds) Women and 45.
HIV/AIDS: An International Resource Book,
Pandora Press, London. See also the legal
aid work of the Uganda Women Lawyer's
Association.
13
Gender relations,
development practice
and 'culture'
Maitrayee Mukhopadhyay
This article analyses the dilemmas faced by development practitioners when dealing
with the issue of gender relations, and the way in which these are rooted in different
cultures. 'Insiders' can be accused of treachery to their own culture, and 'outsiders'
of a lack of cultural sensitivity.
D
ilemmas concerning gender and begin from my personal perspective, by
culture have implications for both stating my own position in the debate. I am
development theory and practice, an Indian feminist, and have been a
because all development practitioners are development practitioner for almost 15
in some way intervening in processes of years. As a development activist, the
social transformation, and are involved in understanding of development which has
the critical business of allocating resources. informed my work is that it is about
Thus, what development practitioners distributive justice. Thus, hierarchies of
believe to be the nature of gender relations caste, class, race, and gender have
in a specific cultural context, and how they constantly to be challenged in order to
view 'culture' in general, has practical ensure that the goal of equity remains in
consequences; their understanding of the foreground. As a feminist, I see my role
gender and culture can further entrench as opening up the most intimate area of life
gender inequality, or demonstrate the — social relations, including kinship,
possibility that such inequalities are open family, and conjugal relations — in order
to challenge. to challenge gender oppression.
What are some of the dilemmas
regarding gender and culture, and how do
Issues of identity
these determine the eventual allocation of
resources in development work? The In my work in India, I was operating
starting point is to look at the questions within my own society and culture, and so
that practitioners tend to be asked, and the was speaking as an 'insider'. Despite this, it
allegations against them that are made was in my work for gender equity that I
when development initiatives are per- most often experienced allegations from
ceived to be interfering in the critical area different quarters that this work was
of gender relations. against our culture, violated our traditions,
Before doing this, in the best traditions and, the worst criticism of all in the Indian
of feminist practice and politics, I will context, that it was 'Westernised'.

It is a common experience of develop-

ment practitioners working on gender
issues to be labelled in this manner,
although the way questions are posed and
allegations made may differ from country
to country and region to region. The
common basis of the allegations is that
gender relations are viewed as among the
most intimate aspects of our cultural
traditions, and challenging these seems to
challenge the very basis of who we are.
Why is this, and how does it constrain
us? Before we can proceed to look at the
hows and whys, I will share some of my
own experiences, to highlight the issues. In
1984, I published a book concerned with
women and development in India. I was
invited by Oxfam, my publishers, to
undertake a publicity tour in the United
Kingdom. Among the many presentations I
made, the most memorable for me was the
one at the Pakistan Centre in Liverpool.
Most of the predominantly male audience
were of South Asian origin, from India, u
Pakistan, and Bangladesh. Bangladesh: the ideal vision of women at the cen-
The discussion that followed my talk was tre of a tightly-knit, co-operative family group is a
lively, to say the least, and abusive at its strong element of South Asian culture
worst. In fact, I became afraid of being
lynched. My book criticised the Indian I had offended my audience firstly, by
model of development, for having worked 'turning traitor' to my own culture, and
against women's interests, and Indian raising doubts about women's position in
society, for its treatment of women. I was Indian society. Secondly, I had done so in a
initially taken aback by the reaction, until it 'Western country' which they had decided
began to dawn on me what was happening. to perceive, in the interests of preserving
The Indians, Pakistanis, and Bangladeshis their own separate cultural identity, as a
had united (leaving aside, for the time culture which was full of 'loose' women,
being, their bitter nationalist enmities on the and broken families.
sub-continent) in a vigorous defence of As an interesting sequel to this exper-
culture and tradition; a tradition which ience, a Pakistani woman followed me out
respected its women, a tradition which was of the hall, and thanked me for my
protective of its women, a tradition in which presentation. She was working with Asian
women were the centre of families which, in women facing domestic violence; she had
turn, were collectivities of mutual co- become involved in this work when her
operation, love, and sacrifice. In fact, the daughter had committed suicide, unable to
polarised, simplified picture of gender endure any longer the harassment and
relations that was being drawn amounted to torture she had suffered in her marital
a fiction of a monolithic, timeless culture; an home.
immutable, 'South Asian' culture.
Gender relations, development practice and 'culture' 15
alternative visions of gender equality. We

Assumptions about culture assume that women in developing
The reactions which I experienced on that countries are passive and docile, and that
occasion are not limited to Asian our own view of gender roles, norms, and
communities living abroad. Throughout practices is true for everyone. We also fail
the 1980s, as the women's movement in to recognise the everyday forms of
India strove to put equitable gender resistance put up by subordinated groups,
relations on the agenda of politicians and because these forms of resistance may not
development agencies, feminist activists correspond to our experience.
were faced with the same questions and
accusations. It was alleged that we were
destroying the family, the very edifice on Culture and religion
which our culture was built, a culture Another set of assumptions about culture
which had survived for centuries. and gender relations are rooted in religious
I am often asked, usually by expatriate concerns. Religion, we are told, is the basis
development workers, whether by for many of the cultural values which
intervening on women's behalf we are prescribe what women are and how they
upsetting the gender roles and relations should behave, how they should relate to
characteristic of the culture. In other each other, and what is permissible or
words, are we fearful of imposing our own impermissible for women to do. It is often
culture on the culture in which we are alleged that, by advocating gender equality
working, by initiating projects which through development programmes, we are
impact on gender relations? Are we not 'interfering in religion'. The inference of this
leaving women more vulnerable than is that development practitioners should be
before, by asking them to step out of their respectful of the norms and prescriptions of
culturally ascribed roles and relations? what purports to be a 'religion'.
The assumptions behind these questions What are the assumptions behind these
need a close examination. Firstly, it is claims? First, there is the assumption that
assumed that the culture of communities religion is the only basis of the culture of a
we work in as development practitioners people; indeed, the term 'religion' is often
are a seamless whole, without any cracks; used interchangeably with culture. Second,
secondly, that unequal gender relations that followers of a religion, no matter
characterise these cultures, and that there where they happen to live in the world,
are no challenges to inequality from within practise it in the same way and are
the cultures. In fact, it is assumed that to be governed by exactly the same rules of
a woman in such cultures is to be passive, social interaction irrespective of the social,
subservient, and servile. The passive and political, and economic differences in their
subservient woman, who is also a victim, situations.
thus becomes the stereotype of these Religion is thus reconfirmed as un-
cultures. changing and unchangeable, and prescrip-
The fear that we may be imposing our tive about gender roles. People are
own cultural values by insisting on assumed to be slavishly subservient to
promoting gender equity in our their religion; this unquestioning loyalty to
development work is a real one. However, religion is viewed as more common in
it is real not because we have concerns 'traditional' cultures than 'modern' ones.
about cultural imperialism, but because we For example, this slavish subservience to
allow our own culture-based assumptions religion is rarely, if ever, used to describe
about women to colour the way we receive Western culture.
Bathing festival, Varanasi. Religion and culture are closely linked, and those advocating gender equality
may be accused of attacking religion
Exploding the myths If, as development practitioners, we

share a general understanding that devel-
If we survey all these dilemmas about opment is about redistributive justice and
working on gender and culture, we get a equity, then we must look for ways to
fair picture of the notions of culture held overcome the constraints imposed upon us
by the majority of development practi- by these false notions of culture and gender
tioners. First, gender relations are some- relations. The best way to do this is by
how equated with the most intimate examining whether the assumptions about
aspects of our cultures. Second, culture and culture have empirical validity.
tradition are seen as immutable and In order to test the validity of these
unchanging. Third, the notion of the need common assumptions about culture and
for development practitioners to work in a gender relations, I would like to analyse
'culturally sensitive' way implies that the the experience I had in 1984 and which I
culture of a community is one where there have described above. Readers may find
is no resistance from subordinated groups. that my experience reminds them of
Fourth, that religion is culture. similar experiences in their own work on
It is obvious how these notions about culture and gender. The experience
culture serve as constraints on working for brought home to me the importance of
equitable gender relations. Gender cultural identity, and the vastly compli-
relations become a 'no-go area', and cated way in which culture works.
allocating resources in a way that redresses How did the men who attacked my
the imbalance of power between men and views understand the cultural identity of
women is made politically difficult. South Asia? Their notions of culture are
Gender relations, development practice and 'culture' 17
built on the idea of South Asian families apart by the experiences related to me by
being all alike. Central to the view of the the woman who congratulated me on my
perfect family is the ideal of womanhood, presentation. Presenting the family in this
and the gender relations which stem from way obscures the hierarchies that exist
this. The family is depicted as a unit of within it: hierarchies of gender, and of age.
mutual interest, love, and co-operation, Because the idea of family is perceived as
within which women are respected. an unchanging, universal ideal, it also
However, this family unity depends on obscures the fact that the meanings of male
the subsuming of women's interests. The and female identities, and of 'family', are
distinct social identity of the perfect South constantly being contested, and are
Asian family is also defined by the idea of changed in the process.
the Western family as 'other'. This idea of
family becomes the emblem of an entire
culture: it is seen as immutable, timeless,
Working with culture
and almost primordial. The meaning of How do these observations provide
what it is to be Indian is represented by the answers to the dilemmas that development
idea of the tightly-woven family unit. practitioners face in relation to culture and
The meaning of what it is to be South gender? Perhaps it would help to
Asian, represented by the notion of the appreciate that, since cultural meanings
family as a unit of mutual interest, is have constantly to be constructed and
challenged by the real life experience of reconstructed in order to lend significance
women who are abused, and who are not to social practices, no culture stands still.
willing to put up with this abuse. It is torn Cultures are not fixed or immutable.
Women stage a protest march in Bangladesh. The posters read 'an end to violence against women'
Contests to 'fix' the meanings of social requires new ideas about economic life,
entities take place all the time, leading to just as it requires new organisational
changes in social practices. The point is to forms. All social practices have significance
recognise what these contests are about, according to the prevailing culture. Since
and how they operate to change social this significance cannot be fixed for all
meanings. time, but undergoes constant change, those
The implication of the above for gender working for social development must
and development practitioners is that we recognise that there are no hard and fast
have to take sides in those contests which distinctions between the material world,
help to dismantle hierarchies of gender and and the world of ideas, values, and beliefs.
class. By failing to recognise that contests We must work at both levels, if we are to
take place, and listening only to the voice achieve the desired changes that
of the powerful in society, we are development is supposed to bring about.
unwittingly taking the side of the I end with a plea that development
fundamentalists, who render religion practitioners use culture as a way to open
uniform throughout the world by up intractable areas of gender relations,
and do not regard culture as a dead-end,
which prevents us from working towards
more equitable gender relations.
Cultures are not fixed or immutable. Finally, a word about working with
Contests to 'fix' the meanings of social 'cultural sensitivity', generally understood
to mean respect for the given norms of a
entities take place all the time, leading culture. Concern for cultural sensitivity is
sparked off by the dilemmas about culture
to changes in social practices. which this article has tried to explore. A
new definition of cultural sensitivity, and
its application in situations where gender
enforcing traditions of hierarchical gender relations are at stake, would be to
roles and relations, and presenting these as acknowledge that there are contests around
unchanging and authoritative. We are also the significance attached by a society to
siding with nationalists, who use the same different aspects of social constructs, and
'traditions' to construct ethnic boundaries, that often these contests represent
and, finally, with states who use the excuse challenges to hierarchical social relations.
of culture not to address the secular
violence faced by women. Maitrayee Mukhopadhyay is Gender Adviser
Cultural theorists have been at pains to for Oxfam, focusing on South Asia and the
point out that cultures undergo processes Middle East.
of evolution. These seem less tangible and
more abstract than political and economic
processes, because they deal with
meanings, values, identities, symbols,
ideas, knowledge, language, ideology.
However, they make up the world we live
in, and we recreate them in our turn.
In fact, economic and political processes
also depend on the significance and
interpretation attached to them by different
cultures. For example, the market economy
19
NGOs, gender, culture

and multiculturalism
a Zimbabwean view
Colleta Chitsike
Women across the globe experience gender oppression in many, and different, ways.
Colleta Chitsike refuses to see the fight against gender injustices as a 'Northern'
concept. As a woman from the 'South', she sees gender injustice as it affects her
personally, as well as the ways in which it affects other women.
S
everal times in my professional life, and in their marriages. Even churches will
when I have been working with male preach that women who want to enter
colleagues, they have expected me, as male domains are deviating from what is
a woman, to serve them. For example, after normal and acceptable — they quote
a long day working with partners in the Genesis, Chapter 2. Women always have to
rural areas, when the meal is served in the try twice as hard as men to be accepted if
village, my male colleagues have often they step out of the narrow role assigned to
expected me to fetch water to wash their them by culture.
hands, and to divide the food for them. When someone says the word 'gender',
Their work is only to put the food into their it first makes me think of women being
mouths. It never occurs to them that we made aware of their problems in a male-
have all been doing the same work, and dominated society, realising that what they
that we are all tired. Sometimes male can do and cannot do is determined not by
colleagues even believe your real purpose their abilities, but by their gender i.e. the
is to service them sexually, and when one expectations people have from a woman or
refuses their sexual advances, they say one man because they are physically female or
is 'Westernised'. male. Secondly, 'gender' makes me think of
On a number of occasions I have heard the negative self-image which I carried for
male colleagues saying they would never a long time deep inside me, as I grew up.
marry an educated woman: they claim At primary school level, I was made to feel
educated black women have lost their worthless, weaker and smaller than the
knowledge of 'cultural practices', and they boys. This was new to me as I had no
do not know the practices of the other brothers at home, and therefore had no
culture they have taken on — therefore feeling of inferiority to any sibling.
they are viewed as confused. Women who Subsequently, I spent time in the
challenge gender injustice as it exists in our nursing profession, where a system of
culture are called prostitutes and accused unequal power relations between women
of failing in their duties to housekeeping and men was crosscut by other injustices

caused by race, class, tribe, and culture. men. Women's subordination is rooted in
Because of these other divisions, women customs and beliefs that are produced or
subordinated and oppressed other women shared by particular societies. Because of
in many ways. Petty jealousies and the historical status accorded to a woman,
regimental systems of ranks created many societies expect women to be
extreme competition, and terrible power submissive, obedient to father, brother or
struggles, in institutions. White men and husband and his male relatives, sometimes
women oppressed black people, and the even to her own son. Women are generally
black middle and upper classes oppressed regarded as inferior to men both physically
poor black people, including the sick. and intellectually, and are therefore treated
It was at this period that I learnt that with contempt.
oppression is maintained by our social Some women choose to ignore gender
systems, and it is almost impossible for one injustice. For example, many Zimbabwean
person to challenge it single-handedly. I women will state that it is 'cultural' for
went on to university to study Adult women to be subordinate to men. What is
Education, which emphasises the principle 'cultural' about a woman earning all the
of working within democratic frameworks food through her sweat in the fields, and
in educational programmes based on the preparing that food for her husband and
concerns of the learners. This brought children to sustain them when the man is
many issues to light for me. drinking the day away? Is it 'cultural' to be
First, it is an accepted fact that women beaten to pulp and protect the man who
are globally subordinate, particularly in has done it? The questions can go on and
socio-economic and symbolic power, to on — there is a vast world literature on
Preparing the ground for a food crop, Zambia. 'Cultural tradition' is often used to justify women's heavy
workloads.
NGOs, gender, culture, and multiculturalism 21
what women suffer in the name of culture. uncommon. Deeply embedded cultural
Attitudes towards women as being beliefs cause many women to think that in
inferior and lesser human beings at all order to be free from the man's spirit,
levels, are reinforced directly or indirectly cleansing practices must be carried out. One
in many complex ways. People who such practice takes place one year after
oppress others tend to share a belief in death, where the families gather together
their own 'natural' superiority: it is actually and sing and drink all night, before taking
'culture' which justifies this belief. Many some beer to the grave. In some ethnic
men think because they are male they have groups, this practice also includes the
the right to own women and oppress them widow having sex with a relative of her
in all kinds of ways — from owning them dead husband on the same night.
as part of their estate, to battering and
raping women to show their dominance,
and to humiliate women. Stimulating social change
According to Zimbabwean tradition, The cultural differences which exist in the
when a man dies, his wife is inherited by a way gender oppression manifests itself
male relative of the late husband — either from society to society are often not
one of his brothers or one of his nephews. If understood by Northern activists, who
a woman's son is her husband's heir, she may think that a practice like this is simply
becomes subservient to her own son. barbaric and should be done away with
Stories of sons throwing their mothers into forthwith. But changing cultural practices
the streets after a father dies are not takes a long time. To erode discrimination
Women's group meeting, Zambia. 'Many women will speak and behave positively when in a group.'
Women's groups can provide powerful support for challenging oppressive cultural practices
against women, which is a very complex, seriously, as an agent of change who

deeply rooted injustice, we need a genuinely wishes good for them, and not to
multifaceted, explosive force that can shake destroy them.
individuals to change their attitudes and to To change aspects of culture which are
inspire women as individuals, to make harmful to women requires a process
them want to tackle this injustice. Women which is sensitive, persuasive, non-
of the peasantry, as well as urban working- threatening, and carefully planned to take
class women, need to understand and into account the problems faced by the
devise ways of living outside the bounds women, and how they perceive those
imposed by the patriarchal culture. problems. Popular education is one way of
creating awareness among women of their
Developed because of
There is need for more rote models of oppression. dissatisfaction with other models of
strong women ,,. who will inspire education, popular education arose as a
result of challenging the way people were
other women taught in schools — a way that silenced
learners and made them conform. Adult
Generally, male-dominated society will education arose from similar thinking, that
emphasise women's subordination in its adults need a different methodology and
laws and notions of 'tradition', whereas in different climate in order for them to
reality customs may exist that give a change.
certain degree of power to women. Often Popular education is about collective
these positive roles that women play learning and takes a political stand on the
traditionally are not reflected in popular role of marginalised people; women, as the
views of 'culture'. For example, historically group suffering the effects of gender
Zimbabwean women have held decision- oppression, can gain strength from learn-
making positions as spirit mediums, and in ing collectively and sharing their exper-
chieftainships, but this tends to be ignored. iences of problems. Methods of education
It is important to acknowledge that women that encourage individual discovery within
can and do challenge culture, and that the group promote women's confidence,
some women have been able to assert their self-respect, and determination to do
own views and maintain a certain amount something about injustice and to improve
of independence from patriarchal values women's status.
and practices. As the challenge to gender
injustice becomes stronger, those that
perpetuate gender injustice are in turn
Role models
becoming stronger and more ruthless in Many women will speak and behave
promoting practices that render women positively when in a group, whereas, when
powerless. they are confronted individually, they
Women need to take in what is positive display a totally different picture due to
from the community and culture, and reject pressure to conform to women's
what is negative and harming their lives; it subservient gender role, in the family and
is important to proceed slowly and allow in personal relationships. As a result there
women themselves to realise this for are few positive role models of women
themselves. As an activist, I listen to each who challenge gender roles.
group of women and proceed at a pace Popular education takes into account role
which will assist them to realise their modelling through training for trans-
oppression. In this way, they take me formation where both activist and learner
NGOs, gender, culture, and multiculturalism 23
are transformed. There is need for more role get a son? God has given us nine girls, let
models of strong women: it is they who will us encourage them not to have babies but
inspire other women, and help them to send them to school — they'll look after us
change their negative self-image. However, better if they are educated and education
women who are positive role models must will take them out of poverty.' This family
be aware that they will risk suffering became friends of mine, and through this
trauma in the process since they are kind of interaction more people are
deviating from normal female behaviour. If affected, because they talk about it to their
more women took up this challenge, then own relations. Not everyone will be won
more children would learn from their instantly by a positive role model, but truth
mothers' example, and more sons will grow will always remain truth, and some
up realising that the potential they and their individuals will recognise it and want to
sisters have is equal. practise it because it is the truth.
My own experience of being a role
model is that some of the learning which Multiculturalism and
occurs is caused by spontaneous actions, gender
for example, when a community sees a
woman doing things that are not tradition- Working on development issues does not
ally done by women in those communities. only mean that one must address issues of
I worked with another woman on the Rural culture within developing countries: it is
Malawi Oxfam Mulanje Community also necessary to address multiculturalism.
Training Programme: it was amazing how As a Southern person working for a
many small successes we achieved through Northern Funding Agency, multicultural-
being seen as two women working success- ism to me means being able to adjust to a
fully for an international organisation. particular culture without sacrificing my
Comments were along the lines of: own beliefs. It demands respect for other
'Where did Oxfam get two highly people's dignity, while remaining
competent women who can cope without a confident about one's own beliefs and
man to guide them? How come you can ways of behaving. Multiculturalism is
drive on these dangerous roads at night?' taken into account in popular education,
Village communities often came up with because it recognises the differences in
questions such as 'These women, how can every community and respects the
they possibly cope?' In one village, a chief differences through showing that there is
challenged a male colleague to take over always a reason behind why people do
the driving, saying that it was not good to what they do; changing beliefs and atti-
show the village women that women are tudes can come through sharing and
capable of driving, because they would get exchanging ideas.
'wrong ideas about what they can do and Northern agencies have a culture of
what they should aim for'. their own which has developed over years
Others realised the positive aspects of of experience in their own base countries as
women's empowerment: a father of nine well as experiences from the various
daughters asked me to drive up to his countries in which they work. This culture
doorstep, so that I would show his may not be understood by communities
daughters and his wife that women are and perhaps even by staff working for the
capable, and can do many jobs that men Northern agency.
do. 'Look at this woman, is she not Development is about relationships, and
managing her own life? Why do you want relationships are give and take. Sometimes
to keep having children, so that you try to one has to bend rules and regulations in
order to create the relationship without

compromising principles. This is difficult
as it involves use of personal judgement in
delicate personal matters, especially when
working on gender. How do you approach
the disadvantaged, and ensure that you
facilitate rather than dictate or direct what
they should do? It involves knowing the
community, its language, its customs and
traditions; and being able to establish with
that community which of its customs and
traditions are negative, while reinforcing
the positive beliefs.
It is important to respect the ways of
working of communities themselves.
Generally, people in Southern Africa take
time to express themselves, and time to
trust development workers. The slow
building-up of trust is often the key to
social change.
Conclusion Colleta Chitsike is Project Co-ordinator for Oxfam

I have given simple examples here of ways in Zimbabwe.
in which we can challenge the oppressive
aspects of culture, which may sound too Changes towards an increased import-
basic; yet, for most development work this ance for women in income generation and
is the level at which we are working. other developments in the socio-economic
Talking about gender in theoretical terms sphere need to be harnessed in a creative
will only achieve so much: more can be way, with the realisation that real and
done by creating role models which give valuable change occurs over a long period
women a positive image, in the eyes of both of time. Challenging culture always takes
men and women. Custom and tradition time and runs the risk of causing trauma.
play an indispensable part in our lives, In addition to popular education and
since individuals cannot depend on strong female role models, a positive image
themselves alone to track their way through of women can be reinforced by other
life; yet, if traditions have outlived their means, through the media and in school, in
usefulness and begun to pull us backwards, gender-aware health programmes with an
we must feel free to challenge them. emphasis on community development, in
The current global economic crisis government and quasi-government train-
presents opportunities for NGOs who are ing institutions, and in all other educa-
working on gender issues. In addition to tional institutions, whether run by
making financial and human resources churches, or various different types of
available, and respecting other ways of NGOs. All elements in this multi-faceted
working, there is need for NGOs to engage approach are needed, in order to have an
in vigorous advocacy and lobbying work to impact on challenging culture and promot-
challenge women's subordination world- ing social change.
wide.
25
Challenging
cultural constraints
a personal testimony
DISHA is one of the oldest-established Oxfam project partners in Uttah Pradesh,
India. One woman tells Liz Clayton how her involvement in work for DISHA became
a catalyst for her to challenge purdah and dress restrictions in her community, and
ultimately to change attitudes to women in her family and wider society.
Rehana Khatun Adeer's story

F
or the last ten years, DISHA has been
working with rural women and Baan
(rope-making) workers. It has been I was a housewife, and as a member of a
successful in encouraging village level Muslim family I had no freedom to come
women's organisations to undertake out of my house. We accept that we cannot
various income-generating activities and to do anything without the support of our
fight aspects of culture which work against men. But they must also recognise that
women's empowerment. It provides legal they cannot do anything without us.
support and education, counselling centres, Husband and wife should be friends. But
and mother and child health care. In mid- at the moment, those words — husband,
1993, some of the women's organisations wife — indicate tension and imbalance.
supported by DISHA made history by As my father was a teacher, I had some
staging a demonstration against liquor education. But my father had problems; my
licensing. Their success and steadfastness mother died; he remarried, and I didn't get
became national and international news. on with his new wife; otherwise he would
Challenging cultural constraints which not have made me marry so young. I was
prevent women benefiting from develop- married at 13, and I faced the sort of
ment cannot happen in isolation from a problems in my in-laws' house that all
practical intervention, whether this is Indian women, and particularly Muslim
through income-generation or through women, face.
gender training. All practical interventions I wasn't shown any affection in my
have an effect on gender relations, and husband's home; and then to make matters
therefore have a potential to empower or worse, when I started having children, I
further disempower women. Through had three girls one after the other. This
DISHA's commitment to working with didn't help my position in the family or the
women, traditions which curtail their community. Each time I was pregnant I
freedom and autonomy are challenged. was worried about what would happen.

Eventually I had five daughters, and they to get up early to light the furnace, and
became the cause of dispute within the through our joint efforts we started earning
family. Other family members threatened a reasonable income. Gradually my
that my husband would divorce me and husband stopped drinking — thanks to my
marry another woman, to have sons. Even father's love he lost all his bad habits. And
the other women in the household would as he changed, I got the power to live.
say it. My husband said nothing; but after
our third daughter was born he took to
drinking, and that made life difficult, as Starting work for DISHA
you can imagine — a poor family with Before the Mahila Samakya programme
someone spending money on alcohol! started in 1989, I hadn't had any direct
Anyway, after my first three daughters relationship with DISHA. I was aware that
were born, I had a severe attack of typhoid. there was a social organisation, and I knew
Soon afterwards, my father met me at a Tiwari-ji, the co-ordinator of DISHA, by
family wedding and was shocked at my sight; we exchanged greetings if we saw
appearance and the state of my health, and each other in the market.
asked me to come home. So I did: I went At this time I used to wear a bourkha (a
back to my father's house. My father was long garment which can cover the face as
very angry with my in-laws and their well as the body), and, whenever I went to
treatment of me, and told them that he the market, I would wear it. Then one day I
would not send me back until they met Tiwari-ji, and he said: 'Why don't you
changed their ways. I had also decided that join us?' I said, 'I have small children, and I
I wouldn't go back to live in their house, no wear a bourkha — how can I work?' But he
matter what, and when my husband persuaded me that I could do it, that it
arrived to take me back I refused to go. He wasn't like a government job, and that in
asked me who would support me and my this job I would learn as well as teach. I
three children, and I told him that my didn't commit myself, but when DISHA
family would. began selecting women for the Mahila
At the time my father was still teaching. Samakya programme, Tiwari-ji came to my
Even so, I was under pressure as my house to ask me again.
brothers and their wives weren't very Even then I wasn't ready to 'come out of
happy at my presence — but it was still my house'. I had a heavy heart, thinking
better than at my in-laws' house. But I about everything I had to do at home —
could only stay because I had my father's the cleaning, looking after the children —
support. but my father convinced me that I should
After a while, my husband also came to join. Then there were various tests to do,
live with us in my father's house. My and we had to write a letter about our life
father managed to persuade him to give up and experiences. Mine was selected as the
drinking, by promising to find him a good best. Then they offered me a job. Even then
job. My husband was a skilled foundry I was quite unsure. But I said yes anyway.
worker, and my father found him a job at a
foundry in Saharanpur. As my husband Challenging traditional
was responsible for selling the tools the dress restrictions
foundry made, he established good
relationships in the markets. Then we Our initial task was to do a survey. So for
started a small foundry in Sultanpur; my the first time I started going out to villages.
father invested in the business; and I To start with I wore my bourkha, but I felt
started working with my husband. I used that I couldn't work in it; so I discussed it
Challenging cultural constraints 27
with my father. He just said, 'Well, leave itwas worried that it might create communal
off then!' I was frightened about asking my tension in the area, so I just kept quiet.
husband, but eventually he too agreed. When I got home I told my father. He said:
'You should have told him that your father
was competent enough to get you married,
and that the decision to 'come out' was
your own — not to dance or do a cabaret,
but for the well-being of society. You tell
him that!' So I did. The next time I went to
the village I told him: 'I am working for
society. If you see me doing wrong, then
you can criticise me.' The old man is dead
now; but eventually he understood what
we are trying to do, and even praised our
efforts.
In Sultanpur a Muslim priest opposed
me. He came and told my father that he
shouldn't be sending his daughter out like
this, saying: 'Do you know where bloody
Tiwari is? Why is he collecting women?
They may be converting them to Hindus or
Christians; already they are asking them to
take off their bourkhas.' He was, for a while,
my biggest opponent in Sultanpur. Now he
comes to me for advice over even tiny
Muslim women wearing bourkhas, northern problems. And when he has to go and see
India. government officials he takes me. So things
have changed — but only after a long
So, I threw away my bourkha, and went struggle.
out without it. There are big villages of The first time I went to my in-laws'
Muslims in our area, and from my name house without my bourkha, I could hardly
people realised that I too was a Muslim. walk, I was so nervous. I didn't know what
One day, in the village of Dhabedkala, I would happen; but my husband said: 'You
met an old Muslim man who said: 'Your have made your decision, so come, don't
name is Rehana, and you are a Muslim, worry.' So I went, like a guilty person —
how much money do you want? I will give my face was red, my legs were shaking.
you any amount of money if you will tell They said I was shameless. But after three
your father to get you married.' I was very or four visits, they gave up.
angry — but also embarrassed, and told When they heard I was going out to
him that I was married, and that I had work, my in-laws made a big fuss. They
three children. When he heard that, he started nagging my husband, saying things
said: 'Who is the bloody fool Muslim who like: 'You're eating the earnings of your
has left his wife like this — roaming the wife.' He faced a lot of humiliation, even
village like a cheap woman? No proper within the community, but I persuaded
Muslim family can send their women out him that he should still support me.
like this. The men of your family must be I have taken all these steps gradually,
impotent to send their wives out like this.' after much thought, and much discussion
Well, this incident frightened me, and I with my father and husband. And after
five daughters I was facing a different better than before. People who once
struggle at home; I used to feel responsible opposed me have seen my work and
for having no sons. Soon after I joined become silent, or have begun praising my
DISHA, I became pregnant for the sixth work. In my own family, my two younger
time. I wanted to have an abortion, but sisters also work with DISHA, and have
there was a huge fuss in the community. I also given up the bourkha. My youngest
told them, 'It will be another girl, so I will sister told her husband that she wouldn't
have an abortion.' Then, all my family said, marry him if he was going to insist that she
'Let what happens happen; if it is another wore a bourkhal My middle sister's marriage
girl then we will accept it, but don't get rid was all arranged, but when the family
of this child.' I realised that as I had taken heard that she wouldn't wear a bourkha, and
up, and won, the issue of the bourkha, that I that she went out to work, they said their
had to compromise somewhere, so I son wouldn't marry her unless she gave up
accepted it. And when I gave birth to my work, and wore the bourkha. Our whole
sixth child — it was a boy! Suddenly they family agreed to cancel the marriage.
all began looking after me! As if all those In my in-laws' household, no-one was
girls had been my fault. educated, but now all the daughters are
getting a proper education. My eldest
daughter is in standard 10, and none of my
Effects of the project daughters wears a bourkha — none of them
My involvement with DISHA has changed will — this I won't compromise on. I tell
my relationship with my family. Although I them that it is better to stay single than
am still not totally free, my life is much wear the bourkha. I can prepare my
Rehana Khatun Adeer (centre, arms folded) taking part in a DISHA meeting.
Challenging cultural constraints 29
daughters, but they will have to struggle water installed; how the village committee
for these causes. functions; how to get a loan from the bank;
The attitudes of people in my commun- and most importantly, they know how to
ity have changed as well, now DISHA is fight for their rights.
well established, and people know more
about it, and more about why we go out to
the villages. Many women in my The first priority in empowering
neighbourhood have stopped wearing the women to challenge their
bourkha. The Mosque used to boycott us;
they even forbade me to read the Koran. In oppression is making them azvare
the early days there was a lot of opposition,
but now they have said everything they of the problem.
can say, and they are seeing that the
women they are abusing are actually I never imagined the world I live in
progressing at home and on the social now. Before I joined DISHA, I felt about a
front. hundred years old — I was just marking
Whenever my neighbours are in need of time. Now, I want to live for a hundred
help, I help them; if children need to be years so I can work for the uplift of
immunised or a baby delivered, I'll support women. My economic situation is good.
them; I'll take them to hospital and even I'm not rich, but I am earning, and that
stay with them if necessary. Most of them improves my status and power within my
now support us, but there is still some family. Now I can speak up in a strong
opposition. The difference is that whereas voice when there are things that I object to.
five years ago everyone was against us, I want to live as a good person, and I
now only half are! And I hope that they, want to do something for those women
too, will change their minds. But criticism who are still exploited and harassed by
and opposition are good for us: they give their own families. Still women are beaten;
us strength. still women are raped; and that reminds
me of my own struggle. If I had not had
support from my family and from DISHA I
Building awareness couldn't have got here. I want to provide
Without organisation we are nothing. The the same kind of support to women in our
organisation gives us power. Now I can area — to assist them is my ambition. I
fight any struggle. The first priority in want to take them out of purdah, and out
empowering women to challenge their from the bourkha — as a Muslim women,
oppression is making them aware of the that is my first duty.
problem. Once they are aware, they can see I want us to organise women, and get
the sense of education. Without awareness, the support of everyone, as well as enough
education is useless. Many women are resources for our programme, so that we
graduates, but they are not aware of their can create the world of our dreams as soon
rights — so what good was their as possible. A world where all women can
education? DISHA's women workers are say: 'This is my property; this is my house;
literate, and are much more aware about these are my children.' Where all people
society. The women who have learned how will be equal: men and women.
to read and write in our classes are more
aware than highly educated women. They Rehana Khatun Adeer was interviewed by Liz
know, for example, which government Clayton ofOxfam's Resources Unit.
department to approach to have drinking
30
Working with a radical
the Musasa project, Zimbabwe

Sheelagh Stewart
The Musasa Project, a Zimbabwean NGO, was set up in 1988 to deal with the problem
of violence against women. This article looks at how and why the Musasa Project has
adopted an increasingly radical agenda for cultural change in Zimbabwe: an agenda
which challenges existing values, and represents an alternative in its own society.
T here are no definitive figures on the

extent of domestic violence against
women in Zimbabwe, but
interviewees in the initial nine-month pilot
the incidence of domestic violence, see
Stewart, 1992.) There are a number of
sayings within Zimbabwean culture which
condone domestic violence. It is often said,
project (Taylor and Stewart, 1989) esti- for example, that 'beating one's wife is a
mated that domestic violence affected sign of love'.
between 50 per cent and 80 per cent of all In a context such as this the establish-
partnerships. Interviews and training ment of the Musasa Project is in itself a
exercises with the Zimbabwe Republic radical initiative. Further, an early decision
Police (ZRP) confirmed initial impressions was made by the project to deal with the
that, not only was violence against women issue by tackling the roots of the problem.
widespread, but it was also acceptable Instead of dealing only with women who
within the society at large. were victims and survivors of domestic
The attitude that violence against violence, through establishing shelters and
women is acceptable is one which is shared providing counselling, Musasa sought to
with many other countries in the world. In transform the society through an extensive
Zimbabwe, however, this attitude is public education campaign.
exacerbated by aspects of culture and It is clear from initiatives conducted
tradition, such as the bridewealth system around the world (Schuler, M. (ed); 1982)
(lobola) which by 'selling' women to their that there are two principal reasons for the
future husbands, reinforces the impression prevalence of violence against women,
that the woman is the husband's property, particularly domestic violence: the first is
to do with as he wishes, beating her the widespread existence of attitudes
included. (For a fuller explanation of lobola condoning such violence; and the second is
and its relationship to the position of the duplication of these attitudes within
women in Zimbabwe, and particularly to agencies whose responsibility it is to

Working with a radical agenda 31
prevent such abuse of human rights, for Educating the ZRP: the roots
example, the police and the legal system. If of a radical agenda?
these are the root causes, then shelters for
battered women, though invaluable for the The starting point for Musasa's public
individuals concerned, do nothing to tackle education programme was work with the
the underlying causes of violence against Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP). The
women. project began with the Police Community
While the work of the Musasa Project Relations Liaison Officers (CRLO), and
aims primarily to address root causes, this progressed to education work with other
does not mean that Musasa has not also branches of the police, with a programme
addressed the needs of individuals who for constables at police station level, since
have suffered domestic violence, through this is the first port of call for survivors of
counselling and practical assistance. Since domestic violence. The work with the
the inception of the project, emotional and police was modelled on Freirian principles
practical support has been provided to of public education, and always started by
increasing numbers of women (Njovana, the identification, together with the police,
1994). of the problems they experienced in
Early experience in the project indicated dealing with violence against women.
that, in addition to being of value to the After the police had identified a number of
individuals concerned, ongoing contact problems, they were then invited to
and work with the survivors of violence, suggest solutions. The Musasa Project, and
broader educational initiatives, and legal other agencies where appropriate, then
strategies, were targeted at the causes of worked with the police on these solutions.
violence inherent within Zimbabwean A good example of this process involved
society. Cost-effective strategies were the identification by the police as a
developed, which worked for individual problem the fact that women who laid
survivors. Although this 'radical' approach charges of domestic violence often with-
fits well into current trends and thinking drew the charges. The ZRP, in common
about the importance of 'participatory with police all over the world, are judged
development', it was not generally accep- on their crime clear-up rates, and were
ted by donors in 1988. The counselling therefore unsympathetic, if they judged
element of the project was exceptionally that they might invest time and effort in a
difficult to fund, with some donors case where the charges were likely to be
refusing point blank to consider this item withdrawn. Musasa invited police to
of expenditure, while others, though not consider in a workshop setting why the
approving, were prepared to fund the charges might be withdrawn. As a result of
project with 'no strings attached'. The 'no this, all rape and domestic violence
strings' money was used to fund the survivors are now interviewed in private in
counselling element of the project. the police station, treated sympathetically,
This combining of individual concerns and encouraged to lay charges. The
with broader-based development work has combination of different treatment from
continued with the recent employment of a the police and the support where possible
legal practitioner, who provides both of the Musasa Project, has meant that the
practical legal support for survivors of number of cases reported and prosecuted
domestic violence, but also works for has increased (Njovana, 1994).
change within the legal system. This example raises another problem
experienced by the police. They found their
interaction with the government legal
Participants in a training course for community workers in Zimbabwe. Role-play can be a useful tech-
nique for exploring the issue of domestic violence.
service frustrating, sometimes because In the context of Zimbabwean society,

cases which they had worked hard on were and the domestic violence issue, the work
badly prosecuted, and sometimes because of the Musasa Project was both radical and
the backlog in the legal system (up to three innovative. The project's statements to the
years between crime and prosecution in outside world have progressed to more
some instances) meant that results of the and bolder statements about Zimbabwean
investigative work seemed remote from the society.
work itself. Once again, this opened the
door for further innovative work, this time Starting slowly: introducing
with the legal system. The police hosted, a radical agenda
and continue to host, a series of one-day
workshops with the legal services, Despite the clear decision to tackle the
facilitated by the Musasa Project. During roots of the problem, Musasa was careful
these workshops, problems experienced in about directly tackling social mores, such
communication and operations between as the belief that the man is the head of the
the police and legal services were aired. A house, and the practice of bridewealth. The
number of extremely fruitful debates project began with a clear statement of
between the police and legal services about non-identification with feminism of any
the issue were held, and problem areas and variety. It was also extremely cautious
potential solutions, such as rapid about how it presented both itself and the
prosecution of domestic violence cases, problem of domestic violence. The overall
suggested. image presented by the project of itself,
was that of a 'helping' agency, set up to Musasa has been taking a more active role in
give assistance to victims of domestic addressing issues which may not appear
violence. directly related to acts of domestic violence, but
When asked about the causes of in fact can partly be the underlying causes of
domestic violence, project members spoke battering. For example the land issue in
of stress caused by economic difficulties, Zimbabwe is a hot, current, controversial topic.
and the breakdown of the traditional Women must have the right to own land and
family, caused in some cases by increasing have equal access to land acquisition. A
urbanisation. The traditional authority of woman's dependence on a man can intensity
men, as household heads, to beat their her vulnerability and leave her with less options
wives, was questioned. A 'Real Men Don't if he is battering her.
Beat Their Wives' campaign was launched.
Other campaigns, such as 'Domestic Perhaps the most interesting tradition
Violence is Bad for Our Nation', also mark associated with women's subordination is
this phase of the project. that of lobola. During the early years of the
The project was allowed a surprising project, lobola was hardly mentioned in
amount of freedom during this phase. connection with domestic violence, except
There was extensive press and television to comment that the commercialisation and
coverage of the project and what it was consequent high cost of lobola had
trying to achieve, and a number of high- exacerbated economic stress and therefore
ranking government officials made indirectly affected the problem of domestic
statements in support of the Musasa violence. Musasa's legal practitioner, Rudo
Project and against domestic violence. The Mhungu, commented recently, that
relationship with the ZRP was consoli-
dated and strengthened. At the end of the ... lobola has become instrumental in
first three years, the project was secure, controlling and battering women, lobola is not
both financially, and within Zimbabwean only used by men to oppress women, but also
society. Strong contacts had been made by society as a whole. Women become devalued
with relevant ministry officials, the legal when lobola is paid for them because they are
services and with the police. At this point reduced to the equivalent of a commodity ...
there was a change in leadership and the Once lobola is paid for the woman, her child
founders of the project, Jill Taylor and I, bearing capacity and earning ability are
withdrew from the project, as per the entirely owned by the husband ... This aids in
original project plan (Stewart and Taylor, creating the harmful belief that beating a
1988). The project has been marked since woman is within a husband's rights since he
then by an increasing radicalisation of both has paid for her. (Binks, 1994.)
its programme and public image.
The project now addresses gender issues This statement poses a radical, bold, and
directly through a series of gender confident challenge to the system of male
workshops, which aim to make all privilege in Zimbabwe. It is also a good
elements of Zimbabwean society aware of example of the increasing assertiveness of
'how patriarchy works within all structures the Musasa Project in the Zimbabwean
of our society' (Musasa, Annual report context.
1993-94). In addition, the project is now
addressing broader issues of the position of
women in society. An example is the Why this shift in tactics?
position taken by the project on the land Finally, this paper will ponder possible
issue in Zimbabwe: reasons for this shift in operating tactics
towards an explicitly feminist agenda. I female quasi-outsiders, we were allowed

would suggest that the first reason is far more freedom of movement than black
connected with the established nature of Zimbabwean women. This is both literal, in
the organisation, its increasing terms of safety on the streets, and cultural,
membership, and secure funding base in terms of being able to say and do things
(Musasa Annual Report, 1993-94). It would which it would be unacceptable for black
appear that this has given the organisation Zimbabwean women to say and do. It is
confidence to start addressing some of the possible, therefore, that a role for outsiders
more sensitive and difficult issues within in such a context may be to start the ball
Zimbabwean society and to pose some rolling and create the space for a truly
direct challenges to male power and indigenous organisation, which can in due
dominance. course take a more radical role in its own
The other possible reason is less society. It is equally possible that this
obvious, but a brief discussion of it may statement is presumptuous, and that any
throw interesting light on the role of initiative on violence against women,
outsiders in connection with issues such as would have ended up being radical in this
domestic violence in the developing world. way. What remains true, at the end of the
The project was founded by two white day, is that the liberation of women from
Zimbabweans, Jill Taylor and Sheelagh their own oppressive cultural constraints
Stewart. In terms of the first project plan, has to be undertaken by the women of that
their role was to be temporary, until the culture by themselves.
organisation was established, whereupon
they would withdraw. Nine months were Sheelagh Stewart comes from Zimbabwe. From
spent looking for a model which was 1988 to 1991, she was Co-ordinator/Director
appropriate for Zimbabwe, the project was and Consultant to the Musasa Project, and is
established, and within three years the now completing a PhD at the Institute of
leadership passed into the hands of black Development Studies, University of Sussex, UK.
Zimbabweans. The role of anti-racist white
Africans in post-colonialist Africa is
awkward (but possibly not less awkward
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Annual Report, The Musasa Project. Verlagsgesellschaft.
Njovana, E (1994) 'Gender-based violence Schuler, M (ed.) (1982) Freedom from Violence.
and sexual assault', African Women 8:17. Women's Strategies from around the World,
Runganga, A (1990) The use of herbal and non- New York, UNIFEM.
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36
Women, conflict, and

culture in former Yugoslavia
Jovanka Stojsavljevic
Conflict signals a shock to the social order; violence against women escalates in the
absence of cultural controls, and may be used as a weapon of war, and as a
propaganda tool. This article examines these issues in the context of former
Yugoslavia, and discusses women's resistance to nationalist agendas.
T
he countries of Slovenia, Yugoslavia salaries. Against all odds, women refuse to
(Serbia and Montenegro), Croatia, hate their fellow people on the grounds of
Bosnia, and Macedonia have had an their ethnic identity, even though they and
extremely turbulent history. As a result, the their families have now been suffering war
women's movement in the region has for three years.
undergone many changes. In some
circumstances, it has succumbed or The women's movement in
adapted to the dominant culture and the
political line taken by the government of former Yugoslavia
the day. At other times, the movement has
opposed the regime. Tragically, one of the first events that took
Since the break-up of former place at the onset of the war was the
Yugoslavia, elements of these different disintegration of the women's movement
reactions have taken place side by side. It across male-defined nationalist boundaries.
has been tragic to witness women and In 1987, the first National Feminist
women's groups, who were once united on Conference of Yugoslavia was held in
the principles of global rights for women, Ljubljana. One of the resolutions of this
becoming fragmented across the lines of conference was that women would not
the nationalist agendas of the warring recognise artificial male boundaries; that
parties. At the same time, it is incredible to they were united in sisterhood, and their
see so many women continuing to resist common experiences as women over-rode
the nationalist agenda, and to defy the male concerns for territorial rights and
state-controlled media propaganda. For geographical boundaries. It was also
three years, women's groups have resolved that the male power struggles
organised to support survivors of war. should not be enacted across women's
They have raised funds to buy safe houses. bodies. These resolutions have been
They have worked relentlessly, without challenged by the current civil war.

Women, conflict, and culture informer Yugoslavia 37
The women's movement in Yugoslavia affecting women's lives, including rape

was born during the Second World War, and domestic violence, pornography, and
with the formation of the Anti-Fascist Front women's right to employment. The first
of Women. With the aim of ridding the SOS telephone-helpline for women and
territory of fascism, women fought children experiencing rape and domestic
alongside their male compatriots on the violence was established in 1986, in Zagreb.
front line, against the German Nazis, the Soon afterwards, a refuge for abused
Chetniks of Serbia, who were mainly women was established.
royalists and supporters of the Orthodox
Church, and the Ustashi, fascists who were
backed by Hitler and formed a puppet The present situation
state. In effect, Yugoslavia suffered a civil The women's movement in former
war while the world warred around it. As Yugoslavia has been deeply affected by the
is the case today, many unlikely alliances nationalist agenda; it has lost the power to
between women were formed across the articulate any effective and united
territory, as factions who were normally opposition to the war, and has so far been
opposed joined in co-operation to attack unable to prevent the widespread use of
the 'other side'. the violation of women as a propaganda
After the success of the 'partisans' in tool to promote a nationalist agenda.
suppressing the fascists, and the The language of the women's movement
establishment of the Socialist Federal is now being used to further nationalist
Republics of Yugoslavia, the Anti-Fascist agendas: a leading member of the
Front of Women was disbanded by the nationalist faction of the Croatian women's
Communist Party, on the basis that, under movement is quoted as making a
communism, women would have equal comparison between Serb/male/aggres-
rights with men, and so there was no need sion against Croatia as a woman's body
to organise separately. However, commun- that is being assaulted. This statement
ism has never effectively addressed the fact caused a crisis which has led to Croatian
that societies throughout the world are feminists refusing to share platforms with
patriarchal, regardless of their political and Serbian feminists at international gather-
economic structures. This means that there ings of women opposed to the war, and
are a number of unwritten rules and attacks on feminists from Europe and
regulations, implicit to our cultures, that America who invited women from
explicitly disadvantage women. Belgrade to such meetings.
In the 1970s, Yugoslavia witnessed the In both Serbia and Croatia, those
setting-up of groups of women intellec- feminists who have refused to embrace the
tuals, who discussed and analysed the role resurgence of nationalism and patriotism
of women in society. These groups were are accused of being enemies of the State
not involved in any kind of advocacy for by nationalist feminists, and by the
women's rights, nor were they involved in mainstream media. Some have had to take
supporting women whose rights had been refuge in other countries.
abused. In the early 1980s, a movement of The feminist movement in Serbia has
feminist activists emerged, influenced by been further demoralised by the collective
the women's peace movement in the West; guilt feminists feel for the actions of the
they organised fairly independently, often Serbian/Yugoslavian army and the
in opposition to state institutions. These Yugoslavian government. The war in
feminist groups became actively involved former Yugoslavia first broke out in
in advocacy and support work on issues Slovenia, in June 1991, lasting for ten days.
In Croatia, it broke out in August 1991. Congress of Yugoslav Communists,

Even at this stage, people in Bosnia Slovenians, and Croats walked out as
vociferously stressed that it could never Milosevic sought to gain control of the
break out there. While Yugoslavia Yugoslav Communist Party.
disintegrated, political leaders in Bosnia — Soon after the outbreak of war, women's
Karadzic, Izetbegovic and Kljuic — were groups were organised by the respective
talking of running a collective presidency governments, in order to ensure that
representing a multicultural society! War nationalist views were articulated to, and
finally came to Bosnia in May 1992. by, women. Thus, while women demon-
The war in former Yugoslavia is rooted strated against their sons being drafted into
in an attempt by old guard communists to the Yugoslavian army, the same groups
use the ideology of nationalism to shore up kept quiet when men were mobilised into
their personal power. The first overtly the newly formed Serbian, Croatian or
public signs of this nationalism came in a Bosnian armies. Those women who did
speech by Slobodan Milosevic, leader of oppose the conscription of their sons into
the Serbs, in 1989, in which he called on all their own national armies were vilified and
Serbs to commemorate the battle of Kosovo accused of wanting the destruction of their
and remember that this was the heart of own people, by not wanting the country to
their kingdom, before Ottoman occupation; defend itself.
he asserted that Serbs should never allow
themselves to be oppressed again. This Women's resistance to
speech preceded a violent oppression of nationalism
the Kosovo miners' strike, and the
introduction of what is now effectively Some excellent work has been carried out
military rule. by women's groups who refused the
Women are seen as guardians of their nationalist agenda, and many new
culture; sexual insults may be used if they initiatives have been developed, since the
threaten political agendas which are set by onset of war. There are now literally
men. During 1987, the year that Milosevic hundreds of NGOs in former Yugoslavia;
became leader of the Serb Communist many of them are women's groups, set up
Party, and liberals were removed from for many different reasons. However, an
influential positions, Ali Sukrija, leader of aim common to all of them is to provide
the Communist Party of Kosovo, was support to women and children who have
quoted as saying 'Serbian women in suffered sexual violence, 'ethnic cleansing',
Kosovo were only fit to be prostitutes in the separation from, or death of, their
cafes'. Serbian women in Kosovo staged loved ones, and the loss of their homes and
spontaneous demonstrations, calling for livelihoods. Women and children form
intervention from the Yugoslav army to approximately 80 per cent of the displaced
protect them from abuse. Demonstrators population across the territory of former
carried placards saying: 'We gave up our Yugoslavia.
sons for Yugoslavia, now the Yugoslavian Some women's groups have maintained
army should protect us!' a strong political focus for their work,
In 1990 the constitution of Serbia was despite ridicule and attack. The group
changed. Kosovo and Vojvodina were no known as Women in Black, based in
longer independent provinces of Serbia, Belgrade, organises weekly demonstrations
except on paper, and the heads of the local against the war; members stand in the
communist parties were changed to those city's central square, dressed in black, in
who were pro-Milosevic. At the Fourteenth silent protest against the war.
Bosnian refugee in Croatia. In former Yugoslavia, violence against women is publicised for propaganda
purposes; the newspaper headline reads 'Through terror to greater Serbia'
Women, war, and sexual take on the nationality of the rapist. In the
violence old patriarchal tradition, it is the father's
nationality that is important, and defines
Throughout history, sexual attacks on the nationality of the child.
women have formed a common strategy of In a collective centre in Croatia, where
male warfare. The aim of this strategy is to refugees and displaced people are housed,
humiliate enemy men, and destroy the a refugee woman was forced to flee again
fabric of the family and society; a raped after other refugees found out that she had
woman is no longer viewed as 'clean', and been raped, and would not get an abortion.
often no longer has a place in her family or Ironically, this is in a country where the
community. This view is clearly expressed Catholic church has a very strong in-
in an article in one national newspaper in fluence, and where the government had
Serbia, describing a woman's experience of attempted, unsuccessfully, to introduce
rape by the enemy. The article ended, 'She legislation against abortion.
would be better off dead than alive to Despite the widespread incidence of
shame her husband, her family and her rape in conflict throughout history, this has
community by giving birth to a child from tended not to be recorded, except where it
the seed of the enemy.' can be used for propaganda purposes. The
Raping and impregnating women also war in former Yugoslavia has highlighted
serves as a strategy of 'ethnic cleansing': if rape as a strategy of war, and this has as a
a man from one nationality makes a result placed rape, occurring in the context
woman from the enemy nationality of conflict, on the international agenda.
pregnant, then the child will automatically However, at the height of the war in
Somalia, women in that country were also women who have experienced rape. NGOs
being used and abused in their own civil and journalists have flooded into the
war, but this received no public attention. territory, saying 'I want to interview a raped
The international community has work woman', or 'I want to counsel women who
to do if rape is to be recognised fully as a have been raped.' Books have been written
human rights issue. Rape of women is not with gratuitous details of women's
even mentioned in the Geneva Conven- experiences of rape. I would ask why this is;
tions; and women seeking asylum in surely it is not to improve care and support
Britain, on the basis of gender-based for the victims of rape, nor to advocate
persecution, are often rejected on the women's rights during war, but rather to
grounds that being raped is a side- prove that one race of men is the aggressor
consequence of war, arbitrarily meted out, against another race of men. Invariably,
and so does not amount to 'persecution on sensational media coverage of the rape of
the grounds of political beliefs'. women in former Yugoslavia has resulted in
women rape victims becoming unable to
voice their trauma; this additional torment
The reason why the issue of rape now for women who have already undergone
has a public profile informer extreme suffering has attracted condem-
nation from indigenous women's groups
Yugoslavia is only because of its use as across the territory.
a weapon of propaganda.
Women's survival strategies
It could be argued that the reason why The suffering caused to women by the war
the issue of rape now has a public profile in is not limited to rape, 'ethnic cleansing',
former Yugoslavia is only because of its loss of homes, livelihoods, family and
use as a weapon of propaganda; it suits a friends. War causes the destruction of
number of political agendas, which concern economies and the social welfare system.
both the national and international As a result, women are forced to become
communities: namely, geographical bound- single heads of their families and take
aries, territorial rights, and sovereign states. responsibility for provision of food,
It seems that it is not the right of women to clothes, and other necessities, as well as
protection from sexual violation that is caring for vulnerable members: children,
important, but the wider political battles the elderly, and the disabled.
that can be fought through their experience One of Oxfam's strategic aims in former
of violation. Yugoslavia is 'to empower women to
The use of rape in conflict to further challenge the causes and alleviate the
these agendas results in further violations effects of gender-based suffering caused by
of a woman's dignity and integrity. She patriarchal structuring of society and
merely becomes the victim or object of her exacerbated by armed conflict'. Funda-
own experience; her rape is seen as mental to this aim is that women's voices
important only because it is committed by are heard; that women articulate their own
a man or men from an alien ethnic group, experiences and needs, and formulate their
and not because rape is a crime of violence own strategies for survival. Oxfam is
against her. currently working on an initiative to record
Publicity about rape in former Yugo- women's testimonies of war. It is a contri-
slavia has resulted in further insensirivities, bution towards ensuring that women's
or even outright abuse, being aimed at voices are heard from their own perspec-
An income-generating project can provide an opportunity for women who have experienced violence to
support each other.
tive as subjects of their experience and as a Another strategy for achieving our aim
force for change. is to facilitate communication and
A number of other initiatives have been networking between women's groups
developed over the past two years to across the territory of Former Yugoslavia.
support women to reconstruct the fabric of Apart from planning a regional conference
their society. In Tuzla, we have a psycho- on violence against women and enabling
social programme, in the form of local partners to participate in the UN
occupational workshops where women can conference on Women in Beijing, Oxfam
meet and talk, away from the refugee has funded Electronic Witches to link up
centres. Here, women can utilise their skills Oxfam offices and various women's groups
and earn a small income, by sewing and to E-mail. This will ensure that groups who
knitting warm clothing for other refugees are currently isolated, will be able to make
in central Bosnia. Oxfam is supporting a contact, share information, experience and
similar initiative in Belgrade. knowledge with other groups working on
In Croatia, Oxfam has helped to similar issues, both across the territory and
strengthen and build the capacity of a local internationally.
women's group, that facilitates self-help
and mutual support groups for displaced fovanka Stojsavljevic is Oxfam's Regional
women and refugees. We are also Representative for former Yugoslavia.
preparing a programme that will enable
displaced women who cannot return home,
to achieve sustainable livelihoods through
training in micro-enterprise.
42
The rise of religious

fundamentalism in Britain
the experience of Women Against Fundamentalism
Sue Katz
W
omen Against Fundamentalism this comes from, which denies us our right
(WAF) was launched on 6 May to determine our own sexuality, and
1989 to challenge the rise of justifies violence against women.
fundamentalism in all religions. By
fundamentalism we do not' mean religious
observance, which we see as a matter of Christian fundamentalism
individual choice, but rather modern Christianity is playing an increasingly
political movements, which we assert use central role in the redefining of European
religion as a basis for their attempt to win or identities and the growing nationalist
consolidate power and extend social control. movements. In Britain, Christianity is the
Fundamentalism appears in different established state religion. This formal
and changing forms in religions through- relationship between Church and State is
out the world, sometimes as a state project, today being exploited to promote
sometimes in opposition to the state. But at Christianity as an expression of the British
the heart of all fundamentalist agendas is cultural identity. This is producing new
the control of women's minds and bodies. expressions of racism. We believe that
All religious fundamentalists support the resistance to racism and fundamentalism in
patriarchal family as a central agent of such Britain must involve a struggle for
control. They view women as embodying secularism, in opposition to the state's
the morals and traditional values of the official recognition of one religion. We
family and the whole community. believe that secularism is a necessary
WAF works against the increasing precondition for pluralism, though it does
control that fundamentalism imposes on all not guarantee it. In Britain, therefore, WAF
our lives. We are a group of women from is calling for the disestablishment of the
across the world and from a wide range of Church of England, and a repeal of the
backgrounds, who are involved in many blasphemy laws. We seek a phasing-out of
different political campaigns. We take up state funding of all religious schools, and an
issues such as women's reproductive end to the imposition of Christianity in state
rights, and fight both to safeguard and schools, including Christian assemblies.
extend abortion rights, and to resist In the last year we have been campaign-
enforced sterilisation. We struggle against ing for secular school education and against
religious dogma, no matter what source the compulsory 'daily act of Christian

The rise of religious fundamentalism in Britain 43
worship' in British schools. This obligation and can be denied vital health education,
means that parents who do not want their which is necessary to protect their health
child to join in Christian worship must and prevent unplanned pregnancy.
formally request that their child opts out of
religious assembly and teaching. Children
do not have the same right to opt out
Religious minorities and
themselves. This can lead to the marginali-
fundamentalism
sation and alienation of children of other WAF also confronts fundamentalism with
faiths, and those who have secular beliefs. British minority religions. We challenge the
The policy also provides justification for assumption that minorities in this country
increasing demands for state-supported exist as unified, internally homogeneous
religious schools for all religions, including groups. This view assumes that women's
Islam, with serious implications for girls. voices are represented by the 'community
WAF has been organising meetings with leaders', and denies them an independent
other interested parties, including teachers' voice. We want to live in a country of many
trade unions, head teachers, education cultures, but reject the politics of what has
authorities, parent school-governors, and come to be known as 'multiculturalism'.
humanist associations. The multicultural consensus, forged by
The state education machinery has also sections of all political parties, delivers
removed sex education from the area of women's futures into the hands of funda-
compulsory science teaching, where it was mentalist community leaders, by seeing
traditionally located. Sex education is now these as representatives of the community
included in the range of elective subjects, as a whole.
which means that children are not Working together with a community
automatically receiving instruction in safer arts group called Cultural Partnership, we
sex. Again, parents can choose not to allow have made a video entitled Across Family
their children to attend these classes, but Lines. In it, five women from different
the young people themselves have no say, religious traditions describe their personal
WAF have been campaigning against the compulsory daily act of worship in British schools, which they
believe can lead to the marginalisation and alienation of children whose parents do not wish them to take part.
experiences of the oppression of women presented a workshop on fundamentalism

within their various faiths, and recount and racism in Europe, focusing on the
how they have escaped the confines of position of migrant women. WAF members
those religions, adapting their varied also attended the NGO Forum of the
cultural heritage and experience to create International Conference on Population
new rituals to fit their own lives. WAF and Development in Cairo in September,
members are touring the country with this 1994. Our attendance was funded by a
video, leading discussion groups when it is Dutch agency. WAF joined an international
shown in schools and community centres. panel to discuss the political uses of
The increased political activity of the religion, ethnicity, and culture.
racist right-wing, especially in the East End We also try to offer support from Britain
of London, has led WAF members to active for women struggling against fundament-
involvement in local anti-racism move- alism elsewhere. We have been active in a
ments. WAF has been among those who campaign against the blasphemy laws in
point out the responsibility of some of the Bangladesh, which have resulted in a fatwa
main political parties for creating an (death threat) against the feminist writer
atmosphere conducive to racism. When Taslima Nasreen. Her books have been
working together with other anti-racist banned, a price has been put on her head,
groups, WAF is often the only feminist and ultimately she has been forced to flee
organisation involved, and so fights to bring from Bangladesh for her safety. As Britain
a women's perspective to the analysis. also has blasphemy laws, we feel a strong
commitment to her struggle. WAF has been
instrumental in lobbying political leaders,
Making links worldwide briefing the media, and organising
WAF has developed a high national and petitions in the community, and has also
international profile. Our commitment to coordinated meetings with other interested
supporting individuals and women's organisations in Britain.
organisations around the world who are The unique contribution of WAF to UK
struggling against fundamentalism is politics and to struggles against funda-
reflected both in our extensive networking, mentalism worldwide is the combination
and in our Journal, which is full of writings of an analysis of fundamentalism, which is
by women from many countries talking undeveloped in many feminist and
about their experience of different kinds of progressive groups, with a feminism that
fundamentalism. There are articles about some anti-fundamentalist and political
Israel, Iran, Tibet, Sudan, Britain, South groups have not yet addressed. The small
Africa, Turkey, and many other places. group of volunteer activists, who organise
Women who know these societies discuss WAF activities, facilitates the commitment
the impact on their lives of the particular of a much larger group of WAF members,
types of fundamentalism which are who identify with our view of the dangers
growing there. We are in contact with to women's autonomy of the various forms
organisations with a parallel agenda in of fundamentalism.
many countries, and often publish their
writings in our Journal. Sue Katz has been a member of WAF since
When possible, we attend relevant 1990; she has lived in the UK, the USA, and
international conferences. Most recently we Israel, and is familiar with the many forms of
sent WAF members to the Helsinki fundamentalism which exist in these countries.
Citizens' Assembly in Ankara, Turkey.
Together with a Turkish woman, we
45
Culture and the law

in Islam
Women Living Under Muslim Law
The Women living Under Muslim Law Network (WLUML) was set up eight years
ago, to facilitate the sharing of information, contacts, ideas, and strategies among
women in the Muslim world.
I
t is often presumed that there exists one In the time since its inception, WLUML
homogeneous Muslim world. But has united women in Muslim countries
interaction between women from across the world and stimulated them to
different Muslim societies has shown us analyse and reconceptualise the nature of
that, while some similarities exist, the their situation, and to formulate workable
notion of a single, uniform Muslim world strategies for change, according to their
is a misconception. Muslim women have own priorities, and relevant to their own
been led to believe that the only way of life specific national or community contexts..
possible for Muslim women is the one In addition to their involvement
culturally imposed on us in each of our internationally, the women who work with
contexts. In fact, our different realities WLUML are intimately connected with the
range from being, on the one hand, strictly women's movements in their own
closeted, isolated and voiceless within four countries, often at the national as well as
walls, subjected to public flogging, and grassroots level.
condemned to death for presumed
adultery (which is considered a crime
against the State), and forcibly given in Culture and the law
marriage as a child; to, on the other hand, Over the last decade, much attention in the
being free to take up employment as field of women's human rights has focused
professionals and to teach at universities. on the principles of international law, as
We do not mean to imply that religious expressed in human rights treaties such as
freedom, national sovereignty, or even the the Convention on the Elimination of All
right to follow cultural traditions, are false Forms of Discrimination Against Women.
issues. But to us, attention to such issues The strategies and arguments for legal
cannot justify ignoring the aspirations of change that have informed most of these
women in Muslim countries and efforts around the world are profoundly
communities. We believe that depriving different. If the movement for human
women of dreaming of a different reality is rights is to be truly international in scope,
one of the most debilitating forms of then we need to share experiences, skills,
oppression it is possible to suffer. and energies to support the different local

needs of women in different regional or oriented research on, law in 26 countries.

national contexts. In many Muslim countries, a process of
For women in the vastly varied Muslim growing secularisation is currently taking
communities worldwide, the rhythms, place alongside a growing Islamisation of
patterns, and structure of everyday life are state law. The law is a pervasive and
shaped by an intricate web of laws, rules, powerful force between men and women;
and customs, which are often said to be between parents and children; between
Islamic. To an extent that is dramatically citizens and the State. The extraordinary
different for women than for men, this body power of law in Muslim societies stems
of rules regulates an individual's ability to both from its roots in Islam — where, in
participate in every level of social life: from striking contrast to religions such as
decision making within the home and Christianity, law is central to both theology
family, to education, employment, and and practice — and from the evolving,
public office. It shapes attitudes towards highly variable, and hotly contested
female sexuality and reproduction, towards relationship between Islam and the State.
women's roles in the family and To an extent unknown in the West, law
community. In short, this web of rules shapes both the private and the public
measures women's 'value' as human beings. discourse through which social change is
Yet, despite the intimate connection perceived and understood, providing the
between this body of law and the quality of language, categories, and tools through
women's lives, it is clear that the labelling which such change is managed. It forms
of such laws as 'Islamic' essentially puts the loom on which women's fate is woven.
them beyond the reach of human rights The Women and the Law Project grows
laws. So, for example, although many from the conviction that, for Muslim
Muslim countries have ratified the women, the power to control their destinies
Women's Convention, they have typically ultimately will lie in their ability to master
done so with reservations that deny the the law that shapes their lives. Comparing
applicability of provisions deemed to women's varied experiences of the trends of
conflict with local or national versions of secularisation and Islamisation potentially
Islam or Islamic laws. At the same time, provides a major focus for sharing know-
traditional human rights groups — while ledge, resources, and strategies between
not hesitating to champion the political and women within the Muslim World, and
civil rights of men in Muslim countries — linking their efforts to international
have been loath to address many of the initiatives beyond the Muslim world.
issues most critical to women, ostensibly Research of this sort has the potential to
for fear of trampling on religious freedom. identify opportunities for the protection of
human dignity of women everywhere.
Women and the Law Project WLUML hopes that this Project will lay
the essential foundation for the vindication
WLUML is acutely aware that on questions of the human rights of women in the
of how, whether, and when to pursue legal Muslim world. First, women need to gain
change, those who work internationally an understanding of how law has, over the
must take their lead from women's lives, years, been used to constrict and contain
work, and struggle in their own countries. their experience. Secondly, women must
Two years ago, we started the Women And take control of the modes of thought and
the Law Project. The Project, which had speech, and the techniques, through which
been planned as long ago as 1988, set out to legal change in Muslim societies may
chart, and simultaneously conduct action- potentially take place.
47
Opposition to gender-
sensitive development
learning to answer back
Sara Hlupekile Longwe
This article argues that the problem is not so much that policies on women's
development constitute an undue interference in the politics and internal affairs of
sovereign states, but rather that such policies are themselves subject to gross
interference. Opposition to the policies comes from within the very bureaucracies
which are charged with implementing them.
B
ureaucracies all over the world have agency, which already has existing
long traditions of resisting and programmes and modes of working with
thwarting policies which they Third World countries, and is unwilling or
consider to be unwise or unworkable — in unable to make the effort to re-evaluate
other words, policies to which they and re-align the programme to take
themselves are ideologically opposed. In account of the new policy directions on
the case of development policies, resistance women's equality and women's develop-
may originate within the bureaucracy of ment.
the development agency, or within the Even more seriously, interference — in
government bureaucracy of the Third the form of lack of action — may arise from
World country. In the case of policies on ideological opposition to women's
women's development, both the equality. Ideological opposition is likely to
bureaucracies of the development agency be stronger in male-dominated agencies
and of the Third World government are with long patriarchal traditions of
likely to be male-dominated, and administration, and paternal approaches
patriarchal in their style, beliefs, and towards development; it is also likely to be
administrative regulations. In some cases stronger in bilateral agencies based in
the policies on women's equality which countries which are themselves rather
they are being asked to implement would, behind in the process of achieving equality
if applied to their own bureaucracies, entail for women. Whether arising from mere
radical reform and threaten the positions of inertia or ideological opposition, the results
the present incumbents. are the same: the new policies on women's
Interference with new policies on development are left, like so many other
women's development may stem from policy initiatives, as mere documents and
mere inertia within the development dust upon the shelf.

Such interference cannot, of course, be development must entail increased control

justified, even within the development over the factors of production and increased
agency, in terms of administrative inertia participation in the development process.
or opposition to women's equality. More 3 Promoting women's equality constitutes
sophisticated and persuasive rationali- undue interference in the Third World
sations are needed to justify lack of action, country's internal affairs.
or the diversion and watering down of the Wrong. For the minority of countries
new policy. The possible rationalisations which have not accepted the international
are many and varied; they are directed at convention on women's rights, and which
the home audience whose taxes fund the will not accept increased equality for
development agency, and whose voice women as being part of their development
pressed for the policy on women's policies, the development agency should
development; they follow the general line be asking whether any aid programme can
of argument that 'we in the agency have be supported in such a country.
the actual first-hand experience of working The human rights issue seems to be
in these Third World countries, and we better understood when the problem is
know the situation there, and what is discrimination by race. South Africa was
possible and practicable at this time'. an international outcast in the era of
Within this general line of argument can apartheid, not merely because there was
be developed quite specific rationali- racial discrimination (this is common in
sations. Below I have listed seven different many countries), and not only because
examples with which I am familiar, racial discrimination was entrenched by
followed in each case by my own attempts law, but mainly because there was no
at refutation. The reader may entertain government policy commitment to move in
herself by adding further rationalisations, the direction of equality under the law. The
and refutations. same principle should operate in another
1 Policies on equality for women are area of human rights: equality for women.
unnecessary because development is A respectable multilateral or bilateral
concerned with improving general welfare; development agency should not offer
development will automatically benefit a development assistance to a country where
whole community, both women and men. women are not equal under the law, and
Wrong. There is now a large literature to where there is no policy commitment to
suggest that the failure of development move towards equality for women.
projects to address the special needs of Certainly, the taxpayers who support a
women has resulted in more than their bilateral development agency should be
omission from the development process, able to have the assurance that their money
but has caused the increased impoveris- is not being used to support regimes where
hment and subordination of rural women 'development' causes the increased
(see, for instance, Rogers, 1980 and Swantz, exploitation and impoverishment of
1985). women workers, and where there is no
2 Women's equality is a political, not a respect for women's rights.
developmental issue; a development agency It may well be that the idea that issues of
women's rights in any country are purely an
must concern itself with the purely technical
internal matter stems from patriarchal
matters of increased production and welfare.
Wrong. The Forward-Looking Strategies attitudes: a belief that women's affairs are a
make clear that women's development, purely domestic issue. According to this line
equality, and empowerment are processes of thinking, how a man treats his wife in his
which are intertwined, and women's own home is a purely domestic issue; by
Opposition to gender-sensitive development 49
extension of this thinking, how the ruling Thirdly, the development agency may
male elite treat 'their' women in 'their' limit its interest to support in particular
country is similarly an internal or domestic sectors, or to particular modes of develop-
issue. If this is the underlying justification ment, where there seems to be a better
for non-interference, then of course it entails prospect for women's development.
a denial that women's equality is a human Fourthly, and as already mentioned
rights issue, and a belief that male domi- above, if the 'given' policies of the Third
nation is legitimate. In this way, the 'non- World government are in complete
interference' argument implicitly denies the contradiction to the agency's policies on
human rights principle which lies at the women's development, then this should be
heart of new policies on women's develop- made clear to the Third World govern-
ment. ment, and no development assistance
There was a time when the South should be provided until such time as the
African government successfully argued Third World government can make an
that the government's treatment of 'their' acceptable commitment towards women's
blacks was a purely internal matter, in development.
which outsiders should not 'interfere'. But 5 If is not the business of the development
in the area of race relations, such argu- agency to seek or promote change in the
ments are no longer allowable as a basis for existing social and customary practices of
international or bilateral relationships the Third World country.
between nations. Wrong. Where existing social and
4 A development agency must take the existing customary practice stand in the way of
laws and policies of the Third World country development, then it should be among the
as given, and work within them. objectives of the development agency
Partly right, but this point has to be kept (along with the Third World government)
within its limits, and not over-emphasised to modify the social practice so that it
or misused. Firstly, policies and laws may supports development instead of standing
be 'given', but they are not fixed. Thus a in the way. This is made explicit in the UN
development agency may agree to work Convention which states in its Preamble
within an existing system of legalised that the ratifying nations are 'aware that a
discrimination against women provided change in the traditional role of men as
that it is clear that there are policies well as the role of women in society and in
directed towards equality for women, and the family is needed to achieve full equality
provided that the development agency is between men and women.'
allowed to support projects which Countries which have ratified the
contribute to this process towards equality. Convention have also agreed to modify the
A country's ratification of the UN social and cultural patterns of conduct of
Convention already entails a commitment men and women, with a view to achieving
to work towards the removal of legislation the elimination of prejudices and custom-
and administrative practice which discrim- ary and all other practices which are based
inate against women. on the idea of the inferiority or the superi-
Secondly, a development agency should ority of either of the sexes or on stereo-
stick to its own policies, and is always in a typed roles for men and women. (Article
position to invite the government of a Third 5a.)
World country to adjust its development Obviously, there are many aspects of
policies and priorities in the direction of customary rural social practice in the Third
increased women's development in order to World which stand in the way of social and
attract increased bilateral co-operation. economic development; in women's
development the most notable practices an equal place with men. This points to
retarding development are those which another sense in which the movement for
give rural male heads of household women's equality is part of a worldwide
exclusive control over land use, labour, and struggle, where women from the West and
credit, and the distribution of income, even the Third World can all learn from each
though it is the women who are mostly the other's experience.
farmers and who do most of the 7 Women in the Third World are quite content
agricultural work (see also Longwe, 1988). with their position in society, and do not
Any development project is, by its very want equality with men.
nature, a social and economic intervention. This, of course, is a variant on the argu-
A developmental intervention cannot leave ment that women's equality is a Western
traditional social practice untouched, nor concept which should be kept out of the
ignore the existence of customary practice Third World. It may well be true that many
which stands in the way of development. women in the Third World, very like their
6 The development agency's policy on women's sisters in the West, accept their subordinate
development is an attempt to impose position with resignation, and have no
Western ideas on women's equality on a thoughts of changing the structure of
Third World country where such ideas are society. This in itself does not set aside the
inappropriate. overall issues of human rights and equal
Wrong. The existence of the UN development which have been mentioned
Convention should make it clear that above. What it may mean is that the
equality for women is part of a world-wide education and conscientisation of women,
concern with women's rights, as a major to enable them to understand their rights
component in the concern with funda- and potential, should be a more important
mental human rights. Similarly, the part of the development process.
existence and general acceptance of the Very often, the claim that 'our women
Forward-Looking Strategies shows a are very content' is made by a member of
world-wide concern with giving women an the male-dominated government bureau-
equal place as participants and benefi- cracy that is likely to obstruct women's
ciaries in the development process. development. But the claim that women in
The fact that women in Western the Third World are passive and accept
countries have, in general, a more nearly their subordinate role needs to be based on
equal position in society does not mean the actual empirical evidence of how
that such greater freedom should be seen women think and feel. Obviously if women
as a purely Western phenomenon, or some- are very oppressed and suppressed, they
thing which should be confined to the are also very silent. Given the opportunity,
West. It may mean that the struggle by they may — in my experience — have a lot
Western women for equality can be a to say for themselves.
lesson for women of the Third World, and
that development agencies can provide a Sara Hlupekile Longwe is a consultant in
bridge of assistance so that women in the women's development and an activist for
West can assist their more oppressed women's rights, based in Zambia. This article is
sisters in the Third World. taken from a longer paper, Supporting
It should be realised, too, that although Women's Development in the Third World:
women in the West have taken the lead in distinguishing between intervention and
the struggle to achieve equality, there are interference, which appeared in GADU
many Western countries where much Newspack 13.
remains to be done before women achieve
51
Fempress: a communication
strategy for women
Adriana Santa Cruz
The Latin American Media Network, Fempress, puts out a monthly Latin American
magazine, a Press Service on women's issues, and a Radio Press Service covering
Latin America.
F
empress was founded in 1981, in During the 1980s, in the middle of the
Mexico, by two Chilean women World Decade for women, solidarity from
living in exile who were passionately Northern countries towards Latin America
convinced that the media are powerful was considerable and the women's move-
tools to challenge culturally-rooted social ment in the region was in its infancy; there
injustice. We felt that the people fighting to were few Ministries for women's affairs
overturn the legendary culture of machismo and even fewer with any gender aware-
in Latin America needed a fair and ness. Women's groups were dispersed,
inspirational magazine on every news- often resenting each other and with
stand; one that would reflect the real virtually no access to the media. There was
problems facing women. an evident need to empower and give a
Naturally, this was not an immediate voice to all those who were engaged in a
possibility. A quick market study exposed cultural change that would make equality
the mechanisms by which, even today, it is possible. Whether working out of univer-
virtually impossible for alternative media sities, churches, institutions, international
to survive unless it can cover some of its organisations or governments, women in
costs by carrying advertisements. Needless research, in activism, in politics, and in the
to say, advertising acts against women's media, badly needed to come closer in
emancipation almost by definition; and any order to be effective.
quest for a profound social change involves Fempress started putting out a modest
swimming against the tide. bulletin, with little more than 200 xeroxed
As pioneers of this now well-known copies, hoping to network throughout the
women's media network, we reached out region. That is how the monthly magazine
for international co-operation and trimmed mujer-fempress — now printing 5,000 copies
the project down to realistic proportions — was born. It has been coming out
that excluded the news-stands and the uninterruptedly for 14 years as a unique
general public but focused instead on tool to connect the extremely hetero-
strengthening what was then a small and geneous movement which women have
inarticulate Latin American women's built for themselves in the Latin American
movement. and Caribbean context.

First, from a little office in Mexico City going; organisations inform us on the way
and now, out of what is still a modest they xerox Fempress articles for a work-
space in Santiago, with five full-time shop; documentation centres write on the
workers, Fempress has permanent fact that our magazine is the one most
correspondents writing from Argentina, requested; parliamentarians tell us about the
Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Costa Rica, way one Fempress article got legislation
Ecuador, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru, Puerto under way; and indigenous groups let us
Rico, Dominican Republic, Uruguay and know they are translating our materials into
Venezuela. The correspondents are com- Aymara in order to reach Peruvian and
municators and feminist activists, with Bolivian campesinos in their own language.
their hearts in the struggle for equality in We publish special issues on subjects
their own countries. such as Violence in the Media, Women and
Today we believe we have achieved Humour, Fears of Women, Population,
many of our goals, although we do not Black Women, among others. We also
exclusively claim the credit for having produce an annual Portuguese edition of
brought the different actors working on mujer-fempress to reach Brazilian readers.
behalf of women closer than they were in These publications have indeed
the 1980s. Many factors have contributed, contributed to communications within the
but mujer-fempress has played an important women's movement, but to reach the 'real
role: the magazine is quoted in most world' outside we had to look for ways to
bibliographies of research and women's get articles into the national press, and we
studies, and an average of 15 letters a day have been relatively successful in reaching
reach our offices with the information and that goal.
the encouragement we need to keep us
Reaching out through press
and radio
Fempress entered the world of mainstream
media with the creation of a Press Service,
some years after the birth of the journal.
However, this had always been a primary
goal for us. In the early 1980s, Viviana
Erazo, co-founder of Fempress, and myself
carried out a study of media and women in
Latin America which concluded that media
which originate in industrialised countries,
such as the cinema, television, and news-
papers, and the way in which they are
translated or imitated in developing
countries, do not reflect the real problems
and preoccupations of Third World women.
In our view, if the mass-media did not
and still do not provide the information
which women need, and insist on
presenting an image of the 'ideal woman'
which, for ethnic, cultural and economic
reasons, is unattainable by the vast majority,
it is because there are political and economic
Fempress: a communication strategy for women 53
interests at stake. In Latin America, as in the press. At present, certain articles have
United States, women have been moulded appeared in over 20 different media in
to consume goods and hold conservative different countries.
political views. Women have, in fact, been a If, at this point, there is any reason to
force which affirms existing cultural norms analyse this project, it is because the
and holds back political change in many difficulty in achieving this is well-known to
countries in the region. anyone who is promoting 'worthwhile
' In terms of decision-making, the media causes'. The United Nations, development
is managed mostly by men; and in the agencies or popular movements all know
editing-rooms of the press and electronic how difficult it is to get their views into the
media, women's issues are still considered media. 'The media should do this, the
minor themes, without significant content media should not do that' are the most
and with little commercial value. Only repeated prescriptions in any document on
recently has this situation begun to change. development for the past 15 years.
In the 1980s, it became evident to Newspaper editing rooms are besieged by
Fempress that the capacity — or incapacity the press releases coming from these
— of women to free themselves from the people, yet few ever occupy a space in their
constraints of traditional culture and the pages. It is in this context that we consider
trappings of modernity, which cast us all as Fempress's achievement.
consumers, depends fundamentally on We believe there are many contributory
women's knowledge of the origins of our factors to this relative success: the quality
current situation, and the mechanisms of the information and editorial analysis,
which hold us there. This is why we the critical but constructive tone, the
concentrated our efforts on women's variety of the issues addressed, the careful
alternative media channels as a means of selection of correspondents, the quality of
empowering women through raising aware- personal contacts, and the Latin American
ness and stimulating a process of change. character of the service, among others. The
Fempress does not only aim to increase articles are written to be of lasting value
the flow of alternative information on and rarely based on 'hot' news.
women's issues in the media, but to create a Our press work is strengthened by our
link between women's groups and the links with academics and activists. There
media in order to promote awareness of and have been dozens of seminars and
a commitment to feminist aims in the workshops which Fempress has co-
media. Getting closer to the mass media organised. In Argentina, Mexico, and Puerto
means that, through our correspondents, we Rico, our correspondents have given
can identify the newspapers and periodicals courses on non-sexist periodical publishing,
which are most sympathetic and willing to at the University and outside. We preach
publish alternative information about that women must organise more strongly as
women. Influencing mainstream media is a far as information is concerned: 'it is not
fundamental factor in generating the enough to do; we must communicate'
cultural change which we seek. Our Press should be the motto. It is with this convic-
Service is available to all, free of charge; it tion that we are soon publishing a manual
takes the form of a monthly file with articles of non-sexist journalism.
and brief notes, covering the material The most significant single reason,
published in the journal. The circulation of however, which explains the relative
this service is rising, and practically all the success of Fempress in getting its articles
articles produced for Fempress are repro- inside the media, has been its active
duced somewhere in the Latin American presence in the women's movement. The
influence of the women's movement has this seems to be violence, exploitative and
spread like an oil spot in recent years; it has abusive sex, and greed for power and
fought for supplements and broadsheets consumer goods. Underlying the main-
on women; it has infiltrated editing rooms, stream media is an agenda which reaffirms
television studios, the radio, and political the position of those who hold power and
parties. It is the women's movement which hardly allows the possibility of change
has guaranteed the credibility of the based on alternative values. The mass
information which Fempress distributes. media, which are the principal power
In 1993 Fempress identified the need to within societies which call themselves
move into radio, still much more accessible democratic, are integrally financed by
and democratic than television or advertising. A serious debate on these
newspapers. Latin American radio is an issues is tragically missing.
ideal channel to reach women who are not In this situation, what happens to ideas
involved in the organised women's which are not in line with those of the
movement, who are isolated in their people who hold economic power? What
homes, working in the field, and who may tools can we use to promote humane
often be illiterate. More than women in societies when we are surrounded by all
other sectors of the population, these that is dehumanising, if we cannot rely on
grassroots women need information which media which do not depend exclusively on
makes them feel part of women's struggle advertising and profit-oriented values?
for greater equality and recognition. Without funds, how can we broaden the
For this reason, Fempress launched itself thinking capacity of a society, and
into the venture of producing a Radio strengthen the people who question the
Information Service for Latin American ways in which our societies are run?
Women. It comes in the form of a 90- A fundamental element of the alterna-
minute cassette, with information, and tive communication media should be to
spoken Fempress articles. This is now help to correct and compensate for the
being broadcast by 255 radio programmes market's shortcomings, which are many
in the region. and serious.
Public policy-makers, and those who are
Alternative communications battling for social development with equity
and the market for women and men, look to international
co-operation to provide inspiration, mutual
Finally, we must consider the most critical support, and funding, to affect change. It is
issue facing women's alternative media important to value and recognise the
work: finance. It is very well-known that importance of such non-governmental
international co-operation for development projects which, like this one, have been
is in crisis; this is particularly true in Latin possible thanks to international co-
America, which is not seen as a priority by operation. National and international media
international development agencies. networks have helped to raise awareness of
However, projects such as Fempress women's struggle, to communicate good
cannot yet finance themselves,1 and we ideas, inspire govern-ments, and strengthen
might further ask whether they will ever be civil society. Their failure to survive might
able to do so. Market forces follow the leave us all even more stranded in these
trends of what sells best and, at present, deeply distressing times.
1. Its budget is close to US$400,000 a year and its funders are: Sida, Sweden; Cida, Canada; Norad,
Norway; The Ford Foundation, USA; UNIFEM, United Nations; UNFPA, United Nations; The Federation
Genevoise de Cooperation, Switzerland; and The Ministry of Foreign Affairs, The Netherlands
55
INTERVIEW
'I, Black Woman, Resist!'

Katrina Payne talks to Alzira Rufino
Alzira Rufino, feminist and activist, founded the Casa de Cultura da Mulher Negra,
the Black Women's House of Culture, which was the first black women's centre in
Brazil. The centre was opened in the city of Santos in 1990 and is run by the Black
Women's Collective ofBaixada Santista, with funding support from War on Want. It
offers legal support for the survivors of racism, and domestic and sexual violence, and
works to empower black women and raise community awareness of discrimination
against women and black people. The centre runs a variety of cultural activities, from
popular education and training, to a newspaper and a black people's art gallery.
How did you first become politically active? whole of South America, and there's a lot
I have always been very interested in of violence due to the port. Women are the
politics and motivated by it. My father and majority of the population in Santos and
my grandfather were involved in politics this is where we now have our centre. The
so I think it is in my blood! My interest centre was created by black women and we
started in school and in college and I knew offer assistance to women, both black and
that I was black and a woman, and in a white.
country with so many problems. I saw that
the black women were in the lowest-paid What gave you the idea?
jobs with no access to education or training It was when I was working to promote the
and I knew that black women needed to first ever united celebration of
press the authorities and the government International Women's Day in the region,
for public policies that could benefit them. back in 1985, that the idea started to form.
I also thought that black women should For the first time, small groups of women
denounce society's racism, because I am gathered together to celebrate 8 March in
sure that no child is born racist; it is society Santos. But during the mobilisation for the
and the media that makes him or her racist. International Day, I felt that black women's
participation was lacking, we were too few
Why did you decide to create the Case de and we were too silent. I saw that nobody
Cultura da Mulher Negra? else was working on women's and black
I decided to create the centre because rights, so I formed a black women's group,
Santos is a very sexist and racist city. the Colectivo de Mulheres Negras da
Santos is the main port in Brazil, and in the Baixada Santista.

Why did you decide to name the centre The How important is culture for black women in
House of Culture? Brazil?
As black women have historically been the Our culture and religious tradition is very
main preservers of family survival and important because we have the female gods
African tradition, I think that the African which are so dominant in Candomble.
roots of black women and black people Women are more important than men in
should be preserved and promoted, which Candomble. It is black women who perform
is what we do in our centre. Our culture is the main functions and this helps to raise
shown in every aspect of our centre. We their self-esteem. By promoting and
have African decorations and furniture, preserving the many contributions of
typical Afro-Brazilian food, African clothes African culture, we show the importance
for sale, and cultural activities like capoeira. and value of African roots, and this helps
We also have a children's choir 'Omo Oya' black women to value themselves.
to rescue the Yoruba songs and rhythms of In the centre we try to strengthen black
the African heritage in Brazil. aesthetics by showing that black women's
I am also a priest of the Afro-Brazilian hair and racial traits are beautiful and that
religion Candomble. According to my African clothes are lovely, so we counter
religion I have as my two main protectors the tendency for women to 'whiten'
Oxum and Aia, two female gods. It is my themselves, with this strengthening of
role to help to rescue and preserve this African traditions, and aspects of culture
cultural and religious tradition. and self-image.
Children learning capoeira, a traditional dance form based on ritualised kick-boxing, part of the black
African cultural heritage of Brazil.
7, Black Woman,Resist!' 57
So what would you say is the dominant culture first in the region, and the second was
in Brazil? because it was a black women's centre, and
White men dominate the culture, along it was the first in Brazil. It would have been
with the white race, but it is mainly white more acceptable to the community to have
men. Although black people make the a black centre, for men and women. So
culture, with samba, Carnival, Afro- there has been a lot of criticism due to it
Brazilian dances and rhythms. The ones being a women's, and mainly a black
who make the money from our culture are women's, centre.
the white men. Yet I think it was necessary to be so
With Carnival, for example, tradition- specific. It was important to have a black
ally it was the older black women who women's centre because black men don't
were always involved. And we still are, we understand the needs of black women as
make the clothes and the decorations and women, and the feminist movement in
we actively participate. We black women Brazil didn't understand that, although
organise a parade and hold events to raise black women have common issues as
funds for it. women, they have specific concerns as
The black girls and younger women are black women.
also actively involved. They are usually at
the front of the parade, where these Does the feminist movement recognise black
beautiful young women are the main focus women's issues now?
of the media who highlight their bodies After many years of work, almost a
and their sensuality in a sexual way. But decade, and with the creation of black
after three days of amusement they go back women's groups, now the feminist
to their jobs as maids and cleaners, where movement is beginning to take the specific
they are poorly paid and don't have any issues of black women into consideration.
rights. These young women are the main And, for their part, black women activists
targets for sexual harassment and they are have decided to leave the back of the stage
also led into prostitution by white men and and to stop being secondary actors. We are
tourists. taking the main roles, because if half the
Unfortunately black women and black Brazilian population is black and women
men are no longer in charge of the samba are 52 per cent of the population, we are
schools. Black people used to control this aware that we are half the female
great show that is Carnival but now it's a population in Brazil.
source of huge income, and the over- As black women we want to rescue our
whelming majority of the presidents of the history and our participation in the
samba schools are white men. A lot of them women's movement and the black move-
are involved in gambling. Talking of ment. After the abolition of slavery, black
Carnival, this reminds me of a song by a women were the main means of the
popular singer in Brazil, Leci Brandao. I family's survival. Black women were the
like this song very much, he sings of black first feminists in Brazil. Since the abolition
people being such good dancers and such of slavery, black women were econom-
good footballers, but he asks when will we ically independent of men. They used to
be sitting at the decision-makers' table. sell food and sweets which they had made
themselves, and work as maids and cooks.
Did you have any criticism when you opened They raised their children, and supported
the centre? their male partners, because the men
Yes we did! The first criticism was because couldn't find jobs.
it was a women's centre, and it was the
But don't some women feel that consciousness- own skills. We have encouraged black
raising and culture is irrelevant if they are still handicraft co-operatives, and these artisans
living in poverty? are now living from their craft and arts.
I think that through culture we can bring As a model of what I am saying, our
the revolution! The first step is to increase centre has a restaurant which serves typical
women's awareness of their racial identity. Afro-Brazilian food, which is open to
This increases black women's self-esteem everyone. But they have to pay a high price
and can lead to women being trained for because they are not going to a normal
better jobs. The next step is to stimulate the restaurant, they are coming to a cultural
black woman and man so that they can centre, so they must support the centre's
take the initiative to make their own activities and pay a bit more for this! We
money through their own skills and have a lot of customers, because the food is
culture, not by working for somebody else good.
but by having their own businesses. For
example, in our country, black women are Are you optimistic about the future for black
thought to be the best cooks, but usually women in Brazil?
they work in white homes for a very low Yes I am. Black women are advancing and
wage. Well, we can encourage them to occupying some of the positions that were
open their own catering businesses, for denied us before. Black women are 'coming
example, and be their own boss. And out' and denouncing on an international
similarly with music. We are encouraging stage the racism and the sexism they
black women to earn money from their experience in Brazil.
Family group, Recife, Brazil.

59
& Muvmw > a well-researched critique of the US

;minist discourse. Ward, Dickerson and
Samarasinghe have rethought this
Color, Class and Country: essentially white middle-class feminist
discourse, and, in discussing the black
Experiences of Gender feminist perspective, plead that it sit at the
Gay Young and Bette Dickerson (eds) centre of the feminist debate and not at its
Zed Books, 1994. periphery. Although I applaud this stance,
I do have difficulty with the preoccupation
Those of us who have a European with the white middle-class feminist
Caucasian identity may never have the debate in its entirety, on the grounds that
opportunity to reflect in the way that this may appeal to the US market, but not
Kathryn Ward has done during her own necessarily reflect the views or needs of
intellectual and political journey, on race feminists or gender and development
and gender, but her paper 'How workers in Bangladesh or Ethiopia.
scholarship by and about women of colour It seems inevitable that with an
shaped my life as a white feminist' could ambitious volume such as this, use of social
well be a starting point. science jargon will hinder the reader, so it
Her paper comes near the end of this was with some relief that I encountered
volume by social scientists. All the studies definitions given by Bette Dickerson (as
discuss aspects of what the authors late as Chapter 6) of such terms as
describe as 'the intersections of gender, ethnicity, feminism, black feminism, and
class and race', some dealing with two of community. The relief was necessary after
these aspects, while Bette Dickerson, encountering such terms as 'displaced
Ward's co-editor, in her own article, deals homemaker', 'women of colour', and
with all three. 'racial common fate identification' (which
An international perspective is evident Dickerson herself used and defines)! One
with studies referring to a variety of cannot help but note how much lengthier
countries including Turkey, Chile and the sentences are when the authors are
Mexico, as well as an ambitiously titled endeavouring to incorporate so many
paper 'Gender inequality around the aspects of political correctness.
world; comparing fifteen nations in five In their articles, Wendy Luttrell and
world regions', written by Gay Young (co- Mary Romero discuss women's aspirations
editor) and others. The overall impression and opportunities. In her study of urban

white working class women, and Southern she believes that the low wages, low prices
rural black women, Luttrell shows how for crops and reduced government
young girls' hopes and dreams may be far expenditures have added greatly to
removed from the reality of their later women's poverty and therefore their
lives. In one of a group of articles centering vulnerability. Obbo asserts that
on women and economic issues, Romero's development has not only passed poor
research centres on domestic workers' Ugandan women by, but that their
aspirations to the status of 'housekeeper', interests are not adequately represented by
rather than 'maid', deftly negotiating the elite women working in development, who
employee — employer relationship so that have the opportunity to speak on behalf of
the household tasks and not personal ones the poor, and do so in a foreign language
were performed. — namely English.
Stan Gray's paper, on a Canadian court Elizabeth Fox-Genovese, a feminist
case concerning sexual harassment of a theorist, neatly shows how the Women's
female employee of a large steel Movement must reflect upon its own
corporation, shows how the issues of race agenda and summarises where it should be
and gender are linked in complex ways to going. She believes that it is at a crossroads
that of employment in the 1990s: 'As the in that 'difference has replaced equality as
recession takes its ever more devastating a central concern of feminist theory', and
toll, employers and government try to asks us to consider 'thinking differently
divide workers against each other. They about difference'. Although the Women's
encourage the scape-goating of women and Movement exists because women share
of people of other races, regions, colours, certain 'characteristics which differentiate
and countries. In the face of all this, it is them from men', Fox-Genovese rightly
ever more important to stress what unites stresses that the 'vitality of a women's
us while respecting these differences.' movement in our time depends upon the
In its survey of women and economics, recognition that women are also divided
this volume highlights Structural by class and race.'
Adjustment Programmes (SAPs). 'What do Any reader who is familiar with the
women do when there aren't enough hours writings of bel hooks or Angela Davis will
in a day?' asks Maria Floro in the title of identify with Kathryn Ward's conclusion
her study. She found that expenditure that 'white women need to be silent for a
adjustments within the household in the spell, while they read, study and listen to
light of SAPs usually 'require more input women of colour'. When the reader reaches
of women's unpaid labour both in terms of her or his own conclusions, the desire to be
preparation and shopping/marketing', that silent, and to read, study and listen will
is, 'the need to find the cheapest sources probably prevail.
and to buy smaller quantities more often'.
Christine Obbo in her graphic description Review by janette Davies, a Research Associate
of Uganda before and after the Amin at the Centre for Cross-Cultural Research on
regime describes SAPs as being the Women, in the University of Oxford.
supposed cure for economic decline
whereas the reality is of women and
children bearing the brunt of "the IMF's
Structural Adjustment Programmes".
Obbo assesses how women's economic
disadvantage has been addressed by
Women in Development (WID) policies;
Resources 61
Organisations working researches and studies the common strands

culture of fundamentalism in all religions; fosters
international links and works in solidarity
with similar movements in other countries.
Women in Black: a network of women 129 Seven Sisters Road, London N7 7QG,
who oppose militarism, violence, and tel. 0171 272 6563, fax 0171 272 5476.
enforced ethnic separation; activities in
many countries including Israel, Argentina, Mothers in Action, Kenya: assists and
former Yugoslavia, Brazil, Philippines, supports Kenyan women and children in
Germany, India, and the Netherlands. violent and abusive situations. Provides
Women in Black, Dragoslava Papovica br support and legal advice. Po Box 54562
9/10, 11000 Belgrade, SERBIA. Tel/fax: 38 Nairobi, Kenya, tel. 443868/440299
11 334 706.
The Musasa Project, Zimbabwe: public
Committee of Women Religious Against education on gender violence; counselling;
Trafficking in Women: international training on counselling; publications
network aiming to draw attention to production. 133 Rotten Row, Harare,
trafficking in women and to support and Zimbabwe, tel. 794983.
stimulate local organisations to offer help
to returning victims. PO Box 104, 2120 AB Southall Black Sisters, UK: founded in
Bennebroek, The Netherlands. 1979 to meet the needs of Asian and
Afro-Caribbean women living in the UK.
Women Living Under Muslim Laws: Supports and counsels women facing
formed in 1984, a network of women violence and abuse at home. Campaigns to
whose lives are shaped, conditioned or bring about change in the social, political,
governed by laws, both written and economic and cultural constrictions on
unwritten, drawn from interpretations of women's freedom. 52 Norwood Road,
the Koran tied up with local traditions. Southall, Middlesex, UK. Tel. 0181 571
Provides and disseminates information for 9595, fax. 081 574 6787.
women and women's groups in Muslim
communities, supports women's struggles
within Muslim countries and publicises Further reading
these outside, and provides channel of
communication. Produces publications and Culture
newsletters. Main office: Boite Postale 23, Ann Oakley, Sex, Gender and Society,
34790 Grabels, France. Asia Office: 38/8 revised 1985, Temple Smith/Gower.
Sarwar Road, Lahore Cantt, Pakistan. Originally written in 1971, this classic book
draws on cross-cultural studies to
Women Against Fundamentalism: emphasise that, rather than being 'natural',
founded in 1989 to challenge the rise of gender identities are a social construct.
fundamentalism in all religions. Focuses on
Britain and beyond. Defends individual Valentine M Moghadam (ed) Identity
women and women's organisations against Politics and Women: Cultural Reassertions and
fundamentalist attacks; supports non- Feminisms in Perspective Westview Press,
religiously based refuges and protection 1994. This book considers the rise of
for women experiencing violence inside political and cultural movements which are
and outside the home; disseminates bidding for political power, legal changes
information within Britain and outside; or cultural supremacy, basing their claims
Resources 61
Organisations working researches and studies the common strands

culture of fundamentalism in all religions; fosters
international links and works in solidarity
with similar movements in other countries.
Women in Black: a network of women 129 Seven Sisters Road, London N7 7QG,
who oppose militarism, violence, and tel. 0171 272 6563, fax 0171 272 5476.
enforced ethnic separation; activities in
many countries including Israel, Argentina, Mothers in Action, Kenya: assists and
former Yugoslavia, Brazil, Philippines, supports Kenyan women and children in
Germany, India, and the Netherlands. violent and abusive situations. Provides
Women in Black, Dragoslava Papovica br support and legal advice. Po Box 54562
9/10, 11000 Belgrade, SERBIA. Tel/fax: 38 Nairobi, Kenya, tel. 443868/440299
11 334 706.
The Musasa Project, Zimbabwe: public
Committee of Women Religious Against education on gender violence; counselling;
Trafficking in Women: international training on counselling; publications
network aiming to draw attention to production. 133 Rotten Row, Harare,
trafficking in women and to support and Zimbabwe, tel. 794983.
stimulate local organisations to offer help
to returning victims. PO Box 104, 2120 AB Southall Black Sisters, UK: founded in
Bennebroek, The Netherlands. 1979 to meet the needs of Asian and
Afro-Caribbean women living in the UK.
Women Living Under Muslim Laws: Supports and counsels women facing
formed in 1984, a network of women violence and abuse at home. Campaigns to
whose lives are shaped, conditioned or bring about change in the social, political,
governed by laws, both written and economic and cultural constrictions on
unwritten, drawn from interpretations of women's freedom. 52 Norwood Road,
the Koran tied up with local traditions. Southall, Middlesex, UK. Tel. 0181 571
Provides and disseminates information for 9595, fax. 081 574 6787.
women and women's groups in Muslim
communities, supports women's struggles
within Muslim countries and publicises Further reading
these outside, and provides channel of
communication. Produces publications and Culture
newsletters. Main office: Boite Postale 23, Ann Oakley, Sex, Gender and Society,
34790 Grabels, France. Asia Office: 38/8 revised 1985, Temple Smith/Gower.
Sarwar Road, Lahore Cantt, Pakistan. Originally written in 1971, this classic book
draws on cross-cultural studies to
Women Against Fundamentalism: emphasise that, rather than being 'natural',
founded in 1989 to challenge the rise of gender identities are a social construct.
fundamentalism in all religions. Focuses on
Britain and beyond. Defends individual Valentine M Moghadam (ed) Identity
women and women's organisations against Politics and Women: Cultural Reassertions and
fundamentalist attacks; supports non- Feminisms in Perspective Westview Press,
religiously based refuges and protection 1994. This book considers the rise of
for women experiencing violence inside political and cultural movements which are
and outside the home; disseminates bidding for political power, legal changes
information within Britain and outside; or cultural supremacy, basing their claims
on notions of religious, ethnic or national Periodicals

identity. From examining such movements' There are many national and international
attitudes to women, and attempts to journals worldwide which are committed
control female freedom and sexuality to using the media as a tool to promote
through invoking Woman as a cultural gender equity. Here is only a short
symbol, the book moves to assess women's selection of these:
own response. Uses 13 case studies from
Muslim, Christian, Jewish and Hindu Agenda: a South African journal about
societies. women and gender, published bi-monthly.
Agenda Collective, 29 Ecumenical Centre
Violence against women Trust, 20 St Andrews Street, Durban, 4001,
Jill Taylor and Sheelagh Stewart, Sexual and South Africa. Tel. 031 3054074, fax 031
Domestic Violence: Help, Recovery and Action 3016611
in Zimbabwe, Women and Law in Southern
Africa, PO Box UA 171, Union Avenue, Arise: a Ugandan women's development
Harare, Zimbabwe, 1991. magazine published by ACFODE (Action
for Development). Quarterly. Acfode
Lori L Heise, Overcoming Violence: A House, Bukoto, PO Box 6729, Kampala,
Background Paper on Violence Against Women Uganda. Tel/fax: 532311.
as an Obstacle to Development, paper
produced for Oxfam's Women's Linking Everywoman: Britain's only national
Project, 1993, available from the Gender feminist magazine, offering an alternative
Team, Oxfam UK to mainstream media. Everywoman, 34
Islington Green, London Nl 8DU, UK. Tel:
Margaret Schuler, ed., Freedom from 071 359 5496, fax: 071 226 9448.
Violence: Women's Strategies From Around
the World, 1992, UNIFEM Laya: quarterly women's development
journal from the Philippines, published by
Conflict Laya Women's Collective, 35 Scout
Judy El Bushra and Eugenia Piza Lopez, Delgado Street,Quezon City, Philippines.
Development in Conflict: the Gender Tel: 998034.
Dimension, Oxfam Publications, Oxford,
1994, (also available free of charge to Mujer/Fempress: Latin American women's
Southern organisations who lack funds, on journal, published by Fempress, ILET
application to the Gender Team, Oxfam Casilla 16-637, Correo 9/Santiago, Chile,
UK). tel. 231 5486.

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What are the main topics covered in the document?

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What organizations are mentioned that work on issues related to gender, culture and violence?

What organizations are mentioned that work on issues related to gender, culture and violence?

Edited by Caroline Sweetman

Oxfam Focus on Gender

Front cover photo: Reading the Koran, Bangladesh. BADAL/OXFAM

ISBN 0 85598 310 8

This book converted to digital file in 2010

Gender and Development Vol 3, No. 1, February 1995

Gender and Development Vol 3, No. I, February 1995

Gender and Development Vol 3, No. 1, February 1995

In her article, Sue Katz of Women Ways of working on culture

and men that women's empowerment is a

Popular culture and gender Just as women's views have been

Gender and Development Vol 3, No. 1, February 1995

It is an acknowledged factor that in an academic point, but part of the process

issue. It is imperative, therefore, that health example, run workshops on writing

for programme activities, the definitions Bibliography

Gender and Development Vol 3, No. 1, February 1995

It is a common experience of develop-

alternative visions of gender equality. We

Exploding the myths If, as development practitioners, we

NGOs, gender, culture

Gender and Development Vol 3, No. 1, February 1995

against women, which is a very complex, seriously, as an agent of change who

order to create the relationship without

Conclusion Colleta Chitsike is Project Co-ordinator for Oxfam

Rehana Khatun Adeer's story

Gender and Development Vol 3, No. 1, February 1995

Working with a radical

the Musasa project, Zimbabwe

T here are no definitive figures on the

Gender and Development Vol 3, No. 1, February 1995

service frustrating, sometimes because In the context of Zimbabwean society,

towards an explicitly feminist agenda. I female quasi-outsiders, we were allowed

Women's Initiatives, ZESA Training herbal agents in sexualintercourse by a sample

A page from a training manual

Women, conflict, and

Gender and Development Vol 3, No. 1, February 1995

The women's movement in Yugoslavia affecting women's lives, including rape

In Croatia, it broke out in August 1991. Congress of Yugoslav Communists,

The rise of religious

Gender and Development Vol 3, No. 1, February 1995

experiences of the oppression of women presented a workshop on fundamentalism

Culture and the law

Gender and Development Vol 3, No. 1, February 1995

needs of women in different regional or oriented research on, law in 26 countries.

Gender and Development Vol 3, No. 1, February 1995

Such interference cannot, of course, be development must entail increased control

Gender and Development Vol 3, No. 1, February 1995

'I, Black Woman, Resist!'

Gender and Development Vol 3, No. 1, February 1995

Family group, Recife, Brazil.

& Muvmw > a well-researched critique of the US

Gender and Development Vol 3, No. 1, February 1995

Organisations working researches and studies the common strands

Organisations working researches and studies the common strands

on notions of religious, ethnic or national Periodicals

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