IN THE NAME OF GOD, MOS7 GRACIOUS, MOST MERCIFUL

PRAISE BE TO GOD,
THE CHERISHER AND SUSTAINER OF THE WORLDS
 IBN ZUKRI'S SHARIJ AL-NA$lHAH AL-KAFIYAH:
A CRITICAL EDITION OF THE FIRST PART
WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES

Submitted by

Abmad ibn Shaykh Mu4ammad ibn A4mad al-Khazrap

to the University of Exeter as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

in the Department of Arabic and Islamic Studies in the Faculty of Arts

May, 1996

This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright

material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper
acknowledgment.

I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been
identified and that no material is included for which a degree has previously been

conferred upo,
 3

ABS-rRAU

Sharb al-Nayibah al-kdf Tyah Ii-man kha$ýah Alldh bi-'I-'[zITyah by

Mubammad ibn 'Abd al-Rabmin ibn Zukri (d. 1144/1731) is a commentary on

one of the most important texts relating to North African Sufism. Shih5b al-Din

ME al-'Abbds Zarr5q (823-899/1320-1465), the author of the Na$Fbah, was an

eminent Sufi figure who drew from the Sufi heritage to establish a new Sufi

order, the ZarrEqiyyah. The commentator on the text, Ibn Zukri, was one of the

most respected scholars of his day and the author of many other books. Hence

the importance of the present manuscript for any understanding of Sufi thought

and tradition in North Africa.

I have selected to edit the first part of this manuscript and have

indicated the relationship betweeenthis part and the other parts of the book.

The first volume of the present study consists of two parts. The first

part sets the text within its context. After a general introduction, the second

chapter sets forth an account of the collection of the manuscripts of the text with

their descriptions, and moves on to analyse the contents of the text, giving

particular attention to the Islamic principles which it discusses and the

methodology followed by the commentator, Ibn Zukri.

The third chapter contains background information relating to both

 4

Zarr5q and Ibn Zukri, describing in sequencethe ages in which they lived, their

individual lives, their writings, teachers, and disciples. Finally, a special

treatment is included of Ibn Zukrfs influences and cross-references.

The fourth chapter deals specifically with Sufism, discussing first the

growth and spread of Sufisrn in North Africa, followed by, first, a general

analysis and, second,a detailed analysis of Sufism in the text of the commentary.

The fifth chapter discussesthe text of the commentary as it deals with

the religious sciences of jurisprudence (fiqh), Tradition (Hadith), and theology

Cilm al-kaldm).

The sixth chapter describes the procedure followed in researchinvolving

the textual variants in the manuscript copies of the text and the provision of

explanatory notes on the text.

In the second part of the first volume, there is a detailed examination of

each paragraph of the commentary. The subjects covered in this examination are

classified as follows: QurInic verses, 4ad[ths, eminent figures, Sufi terminology,

places, and miscellaneous comments.

The second volume contains the edited Arabic text, together with

footnotes to each page, indicating the textual variants of the three manuscripts.
 5

TABLE OF CONTENTS

VOLUMEI

Abstract 3
Table of contents 5
The reasonsmotivating the presentwork 7
Acknowledgments 9
Schemeof transliteration 8

PART ONE: INTRODUCTION 12

CHAPTER ONE: Introduction 13

CHAPTER TWO 33
2.1 Collection of materials 34
2.2 Description of the manuscripts 35
2.3 The contents of the text 51
2.4 Principles discussedin the text 53
2.5 A note on books referred to in editing the text 64
2.6 Ibn Zukri's style and methodology 67
2.7 The achievementof Ibn Zukr! in Sharb at-Na$fbah al-kcifTyah 73

CHAPTER THREE 81

3.1 The ages in which Zarr5q and Ibn Zukri lived 82

3.2 The lives of Zarraq and Ibn Zukri 99

3.3 The writings of Zarr5q and Ibn Zukri 109

3.4 The teachers of Zarrfiq and Ibn Zukri 121

3.5 The disciples of Zarr6q and Ibn Zukri 127

3.6 Ibn Zukrfs influences and cross-influences 132

 6

CHAPTER FOUR: The Text and Sufism 143

4.1 Sufism in North Africa 144

4.2 General analysis of Sufism in the text 149

4.3 Detailed analysis of Sufism in the text 156

4.4 General conclusions 169

CHAPTER FIVE: The Text and other religious sciences 176

5.1 Fiqh 177

5.2 Uad[th 192

CHAPTER SIX: Methodology 194

PART TWO: NOTES ON THE TEXT 199

CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 325

APPENDICES 330
1. Chronological list of the most distinguishedSufi orders, giving the

namesof their founders and the years of their decease 331

2. Chart representingthe influence of the Madydniyyah and Rifd'iyyah

orders on the Shddhiliyyah and Zarrfiqiyyah orders 334

3. The Zarr5qiyyah order and its branches 335
4 The edited part of the text of al-Naýfbah al-kdflyah 336
5. Table of contents of the whole text of al-Nasibah al-k6flyah 343

BIBLIOGRAPHY 346

VOLUME 11

The edition of the Arabic text, showing variant readings

 7

THE REASONS MOTIVATING THE PRESENT WORK.

Among the many reasons which stimulated me to choose Sharý

al-NasTbah al-kdf[yah as the subject of the present researchthe following may

be noted:

1. This book deals with a wide variety of subjects, so that it is rich in

science Cilm); in Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh), correlating branches with origins;

and in Sunni Sufism, linking 'ilm (knowledge) with 'amal (action).

2. Its study is consistent with the aspiration of my country, the United

Arab Emirates, to publish the heritage of the Mdlik! 'ulamd' (scholars), since the

MOW school of jurisprudenceis the official school of the state.

3. The book is the work of one of the most eminent Mdlik! 'ulamd' in

North Africa in the twelfth/eighteenth century, despite which it has failed to

receive the due care and attention that it warrants. I therefore choose to draw

the attention of later researchersto the work of Ibn Zukri for the general profit

of themselvesand their readers.

With regard to my restricting the present study to the first part of the

Sharb, the following observations may be made:

 8

1. The first part of the work is the core and basis of the succeeding

parts, so that if a careful edition is made of this first part, the remaining parts

in the main also be covered. That is because whoever examines the later
will

text will have frequent cause to refer to this first part, especially in matters

Qur'dnic Prophetic Traditions (ffadfths), Sufi

concerning the exegesis of verses,

terminology, biographical details, and miscellaneousscientific details.

2. This first part deals with the five pillars of Islam, the essentialcore of

true Islam.

3. In all jurisprudential works, the chapters are customarily arranged in

the same order, so I chose to abide by this traditional order by commencing in

the same place.

These are the main reasons which have motivated me to select this text

for examination and to limit that examination to the first part of Ibn Zukri's text,

hoping that it will be the first step towards inspiring others to complete the

edition of the whole work.

 9

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I cannot proceed without expressingmy sincere thanks and appreciation

to my respected supervisor, Dr. I.R. Netton, who tirelessly supervised this work,

monitoring and guiding it through all its stages of preparation until it reached

completion.

Similarly, I must thank all those who assisted me in any way in the

preparation of this work. Among these I cannot forget the following: His

Excellency Dr. 'Ali al-Shdbbi, His Excellency Dr. 'Abd al-Kabir al-'Alawi

al-Mudghirl, His Excellency Did! ibn B5 Nulmah, His Excellency Shaykh

Muhammad Salim ibn 'Abd al-Wad5d, Shaykh Mubammad al-Man5ni, Shaykh

Ahmad al-$abibi, Shaykh Muýtafd al-Najjdr, Shaykh Dr. Mubammad Ab6

al-Ajfdn, Shaykh al-Shaybdni ibn Mubammad ibn Ahmad, Shaykh Ibrahim bin

al-Shaykh Sidiyd, and His Grace Abmad Afzdz.

During my travels, I met a number of Arab scholars who have earned

an academic reputation in their specialist field of researching and editing

manuscripts. Among the important scholars whom I had the opportunity of

meeting were Dr. Abu Lubabah Husain, Dr. Ibrahim Shabuh, Dr. Muhammad

Abu al Ajfan, Sheikh Muhammad al Shathili al Naifar, Sheikh Muhammad

al Manuni, His Excellency Ahmad Afzaz, His Excellency Muhammad al Kabir

al Alawi, Mr. Abdullah al Sabihi, His Excellency Sheikh Muhammad bin Salim
 10

Abd al Wadood, and Sheikh Ibrahim bin Yusuf bin Sheikh Seidya. I was also

extremely fortunate to meet in Abu Dhabi, Sheikh Shaibani bin Muhammad bin

Ahmad and Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah bin al Siddiclin.

My thanks are also due to Dr. Mubarnmad Sulaymin Faraj, Dr. Taqi

al-Din al-Nadawi, and Dr. 'Ali Ibrihim al-Ijusni, together with His Grace Maidi

Kdmil Murid, Mubammad ibn 'Abdi, Hasan Salfimah Faraj, Mubammad ibn

Hammddi, Abmad ibn Mubarnmad, and Shaykh Riydd al-Ijaqq.

I would also like to thank Dr. Michael Brett, Senior Lecturer in the

History of North Africa in the School of Oriental and African Studies, University

of London, for his help and Dr. David Brady of the John Rylands University

Library of Manchester for his in editing and typing the final version of the
care

thesis.

I must express my thanks and deepest appreciation to my father, His

Excellency, the Honourable Shaykh Mubarnmad ibn Shaykh Abmad ibn Shaykh

Uasan al-KhazraTi (Minister of Islamic Affairs and Awqaf and Chief of the High

Committee for Heritage and History in the United Arab Emirates), to my mother,

and to all my family for their unlimited encouragementand support.

To all the above I express my deepest gratitude, and it is from Alldh

that I seek guidanceand assistance.

 11

SCHEME OF TRANSLITERATION

Consonants

Z Lq q
bS !J
t sh
th m
n
h
kh w
d L5 y
dh gh
rf

Short vowels Long vowels

a Ca
p I- a
U
Ls-
i

Diphthongs

aw

Ls- ay

Note:
A final, at in construct form.
 12

PART ONE

INTRODUCTION
 13

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUMON
 14

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCHON

The Muslims began their campaign to spread Islam throughout the

Arabian Peninsula in AD 622, starting from the city of Medina, the first strong

Islamic base. By the time of the Prophet's death, an Islamic Ummah had been

established in Arabia. With the goal of taking their new religion to other lands,

the Arab armies spread out in all directions. By the end of the 640s, they had

conquered Iraq, Syria, Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Khurasan in Asia; and Egypt in

Africa. Subsequently, Egypt became the first base for military and religious

activities. In 644, in a military operation, the Islamic forces advanced towards

Libya and entered Tripoli. '

Whilst the Islamic army was involved in operations to protect and

strengthen its positions, the first civil war among Muslims erupted, lasting from

656 until 661. The armies had also been forced to turn their attention to the

increasing tension between the Umayyads and other groups. After the Umayyad

Caliphate had been established,the centre of Islam was transferred from Medina

to Damascusin 2
Syria.

Again, the Islamic armies turned their attention to the spreading of

Islam in Africa. The Berber tribes of Tripolitania, who had already supported

1. Hinds, "Early Islamic history", 58; Fisher & Ochsenwald, Middle East, 41 f.
2. Hinds, loc. cit.
 1.!l

these armies, began converting in large numbers to Islam. The Muslims accepted

them and, in order to maintain numbers, admitted them into their army. At this

stage, the Islamic forces in North Africa were faithful Arabs and Berbers. In

50/670, al-Qayrawdn, in Tunisia, was built as the new headquarters of the

Muslim forces. From this base, the Islamic armies advanced to capture Morocco

and other parts of North Africa. By the year 86/705, the lands of Byzantine

Africa had become the Islamic province of Ifriqiyd. The Arabs and Berbers

advanced further, from the north of Morocco, towards Europe, and Muslim

forces entered Spain and southern France in 96/715.1 Their advance through

southern France was finally halted by a Frankish army in 114/732, but Spain

remained under Muslim control for the next 750 years.The new element in these

battles was that, for the first time since the revelation of Islam, the non-Arab

tribes fought faithfully to spread Islam and to expand the rule of Islam into a

new continent, i.e. Europe.2

As a result of the internal conflict within the Umayyad dynasty itself

and the accompanying clannishnessin its administrative and economy poliCy'3 the

Ummayads' right as the commanders of the faithful in the name of God was

challenged by various groups at about the end of the first half of the eighth

century. Among these were the Berbers. The Berber tribes were the first group to

rebel against the Umayyad dynasty and, in 122/739, they replaced the

representative of the Umayyad family by the person whom they regarded as a

real leader of the community. Ten years later, the Umayyads were overthrown

1. Brett, "Spread of Islam", 112; Fisher & Ochsenwald, 59 f.

2. Gordon, Islam, 34.
3. For more information, see Shikir, Dawlat Ban! al-'AbbZis.
 16

and replaced by the 'Abbdsid dynasty. ' Accordingly, the centre of Islam moved

again, this time from Damascus to Harrdn, to Kfifah, l then to al-Anbdr, and

finally to Baghdad? The 'Abbdsids came to power in the name of defenders of

the faith of Islam and thus claimed religious authority, as the Umayyads had

done before them.

In North Africa, the situation was unstable and was not in favour of the

'Abbdsid rulers. The Berbers and their allies in North Africa, the descendantsof

the Khdrijites (those who had rebelled in 739), remained independent from

Baghdad.' In addition, one member of the Umayyad dynasty had been able to

re-establish an independent rule in Spain in 756.5A further challenge was posed

to the 'Abbdsid dynasty by Idris, a descendant of 'Ali, whose family had

challenged the 'Abbdsids' right to the throne. He establishedan independent Sunni

in
regime northern Morocco in 788, which remained in power for two 6
centuries.

The Meccan Sunnis, who had been defeated by the 'Abbdsids, were

forced into exile in the Maghrib. These exiles lived and mixed with the Moors,

and converted them to Sunni Islam. One may conclude, therefore, that North

Africa had become a haven for Muslim conservatives, traditionalists, and

rebellious factions against the 'Abbdsids. However, Hdr5n al-Rashid managed to

recover part of this land (roughly modern Algeria and Tunisia) in 184/800. He

appointed Ibrdhim ibn al-Aghlab (d. 201/817) as governor of Ifriqiyd. The

Aghlabid dynasty continued to rule from Qayrawdn for a century.'

1. Brett, "Spread of Islam", 113.

2. Sh5kir, Dawlat Ban! al--ýAbbas, 1,51.
3. Ibn Tabdtabd% Fakhri, 161.
4. ibid.
5. Fisher & Ochsenwald, Middle East, 60.
6. Fisher, Middle East, 70; Brett, "Spread of Islam", 113.
 17

In the third/ninth century, Islam in the Maghrib had blossomedinto a

dynamic civilization. Soldiers, nomads,merchants,and adventurerswere joined by

holy men to spread Islam and to declare war against the infidel.. The exiled

Meccan Sunnis and the Khdrijite sect played a very important political and

economic role in promoting community life in southern Tunisia, Tripoli of Libya,

and western Algeria. Therefore, the Maghrib developed alongside the Middle East

within the growing civilization of '

Islam.

In the fourth/tenth century, the representative force of the 'Abbasids in

North Africa, i. e. the Aghlabid dynasty, was brought to an end by an insurrection

Of mountain tribesmen led by a holy man named AbTi 'Abd Alldh. He had come

from the Yemen as a Shi'ite the intention of preparing the

missionary with

ground for the reign of the true representative of God on earth and for the

mastery of all Islam. He was in effect the preacher of the Fdtimid Mahdi 'Ubayd

All5h, the founder of the Fdtimid dynasty, named after FdTimah, the daughter of

Muhammad (pbuh) and the wife of 'All. 2 In 359/969, the Fdtimids conquered

Egypt and remained in. power there until 567/1171. Attempts to establish similar

regimes in the Islamic world were also partially successful. The Shi'ite Fatimids,

who claimed the right to rule the Islamic world instead of the Sunni regime, i. e.

the 'Abbdsids, were not strong enough to create the old Empire of the Faithful

despite the fact that they had under their control many regions of the Islamic

world, including Egypt, Syria, the Yemen, Mecca, Medina, and part of North

7. Brett, "Spread of Islam", 113 f.

1. ibid, 114.
2. ibid.; Oliver & Fage, Short history, 77 f.
 IS

Africa.' In contrast to the Shi'ite Rtimids, the 'Ib5dites (an Islamic group) and the

Moors ruled the Maghrib, adopting the strictly conservativeSunni Mdlik1-school

of law. This branch of Islamic jurisprudencestill remains the official doctrine of

most of the Islamic countries in Africa .2

In the fifth/eleventh century, a reformative surge emerged in the

Maghrib by virtue of the efforts of 'Abd Alldh ibn Ydsin, the founder and

spiritual father of the Murdbit movement. The faqTh spread his teachings among

the desert tribes (the $inbdji tribes), but when his movement found no echo

among them, he secluded himself with a group of his supporters to a rib&, or

fortress, on an island in the Atlantic at the mouth of the Senegal River near

Nouakchott. The term ribd( gave rise to the name by which his followers became

known the Muriibitfin. Followers came successively to him until they grew in
-

numbers and were able to march out as conquerors, establishing Sunni values and

morals. They moved north to Marrakesh and other parts of Morocco. Some of

them, under Ab5 Bakr ibn 'Umar, headed south to the Sudan. The leader of the

movement in the north was Y5suf ibn Tdshufin, who made Marrakesh the capital

of his state after he had conquered all of Morocco by 461/1069. At the

beginning of 497/1103, all Muslim Spain was under the control of the Muribits,

but despite this great achievement, the Murdbits began to lose their military and

political powers.3

These elements presented a motivating factor for another wave of

religious reform. In the sixth/twelfth century (around 519/1125), Mubammad ibn

1. Brett, "Spreadof Islam", 37.

2. Horrie & Chippendale, What is Islam?, 193.
3. Dandash. Dawr al-Mur&bi(In, 69,95,119.
 19

T6mart led the Almohad (al-Muwaýýidfin, i. e. 'those who affirm God's unity)

movement. He proclaimed himself the Mahdi and preached a reform of doctrine

and morals. The Almoravids failed to act to stem this new movement, which

gained increasing support among the mountain tribes of North Africa. During the

time of Ibn T6mart's successor, 'Abd al-Mu'min, the whole of the Maghrib,

including Spain, came under one Berber government under his leadership. The

Almohad movement thus became a major force politically and militarily in North

Africa and in the Mediterranean region in general.'

In the ninth/thirteenth century, the Almohad Empire came under internal

and external threat, from both the Bedouin who lived in the central Maghrib and

from the Christians in Spain. In

order to meet the dangerous situation, the

Almohad caliph, Muhammad (596--610/1199-1213), divided the Almohad

al-Nd$ir
domains into three, a division led to the disappearance of the Empire. In
which

the aftermath of the ruined Empire, three independent dynasties were established.

In the East, the Uafsid dynasty was established in 628/1230 and remained in

power until 982/1574. The Marinids' dynasty appeared in 646/1248 in the western

part of the region and was brought to an end in 870/1465 by their own cousins,

the Wattdsids, who held on to power until 962/1554. In the central Maghrib, the

'Abd al-Wddid dynasty emerged in 633/1235, but their rulers were powerless.'

Despite the disintegration of the Almohad Empire, the political integrity

of each of the former states remained strong and an active cultural life, a great

part of which was inspired by the activities of the Almohads, continued to

flourish. This reflects the cultural unity of the North African region despite the

1. Bel, Firaq, 279.

2. Huwaydi, Tarlkh, 1,277-283.
 20

numerosity of its political regimes in those three '

states.

In the eighth/fourteenth century, North Africa was dominated by two

strong dynasties: the Marinids and the Ijaf$ids. The Mari-nids built a powerful

army and fleet to carry on the 'holy war' by both land and sea. The 1jafsids, who

were originally the viceroys of the Almohads, were widely recognized as the true

heirs to the Almohad Empire. They enjoyed a long period of peace and

prosperity. 2

In the ninth/fifteenth century, the Marinids had no power either at home

or abroad. They were soon replaced by their cousins, the Wattiisids. Generally

speaking, the Islamic dynasties in North Africa were sometimes weak, a situation

which always encouraged the Spanish and Portuguese to attack them and to

occupy their ports and lands for commercial purposes. Most of the ports came

under Spanish and Portuguese occupation: for example, Tangiers in 876/1471,

Larashe in 878/1473, Azamm5r in 891/1486, and Agadir in 91111505. Although

the dynastic rulers could not organize and unify their forces to defend the coastal

towns, they were able to resist European attempts to penetrate the interior. 3 This

weakness was probably a result of their failure to create a strong central

government, which would have resolved the dispute among the local leaders on

the one hand and, on the other, would have reunited the whole population under

their control.

In the latter part of the tenth/sixteenth century, the rule of the Wattisids

1. Bel, Firaq, 33.

2. Admiralty, loc. cit.; Brett, "Europe!", 138.
3. Meakin, Moorish Empire, 108-111, Barbour, Morocco, 97-99; Martin, "Portuguese", 141.
 21

Ijaf$ids came to an end. By this time, non-tribal elements had become strong
and

enough to fill the political vacuum. Again the religious impulse was ready to

assume the form of a popular movement and to seize political power. The

Sharifian' movement rose to fill that vacuum and to establish the SadI dynasty.

The Sharifs were Sufis. They had great influence in rural areas owing to their

settlements' and schools' being in these areas. Through their help and strength, the

Sa'dis took power and filled the political vacuum in the region.2 An additional

political problem arose when the Spanish onslaught was directed against the

Maghreb. The Muslim states of Spain and the Muslims of North Africa, in

desperation, turned for help and support to the Ottoman Empire, as a powerful

force in the eastern Mediterranean? Thus, when the Spanish affair intensified

owing to the Spanish attempts to invade the Maghreb, the Ottoman Sultan

Sulaymdn al-Qdnfini responded by driving them out and declaring the annexation

of the Far Maghreb to his empire .4 The Ottomans continued their operations in

various ways to repel the Spanish from the Maghreb, until the Ottoman fleet was

defeated by the fleets of Spain and Venice in 978/1570 and the Ottomans no

longer thought of entering the Maghreb although they considered it an area of

encounter with the Christian states.'

At the beginning of the eleventh/seventeenth century, the Sa'd! dynasty

was about to collapse, but the Sufis divided the state into regions which remained

under their control until 1071/1660. Attempts to restore the political unity of the

Fildli, Mawldy Sharifian leader, and it was

state succeeded with the al-Rashid, a

1. The notion of Sharifianism refers to a class of leaders claiming descent from the Prophet.

This movement spread from Fez. See Brett, "Kingdom of Morocco", 77.
2. Ibid.; idem, "Europc7,139; Admiralty, Morocco, 1,204; Yahya, Morocco, 2 f.
3. Barbour, Survey, 17.
4. Sh5kir, Tarlkh, VIII, 533.
5. Ibid, 534.
 22

thus that the Alawite dynasty emerged. His brother and successor, Mawldy

Ismd'il, showed extraordinary energy that led to the secure establishment of the

dynasty and resulted in the long period of his personal reign from 1140/1672 to

1139/1727.1

In the twelfth/eighteenth century, North Africa witnessed the

establishment of a series of monarchies in Algeria, Tunisia, and Libya, which

were independent of the Ottoman Empire in all but 2

name.

A century later, these monarchies did not retain enough power to defend

themselves against the constantly growing influence of Europe in the region on

the one hand while, on the other hand, they received no support from other

Muslims in the East because of the weakening of the Ottoman Empire. This

situation finally led to the European forces' gaining control of the whole of the

Islamic lands in North Africa. '

Finally, the last Islamic Empire, the Ottoman Empire, disappeared

forever at the beginning of this century.

In reviewing the political development of North Africa, particularly the

Maghrib, since the seventh century, one may make the general observation that

this western part of the Islamic world witnessed a unique type of political

leadership. The political leaders were either at the head of extremely puritan

ideals doctrines as their guide in

religious groups and used their religious and

1. Thomas, "Western and Central Sudan", 134.

2. Ibid.
3. Admiralty, Morocco. 1,205; Gordon, Islam, 39-41.
 23

political activities, like the Khdrijites and Fdjimids, or they were a mixed group

of the old-style conservative holy men and descendants

of the Prophet and the

Caliph 'Ali, who were in favour of a traditionalist version of 'pristine' Islam, that

is such people as the Idrisids, the Almoravids, the Almohads, the Ijaf$ids, the

Wattiisids, the Sa'dis, and the Alawites. Most founders of the state were originally

religious men who later becamestatesmen.

In reviewing the religious aspect of Muslim activities in North Africa, it

is necessaryto begin by mentioning that in the first Muslim basein North Africa,

i. e. Egypt, religious centres and camps had been establishedby the Companionsof

the Prophet and their followers as a means of teaching the principles of the new

religion and other Islamic issues.Various new centres and camps were also later

founded for the same purpose and followed the same style of teaching as that of

the older generation. In this pedagogic tradition the Egyptians first attached

themselves to the 'Abd Alldh ibn 'Amr, the son of 'Amr ibn al--ýA$the conqueror

of Egypt, and then to al-Layth ibn Sa'd. Later, Layth and Ibn Lahi'ah, who was

one of the best-known traditionists of Egypt during the first part of the second

Islamic century, were the principal religious authorities at this time. Consequently,

when a judge came to Egypt from Baghdad as a representative of the Uanafil

madhhab (school of jurisprudence), he faced vigorous opposition in his first

meeting with Layth. Another well-known traditionist teacher in Egypt was a

certain maw1d in the time of 'Umar Il, Yazid ibn Uabib, the first actual teacher

of fiqh (jurisprudence), who played a considerable role in the religious issuesof

the day. Another mawid, 'Abd al-Raýim (d. 163/779), was the first religious

teacher to introduce the Mdliki madhhab into Egypt, where it attained importance

in the earliest period of Islam. In 198/813, when al-Shdfi'i came to Egypt, he

 24

attracted a huge number of followers. The Ijanbali madhhab never attained

influence in Egypt and North Africa. During the Fitimid era, the ShVite

madhhab was declared the only valid madhhab, but it did not find favour in

Egypt. When the Fdtimids were overthrown by Saladin, the Sunni schools of

jurisprudence again developed considerably in the land which seemed naturally to

prefer them, ' but it was the Ijanafi- madhhab which gained official approval.

Even so, the old established Milikii and SHM schools made the most remarkable

development in Egypt. From this land the MUM scholars of the early period

won the whole of North Africa and Spain Later, writers such as Ibn al-Uajjdj,
.2

al-Laqdni, al-Ujh5ri, and al-Zarqdni, who were merely copyists of the older

authorities, directed their activities to tatwds, through which alone a certain

development was possible.3

The fourth/tenth century witnessed an important cultural development

which was evidenced in the continuing widespread growth of the Islamic Sufi

movement. This process went on from generation to generation until, by the

twelfth century, the Sufi centres had become widespread in the rural areas and

the towns of North Africa as well as in other parts of the Islamic world. These

gatherings gradually became established as formal organizations, or Sufi orders

Quruq). Each order, or tariqah, would bear the name of the early master whose

ideas and rituals had become formalized into a specific form of worship. The

Qddiriyyah, 'Abd al-Qddir al-Jildni (d.

earliest order was the named after

562/1166), which became widespread in the Middle East and the region of

Pakistan. This order was followed by the Rifd'iyyah order, founded by

modern

1. Uasan lbr5h! m Ibrilhim, Tarlkh al-dawlat al-Fa(imiyyah, 4th ed. (1981) p. 201.
2. Becker, Egypt, 21.
3. Ibid.
 25

Abmad al-Rifd'! (d. 578/1182) and the Suhrawardiyyah order, which took its

name from Shihdb al-Din 'Umar ibn Mubammad al-Suhrawardi (d. 632/1234)and

which spread in Iran, Central Asia, and India.'

Sufi orders spread slowly in the Maghrib. Sufism started to gain ground

in the time of the Almoravids and flourished under the Almohads, who permitted

the establishment of schools of devotees.In these schools the teacherswere holy

men, and the curriculum was a combination of scholarship and asceticism.The

site of the school, or zdwiyah, was a monastic settlement where all aspects of

educational, social, and religious life were engagedin. That is why the ziiwiyahs,

in the villages and towns, made a significant contribution to the political, social,

and cultural life in the Maghrib. Moreover, the z5wiyahs of the Maghrib were

unique in their structure and development on the one hand, and in their role and

influence on political life on the other hand, in comparison with other types of

zawiyah elsewhere in the Islamic world. This type of zliwiyah did not exist

outside the boundary of Africa .2

When the first Sufi order, the Qddiriyyah, appeared in the eastern part

of the Islamic world, an eminent figure of the time, AN Madyan Shu'ayb ibn

al-Uusayn (520-595/1126-1198), who had been in Baghdad during the lifetime of

'Abd al-Qddir al-Jildni, emergedsimultaneouslyin the western part of the Islamic

world. In his centre, Abu Madyan trained many great Sufis, one of whom was

AH 'Abd Alldh Ijardzim (d. 633/1236). NEr al-Din al-Shddhili

(593-657/1196-1258), the creator of the Shddhiliyyah order, received his first

lessonin Sufism from 1jardzim. Thereafter, in about 614/1217, al-Shddhili

1. Brown, Darvishes, 267; Gordon, Islam, 71 f. For further details, see Appendix 1.
2. Trimingham, Sufi orders, 46; Brett, "Europe", 139.
 26

travelled to the East, where he was attracted to the Rifd'iyyah school and

accepted Ab5 al-Fatb al-WAsiti as his shaykh around 617/1220. Following the

advice of al-Wdsiti, he returned to the West and, in the Maghrib, he was advised

by 'Abd al-Saldm ibn Mashish to go into retreat in a cave near the village of

Shddhilah, from where he derived his cognomen (nisbah) which in turn became

attached to the Shddhili order.' The existence of any Shddhili order at all was due

to his devoted pupil and successor, Abfi al-'Abbds Abmad al-Mursi

(616-6861219-1287) and to Tdj al-Din ibn 'Atd' Allih 'Abb5s (d. 709/1309), while

the spreading of the order was achieved by great Sufis such as Dd'5d ibn Bakhili

(who was a pupil of Ibn 'AtY Alldh), Shams al-Din Muhammad ibn Ahmad

Wafd' (701-761/1301-1359) (who was trained by Bakhili), his son 'All, and Yabyd

al-Qddili. 2

Abmad ibn 'Uqbah al-Uadrami, who was educated in the Qddiri centre,

was a great Sufi and teacher of fiqh in Egypt. This master had a strong religious

influence on the Sufis of North Africa and that is why Zarrfiq

(846-900/1442-1494) came to Egypt to study fiqh and Sufism in his school in

876/1471. Al-Uadrami had a major influence on Zarraq and prepared him so well

that he not only became a great Sufi teacher in his own right, but also enjoyed

fame as one who taught a clear Sufi way. It is reasonable therefore to conclude

that the Zarr5qiyyah order was directly influenced by the Shddhiliyyah order.3

The Zarr5qiyyah order was deeply rooted in the religious life of North Africa

and had a strong influence on the Sufi zdwiyahs, even into the nineteenth century,

as we will notice below.

1. Trimingharn, Sufi orders, 48; Lings, What is Sufism?, 112 f.; Gordon, Islam, 72. See also
Appendix 2.
2. Trimingharn, Sufi orders, 49 f.; Lings, What is Sufism?, 120 f. See also Appendix 2.
3. Abrnad BAN, Nayl, 71; Khushaym, Zarraq the ýIifi, 19.
 27

There is historical evidence to show that from the religious centres;and

camps which were established in Egypt at the beginning of the Islamic conquests,

the Sunni doctrines were spread by the Companions of the Prophet and their

followers (the Tdbriin). Those responsible for the spread of this teaching included

'Abd Alldh ibn 'Umar, al-Layth, and Ibn Lahi'ah. A further step in the same

direction was achieved by MawlA 'Abd al-Rablirn, who exerted considerableeffort

to propagate the MUM madhhab, a step which was further advanced by Ibn

al-Uajjdj and other MOM scholars. Thus, from their base in Egypt, the MUM

scholars won the Maghrib and other parts of North africa to a traditional version

of Islam which controlled the religious life in the western part of the Islamic

world.

The style and development of political and religious issues had their

impact not only on the social milieu, but also on the whole intellectual milieu of

North Africa. In this unique relationship between politics and religion, the

religious men had an influential power on the political leadership, and both had a

considerable impact on the intellectual and cultural life of North Africa. It would

seem that only when the Sufis and their zdwiyahs gained influence over the

people during the Almoravid period, i. e. the fifth/eleventh century, did the

cultural environment start to gain more attention from both religious and political

leaders.'

The Murdbit movement originated with the teachings of the faqTh 'Abd

Alldh ibn Ydsin, its actual founder and, in a similar manner, the founder of the

1. Trimingham, Sufi orders, 46.

 28

Almohad Empire was the faqih scholar Mubammad ibn T6mart, who made his

teachings the official madhhab of the empire. Even the name of the empire, the

Almohad or Muwabbid5n, was derived from one of the most important principles

of his religious school: tawbid (divine unity). Thus, the strong. relationship

between religion and politics in North Africa was of such a degree that they

intermingled. What helped to strengthenthe relationship was the intense religious

conviction that the successiveIslamic statescreated in North Africa. The Islamic

Sufi movement played a major role in inculcating the relationship at a profound

level.

From the sixth/twelfth century, Sufism experienced a period of great

flourishing, so that it came to enjoy a strong presence in both popular and official

circles. With the rise of the Uaf$id and Marinid states, Sufism grew stronger as

the caliphs of both states held Sufisrn and the Sufis in great respect, elevated their

ranks, and helped their educational centres to flourish so that science and Islamic

ethics were promulgated. '

The city of Fez flourished and prosperedin the Marinid era and became

an important cultural centre, especially al-Qarawiyyin Mosque, which was the

destination of students of science from all surrounding regions. Al-Qarawiyyin

Mosque was not the only cultural centre, for it had a rival known as al-Madrasah

al-'Indniyyah. These higher education institutions reflected the high standard of

cultural life in North Africa and, with official and public bodies working together

to foster learning, gave a suitable opportunity for great personalitiesto flourish in

1. Bel, Firaq, 326.

 29

the westem part of the Islamic world. '

Another great personality who took advantage of this suitable

opportunity was Zarr5q, the founder of the Zarrflqiyyah order. He studied in both

universities and attended the Sufi centres. He was described by his contemporaries

as the Ghazdli of his day. The religious status of Zarraq has been described as

comparable to that of 'Abd al-Qddir al-Jildni with the exception of only one or

two other persons.'

The history of Zarr5q's intensive involvement in Sufism started in

876/1471, when he came to Cairo to study fiqh and Sufism. His teacher in

fiqh was the great Sufi professor, al-Ijadrami, who had a strong influence on the

Sufis and their zdwiyahs in North Africa. Al-Uadrami noticed that Zarru-q was

attracted toward Sufism, a tendency which was probably the result of his

involvement at an early age in direct and serious contact with the Sufi orders in

Morocco. He had had connectionswith some shaykhs of the Shddhiliyyah order

in Fez. As a result, the first writing of Zarr5q

was on the Yikam of Ibn 'Atd'
Alldh, one of the two Sufis who were responsible for founding
and spreading the
Shddhiliyyah order, as has been noted above
.3

Under the persuasion of al-Hadrami, Zarr5q accepteda missionary job

in North Africa, which gave him the opportunity of becoming a famous figure

and a well-known Sufi master. In 895/1489, when al-Ijadrami died, Zarr5q felt

he had now become an independent Sufi and he was now looking for a new role

1. Khushaym, Zarriiq the SRfl, 4.

2. Lings, What is Sufism?, 121.
3. Khushaym, ZarrFiq the Siirl, 13-19.
 30

to play. His experiences on the one hand as a Sufi missionary in many parts of

the Islamic world, including Morocco, Algeria, Tripoli, Cairo, and Mecca, and,

on the other hand, his activities- within the Sufi orders made Zarrfiq the ideal

to
person establisha new Sufi order. This was to be the Zarr6qiyyah order.'

During his missionary activities in North Africa, he came into personal

contact with Abfi al-Ijasan al-Bakri, an Egyptian shaykh, and, as a result, a new

order in Egypt was established, which became known as the

Bakriyyah-Zarrfiqiyyah order. Moreover, Zarr6q had a strong influence on many

Sufis and their followers, which helped in spreading the order among the Sufis

and their supporters in North Africa. Therefore, many Sufi orders, such as the

Kerzdziyyah and Rashidiyyah orders, either followed the Zarr5qiyyah order or

derived their tar[qahs from it. 2 Even into the early decades of the nineteenth

century, the Zarr5qiyyah order had a strong impact on other Sufi orders. The

order established by M51dy al-'Arabi Darqdw! (d. 1239/1823), which became

known as the Darqdwiyyah from the Zarraqiyyah order. The

order, sprang

Darqdwiyyah order promoted an extremely conservative version of the Maliki

school and suppported the Add movement. 3

Zarrfiq was not only the founder of a Sufi tar[qah, but also a creative

Sufi writer. He wrote most of his books on the subject of Sufism, but he also

composed books dealing with Islamic jurisprudence. Four of his books gained a

very high reputation in the literature of Sufism in North Africa, one of which

was al-Nasiýah al-hiliyah li-man kha$$ah Alldh bi-'1-'dfiyah, a work which

1. Ibid, 106.
2. See details in Appendix 3 and, further, Khushayrn, Zarriiq the $!if-1,104,107 f.
3. Lings, What is Sufism?, 125; Horrie & Chippendale, What is Islam?, 143.
 31

becameacceptedas the basic text of the Zarrfiqiyyah order.

The literature of Sufism was at first limited in extent, but later increased

in quantity as the result of a flourishing intellectual life. The great amount of

literature that was produced issued from the universities and the educational

centres, but especially from the Sufi zdwiyahs. Since the literature of Sufism was

in the main produced by the Sufi z6wiyahs and since Zarr5q had a strong

influence on the Sufi orders in North Africa from the last decadesof the fifteenth

century, one may conclude that the Zarr6qiyyah order, since that time, was a

prime motivating force in inspiring that literature.

Two centuries later, Zarrfiq's impact on Sufisrn became widespread,

which motivated the Sufis to investigate the influential sources of the Zarrfiqiyyah

order through the writings of its founder. For this purpose the primary text of the

Zarr6qiyyah order'was selected for detailed commentary by the well-known Sufi,

Muhammad ibn 'Abd al-Rahmdn ibn Zukri (d. 1144/1731). Ibn Zukri presented

his opinions of the Zarrfiqiyyah textbook under the title Sharý al-NasFbah

al-ktifiyah (A Commentary on "The

sufficient advice") and this is the text which

is edited and introduced in the present study.

Concerning the scope of the present study, it is intended to consider the

Sharý al-NasTbah al-k6f iyah in three dimensions, viz the Islamic issues dealt

with, the sources used to support the argument, and the teminology used within

the text. It should be borne in mind that the Sufism of the text is a practical

asceticism and not a philosophical Sufism. This is evident from the very

beginning of the text, which deals with ablution and this is indeed the character
 32

of the whole commentary. As already noted, the present in-depth study of the

first part of the Sharý is intended as a preliminary to a full study of the

complete text.
 33

CHAPTER TWO

2.1 Collection of materials

2.2 Description of the manuscripts

2.3 The contents of the text

2.4 Islamic principles discussed in the text

2.5 A note on books referred to in editing the text

2.6 Ibn Zukri's style and methodology

2.7. The achievement of Ibn Zukri

 34

CHAPTER TWO

2.1 Collection of materials

I embarked on a journey to North Africa to gather information that had

any direct or indirect relevance to the book. I chose this destination because both

the writer and the commentator were from this part of the world. My journey

began on 8.4.1411/27.10.1990 and continued until 10.6.1411/3.12.1990.

My first stop was in Cairo at Ddr al-Kutub al-Wataniyyah and then at

the Library of al-Azhar University, both of which have rich collections of rare

manuscripts. I then travelled to Tunis, where I visited Dir al-Kutub

al-Wataniyyah, attracted by its fame and long tradition. This was followed by a

trip to the world-famous and historic Zayt5nah University. From Tunisia my

journey continued to Morocco, birthplace of both the author and commentator,

and a country boasting many scholars and treasuriesof famous books. The final

leg of this journey brought me to Mauritania, the home of many remarkable

institutes, scholars, and rare manuscripts. The prestigious educational

establishments of Mauritania, known as mabd4iir (institutes) are often presided

over by a scholar erudite in all branches of Islamic knowledge. The

mabddir, which originated in the second century of Islam and which are to be

found mainly in the outskirts of towns and in the desert, are of three kinds, viz

ma4d(fir for the study respectively of the Qurdn; jurisprudenceand language;and

logic, rhetoric, and related subjects. The erudite scholars whom I met in these
 35

offered me invaluable assistance and I benefited greatly from their

maýddir

collections of manuscripts.

2.2 Description of the manuscripts

In establishing the text of Sharý al-Na$Fýah al-kdfiyah, I have used

principally three manuscripts, which I consider to be the most reliable for

obtaining a complete version of the text. These three manuscriptsare:

1. The Tunisian copy, symbolized as 'r.

2. The $ubaybiyyah copy, symbolized as '$'.

3. The Shinqiti copy, symbolized as 'Sh'.

A description of these follows.

(1) The Tunisian copy

This copy is registered in Ddr al-Kutub al-Wataniyyah, Tunis, under no.

5480. It measures 27 by 20 cm. and consistsof 755 pages, each page containing

25 lines. The writing in the text is a legible Tunisian script using red ink, whereas

black ink is used for the commentary. The beginnings of paragraphsare written

in inks of various colours, sometimes green, sometimes red, and sometimes

yellow. This manuscript has only few mistakes. Only a small number of bore

holes appear in it, apparently made by moths. In its margins are comments

which draw the attention of the reader to the important aspects of the

explanation. The copyist, al-'Arabi ibn 'Ali al-Tatwdni, completed its

transcription a short time before the afternoon prayer (salfit Fr)

al--'a. on Friday,

the middle of Jumddd II 1137/29th January 1725. He made his copy from

another copy made by the author's disciple, Mubammad ibn Mubammad ibn

Abmad ibn Hamad, which was in turn made from Ibn Zukri's own copy three
 36

days after the sheikh had finished writing it on the 21st $afar 1123/9th April

1711, i. e. twenty-one years before his death. I believe that no sooner had Ibn

Zukri finished he delivered it to his disciple Mubammad

writing a chapter than

ibn Mubammad ibn Abmad ibn Uamad.

At the bottom of the last page, a passageis inserted stating that this

copy was compared against another copy in the handwriting of Yasuf al-Ijamidi.

On the first page there are notes proving the sequenceof its assignmentfrom the

first owner, the copyist, to Ijasan ibn Muhammad al-Tatwdni, who owned it in

1239/1824, to Mahm6d ibn Muhammad, who bought it in 1285/1868 from the

heirs of ljdjj Mubammad B6 Hdshim.

I have depended on this manuscript as a master copy for the following

reasons:

1. It was written in the lifetime of the author.

2. It was copied from a copy made by the author'sdisciple,who had madehis

copy directly from the sheikh'scopy.

3. In the processof making this copy, the copyist comparedbetweenthe copy

of Mubammad ibn Muýammad ibn Abmad, the author'sdisciple, and that

of Y5suf al-Uamidi, as notedabove.

4. It is in clear Maghribi script, is easyto read,and hasfew mistakes.

5. It is a copy whoseserial owenershipis verified.

(2) The $ubayýiyyah copy

This COPY is registered in the $ubaybiyyah Library, Salý (Shdllah),

 37

Morocco, under no. 180/1-2. It measures 21.5 by 17.5 cm. and consists of 881

pages, each containing 21-25 lines. It was copied by 'Abd al-Saldm ibn al-Uasan

al-Banndn! in a delicate Maghribi script (differing at the beginning from that at

the end), but it would appear from the evidence of some difference in writing

that another copyist also participated in its production. The date of its copying is

unknown. At the head of the first page is written, 'The owner Mubammad ibn

'Abd al-Sal5m al-Ijasan al-Banndni, son of the copyist,' but without specifying

the date of this ownership.

I have relied upon this manuscript as the second most important witness

to the text for the following reasons:

1. It is clear and legible despite the varieties of its handwriting.

2. It contains no erasuresor physical damage.

I have compared the Tunisian copy with it and have noted the differences

between them in the footnotes.

(3) The Shinqiti copy

This copy is registered in the Library of the

sons of Shaykh Sidiyd B5

Talmit in Shinqit (Chinguetti), Mauritania, under no. 220. It measures 34.5 by 25

cm. and consists of 359 pages, each containing 40 lines. It is written in red ink in

a clear Maghribi script, with the commentary written in red ink. It was copied

by Muhammad Fdl ibn Sulaymdn ibn Abmad on the 10th Mubarram 1266/25th

November 1849.

The first page is decorated with beautiful Islamic decorations and

contains also the basmalah and al-, Faldt 'ald al-NabF, as well as the phrase
 38

mubdrak al-ibtidd% maymfin al-intihX Mlessed beginning, lucky end). The words

'The beginning of the book' are also inscribed. All these phrasesare written in

broad script against a background blocked in using coloured.inks.

This manuscript has been ranked third as a witness to the original text.

It has only been referred to in cases where the two previous copies (T and S)

were in agreement over a clear error, an evident omission, odd structure, or in

other parts which appearedpeculiar in sound or indeed meaningless.

 39

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 51

2.3 The contents of the text

Zarr5q opened his work with the traditional basmalah, i.e. the doxology

bi'smi '111zhl'r-rabmdni 'r-rablm (in the name of God, the Merciful, the

Compassionate), followed by his praise for the great gift and blessing of Islam,

and thanks expressed to God for the gifts of sight, hearing, and speech.He then

sent salutations to the Prophet Mubammad, whom he acknowledged as an

intermediary between the individual and his Lord.

After this introduction, Zarr5q began to present his religious views,

commencing with the words, 'Good counsel (naffbah) is part of religion! He

linked the observance and practice of naFlhah to the presence of a pious and

fitting environment for the individual, one that has itself developed through

knowledge and Islamic understanding. He proved his point by citing the

bad[th that states, 'Religion is na$Tbah. They asked, "For whom, 0 Prophet of

God?" He replied, "For the sake of God, His Prophet, His Book, and for the

Muslims - both the massesand the elite.'"

Taking this badIth as his starting-point, Zarrýq went on to define the

different dimensions of nayFbah, which form, in fact, the main contents of the

book. He linked its five topics with the topics of religion in order to ensurethat

they are capable of fulfilling their function in achieving the goals of religion.

Zarr5q presented these five topics, making reference to their most important

components.

It was Ibn Zukri's task to follow this up by explaining these topics in

detail and adding a number of notes and comments, which we may summarize as

UIXIVL! "ý1-1Y
f
(I
 52

follows.

1. NasTbah, being true to God

This comprisesthree things:

1. Obeying the commandsof God and abstaining from prohibited things.

2. Victory for religion.

3. Submitting to the authority and commandsof God.

2. Na$Fhahfor the sake of the Prophet

This similarly consistsof three things:

1. Affirming and believing in the prophethood of Mubammad.

2. Honouring his relations.

3. Showing compassionand mercy toward his ummah.

3. NasTbah for God's Book

This again comprisesthree matters:

1. Believing that the Quedn is a revelation from God and pondering over its

verses.

2. Following its commandsand guidelines.

3. Reciting it in a beautiful and melodious voice.

4. NasThah for the common Muslims

This again comprises three things:

1. Protection of their honour.

2. Setting up their sacred places.

I Supporting and standing by them.

 53

5. Na$Fbah for the elite among the Muslims

This covers three groups: the umard' (political leaders), the 'ulamd' (scholars), and

the fuqard' (saints), and also comprises three things:

1. Obeying the leaders in all that has not been prohibited by religion.

2. Accepting and affirming the word of the scholars in all that does not

conflict with the Qurdn and the Sunnah.

3. Accepting the miracles of the juqard" in all that does not contradict religion.

The above is what is dealt with in our edition of the first part of Sharb

al-Nasibah al-k6fTyah. In order to enable the reader to know all the subjects

dealt with in the text, Appendix I contains a list of all the subjects included in

the part of the text not edited here.

teXt2
2.4 The principles discussedin the

In this section we examine the Islamic issues mentioned in the three

components making up the first section listed above in the preceding section, i.e.

naýfbah, being true to God, which were dealt with first by Zarraq and with

additional commentary later by Ibn Zukri.

I. Obeying God's commands and abstaining from His prohibitions.

This concerns obeying God specifically in the following practices:

ýahdrah (ablution), saldb (prayer), siydm (fasting), zak6h (almsgiving), and

ýajj (pilgrimage).

I. A group of Sufis who view faqr to be the servant's eternal dependenceon God.
2. On Ibn Zukris discussion of linguistic matters, see p. 74 f.
 54

1. AI-7ahdrah (Purification)

ZarrFaq began with phdrah as it is a condition for the validity of prayer.

He concentrated on its problems as these were often neglected in the books of

fiqh dealing with this issue.

a. Common problems related to taharah

Sharh al-Nayihah al-kdf Tyah outlines the problems of ablution in the

following points.

1. Al-wa$wa$ah (devilish insinuation): These are thoughts whispered into one's

mind by Satan or one's own spirit. They may suggest evil, or possibly a

good act which prevents one from practising something which is better and

more rewarding, or even a good deed that eventually leads to evil.

Wa$wa$ah may be the result of mental deficiency or lack of knowledge

regarding the Sunnah.It can be cured by the following means:

1. Ignoring it.

2 Believing that, no matter what deeds a human being may perform, he

will never be able to worship God as He should be worshipped.

3. Believing that knowledge is a means of worship and not a tool for

personal gain.

from the Qur'dn.

4. Reciting passages

5. Constantly reciting the following prayer: A'adhu bi-71ah min

al-Shaypin al-rajim (I seek God's protection from the accursedSatan).

2. Washing the face incorrectly (e.g. by throwing water on the face).

3. Not washing the forehead during wudIF (ablution).

4. Shaking off water from the hands before letting it reach the face.

5. Neglecting hidden parts during wudW, such as Parts of the ears and the
 55

elbows.

6. Wiping only part of the head (permitted in Shdfi'l jurisprudence but not in

the Mdliki school of jurisprudence, to which both the author and

commentator adhered).

7. Intentionally neglecting some of the sunnah practices, such as gargling and

cleaning the nose.

8. Washing too vigorously. (Using too much water is considered to be extreme

and extremism in any form is itself regarded as an innovation. )

9. Talking too much during wu4X.

10. Praying excessively during wud[K

b. Commendableacts of wud[F

1. Concentration during wud[V in the hope of achieving total concentration

during $aldh.

2. Renewing wu41Wbefore each prayer.

3. Hastening to wash away impurity in view of the adverseeffects that it may

have on oneself.

2. Al-ýaldh (Prayer)

In this section the book deals with three aspectsof prayer.

a. Common problems relating to saldh

1. Delaying the prayer's fixed time either at commencement or at conclusion.

2. Performing the prayer in haste without first determining whether the time

has actually begun.

I Not performing the prayer in congregation.

 56

4. Being careless of the timing of congregational prayer. (One might, for

instance, miss the takbirar al-ibrdm or even a complete rak'ah before

joining the congregation.)

b. The fundamental componentsof saldh

The jurists unanimously accept the following fundamental componentsof

prayer.

1. Al-niyyah (intention): the need to approach prayer in sincerity. This sincerity

may be achieved by pondering one's intention before actually beginning the

prayer, through contemplating the greatnessof the Creator, and by renewing

one's ablution.

2. AHýrdm: there are a number of differences between the Mdlik! and Shdfi'l

schools on this issue. This will be discussed in the section on tiqh in the

first part of the treatise. The takbirat al-ibrizm consists of the following

five essentials:

1. Performing perfectly in word.

2. Performing perfectly in action.

3. Combining the wording with the intention.

4. Letting the hands hang by one's side at the time of reciting it.

5. Immediately supplementing it with certain prayers regarded by some

as necessary.

3. Al-qird'ah (recitation): the problems relating to recitation are listed as

follows:

1. Al-labn (error in pronunciation).

2. Affectation in pronouncing the Arabic words.

I Taýrlb (indulging in a tremulous vocalization).

 57

4. Singing and chanting the words.

5. Beginning to think about what one should recite only after having

entered the Faldh or continuously reciting only a set number of Siirahs.

6. Hastily proceeding to ruk17before completing one's recitation.

7. The irn6m's shortening the recitation.

4. Bowing into the ru& and standing up from it. Both are connected and the

problems include making the ru& too short or too long. The first results in

the loss of the recommended tuma'ninah (tranquillity in action) and the

second leads to the loss of devotion in prayer, both of which are evidently

undesirable.

5. Prostration and rising from it. The problems relating to prostration include:

1. Entertaining the insidious thoughts of the nals.

2. Resting the hands on the ground whilst rising from prostration.

3. Failing to sit correctly betweentwo prostrations.

6. Al-julfis (the period of sitting during the prayer). Its problems include:

1. Sitting in the iqii'ah posture, i.e. resting one's buttocks on the ground.

2. Raising one's legs.

3. Placing one's hands on the ground.

7. Al-qiydm (standing during prayer). There are many problems connected with

this aspectof prayer, including:

1. ýafn (standing on one foot).

2.5afd (placing the feet too close together).

3. $a1b (standing with arms akimbo).

4. Al-ikhtisdr (placing one's handson one's hips).

8. Al-in. Firdf (departing from prayer). The prescribed pronouncement for this

moment is al-saldm'alaykum.
 58

c. Problems relating to imamate

Problems relating to imamate (leadership in prayers) include the

following:

1. Aspiring to and actively seeking imamate without valid Shar'i reasons,

which may lead one into arrogance and self-conceit.

2. Refusing, with no valid reason, the responsibility of imamate, which is an

honourable act for which the Prophet has promised a great reward.

3. Receiving payment for imamate alone (without the responsibility of

adh[zn (calling to prayer)), although it is permissible to be paid from the

Bayr al-M& (the Muslim Treasury) or out of awqdf (religious endowments).

3. Al-Siydm (Fasting)

Problems relating to fasting include the following:

1. Overacting and being inflexible with regard to making the intention for the

fast, regardless of whether this be at the beginning of the month of

Ramaddn (according to the MUM school) or every night (according to the

Ijanaff and Shffi'i schools).

2. Being careless with regard to those things that nullify the fast, as for

instance in the case of (1) a traveller who breaks the fast or does not

observe it even though there is doubt as to whether or not he has reached

the distance of forty-eight miles prescribed for qa$r (concession of

curtailment of the fast during travel); or (2) a person who breaks his fast

even though there is doubt about the exact time of sunset.

I Being careless concerning things that are recommended during the fast, for

example, unnecessarily delaying the breaking of the fast after sunset, or

 59

observing the fast whilst on a recognized journey.

4. Delaying the meals taken before and after the fast.

4. AI-Zakdh (Alms Tax)

Problems relating to zak[zh include the following:

1. HTIah (stratagem). An example of this may be when a husband presents all

his wealth as a gift to his wife in the hope of avoiding payment of the

zak5h. Although in strictly legal terms he no longer has to pay any zakjh as

he does not officially possess any wealth, the zakCzhwill still be considered

obligatory upon him as his act will only be viewed as a ploy to avoid

payment of the required zakih. Furthermore, a principal purpose of

zak, dh is to purify the soul of greed and avarice, something which is

evidently not achieved by hiding one's wealth.

2. Paying zakdh to someone from whom one may expect respect or assistance,

such as a brother or friend, unless the recipient is known to be extremely

poor and is not a person one is required in any case to care for, such as a

father or wife.

3. Paying zaklih to someone from whom one may expect favour or reward.

5. AI-Hajj (Pilgrimage)

Problems relating to the Oij include the following:

1. Performing it with income unlawfully gained.

2. Committing a sin whilst observing the rites of ýajj, such as being carelessin

one's prayers, or reducing oneself to begging and self-humiliation.

 60

IL Aiding religion

This concerns those factors that lead ultimately to the establishment of

religion, guarantee its survival, and protect it from destructive influences that are

in total contradiction of its teachings and commands. These factors are narrowed

down to iffidd, enjoining good and forbidding evil, and adopting means that

guarantee the survival of religion.

1. Al-Jihdd (Holy War)

Jihtid is the battling of Muslims against non-Muslims (who are not party

to any peace treaty) for the sake of raising the banner of Alldh. Jihtid is a

kifdyah obligation (i. e. one incumbent on the able-bodied), but it may also

become obligatory exception in the event of non-Muslims'

upon all without

invasion of Muslim territory. There are seven conditions for the validity of a

person's participation in fth6d:

I. He must be a Muslim.

2. He must be mature in mind.

3. He must be mature in body.

4. He must be a freeman, not a slave.

5. He must be a male.

6. He must be fit.

7. He must be capable of engaging in battle.

2. Enjoining Good and Forbidding Evil

This is to work for those things that uphold religion and it has the

following three conditions:

1. What is enjoined must be considered a good deed in Islam.

 61

2. It must be something which if not performed or avoided is unanimously

condemned.

3. One must be capable of carrying out this function safely, without any fear

of danger or harm that may lead to greater trouble.

3. Adopting Means that Guaranteethe Survival of Religion

These means are of two principal kinds: those related to knowledge

(ilm) and those related to action or work (amal).

1. '11m: The importance of this is very obvious as the teachings and laws of

religion cannot be understood or learned without it. Islamic knowledge

consists in knowledge of the Qur'dn and Sunnah, together with other related

sciencessuch as fiqh and lexicology.

2. 'Amal: In Zarr6q's view, 'amal is to be found and practised in the most

important professionsand crafts, such as farming, ironmongery, and trade.

]III. Submitting to the authority and command of God

The ideal is to be content with the command of God and His Prophet in

all matters: in speech, in deed, in accepting, and in rejecting. Amr Allah (the

command and authority of God) is divided into two aspects:

1. AI-Amr al-Ta'rff i

This comprises qahrl (imposed) misfortunes, calamities, and hardships

that befall man. They are referred to as qahr[ because the individual has no

power to prevent them, even though they may be harmful to his interests and

contrary to his wishes. Believing that God is merciful and kind to his servants

and that He alone has authority and choice helps one greatly in achieving total
 62

submissionto God.

2. AI-Amr al-Taklff T

This consists of four categories:

1. Repentance at the time of sin.

2. Appreciation of God's gift at the time of obedience.

3. Patience in the time of misfortune.

4. Gratitude when receiving favours and blessings.

1. Repentance at the time of sin

True repentance consists in refraining from sin only for the sake of

obeying God's commands and submitting to His greatness, not out of fear

or punishment (e.g. not committing murder simply out of fear of the

death penalty), nor out of greed and hope for material gain. Repentance

must only be for the sake of obeying God's commands and in the hope

of receiving His promised reward to those who repent for the sake of

forgiveness for all sins and high estate in the hereafter. There are three

prerequisites for sincere repentance:

1. Radd al-ma; dlim (repudiating injustice and wrongdoing), which

may include making reparation, abstaining from sin, and resolving

never to sin again. Mazdlim are of various kinds and may include

those relating to wealth, such as gha. Fb (illegal seizure); those

relating to honour, as in backbiting; those relating to religion, such

as declaring others to be infidels; those relating to the person, such

as murder; or those relating to one's private life, such as

unfaithfulness.

All ma4dlim relating to wealth are to be repaid in full, as is

 63

agreed by all scholars. If the rightful owner dies, then

ownership passeson to the heirs.

Ma? dlim relating to honour are of two kinds. The first kind

consists of that which may harm the victim involved, e.g. in

cases of slander. In such casesthe guilty person should belie

himself and declare himself to be wrong. The second kind is

backbiting, in which case the guilty person has to be forgiven

by the victim.

Ma? dlim relating to the person can only be repaid by

forwarding the guilty individual for execution. There are also

differing views on how such ma; filim are to be repaid.

Mazd1im relating to religion, e.g. takf ir (declaring somebody to

be an unbeliever) and tafsFq (declaring somebody to be an

open sinner), can only be solved by the guilty person's

declaring himself to be wrong and retracting his words.

Mazdlim relating to one's private life are those sins that can

bring shame and disgrace, such as adultery. Sincere repentance

is required in such cases,in the firm belief that such acts are

surely great sins, for these are rights more closely related to

God than to other individuals.

There follow a number of other issuesrelating to repentance:

Repentance must be of all sins. This is known as perfect repentance.It

has also been claimed that repentance of one sin is to be accepted,

even though a person may be guilty of another sin, while others

maintain that such repentance is only valid in relation to major

 64

sins, but not minor sins. It should also be remembered that immediate

repentanceis obligatory; delaying it is itself a sin.

Mere acknowledgment or confession of a sin does not constitute repentance,

and if the guilty person who is speaking actually enjoys acknowledging the

sin, then he must also repent of this.

Repetition of a sinful act does not reinstate the sin. For example, if

someone correctly observed an obligatory act of worship in the past, such as

prayer, but then failed to observe it sometime later, his sin of not

performing this worship will not invalidate his earlier prayer.

2. Refraining from sin. This also has a number of categories,the first of which is

the sins of the tongue. The sins of the tongue include lying, backbiting,

defamation, and falsehood. The greatestsin of the tongue is to ascribe a lie to the

Prophet, which may suggest obligation (when there is no obligation) or may

perhapsbe contrary to a religious principle.

3. A resolution never to sin again.

2.5 A note on books referred to in editing the text

Below are set out the most important sourcesof information used in the

preparation of this study, with notes describing the relevance of each.

(1) Nashr al-mathdnf li-ahl al-qarn al-b5dF 'ashar wa-7-thani by

Mubammad al-Tayyib al-Qddiri. This work discussesthe lives of prominent

Moroccan scholars of the eleventh and twelfth centuries.The names, places, and

the (political and military, natural, and social and cultural) events referred to are

well indexed. It is of particular assistance as it includes a biography of the

commentator Mubammad ibn 'Abd al-Rabmdn al-Zukri (vol. III, p. 338-353) and
 65

discussesthe political and social life of his time. A first edition prepared by

Mubammad Uijfl and Abmad Tawfiq was published in 4 volumes by Maktabat

al-Tiffib in Rabat in 1986.

(2) lltiqat al-durar wa-mustaffid al-mawa'i; wa-'I--ýibar min akhbtir

al-mi'ah al-bMiyyah wa-'1-th5niyyah 'ashar, also by Mubammad al-Tayyib

al-Qddiri. This book contains a biography of Ibn Zukri (p. 357), together with the

biographies of those who were associatedwith him. Furthermore, the introduction

by the editor, Hdshirn al-'Alawi al-Qdsimi, which forms a discrete volume, is

extremely valuable for our understanding of the political, economic, and

intellectual life of Ibn Zukri's time. A first edition prepared by Hdshirn al-'Alawi

al-Q5sim! was published in two volumes by Ddr al-Afdq al-Jadidah in Beirut in

1986.

(3) AI-Mawsfiah al-Maghribiyyah 1i-'1-a'1dm al-bashariyyah

wa-'1-badariyyah by Ibn 'Abd Alldh 'Abd al--n'Aziz. This work is an important

source of information as it deals with eminent Moroccan figures who may be

relevant to the topic under research. It also includes a biography of Ibn Zukri

(vol. I, p. 113 Q that concentrates on his writings. A first edition was published

by the Moroccan Ministry of Awqdf and Islamic Affairs in four volumes in

Rabat in 1975-6.

(4) AI-Isriqsa' li-akhb4r duwal al-Maghrib al-aqsd' by Ab5 al-'Abbfis

Abmad ibn Khdlid al-Ndsiri. This work, edited by the author's two sons, is of

great historical importance for the Maghrib. The last three volumes deal

specifically with the 'Alawid rule, during which Ibn Zukri was born, lived, and
 66

died. It also includes his biography. A first edition prepared by Ja'far and

Mubarnmad al-Mýirl was published by Ddr al-Kitdb in Casablancain 1956.

(5) AI-Nub[igh al-Maghribi ff al-adab al-'Arabf by 'Abd Alldh Kdn6n.

This work deals with the main events and scholars that influenced the Moroccan

intellectual movement and that are relevant to the present topic of research.The

value and significance of this work is increased by the fact that its first volume

discussesthe political and intellectual aspectsof the 'Alawid rule, and chronicles

the details of the period's most important figures including Ibn Zukri, whose

biography is to be found on p. 298 f. A third edition was published by Ddr

al-Kitdb al-Lubndni in Beirut in 1975.

(6) Aýmad Zarraq wa-'1-Zarraqiyyah by 'Ali Fahmi Khushaym. This

work, originally a doctoral thesis, gives us a very clear picture of Zarr5q, his

scholarly rank, and his use of Sufi terminology. It goes a long way in clarifying

fundamental issuespertaining to his Na$iýah and Ibn Zukri's commentary on it.

A first edition was published by Maktabat al-Fikr in Tripoli (Libya) in 1976.

(7) TdrTkh al-dayt al-Rib6cl by Mubammad ibn 'Abd al-Sal5m

al-Rib5ti. This book is of use in that it deals with the 'Alawid period of rule,

during which Ibn Zukri lived. A first edition prepared by Mubammad al-B5

Zaydi al-Shaykhi was published in two volumes by Ddr al-Thaqdfah in

Casablanca in 1988.

(8) lrýdf a'ldm al-nds bi-jamil akhbdr Wrat al-Miknds by M61dy

Kabir 'Abd al-Rabmdn ibn Zaydfin. The topic of this book is the political and
 67

social life of Meknes and the other provinces of Morocco during the time of Ibn

Zukri. The author discussesthe position taken by Ibn Zukri concerning the battles

of Bdb 'AFisah and al-Wddi al-Malib. A second edition was published in five

volumes by Ideal Print in Casablancain 1990.

(9) 'Aawd' 'ald al-ba&h wa-7-ma$ddir by 'Abd al-Ra4man 'Umayrah.

This book is a guide to scholarly research and deals with the following important

aspects of methodology relevant to the editing of Arabic texts: formulating the

research, gathering and organizing different manuscript copies, textual criticism,

numbering and classifying materials, and understanding abbreviations used in

manuscripts. A first edition was published by Ddr al-Jil in Beirut in 1986.

(10) AI-Mu'jam al-, 5fifi: al-6ikmah fi 6udad al-kalimah by Suld

al-Ijakim. This is a valuable work in establishing the differences between the

literal and technical meanings of words used in Sufi texts. A first edition was

published by Dandarah in Beirut in 1981.

2.6 Ibn ZukCi s style and methodology

A careful study of Ibn Zukris works demonstrates that he does not have

a distinct scholarly style as a prominent feature of his writing, for in most of his

works he remains strongly influenced by the style of his predecessors, imitating

them and relying on their method. This is explicable by the fact that, apart from

a negligible amount of his literary production, ' all his works consisted of notes

and commentaries written on established texts, which meant that adhering to the

Apart from al-Sayf al-ýarlm, Jahl al-muqill al-qaýlr, al-Qawl al-kashif. and JawZib 'ala
al-qadr alladhi yuda'a bih 'ala al-; alim, all his works are commentaries. For more
information, see p. 86.
 68

style of the original text was an option difficult to avoid. Hence, as a result of

the author's attempt to match the commentary to the text - by seeking to

combine the greatest accuracy possiblewith the most elaborate analysis whilst still

maintaining lucidity and clarity of explanation - the reader may be able to detect

a fluctuating style, one that follows the changing pattern of the original text being

commented upon.

The book Sharb al-Na. Fibah al-k6f Tyah, which is the subject of our

research, may serve as the best example to illustrate Ibn Zukrrs style in his works

of commentary. He commenced this particular work, knowing that he would have

to adopt a method that ensured the utmost accuracy, for the text of Sharb

al-NasTbah al-Mffyah, despite its apparently simple style, was one that required

great precision and academic research. For this very reason, contrary to his

approach to other works, ' he begins his commentary with an introduction

explaining his motives. He writes,

What encouraged me to produce this commentary was the interest of those

who have studied Sharh. al-Naýlh. ah al-kaflyah but who were unable to
proceed and understand many parts of its syntax without a guiding
commentary. Another factor was the request of one whose prayer A115h had
decreed to answer and who had chosen me to assist him in fulfilling his wish.2

This motive for the compilation of this work itself indicates the nature

of the style required, i. e. a style that explains the grammatical structure of much

of the text and one that can only be achieved by depending upon the original and

meticulously following it sentenceby sentence,and paragraphby paragraph.

He does not include any introduction to his other commentaries, but opens his commentary
with the first words of the original text.
2. Sharh al-Na. ý-10h,1,1.
 69

This was the very method adopted by Ibn Zukri in Sharý at-Na$fbah

al-kdf Tyah. He quotes a paragraph of the original, preceding it with the

statement, 'The author writes...' or simply, 'He says...', and then proceeds to

analyse and comment, aiming for the greatest detail and exactness possible in

terms of revising, researching,and verifying the style or tracing the sourcesand

references of the contents of the text. As he did his work, he was constantly

mindful of this method, for he says, 'And why not? After all, I do adorn the text

and its syntax, sparing no effort in giving it some cohesion, rearranging, editing,

and refining its "

style.

In this manner, despite remaining under the influence of the original

text (al-NasTbah al-kdflyah), Ibn Zukri was still able to chalk out his own

unique method of analysis and interpretation, and thereby create an altogether

new style.

The most prominent features of this method are-

Reliance on the established academic method of responseand retort (see vol.

II, p. 55-171).

Acknowledgment of the opposite view before responding with sound

2
argumentsand evidence.

Impartiality (seevol. II, p. 62-63,142-151).

Ibid, 2.
2. See, e.g., Ibn Zukris citation of the Z5hirl scholars' views regarding Sufism and the Sufis,
followed by his own argumentsand rebuttal: Sharý al-Nay*h, 11,1128-1130.
 70

This last characteristic - impartiality - naturally leads us to a discussion

of Ibn Zukri's many and varied academic sources, which were not restricted to

the MOM school of jurisprudence, despite the great number of the school's

principles, canonical branches, and precepts.He does, in fact, make. reference to

other schools of thought, citing their views when necessaryand even adopting

them when, in his estimation, they are proven to be more correct and authentic.

At times, he cites all the different schools of thought at once to prove a point of

view shared by all, as he does, for example, when arguing for the obligation of

sending salutations upon the Prophet. He says, 'This opinion is also endorsed by

al-Lakhmi from the Mdlikis, al-Tabdwi from the Uanafis, al-Hulaym! and Abd

Hdmid al-Isfard'ini from among the Shdfi'is, and Ibn Battah the Hanball." This

citation of different scholarsrepresentativeof the four principal schools of Islamic

jurisprudence demonstratesIbn Zukri's extensive knowledge of jurisprudence and

his enthusiasm to maintain familiarity with all those theories that lend stability

and consistency to his own opinions and thought. A reader of this commentary

will not be able to proceed f urther than a line or two without coming across a

quotation or reference to some scholar affiliated to one of the four juristic schools

or to one of the recognized sects such as the Mu'tazilites or ShVites. This

characteristic of his commentary (the constant citing of other scholars) almost

completely obliterates his own particular views and comments.

Furthermore, Ibn Zukri's scholarly referencesare not confined to Islamic

books and topics, such as the sciences of the Qur'dn, bad[th, liqh and its

fundamentals, Sufism, scholastic theology, history, and biography, but also include

those branches of learning that are essential to the above-mentioned sciences,i.e.

1. Sharý al-Naý! W, 11,689.

 71

philology, rhetoric, and metrics, for they, in the view of Ibn Zukrii,

are the keys to knowledge and the door leading to perception and
'
consciousness, and one who does not master them is like a blind follower who
asserts claims without any evidence and who, when thrown into doubt or
confronted, is baffled and loses faith in his belief, until he begins to regard
the juristic viewpoint (or the viewpoint of any other science for that matter) in
this particular question to be weak or invalid. 2

This scholarly attitude of thorough research and investigation, that is

such a prominent characteristic of Ibn Zukri's style, makes it extremely difficult

for the modern researcher to enumerate and identify all his reference materials

and sources, considering their excessive number and variety. However, in the

hope of achieving some congruity in style, it will be useful to classify them into

the following three categories:

Elementry references (al-u$X): This section covers the Qur'dn, together with

its related sciences, i. e. the forms of recitation and circumstances of

revelation. It also includes ýiadith, along with its related branches, i. e.

categories of tradition, transmission, cross-referencing, authorities of

transmission,and other similar subjects.

Subsidiary references (turfi): This category comprises the main books of the

four schools of thought, especially the Mdlik! rite, including C) its

compendiums and those books which have become so popular amongst its

followers that they are considered elementary works in their own right.

Regarding the people of North Africa, special mention can be made of

1. Al-Udf-i, Fihris, 53.

2. lbid, 56.
 72

Khalil's Mukhtasar and the Risdlah of Ibn Abi Zayd al-Qayrawdni.

Commentaries on the subsidiary references (shurfiý al-fural: The contents of

this category form the major part of the book, Sharý al-NaýFhah

al-Hflyah, and contain the commentaries compiled by both Eastern and

Western scholars of the Islamic world on recognized compendiums such as

the Mukhtaýar of Khalil and the Risijlah of Ibn Abi Zayd al-Qayrawdni in

jurisprudence. This section also incorporates notes and commentaries on

books on Sufism, such as the commentaries on the Hikam of Ibn 'Atd'

All5h, Qushayri's Risilah, al-Ghazdli's lbyd' 'ulCim al-dFn, and Aba Zayd

al-Waghlisi's al-'AqFdah al-WaghlTsiyyah. These books, together with

commentaries on them and other books of Sufism compiled by Moroccan

scholars, especially Zarr5q, were Ibn Zukri's most important sourcesfor his

commentary on al-Na$Fbah al-kdfiyah, as well as for his commentarieson

other works.

The above classification is just a process and has been made only to

facilitate study, as it is more appropriate for the present purpose than attempting

to list all the very many reference sourcesmentioned in the book.

A significant feature of Ibn Zukr-is sources is the overwhelming presence

of furCt' references and their commentaries. This characteristic became such a

marked trend of his age and the era preceding it that 'people began to think it

lawful to quote from less familiar compendiums and then attribute these
 73

statements to the originals. " Ibn Zukri was, after all, a specimen of the age he

lived in.

2.7 The achievement of Ibn Zukri in Sharý al-Na$Fýah al-kdf Tyah

.
The text of ZarrEq's al-Na. FFbah al-kdf Tyah li-man kha$$ah Allah

bi-'l-'df iyah is contained within just 82 small pages, but its complete Sharh by

Ibn Zukri occupies 1,268 large pagesin the present edition. The part of the text

which is edited and discussedin the present study is restricted to just 218 pages

of Ibn Zukri's commentary on 7.5 pagesin the original text of Zarri5q. How, we

may ask, did the commentary come to exceed the text in size to this extent,

multiplying it in extent some thirty or so times? What efforts did Ibn Zukri

exert in order for his commentary to reach this bulk and abundance? Did he, in

his commentary, rely on one field of knowledge or did he utilize his knowledge

in a wide variety of disciplines in order to achieve his goal? And what method

did he follow in order to ensure the coherenceof his commentary?

The attentive reader of this edited portion of Sharb al-Na. Fibah

al-kdfiyah finds it remarkable for is encyclopedic scope reflecting the extensive

nature of Ibn Zukri's learning. It is clear that the author benefited from the

various fields of knowledge in which he had studied and made full use of the

sources of reference that he obviously had at his finger tips in his exhaustive

study of each word in the original text of Zarru-q.

In order to obtain a panoramic view of Ibn ZukrPs achievement, we will

Taken from the work of Mubammad al-Qurash! al-Muqri', in which he discusses the
accredited sources of knowledgc in his cighth-ccntury Morocco, cited in Bel, al-Firaq, 362
f.
 74

consider individually the different branches of knowledge incorporated in his

work against the background of Zarr5q's original text, noticing the additions that

he made to the simple text of Zarr6q and illustrating by examples the manner in

which he used his wide learning to clarify the meaning of Zarr5qs text.

1. Language

Ibn Zukri was known to have had a great expertise in the Arabic

language and the branches of' knowledge related to it, such as lexicology,

grammar, and rhetoric. He himself said that language was the key to knowledge

and the gateway to comprehension and understanding, as the understanding of

complex meanings relies principally on it. ' In his view, therefore, it was a

necessary tool in learning, without a deep comprehension of which it was

impossible to engage in the study of any facet of knowledge. Thus, in Sharb

al-Nasihah al-UtTyah, Ibn Zukri turns immediately to a linguistic analysis of

the words in Zarr5q's text, citing definitions from the classical Arabic dictionaries

such as theQdm[is of al-Fir6z. 5bddi (729-817/1329-1414) and the Tdi al-lughah

wa-$ibdb al--ýArabiyyah of al-Jawhari (d. 393/1003).

We may take two examples of his linguistic exegesis. In his explanation

of the verb ddna in a ýadirh cited in the NaSFhah - al-kayyis man dana

nafsah (he who judges himself is wise) - he first notes that the Qdmfis states that

al-dayn (with fatýah on the ddl) indicates 'that which has a date (for maturity,

e.g. when a debt is to be repaid)' and that dFntahu (with kasrah on the ddl) and

adantahu mean 'give him a date of maturity'. The underlying meaning of

ddna is therefore 'treated himself as an indebted person does', by exercising

1. Al-UAfl, Tariamah, 53.

 75

self-control, checking himself, and seeking to do what is right. Self-control,

checking oneself, and seeking to do the right are thus compared to a sort of

indebtedness or duty. Thus, in his explanation, Ibn Zukri is not satisfied with

referring simply to books on Sufism and jurisprudence, but concentratesfirst on

linguistic and rhetorical features of Zarr6q's language. In another example, again

exhibiting his fondness for language, he took great pains to elucidate the

grammatical and rhetorical aspectsof the basmalah Nn the Name of God, Most

Gracious, Most Merciful'), although he actually stated that since the basmalah was

current and well known, there was no need to speak lengthily on the matter, at

least from the Shar'T point of view. Even so, he devoted eight pages(pp. 7-15)

to an explanation of the basmalah, demonstrating its rhetorical aspects,examining

other writers' opinions on the matter, and finally concluding, 'Thus, the answer to

the riddle is clear and the sentence is merely stylistic' (p. 15). In these two

examples it is evident how Ibn Zukrl viewed langauge as an essentialinstrument

by which to enter into the numerous advices contained in the text of the

Na$[ýah. It should be noted further that he did not restrict his linguistic analysis

only to the immediate issues of the text, but engagedalso in many digressions,in

each case examining the views that had been propounded on the matter and

explaining why a particular view was to be acceptedrather than (e.

others g. in his

comments on the phraseal-ýamdu U-71dh(praise be to God) in pp. 15-20).

2. The Qurin

The Qur'dn was naturally the principal source of reference for Ibn Zukri

because it is the first judicial authority in Islam. For this reason, Ibn Zukri

referred to it frequently and quoted from it whenever the need arose. Although

the original text of the Na$Tbah contained only two Qur'dnic verses,;nt
 76

the original text of the Na$Tbah contained only two Qur'dnic verses,' throughout

his explanation of the whole of Zarr6q's text, Ibn Zukri cited as many as

sixty-one versesfrom the Qufdn.

3. Hadith

Prophetic Tradition is considered the second authoritative source of

legislation in Islam after the Qur'dn. Therefore, it constituted an essentialsource

in the explanations of Ibn Zurki. If Zarr5q cited only three badFths in the

Na$ibah'2 Ibn Zukri managed to cite a hundred and ten badFths in support of his

views and in establishment of what he found in the text of Zarr6q. Not only did

he quote their texts, but he studied their degree of authenticity, especially in the

case of the badFths occurring in the text of the Na$Fbah. So, for example, he

wrote extensively on the bad[th, 'Al-kayyis man ddna natsah' (pp. 37-43),

explaining it word by word, discussing its variants in transmission,and its degree

of reliability. This, in fact, was his general procedure with many other hadiths.

Figh
.

As fiqh is the main subject of the text of the Na$lbah, dealing as it does

with the five pillars of Islam and related rules, it was natural that Ibn Zukri

should devote a great deal of space in his commentary to jurisprudential topics.

Not only did he state and explain the Mdlik! doctrine, which was that adhered to

by both ZaTraq and himself, but he went further by including the teachings of

other schools of jurisprudence - Shdfi'i, ýlanball, and UanaFi - in assessingeach

controversial problem.

1. See pp. 54 and 130 of Ibn Zukri's commentary.

2. See pp. 37,44, and 99 of Ibn Zukrls commentary.
 77

For example, on the question of wiping the head with water in

performing ablutions, he commented that it was well known in MUM doctrine

that wiping the whole head was obligatory (wdjib) and that it was not acceptable

to wipe only part of it. While Sh5fi'i doctrine was somewhat different, it

nevertheless permitted the wiping of the whole head. Ibn Zukr-l's advice is

therefore that in order to perform a proper prayer acceptable to the ruling of

both imdms, it is best to wipe the whole head in performing the tah'irah (p. 59).

Thus, Ibn Zukri reachesa compromise verdict in order to unify the rulings of the

Mdlik! school (requiring the wiping of the whole head) and the Shdfi'i school

(allowing the wiping of only part of the head).

Not only did Ibn Zukri state the differences between schools of

jurisprudence, but he also explained differences of iftih'id among the members of

one school, especially in the KUM school (see e.g. pp. 60 f., 62 f., 69 f., 95-97,

III L, 204). Ibn Zukri's care in presenting and discussing debated issues among

the jurisprudential rulings in the MOM school is an evident token of his

encyclopedic manner of scholarship, especially since the text of the Na$Fbah is

itself so concise.

5. Sufism

Sufism is probably the most important topic, after jurisprudence, in the

Sharý al-Nasiýah al-kdfiyah. Apart from the widespread discussion of Sufism

throughout the work, the many terms of technical meaning within Sufi doctrine

(sometimes explained and sometimes left unexplained) that Ibn Zukri employs

throughout his commentary testify to his preoccupation with this subject, so that

his commentary has sometimes been classified as dealing with Sufism whereas its
 78

primary concern is Islamic jurisprudence.

Ibn Zurk! says,for example, that

each Muslim has a portion of God's wilayah. God says, 'Allahu wallya
alladhina Zimani? (God is the protector of those who have faith). Whoever
obeys God's instructions (aw&mir), even once in his life, or leaves off
transgression, takes his chance [to realize] tajallf, solitude, and laýalrl, and he
states that whenever he calls on God in times of calamity, he is taking his
chance [to realize] tajalll, causing him to avoid sins and engage in worship.
After this mercy, God said, 'Do what you like; I have pardoned you' (p. 27).

This distinctively Sufi terminology reflects how Ibn Zukri viewed the text of the

Naýfbah as a textbook on Sufism which not only discussedSufi topics but also

used its languageeven when discussingjurisprudential '

matters.

6. Poetry

Poetry was used extensively in Ibn Zukri's explanation of al-Nasrhah

al-UfFyah. While ZaTrQqdid not cite any line of poetry in the Na$[ýah, Ibn

Zukri incorporated in his commentary seventeen samples of poetry, varying in

length between one and six lines. This again exemplifies the wide-ranging

learning of Ibn Zukri which he made use of in writing his commentary. He used

poetry to exemplify a situation (as in pp. 28,30 f., 43,55,163 f.), to illustrate a

scientific matter (as in pp. 90,148,168), or simply to attribute it to its author (as

in p. 4).

7. Biographies

Despite the fact that the text of al-Na$ibah al-kdf iyah contains no

1. See further pp. 21-34,191-200, and 210-218 of the Arabic text.

 79

biographies, Ibn Zukri includes two biographiesin the Sharý: the first of Zarr5q

himself, describing his birth, upbringing, old age, books, and personal

characteristics (pp. 2-7), and the second of 'Abd Alldh ibn al-Mubdrak

(118-181/736-797), describing his virtues, personal characteristics,and indicating

his dates of birth and death (pp. 55-65). Once again, the inclusion of these

biographical materials demonstrates something of Ibn Zukri's wide-ranging

researchesin connection with his commentary on the Na$ibah.

8. Medicine

Medical details are also included in the scope of Ibn Zukri's Sharb, in

connection with which he concentrates on the opinions of the Arab physician

Mubammad ibn Zakariyd, known as al-Rdzi (215-311/765-923). Thus, for

example, he quotes al-Rdzi as having said, 'The things that reinforce

understanding and intelligence are an empty stomach, happiness, diet, eating

radishes, chicken, ginger, and fats...' (p. 90). Ibn Zukri commented that this

prescription started with (what was then consideredto be) psychological treatment

(an empty stomach, happiness, diet) and then passed on to physical treatment

(eating radishes, chicken, ginger, and fats). This again reflects something of Ibn

Zukri's wide learning in preparation for his commentary on the Na$ibah.

9. Old stories

Ibn Zukri incorporated in his commentary many old stories attributed to

sdlihan and awliyd', such as the story of Shaykh Zarr5q and Muhammad ibn

Abmad ibn 'All ibn Ghazzi al-Mikndsi (d. 919/1513) (pp. 60 and the story of

the arrival of Ibn al-Mubdrak in the Iraqi city of al-Raqqah (pp. 55 0. These

and other stories that he related, which did not appear in the original text of the
 80

NasThah, indicate his skill in the the use of illustrative materials from many

sources.

The above are samples of the various sciencesutilized by Ibn Zukri in

his commentary on the text of al-NaFThah al-kdfiyah, but we should also note

some aspects of his method of drawing all these elements into a cohesivewhole.

A careful examination of Sharb al-Na. Fibah al-kdfiyah reveals that his

exhaustive analysis incorporates the following aspectsof methodology:

1. Ibn Zukri went through the text of the Na.Ffbah word by word and sentence

by sentence.

2. He first examined the grammatical forms in the text, their lexicology, and

their contextual meanings.

3. He adduced illustrative examples from the Qur'dn, he Prophetic

Had[th, and ijmd' in his hierarchical schemeof authorities.

4. Where there existed different views on any particular problem, Ibn Zukri

would first state the various opinions, then either show why one was to be

preferred over the a

others, or adduce new opinion of his own.

5. In many situations, he commented extensively on the subject in hand by

relating relevant stories, lines of poetry, and other subject matter to

substantiatethe verdict he gave.

These were the principal methods used by Ibn Zukfi in commenting on the text

of the Na$Fbah, by which he was able to make a coherent and extensive

argument in justification of the opinions he proferred.

 81

CHAPTER THREE

3.1 The ages in which Zarrfiq and Ibn Zukri lived

3.2 The lives of Zarrfiq and Ibn Zukri

3.3 The writings of Zarrfiq and Ibn Zukri

3.4 The teachers of Zarraq and Ibn Zukri

3.5 The disciples of ZarrFaq and Ibn Zukri

3.6 Ibn Zukri's influences and cross-influences

 82

CHAPTER THREE

3.1 The ages in which Zarrfiq and Ibn Zukri lived

The age in which Zarrfiq lived

Zarrfiq lived during the most critical period of political and social unrest

ever witnessed by Morocco in general and by the city of Fez in particular. Most

of his life was spent in the two very unstable eras of the Marinid and Wattiisid

dynasties. He was, in fact, born during the reign of the last Marinid ruler, 'Abd

al-Haqq ibn Abi SaId ibn AN al--ýAbbds (823-969/1420-1465).

The Marinid dynasty had not yet entirely disappeared when a new

political battle erupted in the form of a power struggle between Sharif al-ldrisi

Muhammad ibn 'Ali (to whom the people had pledged their oath of allegiance)

and Muhammad al-Shaykh al-Wattisi, who was governor of the city of A$-ilah.

This conflict lasted from 869/1465 until 876/1472 and ended with the fleeing to

Tunis of Muhammad ibn 'All, who had been abandoned by his supporters, and

the entry of Muhammad al-Shaykh into the capital, Fez, in 876/1472, thus laying

the foundation of the Wattdsid dynasty.' It was in the shadow of these events

(that culminated in the fall of Granada)that Zarraq lived.

Despite the political unrest that characterized this period, literary and

I. Al--Ubadi, Dirasat, 458 f.

 83

scholarly activity did not come to a halt.' The city of Fez continued its existence

as a cente of learning and a haven *for students coming from every part of the

Muslim world. Here they found the necessarywelfare and protection for learning,'

as the Marinid rulers encouraged both students and teachersto devote themselves

entirely to study and, to this end, provided for them a monthly grant together

with accommodation.3 Some of the sultans were themselves poets, doctors, or

jurists.,

The subjects taught at Fez were many and varied. They included Sufism,

theology, poetry, Arabic grammar, history, mathematics, chemistry, medicine,

geometry, and '

astronomy, although, among these subjects, Sufism was accorded

special attention owing to the ideological dominance and extended influence that

it had achieved through its many orders. This had led, as their opponentssaid, to

extremism on the part of some Sufi orders, a fact that made it incumbent upon

the more creditable Sufis, among whom was Zarr5q, to strive harder in order to

free Sufism from the corruptions and deviations with which, Zarrfiq thought, it

had become associated. Within this political and social environment, Zarr5q

experienced, in full, all the advantages and disadvantages of that period of

history, with all its bitterness and sweetness.His personality and works may be

seen as representative of the striving of the reputable Sufis to gain their spiritual

salvation and to try to save other people through Sufism.

1. Khushaym, Ahmad ZarrTiq, 14.

2. Kdn5n, al-NubRgh, 1,185.
3. Khushaym, loc. cit.
4. Ibid.
5. Kdnfin, al-NubTigh, 1,188-203.
 84

The age in which Ibn Zukri lived

Mubammad ibn 'Abd al-Rabmdn ibn Zukri spent almost his entire

lifetime in the city of his birth, Fez, where he also died in 1144/1731. He never

left the city except for a few short intervals when he went abroad, including the

time spent on his pilgrimage to Mecca. '

His childhood was spent during the early years of the 'Alawid rule and

the prime of his life was spent during the reign of Sultan Mawldy Ismd'il. It may

therefore be said that for the study of Ibn Zukri's life, our area and period of

concern is the city of Fez in northern Morocco during the first stage of the

'Alawid dynasty.2

The politi I conditions

It did not take long for anarchy to set in after the collapse of the Sa'dis'

rule, following the death of the last of the greatest of their kings, Abmad

al-Man$fir al-Dhahabl. As a result of the chaos and unrest that prevailed in

Morocco on account of the power struggles that raged between the sons of

Abmad al-Dhahabi, a new political authority emerged that was to have a great

impact on the future course of Moroccan history. This new authority was the

'Alawid dynasty.

Mawldy Ismd'il (1082-1139/1672-1727) was the third and most famous

1. Ibn Zukr! performed the pilgrimage in 1140/1728(other sourcesclaim 1141/1729). We do

not know, however, when exactly he returned, although historical sources agree that he
died in Fez in 1144/1729, which means that his pilgrimage journey could not have lasted
more than three years.
2. By 'the first stage' we mean the stage of institution, which extended from the inception of
this state to the death of Sultan MawlAy Ismd'il in 1139/1727. It is worth noting that Ibn
Zukr! lived through the beginning of the political crisis witnessed by Morocco after the
demise of MawlAy IsmiVil.
 85

of the 'Alawid sultans, and the one to enjoy the longest term of rule. He faced

the difficult task of establishing the state in its complete form, both in terms of

authority and security, and of outlining its social and cultural features. In this

venture he proved successful, as he managed to bring stability to the state's

sovereignty and government. The Ismd'M era is thought of as the bridge in

'Alawid rule, being in itself the outcome of preceding eras and a cause of what

followed. It was also the period in which Ibn Zukri lived and it undoubtedly had

an influence in forming his character. It therefore behoves us to elaborate on the

political, social, and cultural aspectsof this era in order that we may discern the

historical and environmental influences that were so instrumental in shaping the

personality of Ibn Zukri.

How did Mawldy Ismdil establish the pillars of his state military and

administration wise? On what social and cultural grounds did he achieve that? and

to what extent was there understanding between that state and the ground on

which it stood?

Mawjjy Ismfil-il and his political plan

When Mawldy Ismd'11received the oath of allegiance and was invested

with power on the 15th ME al-Ijijjah AH 1082/1671A. D.,' there lay before him

a political plan involving two main goals, to the achievement of which he

devoted his long years of power. The two goals he set himself were to complete

the process of the institution of the state, and to build a strong, centralized

authority. We may consider each of these in turn.

I. Al-Rib5t!, Tadkh. 1,1988.

 86

a. Completing the process of the institution of the state

Mawldy Ismd'il's determination was directed primarily at extending his

authority over the whole of Morocco and curbing all hostile movements, both in

the cities and in the desert. Despite his being only 26 years old when he came to

office, he immediately set out to implement his firm policy and squared up

resolutely to all movements of his rivals, especially those that had taken on the

form of a united conspiracy between opposing individuals and the city-dwellers,

as had been the case with the people of Fez in their support for his nephew,

Abmad ibn Muhriz, 1 and their collaboration with Ghaylfin and the Banfi

1
a1-Naqs1s,and again with the rebellion of the Sds tribes in the Tarudant region,'

not to mention a number of other confrontations with determined opposition.

Thus, through his immense efforts during a long period of twenty-five years out

of his total fifty-five years of office (fifty-seven according to the lunar Islamic

calendar),' he succeeded in removing all opposition, and finally brought peace,

tranquillity, and security to the country.

In external affairs, however, Mawldy Ismd'ils attention centred mainly

on the issue of national defence. It appears from his movements that he had

placed his personal authority and power on the line in pursuing his nationalist

plan and thereby he was able to liberate occupied pockets of land on the shores

of Morocco: Tangier from British occupation in 1095/1684, Mamorah (now

al-Mahdiyyah) in 1092/1681, and Asilah and Larashe in 1101/1689.5

1. Al-Qddir-l, Iltiqal, 15.

2. Ibid, 193, n. 1.
3. Ibid, 29, n. 35.
4. Al-Q5siml in intro. to al-QAdirl, lltiqZiý, 17.
5. Ibid., 18.
 87

It was this stern policy and strong determination that allowed him

successfully to conclude the process of laying the foundations of the state and to

extend his authority over the whole land. His kingdom grew and expanded,

stretching eastward to Biskra in the Jarid region, and further to. the area of

Tlemcen.'

b. Building a strong, centralized authority

It is apparent to the close observer of the Ismd'ili era that its structure of

government was erected on a number of fundamental pillars, the most important

of which were a strong central administration, a rigid regional administration, and

a stem military policy.

The powerful impression that Mawldy Ismd'11had on the hearts and

minds of the people of his time would not have developed had he not pursued a

firm centralizing policy that eventually made him the pivot of all events,

'controller of everything inside the palace and outside, a man of opinion and

judgment, and sole executor in all affairs. 2 He had no partner in voicing an

opinion or in passing a judgment, although he did often seek the help of an

advisory panel and had a number of aides whose responsibility it was to execute

his orders and implement his directives.

Mawldy Ismd'il's system of governing the provinces and cities other than

the capital was also derived from his policy of central administration. He pursued

a policy of granting absolute autonomy to his governors who representedhim in

the cities and provinces. This led to some of them making an excessiveuse of

1. Al-NAsirl, al-Istiq; a', Vil, 101.

2. Al-Qdsim! in intro. to al-QAdirl, lliiqa(, 21.
 88

power.

A careful examination of the Ismd'ill era will reveal that the general

features of the foundations upon which the administration was based did not

crystallize until the 'Caliph's system' was applied. By this we mean Mawldy

Ismd'il's policy of dividing the provinces of Morocco amongst his sons, who acted

as his governors and representatives, adopting his example in both policy and

administration.

Mawl5y Ismi'il clearly understood that the state could not survive

without the support of a military force that was capable of protecting it and

reinforcing its authority. To this effect, he issued an order to gather all the slaves

scattered throughout Morocco, and he wrote to the chiefs of all the tribes,

commanding them to support and assist his mission. He was thus able to gather

more than three thousand slaves in one year.' His decree in this regard, passed in

1088/1677, was initially restricted to males, but was extended in 1101/1690 to

include females. As this royal decree had no precedent in Moroccan society, it

naturally met with strong opposition from all public circles, both the elite and the

general masses, but especially from the scholars and jurists, including Ibn Zukri,

as we shall explain later. It became a subject of social and theological debate, and

flared up later into a major issue, leading to the imprisonment and even
2
execution of a number of scholars including the jurist Sid! 'Abd al-Saldm Jdsfis.

This opposition emerged because the new army that Mawldy Ismd'il sought to

build was not viewed as one created to defend the country and represent the

nation in holy war, but rather as a strange development in the new regime and

I. Al-Nd$irl, al-Istiq; a, VII, 56.

2. Al-Rib5ti, Tarlikh, 1,193.
 89

one that lacked religious legitimacy at least, if not social as well. ' Despite the

opposition, however, Mawldy Ismd'il strove to build up a formidable army

through harsh discipline and Spartan training from childhood to old age, including

military service. He personally supervised the whole process with devotion,

ensuring that all links between the army and the rest of society were severedand

no attachment remained except with the sovereign himself, or with one of the

close aides in his government.

As a result of the unique training, they had a very strong army. It is

said that the numbers of the slave ranks rose to a hundred and fifty thousand?

The troops were referred to as 'Abid al-Bukhdri, i. e. the adherents to the

Bukhdri doctrine, following an incident in which Mawldy Ismdil, deciding that

the army had been developed and trained to the point of reliability, gathered his

aides and generals, and holding up a copy of ýa4T4 BukhdrF, declared, 'You and

I are the servants of the Sunnah of Alldh's Prophet (peace be upon him) and of

the law that is contained in this book. We shall do all that he has commanded us

to do and abstain from all that he has prohibited, and for this belief we shall

fight! The men readily gave him their pledge. He then ordered them to preserve

this copy, carry it with them whilst travelling, and place it before them in battle.

This earned them the name 'AbFd al-Bukhdri. 3

Despite the power of the slave troops and MawldY IsmXil's nearly total

dependence upon them, they were not the sole constituentsof the military regime

in the Ismi'lli era. There was also the army of the tribes or, more correctly, 'the

1. See section 3.2 on the social and political aspectsof the life of Ibn Zukri.
2. Al-NR$ir-i, al-Istiq; a', VII, 57.
3. Ibid, 58.
 90

tribes of the army'. The most important of these were the 'Awadiyyah, followed

by the 'Western Arab' tribes, which included the Banii Uasan, Ban5 Malik,

Sufydn, Sharadah, and Sherdqah.There were also a number of Berber tribes that

had lately begun joining the army, such as the Alt 'Ayy5sh, Alt Edrass, and Alt

Tamur. 1 Although these 'tribes of the army' had a great impact on the political

life of Morocco, especially during the power struggle that flared up after Mawliy

Ismd'il's death, they were still given only a secondarystatus after the slave army.

The social conditions

From the very outset we must say that Moroccan society in the 'Alawid

period, and especially during MmIdy Ismd'ils reign, was well structured and its

framework had actually been set for quite some time. This made it a very stable

and secure society, though it did undergo a series of changes dictated by the

political and economic conditions that coincided with the rise of the 'Alawid

dynasty.

Moroccan society appears to have been divided into the following social

categories.

1. AI-Shurtiff, i.e. the descendents

of 'Ali ibn AN Tilib

This group enjoyed the greatest influence, in view of the high regard in

which they were held by all members of Moroccan society. Despite their differing

social affiliations, they were all considered to be a source of barakah (blessing).

The nobles of Morocco were, according to their descent, divided into a number

of groups, of which two were the most distinguished: A'q6b

1. Al-Qdsimj in intro. to al-Qddirl, Illiqal, 35.

 91

al-ffasan (descendants
of Mawldy Idrig) and Xq6b al-liusayn. '

2. The Vama' and the shuyakh of the Sufi orders

This group possessedthe same influence as the nobles, although they did

not enjoy the same privileges. This was because the influence of the nobles

derived from their descent from the Prophet, whilst that of the 'ulam& and the

shuyfikh stemmed from their knowledge and barakah, both of which afforded

them many benefits. The influence of the Vamd' was not confined to students,

the educated, and disciples, but extended to the whole of society,' as they were

the arbitrators in disputesand the main source of religious and legal opinion.

The ShurbfLY, Vamd', and shuyakh of the Sufi orders thus constituted

together the elite of Moroccan society and, as a result of their religious esteem,

they were privileged with a distinguished social standing irrespective of their

personal wealth?

The makhmnis

Makhzani was a nomination given to the civil servantsof that era.

Despite what special statusthey enjoyed,their influencefell shorter than that of

the ShurdICY,the Vamd', and the Sufi sheikhs. This was due to their authority

being merely temporal and linked to the sultan. It is evidentthat the makhzanis'

influence varied with their political ranks. The most important of them were

probablythe warriors.'

L Le Toumeau, Fas, IL 701.

2. Ibid.
3. Ibid, 703.
4. Al-Qdsiml in intro. to al-Qddirl, Iltiqa!, 53.
 92

The populace

This section formed the major part of the Moroccan population. It

included several groups, among whom were traders, craftsmen, and others who

would normally be classified as belonging to the masses. It should be noted that it

was normally their financial position that determined their social status. '

Notably, the classification which we have made above was restricted to

the cities, while the social structure in the desert and the Rif was simple and far

less complicated, as it comprised only the Arabs, the Berbers, and the slaves.

The social division of Morocco was not water-tight, in the sense that it

was possible to move from one category to another and to be elevated to a

higher social level. The border-lines defining the different sections of society

were not absolutely clear, just as they were not rigid. The only group from whose

that of the nobles.2 The most

membership all classes of society were excluded was

evident example of this was the transition of labourers and craftsmen from their

labouring professions to a life of learning or Sufism, as in the remarkable cases of

Abmad al-Maldbifi, al-Udjj al-Khayydt al-Raqqi, Qisim ibn Rabmiln, and the

great scholaly figur eof Muhammad ibn Zukri .3

Thus, the tolerant Moroccan social structure provided Ibn Zukri with the

opportunity to move from a particular financial and social position to a higher

social and scholarly status, one that was held in high esteemby Moroccan society.

1. Ibid.
2. Ibid, 80.
3. Ibid, 81.
 93

Although the transition of individuals from one particular occupation to

another did not generally have a great effect on the social structure of the

'Alawid period, the most threatening impact was the progress of an entire social

class from a commercial occupation to a more prestigious role, as happenedwhen

the slaves moved from farming to military activity, thereby becoming a vital tool

for the defence of the country, not forgetting also their fundamental role in

determining the course of Moroccan history during the 'Alawid era.

Notwithstanding this atmosphere of toleration, Moroccan society in this

period, and especially during the reign of Mawldy Ismd'il, remained governed by

the elements of custom and tradition. A shif t towards conservatism was the

dominant characteristic of the time and, although there were calls for change,

they were mainly for a return to traditional values.'

The academic environment

The religion of Morocco was Sunni Islam of the Mdliki rite. This was

also the custom and law that governed all members of society, both rulers and

subjects, and its authority and influence extended far beyond the limits of time.

Any other power that stood as a rival or departed from what was perceived as

the true Islamic behaviour was to be confronted and curbed, whatever its

strength. This clearly illustrates how spiritual power dominated the human and

material power of the time; actually it rescued it from collapse whenever a

mutual agreement of common interest was forged. '

The influence and authority of Islam over Moroccan society does not

1. Ibid, 84.
2. lbid, 94.
 94

appear altogether unusual if we take a look at the history of Islam in the region.

It is a history that testifies to the natural harmony between Moroccan society as a

history and environment, and the religion of Islam as a creed and way of life.

This harmony gained strength and became more establishedwith the passingof

time, as Islamic jurisprudents (fuqahd), being part of the elite who exercised

leadership in structuring society, played a more important role in shaping the

history of Morocco, which had its own spiritual, political, social, and economic

features.' This remained the Morrocan theologian:e practice and they continued to

strive towards this goal throughout their country's history, despite the many

different governments and regimes that succeeded each other. Their principal

means of imposing their prestige and authority on the state was in their role as

interpreters of the Shari'ah, which governed every aspectof social life.2

The most outstanding of the tajliyydt (theophanies) which the 'Alawid

age witnessed was the dominance of Sufi Islam and the meditation in the

branchesof fiqh, which are two aspectsthat influenced the general cultural life of

which Ibn Zukri becamecounted as one of its pillars and fruits.

Sufi life in Morocco

Sufisrn came to Morocco and found there a suitable setting, one that fell

into harmony with it and accepted it. It was not long before it spread to all

circles of the public, both the elite and the masses,and blended in with society

until it became its guide and the determining factor of its history. Society itself

also marked the Sufi orders with its own distinctive qualities and peculiarities,

1. Ibid.
2. Ibid.
 95

until the orders soon became a product of a particular Moroccan way of life.

However, they were not at any stage severed from their historical roots that had

first developed outside Morocco, as they continued to preserve the most

important fundamentalsand central teachings.

The Qddiriyyahl and the Shddhiliyyah' were considered the most

important, if not the only, orders that found acceptanceand spread in Morocco.

The Shddhillyyah order flourished and becamevery popular in the central part of

the country, as it was not shut into itself and its followers were not

narrow-minded and bigoted in their beliefs with regard to other orders.3 A close

examiner of Sufism in Morocco will recognize that it was branched into two

categories: the Sufism of the 'ulamd' and the Sufism of the zdwiyahs and ribdfs.

Thus, the Shddhiliyyah is considered the source from which the Moroccan Sufi

It
orders emerged. witnessed important developments which prepared it for this

role. The most outstanding of the orders was the one that was propagated by

Shaykh Mubammad ibn Sulaymdn al-Jaziffl. Al-Jaz6H united the basic principles

of Sufi teaching in his book entitled Daldil al-khayrdt.

The political power of these orders stemmed from the ever-widening

base of their followers and sources of income, especially when this base was

extended from the cities to the desert by the grace of certain shaykhs who,

having first studied in the city, returned to their villages and establishedMw1yahs

within the framework of Islamic sciences, to teach students the principles of

1. Named Qgdiriyyah in reference to the order's founder, 'Abd al-QAdir al-Jildni (d. AD
1166)
2. Named Shadhiliyyah in reference to the order's founder, Ab5 al-Hasan al-Shidhill (d. AD
1258).
I Khushaym, Abmad Zar4q, 147.
 96

Sufism and to train them in the Sufi muffihadah (exertion, both spiritual and

physical) necessary to tread the tariq (Sufi path).' Although these movements held

the same ideology, they were still very different from each other and were

distinguishable by the social class to which their followers belonged and by their

attitude to the Makhzan (Moroccan government), not forgetting also their

differences with regard to religious actiVity. 2

The Sufi zdwiyahs thus performed a very important political and social

role, one that resulted in a consistent rise in the number of their adherents.This

was achieved through the benefit of education that was accessible to all and

through the grace of Alldh's saints. Soon the zdwiyahs became an alternative to

the Vamd% who taught religious studies in the universities (both institutes and

mosques) and thus Sufi Islam began to spread rapidly through the cities and

desert.'

All the above-mentioned tendencies reflected the effect of the Sufi

movements in Morocco, especially during the 'Alawid era They were, as

previously remarked, movements based on Sunni Sufism, i. e. moderate Sufism,

which, as developed by Abil al-Qdsim al-Junayd, becamean independent form of

Sufisrn and, as developed by the Qddiriyyah, Shddhiliyyah, Zarr5qiyyah, and

Jaz5liyyah orders, emphasized spiritual theory related to religious knowledge.'

Thus, we see how Ibn Zukri, among others, greatly affected not only Sufi

methods but also the general culture of his age in its religious and academic life.

1. Bel, al-Firaq. 362 f.

2. FSris, al-Mas'alah. 31.
3. Bel, al-Firaq, 406; al-Qýirnl in intro. to al-Qddiri, Illiqaj. 101.
4. Fdris, al-Mas'alah, 31.
 97

Scholarly life

The flourishing of Sufism and the spreading influence of its orders in all

Moroccan circles - especially when the Vamd were also deeply influenced and

associated with them - had serious repercussions on scholarly life. This led to a

total abandonment of independent thought, research, and exploration. Striving to

present a new concept, or constructive criticism of an old and prevalent idea no

longer remained the ultimate goal. The main objective now became the ascent to

lofty heights of Sufism, to be achieved through fighting the soul and freeing it

from the dirt and filth of worldly life.

In such an environment, the Vanid' contented themselves with the study

of old classical texts, which they considered to be the pinnacle of scholarly

achievement. Thus, they viewed their task as merely one of adding marginal

notes and commentary. Scholarship and learning deteriorated and a lack of both

confidence and creativity prevailed. '

This attitude of following without question and belief in the importance

of always emulating the predecessors created a situation whereby the programmes

of study in Morocco at that time, especially in the city of Fez, were almost

exactly the same as those in the Qarawiyyin madrasah, the mosques, and even

the zdwiyahs. Each branch of knowledge had a set text, which could not be

added to or departed from, for this particular text, in their opinion,

comprehensively covered all aspects of that knowledge. For example, in the

science of badith, they relied upon the $ahiý of al-Bukhdri, the Muwa(ta' of

al-Mdlik, and the Shama'il of al-Tirmidhi; in fiqh they contented themselves with

I. Bel, at-Firaq, 411.

 98

Khal-fl's Mukhta$ar, the Risilah of Ibn Abi Zayd al-Qayrawdni, al-MurshFd

al-mu'in of Ibn 'Ashir, and the Tuýfah of Ibn 'A$im; in grammar their only

sources were al-Muqaddimah a1-Ajurrfimiyyah by Ibn Ajurr6m and Ibn Mdlik's

Alflyah; while in literature their selected texts were al-B5$irPs al-Burdah and

al-Qas[dah al-hamziyyah, together with their commentaries.'

These selections would never have been extended, except perhaps to

include the classical commentaries on the texts, or new commentaries and

contemporary imitations, as was the case with Ibn Zukri's own rival work and

commentary on al-Buýiffs al-Qa$Fdah al-hamziyyah.

Despite this declining spirit of learning and the tendency to limit

scholarly activity to mere commentaries, annotations, idiomatic notes, and

repetitious compendiums, there did emerge two types of writing that flourished in

the period (as indeed in all periods of Islam) and were greatly successful.They

were the books of genealogy and biographies, which adopted an exclusively new

style from the sixteenth century onwards.2

1. Le Toumeau, Fas, H, 654.

2. Bel, al-Firaq. 416.
 99

3.2 The lives of Zarrfjq and Ibn Zukri

The life of Zarrfiq

He is Abmad' ibn Abmad ibn Muhammad ibn 'Isd al-Barnus! al-Fdsi

Abfi al-Fadl Shih5b al-Din Ab6 al-'Abb5s, known as Zarraq .2 In his

autobiography, at-Kunn[zsh, l he wrote of his birth as follows:

I was born at sunrise, on Thursday, 22nd Mubarram, AH 846. My mother

passed away on the following Saturday and my father on the following

Wednesday, both of them within seven days of my birth. I then lived under

the protection of AIIAh with my grandmother, the jurist, Umm al-Banin [her
actual name14

Being a pious and faithful woman herself, she worked hard to give him a sound

moral and religious upbringing. So he wrote,

She instructed me on how to pray and ordered me to do so since I was five

years old. At the same age, she sent me to the kuttab (Qur'dnic school] and
began teaching me about tawhid [the divine unity], faith, and trust by a very
5
curious method.

She had great influence over him, both in terms of personal behaviour and

dogmatic belief. He wrote, 'She used to tell me anecdotesof the righteous and

reliant ones, together with other faith-inspiring stories.16He remained in this

1. At the time of his birth, his father named him Aýmad, but it was not long after his
father's death that he came to be called by his father's name (Khushaym, Ahmad
Zarrliq, 23.
2. He inherited the name ZarrBq from his grandfather, who had blue eyes (Arab. zaraq
'blueness')(Aýmad M5, Nayl, 84).
IA term used in North Africa to designate a collection of writings relating to various topics
and gathered at different times, similar to a scrapbook. Zarrfiq compiled his
Kunnash during the last five years of his life when he was approaching fifty and whilst he
was staying in MisrAtah (in the western province of Tripoli).
4. Abmad Baba, loc. cit.
5. Ibid.
6. Al-Kunn&sh, 59, cited by Khushaym, Aýmad Zarri1q, 25.
 100

school of the home, being guided and cared for by his grandmother until he

managed to commit the entire QurIn to memory. She then sent him out into the

world to become an apprentice cobbler, saying, 'Surely, you must study the

QurIn for your religion and a profession for your livelihood." He would go to

the cobbler's shop three times a week after the afternoon (asr) prayer, having

completed his school work in the 2

kurtdb.

Zarr6q was only ten years old when Umm al-Banin died. After his

grandmother's death, he continued with both his studies and his apprenticeship

until he reached the age of sixteen, when he was forced to decide between the

two careers. Fortunately, the decision was in favour of learning. He commented,

'At the age of sixteen Alldh transferred me to a life of study and learning.13He

enrolled at the Qarawiyyin University and studied the most important classical

books of MOW fiqh, together with works on hadIth, the Arabic language, and

Sufism.

When he had successfully completed his studies and had become part of

the Fez elite after being licensed, i.e. receiving his iffizah, he decided to make the

pilgrimage. He set out on his journey to the sacred house of Allah, passing

through Cairo in 873/1468, and reaching Yanbu' in the early part of the following

year. After a short spell there, he finally departed for the holy cities of Mecca

and Medina. He first completed the rituals of the ýafl and then headed for

Medina, where he remained for over a year

.4

I. lbid, 60.
2. lbid, 27.
3. Abmad M5, Nayl, 84.
'4. Khushaym, Ahmad Za"hq, 38.
 101

He made his way back to Cairo before finally deciding to return to his

homeland in the final months of 877/1473, after a long absenceof seven years,

spent in both study and travel.'

After his return, however, he discovered that Fez - the city of his

childhood memories, family and acquaintances- had changed. For a number of

reasons not mentioned here on account of the brevity required, ' the general

atmosphere of the city did not suit him and so he decided to leave for Bijdyah

(Bougie), where he spent one and a half years before travelling to Egypt in

884/1480. In 886/1481, he began to search for a permanent home and his choice

fell on the city of Misrdtah. He remained there until his death on the 18th $afar

899/1493.

The life of Ibn Zukri

1. Childhood

Like many other scholars of his age and before him 3 the learned figure

and famed personality of Fez, Muhammad ibn 'Abd al-Rabmdn ibn Zukri has left

no personal details about himself. This may possibly be the result of his extreme

austerity and humility, to the extent that 'he did not give a specific title to his

works and, contrary to all other authors, did not mention his name in beginning."'

This trait of asceticism and fear of vanity has resulted in the loss of many of the

important facts concerning Ibn Zukri's life which may have been invaluable in

documenting his biography and books.

1. Ibid, 49.
2. On the causesof his final departure from Fez, see ibid, 50 f.
3. Some of his contemporary scholars are mentioned by Mu4ammad al-Tayyib al-QAdirl at
the end of his Iltiqal al-durar. Scholars of the preceding period are referred to in
Khushaym, Abmad Zarriiq. 22.
4. Al-Banndnl, Taýdiyah.
 102

Thus, while it is known that Ibn Zukri died in 1144/1731, historical

works have not recorded the date of his birth, or details of his family's origins

and social status, other than that his father was a tanner. It is quitepossible that

the family was closely associatedto this profession in the Fez community.

The absence of any definite date of birth throws a veil of obscurity over

Ibn Zukri's childhood. His biographers, however, all state that he worked as a

tanner with his father and that, being very intelligent and understanding, he

becameextremely fond of gatherings for study from a young age.

He would attend the discourse of Shaykh 'Abd al-Qddir al-Fds! accompanied

by his father and, because of his young age, sit at the end of the gathering.
The shaykh, with whom the young Ibn Zukrl often discussed and whose
affection and favour he had won, despite not being acquainted, once invited
him to stand up from his place and sit closer, saying, 'People like you should

not sit at the rear.'I

His father relieved him of his responsibility in the trade of tanning and allowed

him to pursue his studiesý Thus, in early childhood, his intellectual potential was

revealed to the full and this was possibly why his father acceptedthe proposal of

the scholar who visited him intending to deliver the boy from the world of trade

and bring him into the world of learning and scholarship.

2. His scholarly development

This phase of Ibn Zukri's life began when he withdrew from the tannery

and freed himself for study and the company of the 'ulamd'. This devotion to

1. AI-Zab5d!, SuRik.
2. Ibid.
 103

learning came only after his genius and intelligence had come to light through the

study circles which he frequented with his father. In this connection, Kanfin

commented, 'He would attend the study circles at night, and would understand

and remember all that he heard." After this, he disengaged himself from

everything and devoted himself exclusively to study. Although we are unable to

determine the exact length of time he spent in this pursuit, it is most probable

that it was the longest period of his life, considering the extensive knowledge and

learning that he acquired, testified to by his contemporary scholarsand displayed

in his many writings. He set out to seek knowledge, 'applying himself to study

with great dedication until he achieved what he did, excelling in Arabic language

and gaining distinction in fiqh, badith, taftir [Qur'dnic exegesis], Sufism, and

learning, and emerging in all without any match or rival."

3. Maturity and productivity

This phase of Ibn Zukri's life, in which he becomes the focus of

attention for historians and researchers,was the most fruitful and productive, for

it was during this time that he emerged as an eminent scholar possessinggreat

influence on both the political and social levels. Although we are unable to

determine the precise point at which this stage in his life commenced, historical

sources do inform us that Ibn Zukri was one of those jurists who opposed

Mawldy Ismfi'll in his policy of conscripting slaves, and especially female slaves,

into the army. We may conclude from this incident that by that time, Ibn Zukri

had attained a prominent position and become a respected figure who was

consulted on important matters.

I. Nubligh, 1,298.
2. ibid.
 104

Ibn Zukri spent this long period of time actively engagedin scholarly

teaching and writing, and in offering advice and opinion on social and political

matters. He was able to fulfil this task through his position as an im6m,

kha; fb, and teacher in the main 1dris! mosque, not forgetting also that he owned

a very large house in which he would hold classeswhenever the need arose.' He

thus remained occupied until 1140/1728.2

3.1 Academic and spiritual aspects of Ibn Zukris work

The academic and spiritual aspects of Ibn Zukri's life are considered to

be the most fruitful of this latter period of his life. Apart from his valuable

written works, which we will refer to later, his scholarly and spiritual

achievements were many and greatly varied. He had a profound knowledge of

the sciences of his age and was a teacher of the main works that embodied these

sciences. Great numbers of people would gather to attend his discourses, held

both in the mosque and at his home, which was situated in Hawmat al-$ibdghah

(the Dyers' Quarter). As im6m of the mosque, he would conduct study circles,

teaching the If ikam of Ibn 'Atfi' Allih (d. 709/1309) on Thursday and Friday

mornings. He attracted such large audiences in these gatherings that a raised

platform had to be erected outside the mosque in order to seat those who could

not be accommodated within. '

His activities were not restricted to academic teaching and learning, but

1. Al-BanninT, Tahliyah, 61.

2. Al-Katt5ni, Salwah, 1,49.
3. lbid, 159.
 105

actually extended to providing moral support and education to his students. He

would offer guidance, showing them the road to success and explaining the

methods of acquiring knowledge.

3.2 Social and political aspects of the lire of Ibn Zukri

The political and social presence of Ibn Zukri was not confined within

the framework of his family, nor within the environment of his close disciples

only, but it went beyond that to include all the society of Fez and, through it, to

the whole Moroccan community in general. He was effective in social issues, his

influence was felt in the drafting of state policy, and his opinion was well

attended to in official and public life.

The reader of Moroccan history in the 'Alawid era, especially from the

days of Mawliy Ismi'il (1056-1139/1645-1727)to the days of Mawldy 'Abd Alldh

(1121-1171/1710-1757), may be attracted by the opinion of Ibn Zukri in dealing

with the most serious social problems in that period. The most prominent of

these problems were the slaves recruitment question the succession to the

caliphate after Mawldy Ismd111.

(1) The question of slave recruitment, which Mawldy Ismd'il raised in

connection with his plans for the construction of the administrative and military

system of his state, proved to be a very contentious issue. Therefore, he asked

the scholars in Morocco and the scholars in Fez in particular to support him in it
 106

and to issue a fatwd supporting its legality.' Scholars were in fact divided over

this question; some proved lenient under duresswhile others rejected his proposal

outright! When Mawldy Ismd'll found that the majority of the scholarsrejected

his plan, he summoned the prominent ones, one of whom was Mubammad ibn

'Abd al-Rabmdn ibn Zukri. A debate took place between these scholars and

Mawldy Ismd'il, at the end of which the latter turned from the summoned

company and shouted threats at theM3 because they rejected his idea and they

consideredit inconsistent with the Islamic Shari'ah.

The most important document reflecting the opinion on this question of

the scholars of Fez, one of whom was Ibn Zukri, is the messagesent by Shaykh

'Abd al-Salim JassfIS4

(d. 1121/1709) to Mawldy Ismd'11,explaining to him the

Shar'i reasons which compelled him to assume an adversary stand on this

question.5 When we read this messagecarefully, we find that he justifies his

stand, which reflects the stand of Ibn Zukri, by the following reasoning:

1. If the purpose of recruiting slaves is to increase the number of the

army, this purpose can be achieved without the enslaving process.

2. This enslaving process includes both free men and emancipated

slaves.

1. Al-Ribdti, TZirllkh,1,186.
2. Ma'qfil, Nam&dhij. 271.
3. Al-RibAti, Tarlikh, 195.
4. 'Abd al-Saldrn Jassils was counted among the most prominent scholars objecting to the
recruitment of slaves. He was imprisoned, tortured, and ultimately killed bysuffocation,
all on account of his opinion on this question.
5. The text of his messagemay be found in KanGn, al-Nubagh, 11,180.
 107

3. The operation, as a whole, is being conducted under pressureand

duress, in the casesboth of those who confess their slavery and those who

witness to the slavery of others, and both cases are invalid under the

Shari'ah. That is becauseany matter which happens as a result of pressure

or duress is considered invalid in the view of the Sharl'ah. Added to this

is the fact that freedom is a God-given right, so that nobody has a right to

enslave himself.'

4. This process of collecting slaves leads to the cancellation of every

previous emancipation?

5. This process ends in the closure of the door of emancipation,

contrary to the general teaching of Islam, which urges and commends the

emancipation of slavesas a good deed which brings one nearer to God.

These reasons taken together caused the scholars of Fez, including Ibn

Zukri, to object to the proposal for the slaves' army and to declare their rejection

of it. This question is accounted the first open confrontation in the days of

MawlAy Ismd'i-I between the Vamd' and the ruling authority and it was also the

most important issue in days of Ibn Zukri on which he was asked to give his

opinion.

(2) The question of the succession to the sultanate after Mawldy Isma'-11

a political conflict over authority as, when Mawldy Ismd'il died, his son
provoked

Abmad al-Dhahab! (d. 1141/1729), who had peviously served as governor of

1. ibid, 573.
2. Ibid, 540.
 108

Tddli, succeeded him but was unable to control the rebellious nature of the

people, which resulted in disorder and civil strife. This state of unrest spreadin

the country and the slaves army declared their ambition to dethrone him, even

though they had been the first to appoint him. He therefore entrusted the whole

affair to the 'ulamd', who unanimously agreed to give their allegiance to his

brother Mawldy 'Abd al-Malik (d. 1141/1729),' but he soon diminished the

authority of the slaves army and reduced his grants to it, starting to rely instead

on his influence with the tribes? But when the army found that its inerests were

threatened and that Mawldy 'Abd al-Malik intended to reduce its influence and

authority, the army declared a rebellion against him and restored his brother

Abmad al-Dhahabi, who henceforth was unable to decide any matter without the

consent of the army.3 When 'Abd al-Malik realized this, he went to Fez and

asked its people for refuge. The slaves army and Ahmad al-Dhahab! too followed

Mawldy 'Abd al-Malik to Fez and besieged the city until they drove him out of

it and deprived him of his authority.4

These great political events could not passwithout Ibn Zukri's giving his

opinion on them, being himself one of the prominent scholarsin Fez. In fact, the

scholars of Fez were divided over the two brothers, especially when the dispute

intensified in the city of Fez, where 'Abd al-Malik had sought refuge, was

besieged. Ibn Zukri stood with the party who supported 'Abd al-Malik. Besides

Ibn Zukri, this party included both Mubammad 'Abd al-Sal5m Bannin! (d.

1163/1731) and Mayydrah al-$aghir (d. 1144/1731).The latter wrote a farwd, of

which both the other two approved, indicating the illegality of disobedienceto

1. Al-Qgdirl, Illiqaf, Il, 342.

2. Al-N4ifl, al-Istiqqa', VII, p.120.
3. Ibid.
4. Ibid, 121.
 109

'Abd al-Malik because he was a stable person and capable of administering the

country and, further, becausethe people had given their allegiance to him. '

Another party, which included Abmad ibn al-Mubirak al-Filili (d.

1156/1743), Abd al-'Ald' Idris al-Mashshat (1120-1182/1708-1769), and Aba

al-Ijasan 'All al-Ijuraysh! (d. 1143/1730), all supported the side of Abmad

al-Dhahabi and believed that support for him was w6jib (a religious obligation)

because the bay'ah (allegiance agreement) had originally been given to him so

that it was not legally permissible to breach it. Furthermore, he was also the

military victor. 2

These two issues were the most important in which Ibn Zukri engaged,

taking his stand in relation to each of them, thereby signalling his social and

political prominence in addition to his scholarly rank.

3-3 The writings of Zarrfiq and Ibn Zukri

Zarriiq's writings

Despite the restlessness, constant travel, and financial and personal

difficulties that surrounded Zarr5q's life, he still proved to be a prolific writer

who left behind a great treasure of knowledge. In keeping with the widely held

belief of the time, i. e. that a scholar must concern himself with all sciences of the

age, Zarrfiq made a profound study of all the branches of learning and specialist

subjects of his period.

1. 'Abd al-Rabmiin, 110f, 1,290.

2. lbid, 290 f.
 110

His life of writing began very early, when in 870/1465, at the young age

of twenty, he compiled his first commentary on the Ifikam of Ibn 'Ald' Alldh. He

continued to produce many works on a regular basis,even towards the final years

of his life, when he wrote his second commentary on ME Zayd al-Qayrawdnrs

RisdIah in 896/1490.This was three years before his death.

Between the first and last book, there are a great number of works to

his name, which, for the reason mentioned above (the common trend of pursuing

all branches of learning) are extremely difficult to classify by subject.' In the list

which follows, we rely principally on the classification of Khushayrn in his

Aýmad Zarriiq wa-'1-Zarri2qiyyah
.2

Sufism

1. Urifizah fi 'uy[ib al-nats

2. At-U$X al-bddi'ah wa-'l-jawdmi` al-raIT'ah

3. U$id al-tari-q

4. U$id-al-tarFqah wa-u$id-al-baqTqah

5. Al-Uns

6. I'dnat al-muwaijah al-miskIn ild ýarTq al-fatb wa'l-tamkFn

7.1'r6b in lam ajid ildhf

8. Ta'sis al-qawlz'id wa-'I-us[d

9. Tubfat al-murfd

10. Al-himf li-jumal min al-fawd'id wa-'I-mawinib

1. All the biographers of Zarr5q, including the authors of Nayl al-ibtihaj, Shajarat al-Mir
al-zaklyah, and Mu'jam al-mu'alliftn, have merely listed his works without attempting any
form of classification.
2. See Khushaym, Aýmad Zarriiq, 91-95, where he mentions the books listed here together
with the locations of manuscript copies in libraries throughout the world, published
editions, and (sometimes) the non-existence of surviving copies.
 ill

11. AI-Ham' fi shar4 aby5t al-jam'

12. Wa$iyah

13. Risdlah fi al-radd 'ald ahl al-bid'ah

14. Rawdat al-azlOr

15. Suffik al-tarfq idhj fuqid akyadiq

16. Shar4 abydt'Tafahhar N-nO al-ghayb"

17. Shar4 al-Haqaiq wa7-daqXiq

18. Sharb al-Sharlshiyyah

19. Sharý ýudar al-mardtib

20. Sharb al-Mabdbith al-aýliyyah

21. Sharh al-Marisid

22. Sharh Muqatta'dt al-Shushtad

23. Sharh al-Naýfbah al-k5ffyah

24. Sharh Nfiniyyah al-Shushtad

25. Sharh al-Waghlisiyyah

26. Seventeencommentarieson Ibn 'Ald' Allah's Hikam

27. Kittib al-sarnd'

28. Kitfib al-maýabbah

29. AI-Kaltim 'ald anw& ahl aI-khu$a$iyyah

30. Muzil al-libs

31. AI-NasiWh al-kdf TyahIi-man khaý$ahAlldh bi-7--ýdfiyah

32. AI-Nasibah wa-bath al-qadýah

33. Qawdid al-ta.Fawwuf

34. 'Uddat al-mudd al-sadlq

35. '116i adwd' al-quffib

 112

Hadith

36. TO iq 'ald al-Bukhdr T

37. Juz' fF 'ilm al-hadith

38. ljtishiyah 'ald Muslim

39. Risalah fT tahdid mustalab al-hadith

40. Sharb al-arba'fn badfthan

41. Sharb IfadTth "al-MdWah bayt al-dd"'

Invocation

42. Al-, Uaf TZah

43. Died'

44. Sharh asmd' Alldh al-husnd

45. Sharb Daldil al-khayrdt

46. Al-WaZTfah

47. Sharh Uizb al-babr

48. Sharb Ifizb al-barr

49. Sharh mughmaddt 4izbay al-Shddhill

50. Minhdi Hizb al-babr

51. Fatb al-maqCzm al-asmd

Correspondence

52. Al-WuiCid

53. Wa. Fiyah

54. Risdlah ild 'Abd Alldh al-MaghrawT

55. Risdlah ild 'Abd al-NabF al-Asfir

56. Rasd'il li-7-sdlikin

 113

The Quein

57. TafsTr al-Qur'dn

58. Sharb al-fdtibah

Jurisprudence

59. Mandsik al-Oij

60. Sharb al-Irshbd

61. Shar6 al-Haklm al-Tirmidhl

62. Commentrary on a number of parts of Khalil's Mukhta$ar

63. Sharh NaZm al-riq'i

64. Sharh Qawdld 'Iyda

65. Sharh al-Qurtubiyyah

66. Sharh Ris6lat Ibn AbI Zayd aI-QayrawdnT

67. Sharh aI-Gh6fiqiyyah

Science of numbers and letters

68. Risdiah fi al-radd 'ald al-aýdbr

69. Sharb al-. 5[niyyah

70. Al--ýArf fi ta'rff al-barf

Theology

71. Sharb al-Murshidah

72. Sharb'Aqidat al-GhazdIF

Zarrfiq produced, in addition to the works listed above, further writings on other
 114

topics including travel, alchemy, biography, poetry, grammar, and medicine. This

long list of works gives us some indication of Zarr5q's extent of learning, since

he wrote on virtually all the sciencesof the age. We should also remember that

his work was not confined to writing, but that he also engagedin lecturing and

teaching.

Ibn Zukris writings

We must begin by observing two fundamental peculiarites that marked

all of Ibn Zukri's writings or which, at least, were the motive that led him to

their compilation. These characteristicsare:

1. All his works were compiled to meet the immediate

academic needs of

students. Thus, many of them were originally curriculum textbooks that

required precise commentaries to be referred to by students whenever the

need arose.

2. Most of his works were merely commentarieson previously compiled books.'

This meant that he was left no choice but to faithfully adhere to the

method and style of the original texts, never straying from the technique of

his predecessors.

As we have previously noted, this second attribute may, in fact, have been the

dominant academic and social characteristic of the age, for it was an era which,

from the academic point of view, was stamped with emulation and conservatism

and, from the social point of view, with stagnationand traditionalism.

These characteristics defined the general framework into which Ibn

Zukri's writings fall and, indeed, they have left a lasting and clear impression on

Apart from al-Sayf at-; arlm, Jahl al-muqill al-qa; ir, al-Qawl al-kashif, and Jawab 'ala
al-qadr alladh! yuda'a bih 'ala al-; alim, all his works were commentaries.
 115

them. The most important of theseeffects are:

1. The prevalence of an explanatory and detailed style. This was to meet the

educational requirement to clarify all points in order to facilitate

understandingfor both the student and the casualreader.

2. The heavy influence of the original texts on Ibn Zukri himself and, from

thereon, on his commentaries. This meant that the commentaries were

bound in every detail by the original texts and were therefore devoid of

any initiative or experimenting on the part of Ibn Zukri, who felt himself

to be of inferior scholarshipwhen viewing the work of his predecessors.

This modesty and feeling of inferiority before the great works of the past led Ibn

Zukri many times to omit assigning any particular titles to his own
works.' Most
of his books were therefore named by his pupils or by others, which reflects

badly on his works as there is no guaranteeof their being properly named.2

Despite this problem, we will endeavour to list and classify as accurately

as possiblethe works of Ibn Zukri.

Sufism

1. Sharh al-Nasibah al-kcif Tyah Ii-man kha. Fsah Alldh bI-'I-'5fiyah. 3 This

commentary on Zarrfiqs Nasibah, the subject of our present research, is regarded

as one of Ibn Zukrrs most important works. He completed it after the Friday

prayers on the 21st $afar 1123 (in AD 1711). Making poetic reference to this

work, his student, 'Abd al-MajId al-Zabddi, recited:

1. Al-Bann5ni, TaNiyah, 22.

2. So, for example, his al-Fawa'id al-mwtabdah f-I al-'awXid al-mubtaddah has received the
alternative titles al-Sayf al-.yarlm and Taf(I-11al-'Ajam 'ala al--ýArab.
3. See the list of available manuscript copies of this work in the bibliography.
 116

0 Imam! One who has amassed vast knowledge and narrated a collection of

authentic sciences,

You continued to bestow advice on mankind,

which you then crowned with al-Naýllýah.l

2. Sharý Hikam Ibn 'Aýd' A116h.

1 This is a commentary on the collection of wise

Sufi sayings compiled by Ibn 'Atd' AIM al-Iskandari. It was completed during

the final days of Jumddah11 1138 (in AD 1726).

3. A commentary on al-$aldh a1-MashFsiyyhah,1 entitled al-11mam wa-7-i'Mm

bi-nafthah min 'ilm buýlir md ta(fammanathu $aldt al-Qutb Mawland 'Abd

al-Saldin. This reached completion at the time of the afternoon Cayr) prayer on

Thursday, 14th Dh& al-Hijjah 1129/1717.

4. Sharh al-qawd'id al-Zarr[4qiyyah .4 "A book deals with the basis of Sufism

according to the Imam Zarruqs point of view".

Language and literature

5. A commentary on al-Suy5tfs Alfiyah, entitled al-Muhimmdt al-mulidah fT

sharb al-farldah. 1

6. A marginal commentary on Ibn Hishim's Tawdrb.

7. The Hamziyyah poem, together with its commentary.6 Ibn Zukr! wrote this

poem in praise of the Prophet Mubammad to rival the famous Hamziyyah by

al-BWiri.

1. SulFik,65.
2. A copy is to be found in the Public Library, Rabat, no. 1102.
3. A copy is to be found in the Public Library, Rabat, no. 2459D.
4. A copy is to be found in the Public Library, Rabat, no. 807 + 23K.
5. A number of copies are to be found in the Public Library, Rabat, nos. 8273,1814, and
8087.
6. Sharý al-hamziyyah, in two volumes, Public Library, Rabat, MS no. 1372K.
 117

8. A collection of miscellaneouspoems' in praise of the Prophet Mubammad, the

most important of which is the Nanlyyah poem.

Jurisprudence

9. Al-Qawl al-Mishit 'an aýkam al-lstiniibah fF al-waZalif, 2 in five parts. It was

completed during Ibn Zukri's period of service as im6m and khat[b in the Idr1§1-

mosque. In this work he deals with the question whether in delegating tasks to

representatives, the delegator still retains responsibility.

10. Jawab fI al-qadr alladhT yuda'a bih 'ala aj-ZajjM, 3 in one part.

11. Taraqqi al-himmah iM taýqfq al-dhimmah, otherwise Ashraf

entitled

al-himmah 1M sharb al-dhimmah, l in two volumes of average size.

12. Notes on Khalil's Mukhta$ar. 1

13. Notes on Ab5 Zayd al-QayrawdnPs Khdtimat al-ris&ah. ' This work, in the

form of a letter written by Ibn Zukri, was produced at the request of his pupil,

Sidi Muhammad al-$ubaybi.

14. Wiiviyah 1i kayfiyyah tajhfz al-jandzah. '

1. It has not been possible to trace a discrete copy of this collection. All that we have is
what is to be found in al-Banniini's TahliYah and in the biography of Ibn Zukrl written by
al-ljdf-i in his Fihris, p. 78-85.
2. It has not been possible to trace the manuscript in the catalogue of the Public Library of
Rabat, although it is referred to in al-BannAnT,Taýdiyah,57.
3. Referred to by al-Banndni, loc. cit, but not listed in the catalogue of the Public Library,
Rabat.
4. Referred to by al-BannAni, loc. cit.. but not listed in the catalogue of the Public Library,
Rabat.
5. Referred to in al-135f-i, Fihris, 49, but not listed in the catalogue of the Public Library,
Rabat.
6. The present writer has a copy of the manuscript of this work in the $ubaybiyyah Library,
SaI6.
7. A copy is to be found in the Public Library, Rabat, no. 2259D.
 118

Taffir and hadith

15. TafsFr of Sfirat al-Fdtiýah and Sfirat al-Baqarah down to verse 189, 'They

ask thee concerningthe new moons..."

16. Tafsfr of Sarat al-Kahf and Sfirat al-Maryam, together with. the start of

Sfirat T6 H6.2

17. Marginal comments on al-Bukhdri's al-Jdmi' aI-$abFb.I An omission in the

author's original text has been filled in at a later date by AH 'Abd Allah

al-Madani al-Kinfin (d. 1302/1884). The original and the

addendum are bound

together in five volumes.'

General works

Here we list those writings that are difficult to place in any particular

category, the contents of which may be exclusive to Ibn Zukri.

18. AI-Fawti'id al-muttaba'ah fi al-'awd'id al-mubtaddah, ' otherwise entitled

al-Sayf al-$arim fi al-radd 'aO al-mubtadr al-; Czlim.This works expounds the

prohibition againstdifferentiating between Muslims on the basisof race or blood.

19. Jahl al-muqill al-qaslr fF nusrat al-Shaykh 'Abd al-Qddir

.6
20. Kha$ais fT dhikr al-nabF,7 a book of 180 leaves.

1. Referred to in al-liffi, Fihris, 49, but not listed in the catalogue of the Public Library,
Rabat.
2. Referred to in al-1:15fl, loc. cit, but not listed in the catalogue of the Public Library, Rabat.
3. Several copies are to be found in the Public Library, Rabat, nos. 244,241, and 2489D.
4. 'Abd al--ýAziz,al-Mawsgah, 1,114.
5. A copy is to be found in the Public Library, Rabat, no. 920D.
6. It has not been possible to trace the manuscript in the catalogue of the Public Library of
Rabat, although it is referred to in al-Bann5n!, TaýIiYah,57.
7. A copy is to be found in the Public Library, Rabat, no. 746.
 119

This great number of works written by Zarr6q and Ibn Zukri in a wide

range of subject areas, drawing on numerous sources, demonstrate their insight

and analytical ability, in addition to their broad learning in general academic

studies and their application. They were eminent among those who cherishedthe

Arab-Islamic culture and apprehended the learning of their ages in its great

variety and extent. The works which they left testify to their distinct scholarly

attainment.

The relationship between Shar4 al-Nafiýah al-kaflyah and the rest of Ibn Zukris
works

Among all the above books written by Ibn Zukri, only three contain the

date of their composition or copying. The earliest of these is Sharh al-Na$fbah

al-k[if Tyah, which is recorded as having been completed on the 21st $afar

1123/10th April 1711. This means that Ibn Zukri lived another twenty-one years

after having completed this work, a period which he spent in writing and

teaching, making it probable that he composed most of his other works during

this time, especially since none of his works contains any earlier date than this.

In confirmation of this view is the fact that we frequently find in his

other works references made back to what he wrote in Sharb al-Na. Flhah

al-HITyah. Not only was this work prior in time to the later works which refer

back to it, but it was written on such an encyclopedic scale and dealt with the

most important fundamental principles of the Islamic religion that it was difficult

for any book written by any later author not to make reference to it. This was

especially the case for Ibn Zukri himself since most of his works deal with

similar subjects, especially Sufism, so that he could hardly escape going over the

same ground.
 120

Since we do not now have access to all of Ibn Zukris' works, we may

limit ourselves here with noting the relationship of Sharb al-Na$Tbazh

al-kdf iyah with the only two other works which bear the date of their

composition or copying, viz: his Sharb al-ýal6h al-Mash[shiyyah, explaining how

to pronounce the blessing of al-$aldh 'ald al-RasCd (pbuh), completed on the 14th

Dh5 al-Uijjah 1129/20th November 1717, and his Sharb al-Hamziyyah, written

in praise of the Messenger of God (pbuh), the copying of which was completed in

Rabl' 11 1248/August-September 1832.

The first thing that one notices in these two works is that they share

references and quotations similar to those already used in Sharb al-NaýFbah

al-k6flyah. This is principally because these two books deal with a similar

subject - the character of the Prophet (pbuh) - which also occupies many sections

of Shar4 al-Na. Fibah al-MITyah. The relationship between these two books and

Sharb al-Nasfbah al-k[zffyah is even closer than this repeated use of the same

references and quotations in passageswhere complete pages of Sharb al-Na-FTbah

al-kCzffyah have been incorporated into the two later texts. Thus, for example,

pages 24 f. and 27-34 in the present edition of Sharb al-Na$Fbah al-katlyah are

reproduced with slight alterations or additions in pages 73 f. and 111-119 of

Sharb al-ýaliih al-MashTshiyyah and pages 26-28 of Sharh al-Nasibah

at-kdfFyah are virtually the same as pages 74-76 of Ibn Zukri's Sharb

aI-Hamziyyah- Generally, it may be said that there is a similarity of references

used and reasoning employed in many pages throughout these threee works.

These examples demonstrate the close relationship between Sharb al-NaýFbah

al-kafryah and the other works by Ibn Zukri dealing with similar subjects.
 121

3.4 The teachers of Zarrfiq and Ibn Zukri

The teachersof Z-arrfiq

Without doubt, any individual who spent such a long life in learning

and scholarship must have studied under great scholars and men of many

different talents and peculiarities, who influenced his personality and future

course of life. Hence, we find the names of a great number of Fez scholarswho

taught him during his days as a student. Among thesewere:

1. 'Abd Alldh ibn Mubarnmad ibn Qdsirn al-Qawri (d. 872/1467)

2. Mubammad ibn 'Ali al-Busti al-Qalsadi (d. 891/1486)

3. 'Abd Alldh al-Tujibi (al-Ustddh al-ýughayr) (d. 887/1482)

4. AM Sdlim Ibrfihirn al-Tdii- (d. 886/1461-2)

5. 'Abd al-Rabmdn al-Tha'dlibi (d. 873/1468)

6. Muhammad ibn al-Uusayn (al-Sirdi al-.5aghTr)(d. 887/1482)

7. Ahmad ibn SaId al-Habbdk (d. 870/1465-6)

8. Mubammad ibn Qdsirn al-Rassa (d. after 890/1485)

9. Umm Hdni'al-'Abdiisiyyah (d. 860/1456)

10. AM Zakarlyd' $dbib al-Zahr (d. after 870/1465-6)

11. Abmad ibn 'Abd Alldh al-Zawdw! (d. 884/1479)

12. Abmad ibn Muhammad ibn Zukri (d. 900/1494)

13. Abmad al-Ghumri al-Tilimsdni (d. 874/1469)

14. Mubammad ibn Y6suf al-San5si (d. 899/1493)

15. Ab5 Hasan al-Maghili (d. 866/1461-2)

16. 'Abd al--ýAziz al-Warydghali (d. 881/1476)

17. Abmad ibn Sa'id al-Mikn5si (d. 870/1465-6)

18. Abmad al-Unusi (d. 878/1473)

 122

19. AbMad ibn 'Ali al-Fildli (d. 861/1456-7)

20. 'All ibn 'Abd al-Rabmdn al-Anfasi (d. 860/1456)

21. Mubammad al-Zaytfini.

The above-named teachers, together with other leading 'ulamd' of Fez, formed

Zarrfiq's primary educational foundation, for it was with them that he studied the

major works of liqh, bad[th, and tawbTd, as well as Sufism.

The first and most important teacher of Sufism to have influenced

ZarrFaqwas Shaykh Muhammad al-Zaytani of the Shddhili order. Zarr6q joined

his group of followers and became his disciple, but it long before the
was not
relationship between the two becamestrained. This happenedin 870/1465.'

After this incident, he spent a further three years in Fez and then

travelled to the East, where he gained new knowledge and revised his own

learning of the past. He became the student of some of the most eminent teachers

of the East, among whom were:

1. Muhammad al-Sakhdw! (d. 913/1507)

2. Shams al-Din al-Jawjarl (d. 896/1490-1)

3. N6r al-Din al-Tanasi

4. 'Abd al-Rabmdn al-Qabbdni

5. Abmad ibn Hajar

6. Al-Td j. 'Abd Alldh ibn Muhammad al-Muaqqit

7. Abmdd al-Shdw!

8. Nfir al-Din al-Sanh6ri (d. 889/1484)

1. On their disagreement, see intro. to Ibn Zukrls Sharý al-Naftah, 5.

 123

9. Ibriihim al-Damiri (d. 923/1517)

10. Ahmad ibn 'Oqbah al-Uadrami (d. 895/1519).

It was this last-named teacher, Ahmad ibn 'Oqbah al-Uadrarn! who, more than

any other individual, exerted influence upon Zarr6q, becoming his primary guide

and master. The bond between the two remained firm and intact, even after

Zarrfiq's return to Fez and his final settlement in Misrdtah, as they continued to

exchange letters as the shaykh guided him and directed him along the path of

Sufism.'

In conclusion, it is clear that Zarr5q studied under many eminent

teachers and shaykhs, and that he benefited from his numerous experiences, all of

which came together to form his scholarly and Sufi personality that later became

so famous throughout the East and West of the Islamic world. He left a rich

scholarly heritage that became the focus of study for both scholars and researchers

throughout succeeding ages.

The teachers of Ibn Zukri

The teaching institution during the lifetime of Ibn Zukri was divided

into two main categories: scholarly teachingand Sufi teaching.The former was of

an academic nature, consisting of the study and assimilation of different branches

of knowledge such as fiqh, badIth, u4fil, and logic; whilst the latter was of a

spiritual nature in the Sufi sense,consisting of kashf (the technique of mystical

revelation), acquisition of spiritual knowledge, jadhb (spiritual attraction), and

similar well-known conceptsof Sufism.

1. Vol. II, p. 6 illustrates the relationship between them.

 124

Ibn Zukri's teachers for the former category of teaching were among the

most prominent 'ulamd' of the time, men who had established themselves as

authorities in various sciences.Ibn Zukri completed his studies under a number of

these scholars and, although we are unable to determine the time or identity of

the particular teachers with whom he studied individual subjects, there are a

number of references here and there that give us some idea of a few of the

sub ects he studied under particular tutors. So, for example, Ibn 'Ashir al-Hafli

wrote in his Fihris:

Ibn Zukri took up the study of Alfiyah with our shaykh, 'Alldmah Sidi
Mubammad al-Masnawl al-Dild-i. Having completed half of the book, he
began to revise what he had studied with the rest of the students, in the event

also making his own handwritten copy of Murddi's commentary on the

Alfiyah, together with copies of Mdk5di's commentary, the marginal notes of
Ibn GhAzI, al-Mughni, Sa'd al-Din's Sharý talkhlý at-miflTzk and the
Twlk which he also knew by heart. He further studied with the leading
master of grammar in his day: Sidi 'Abd al-Ralýmdn ibn 'Imrdn. 1

It is clear from this statement that Sidi Mubammad al-Masndw! al-Dild7i and Sidi

'Abd al-Rabmdn ibn 'Imr5n taught him grammar, a subject that brought them

renown. Subsequently, Ibn Zukri gained more respect and fame from this subject

than from anything else, so that Ibn 'Ashir al-Udfi- wrote of him, 'He was the

master of grammar in his time."

Other than the two particular teachers mentioned above for grammar,

we find only a list of Ibn Zukri's remaining tutors, or, at best, the title of a

1. AI-Viffi, Fihris, 48. The authors referred to in this and the following quotation are
identified, where reference is made to them in the Arabic text in vol. II, in the sections on
Eminent Figures in our notes on the text.
2. Ibid.
 125

specific book taught by a particular tutor, or the mere mention of a number of

subjectsrepeatedly studied under the same individual. Al-Bann5ni wrote,

He narrates from a group of established and reliable shaykhs of Fez, such as

Shaykh al-Jamd'ah Abii Mubammad Sidi 'Abd al-Qddir al-FW1, with whom he

made a detailed study of Tirmidhi's Shama'il; his son, 'Alldmah Sid!

Mu4ammad, who taught him various subjects over a period; and Abd
al-'Abb5s Sid! A4mad ibn al-IJAjj, who is regarded as one of those shaykhs
under whom he made repeated studies for a number of years of the most
commonly taught 1
subjects.

According to al-Mistirl, he also studied with Mayydrah al-$aghirl and, according

to al-Qddirl, 'he also benefited from Sidi Mubammad ibn 'Abd Alldh, then from

his son Mawldy al-Tihdmi, and finally from his son Sidi Mubammad al-Tayyib, 13

but the sources do not mention the subjects he actually studied under these

sheikhs.

These were Ibn Zukri's academic and scholarly teachers,under whom he

studied the sciences of the age.

The role of the second category among his tutors, the Sufi mentors, was

to attend to Ibn Zukri's moral and spiritual training, and to guide him along his

future social and economic course. This was evident, primarily, in his attempt to

remove himself from the public and to withdraw into seclusion, expressing

thereby his lack of interest in socializing and consequently declining to accept

social responsibilities such as government posts. It was also evidenced in his

indifference to the world, shunning a life of luxury, spending in the path of

1. Taýdiyah.
2. Shajarah, 11,335.
3. Nashr, 111,338.
 126

Alldh, avoiding unnecessarypurchasesand amassingof goods, and in the practice

of similar Sufi virtues.'

Despite research, it has not proved possibleto trace any explicit mention

of all of Ibn Zukffs Sufi mentors, but there were two among them who had a

very profound influence on his spiritual development: Shaykh Sidi al-Hdjj

al-Khayydt al-Riqqi and al-Ghawth al-Kabir Mawldnd AbE Ya'zd. We will study

a few examplesof their influence over Ibn Zukri.

It was Shaykh Sidi al-Udjj al-Khayydt who changed the course of Ibn

Zukri's career from a life of hopeful business venture in the tannery to one of

study, learning, and prayer that Alldh might open the doors of knowledge to him.

His prayers were answered, for Ibn 'Ashir al-Udfi relates,

Initially, he was not engaged in the pursuit of knowledge, but was intent on

establishing a perfume businessin the Fez market... However, when he went to

view the premises, he became extremely depressed and his enthusiasmfor the
whole business turned into loathing and distaste. He... paid a visit to a pious
scholar of Fez, Sayyid al-HAjj Ahmad al-Khayy5t, explaining to him what he
had experienced... Afterwards, Ibn Zukrl immediately... devoted himself to
study until Alldh blessedhim with knowledge.2

This mentor of Ibn Zukri, together with his other Sufi shaykhs, exerted a clear

influence on him and gave his practical and scholarly life a Sufi character which

became generally evident throughout his writingS.

Through our review of the list of the sheikhs of Zarrfiq and Ibn Zukri,

1. See the text of the letter that he sent to Emperor MawlAy Ismd'11,in which he tended his
resignation from the imamate of the ldris! mosque, in al-Bannani, Taýliyah, 58-60.
2. Fihris, 48.
 127

it becomes evident that they were an academic product of the sciencesof their

respective ages. The teachers under whom they learned were highly

knowledgeable in all the 'ullim shar'iyyah and auxiliary sciences (grammar,

rhetoric, language, logic, etc.), with profound learning in all these disciplines

equally. This gave Zarr5q and Ibn Zukrl their high academic ranks and made

them prominent figures of their times, influencing the Sufi movement and

bequeathing many academic works which remained in high esteem in the

succeedinghistory of Islamic culture.

3-5 The disciples of Zarrfiq and Ibn Zukri

The disciples of Zarriiq

Many people sought knowledge and guidance from Zarx-Eq and became

his spiritual disciples. It would be impossible to list them all here, but some of

the most famous among them were al-Shih5b al-Qastalldni, al-Shams al-Laqdni,

al-KhatTib al-Kabir, and 7-dhir al-Qastini)

The disciples of Ibn Zukri

Ibn Zukrl was able to present himself as the fountainhead that watered

many different seekers of knowledge, and thus he became the spiritual force and

erudite teacher who prepared a whole generation of students and granted them

ijdzahs (permissions to teach) in all the sciences for which he was entitled to

make such grants.

Although Ibn Zukri taught all the main subjects of the day in his

gatherings, as is clearly demonstrated by the account previously referred to,

1. Abmad Biibd, Nayl, 84.

 128

written by his pupil 'Abd al-MaTid al-Zabddi, l and as is shown by his works,

there was one particular sciencethat brought him more fame than any other. This

preferred subject was grammar, together with its related subjects: the Arabic

language,etymology, and rhetoric.

Indeed, it appears that all his students first studied grammar with him

before moving on to any other subject. This is borne out by the repeated

encouragement he gave to his students in later correspondenceto take an interest

in grammar and to perseverein its study,' as for example in the iffizah he wrote

for his pupil Abmad ibn 'Ashir al-Salawl, in which he said,

He who has joined this lofty chain and has descended into this safe territory,
the participating, intelligent jurist, Slid! ibn 'ý.shir ibn 'Abd al-Rahman al-H5f-i
al-Salawi, is one of my faithful students of Arabic sciences. His discursive
abilities are very good and his interest, attention, and gifted qualities in this
subject are evident. He has asked me to grant him permission to teach this
science, so that he may be an authentic reference. I am of the view that to
assist in this matter is his right, and to deny him his permission is to withhold
something from one who deservesit.3

Ibn Zukri spent a great part of his life in teaching and devoted himself

to this task just as much as he did to writing. Hence, the number of students

whom he granted permission to teach was substantial. Of these we will mention

those who have been listed in the main texts that are now available to us.

Among his disciples were the following:

i. Sulak. 6o.
2. See al-Iiiifi, Fihris, 55.
3. lbid, 86.
 129

1. Abfi Mubammad 'Abd al-Majid 'Ali al-Manili, well known as

al-Zabidi al-Uasani al-Fdsi;l (d. 1163/1750),a Sufi faqfh (jurist), a man of letters,

and a linguist. Among his works were the following:

Rihiatuh li-'I-ýafl (see the copy in al-Khizdnah al-'Ammah, Rabat, K. 398).

(see the copy in al-Khizdnah al--ýAmmah,Rabat, D. 984).

AI-Tdr1f biý-T-ýabblzd

Taqyid ff al-Ta'rff bi---bnZukrP (see the copy in al-Khizdnah al-Malakiyyah,

Rabat, 1344). This is a complete biography of Ibn Zukri, in which al-Zabddi

mentioned his master's works and the sciences which he studied under Ibn

Zukri. The author's brother, Ab5 'Abd Alldh Mubammad al-Zabddi, kept this

copy and included its exact text at the beginning of the sixth chapter of his

own work, Sulfik al-tarfq al-warTyah.3

2. AH al-'Abbds Abmad ibn 'Ashir ibn 'Abd al-Rabmdn al-Ijif!

al-Salawi (d. 1163/1750),a laqih scholar, who studied under Ibn Zukri and was

licensed by him. The following are among his works:

AI-Fihris (see the copy in al-Khizdnah al--ýAmmah,Rabat, K. 428), in which

he wrote the biographiesof his tutors, one of whom was Ibn Zukri.

3. Idris ibn Mubammad ibn Ijamddn al-'Irdqi al-Ijusayni al-Fdrsi

(1120-1183/1708-1769), a scholar of Uad[th and jurisprudence. 4 Among the

books he wrote were:

Nubdhah fi aW[th al-basmalah.

Ibn Zukri licensed him. 5

1. AI-Zirikli, al-A'Iam, XIV, 149.

2. See Manfini, Maýadir, 168-69.
3. lbid, 169.
4. KabbAlah, Miejam, 1,257; al-Zirikil, al-Alam, 1,280.
5. KattAnl, Fihris, 11,822.
 130

4. Ab5 al-Ijasan Nar al-Din al-Saqqdt 'Ali ibn Mubammad al--ýArabi-(d.

1183/1769), a faqfh who studied under Ibn Zukri and related on his authority in

his Fihris, Ibn Zukri's book al-Fawd'id al-muttaba'ah.' Among his. works is the

following.

Urfflzah ff al-taw6T& 2

5. Mubammad ibn 'Abd Allih ibn 'Ayyfib, known as al-Munawwir

al-Tilimsfini (d. 1173/1760),a Ifadfth transmitter, traveller, and man of letters.

He studied under many sheikhs, one of whom was Ibn Zukri and he listed them

in a discrete Fihris. 1

6. Abfi 'Abd Alldh Muhammad ibn Qfisim ibn Jass5s

4
(1089-1182/1678-1768), a faqfh of the MEW school in Fez. He was one of the

most prominent disciples of Ibn Zukri and one whom Ibn Zukri mentioned in his

Sharb Hikam Ibn 'Atd'Alldh. Among his works were the following:

AI-Sharý al-kabTr Unffikam Ibn 'Atd' A116h(Al-Khizdnah al-Subaybiyyah, no.

89).

Sharý Taw6id risdiat Ibn AN Zayd aI-QayrawJnT (Al-Khizdnah

al-$ubaybiyyah, no. 322).

7. Abmad ibn 'Abd al-Fattdb ibn Ydsuf ibn 'Umar al-Malawi al-Mdjiri

(1088-1081/1677-1767) of the Shdfi'i school, who was born in Egypt and died

there. He was the only Oriental disciple to have studied under Ibn ZukrV

Among his most important works were:

1. Al-Katt5n!, Fihris, 11,1006.

2. Kabb5lah, Mu'jam, VII, 223.
3. Al-Kattdni, Fihris, 11,57.
4. AI-Zirikli, at-Alam, VII, 8.
5. Al-Kattdni, Fihris, 11,559.
 131

Sharb al-Hamziyyah li-'I-Bu$iri

IrshM al-tulllzb ild busn al-Lidib (Al-Khizdnah al'Ammah, Rabat, D. 1882).

These were the most prominent disciples of Ibn Zukri who were

influenced by him, as is evident in the similarity of their works to his. In the

majority of cases, indeed, they are super-commentaries on commentaries which

Ibn Zukri himself had written. It is worth underlining the fact that the better

part of these works still exist only in manuscript form and await proper editing

and publication.

The influence of Ibn Zukri- was not limited to these scholars only but

extended furhter to their disciples. Those who succeeded him were, in fact,

divided in their attitude towards him; some were fanatically disposed to

contradict him and group in opposition to him, while others were on his side and

supported him. The former party included such figures as Mubammad ibn

al-Tayyib al-Qddirl (1124-1187/1712-1773) and the former disciple of Ibn Zukri,

Mubammad ibn Qdsirn Jass6s,who had been awarded a general license by his

teacher.' In his book Nashr al-mathdnl, al-Qddiri wrote a biography of Ibn

Zukril in which he held it against Ibn Zukri that he preferred the non-Arabs to

the Arabs. He stated, 'We listened to lengthy talk and he wrote a work on the

superiority of the non-Arabs to the Arabs, and we did not see any of the pious

sheikhs of our time who did not regard it as shameful to him and blame him

severely, and indeed he deserved it. `3 He went on to criticize Ibn Zukri

throughout many pages, rejecting the opinions ascribed to him, and supporting his

1. Al-Q5sim! in intro. to al-Qddifi, Illiqbf, 147.

2. Nashr al-mathani, IH, 338.
3. lbid, 339.
 132

criticisms by the citation of Qur'dnic versesand ýadfths. The adversecriticism of

al-Qddiri did not, however, pass without one of Ibn Zukri's disciples opposing

him and coming to the defence of the sheikh. The champion of Ibn Zukrl was

Abmad ibn 'Abd al-Saldm ibn Mubammad ibn Abmad al-BannRni al-Fds! (d.

1234/1818).' Al-Banndni studied under Mubammad ibn QRsim Jass6sand left

valuable works, among the most famous of which was:

Ta4lfyar al-ddhan wa-7-masdmi' bi-nu$rat al-Shaykh Ibn ZukrF al-W16mah

al-ffinir (Al-Khizdnah al-Malakiyyah al-Uusayniyyah, Rabat, nos. 345,4152).

This book was written in direct response to the criticism of al-Qddirl. In it

al-Banndni wrote lucidly incorporating many demonstrations, digressions, and

quotations from the numerous works of Ibn Zukrl until his book became so

bulky as to fill two volumes! Thus the influence of Ibn Zukr! was perpetuated

in his disciples and heirs.

3.6 Ibn ZukrFs influences and cross-influences

One can see the influences and cross-influences of Ibn Zukri's age

through his ideology, his personal qualities, and his standing among contemporary

scholars.

His ideological viewpoiut

As has previously been observed, Fez society in this period did not

enjoy an imaginatively rich academic and cultural life. It was more inclined

towards tradition and conservatism, and avoided becoming embroiled in new

issues that were more the subjects of theological debate. Thus, scholarship at this

time and in this place did not witness any serious ideological discussion that may

1. KabbAlah, Mu'jam, XIII, 161.

2. AI-ManEnl, Ma4adir, 11,37.
 133

have enriched education and learning, and made way for new ideas and

theological speculation.

However, apart from the two previously mentioned social and political

issues, i. e. the mass conscription of the slaves and the question of leadership after

the death of Mawldy Ismd'il, the learned community of Fez did engage in one

further debate: the question of differences in class and status that depended on

one's lineage and racial origins. This matter rose to prominence at the beginning

of the eleventh/seventeenth century and continued in debate for a long time. The

following are some of the causeswhich led to the prominence of this question:

1. The increasing influence of the non-Arab tribes (the Berbers).

2. The influence of the 'Abid classrising.

3. The social strain between the natives and the immigrants.

4. The weakness of the state after the death of Mawl5y Ismd'il.1 This issue was,

in fact, part of a wider debate concerning 'natives and immigrants'.'

The jurists of Ibn Zukri's time tackled this issue by reviving the

arguments first employed against the early proponents of Shu'fibiyyah (fanatical

assertion of non-Arab Muslim prestige against the Arab Muslims). It appearsthat

Ibn Zukri also made a limited contribution to the debate, enough though to lead

some individuals to single him out and accusehim of compiling a book on the

superiority of the non-Arabs, especially Israelites, over the Arabs.' This

accusation led some of his contemporaries to criticize him without first verifying

the attribution to him of the above-mentioned book.

1. Ibid., 357; al-Q5dirl, Nashr al-mathani, 111,339-353.

2. See the comment of al-QAsim! in a]-Q5dirl, Iltiqal, 11,357, n. 14.
3. The attribution of such a book to Ibn Zukrl has no basis in fact. For more information,
see al-BannAni, Ta4rtyah, 21.
 134

Mubammad ibn al-Tayyib al-Qddiri, who, according to the sources

available to us, seemsto have been the only writer to have mentioned this

subject, accusesIbn Zukri of propagatingthe notion of the superiority of the

non-Arabs over the Arabs, stating, 'We have heard many times and from a

number of sourcesthat he [Ibn Zukril has written a book on the superiority of

the non-Arabs over the Arabs and we haveonly known the pious shaykhsof our

time to denounceand condemnhim." Although he himself refutes this idea and

cites a number of arguments to prove the superiority of the Arabs over the

non-Arabs, he admits his lack of absolutecertainty that this was actually the

belief held by Ibn Zukri, for he says,'However, this information hasnot reached

us through an authentic unbroken chain; we have only heardso. Therefore,if Ibn

Zukri is innocent, then this is our honestopinion regardinghim and it is what we

desire,and if the accusationis true, then may Alldh forgive him.'

As Ibn Zukri was one of the leading religious figures of his time, one

recognized as being godfearing and ascetic, and one who enjoyed a prominent

social and scholarly status, it was inconceivable that this accusation would go

unanswered by his defendants and supporters. To this end, the jurist and great

scholar Abmad ibn 'Abd al-Salim a]-Banndni compiled his book entitled Tabliyat

al-adhan wa-7-masdnd biý-nuýratal-Shaykh Ibn Zukri al-Wldmah al-ffind as a

response to those who accused Ibn Zukr! of entertaining such an opinion,

especially Ibn al-Tayyib al-Qddirl. In it he refutes the idea that Ibn Zukri's book

1. Nashr, 111,339.
2. Ibid, 345. It was out of a sense of deep piety that Ibn Zukrl used not to write his name
on his books, but simply placed a copy in the mosque. But his opponents used to add to
them some of their own ideas. When Ibn Zukrl learrit of this, he would compare this
adulterated copy with the copy he himself kept (al-Banndni, al-TahrlYah, 21).
 135

al-Sayf al-ýarim fI al-radd 'aid al-mubtadi' al-Zdlim was written to prove the

superiority of the Israelites over the Arabs and he states that anyone who

understood as much did so out of lack of intelligence and inability to

comprehend the meanings of the words and syntax. He adds that such a distorted

understanding and intepretation of the contents of the book stems from a basic

distrust of Ibn Zukri. He says, to his readers,

You will realize from what we have said so far that those who question IN
Zukrl do so as a result of two very despicable factors: the first is the distrust

and suspicion of one who should never be suspected. and how shameful it is
that anyone should have misgivings about such people; and the second factor is
the lack of attention to and understanding of the author's words and their true
meaning. '

With this conclusion, al-Bannini cleared Ibn Zukri of the accusation, citing

religious and logical arguments, and extolling his noble qualities and

characteristics that made it impossible to sustain any such allegation against him,

especially that of declaring the non-Arabs to be superior to the Arabs. In fact, a

careful examination of Ibn Zukrrs al-Sayf al-ýdrim reveals that it does not deal

with the alleged superiority of the Arabs and the Israelites, nor with the

Arab/non-Arab contention, but rather with another subject, the discrimination

between Muslims on racial rather than Shar'T bases.

'

This issue' was the most important subject of debate during Ibn Zukri's

days and, although he did not hold such views, as was made clear earlier, he did

1. TaPYah, 13.
2. See al-Sayf al-ýarim, 5 f. For more information, see also ibid, 618.
3. We have given our opinion on the issue of the superiority of non-Arabs to Arabs, which
was a view ascribed to Ibn Zukri, and have shown how inaccurate is that ascription in the
course of our comparison between the views of Ibn Zukr-is students and those of their
own students.
 136

engage in another similar debate, i.e. over the question of differentiating between

Muslims on racial and ancestral grounds. He showed that it was not permissible

to distinguish between them except on the basis of certain privileges and status

recognized by Islam. This was in order to uphold the justice of Islam and to

ensurethat there was no discrimination against any believing man or woman.'

The extremely delicate social situation in Fez may have created an

atmosphere in which the discussion of such a topic would be seen in a very

different light, thus leading to incoherent interpretations that were contrary to the

author's own view. This, it would appear, was exactly what happened with Ibn

Zukri.

Ibn Zukris' personal qualities

Without doubt, a personality of the characteristicsand stature described

above would have possessedunique and individual qualities that marked it out

and distinguished it from others. Thus, Ibn Zukri was endowed with the special

qualities for which he became famous and which played a role in determining his

future in terms of knowledge, deeds, morals, spirituality, and character.

Despite his vast knowledge, acclaimed by the Vamd' of the age, and his

honour and prestige, acknowledged by his contemporaries, he was extremely

modest and unworldly, a Sufi in character. He would often humble himself and,

regardless of his prominent scholarly standing, he would never think of himself as

having attained any rank in knowledge, but rather as one still in the processof

study and development. In all this he feigned ignorance of his learned status to

1. Ibid., 11.
 137

the extent that he would not mention his name in the beginning of his writings,

in order to preserve his soul from the peril of pride, even though such pride

might have been '

excusable. Indeed, in contrast to other authors, he would never

give any of his books a specific title. 2 In this respect, he indicated that he was

influenced by the knowledge of the old Sufis and had gained from their

experience.

Ibn Zukri's humility is even more apparent when we find him

commenting or adding marginal notes to the major works of past 'ulama'. Thus,

for example, at the end of his commentary on Zarrfiq's al-Na$ibah

al-kafiyah, he writes,

I seek Alldh's forgiveness for the sin of having the audacity and insolence to

comment on the writings of the scholars of religion and on the works of

cognizant saints, with my lack of knowledge, high aspiration, and my
innumerable faults and shortcomings. However, I have commented on their

works with their own explanations, and have not freely interpreted their
writings except when the need arose, and even then have made clear that this
interpretation is not definite. I have cleared vague concepts with their own
illustrations, attached the mu(taq in the text with the muqayyad, and defined
their generalizations with their own explanations. Thus, in this manner I
benefit and derive information from their knowledge.

Furthermore, observing their lives and works, and engaging in the study,

albeit for a short time, of their ideas and thoughts has revealed to me the evils
with which I am afflicted and exposed the false claims in which I have sunk.
This, all praise be to A115h,is a great blessing indeed.3

This mere glimpse of his humility and respect toward earlier fuqahLY shows us

1. Ibid., 23.
2. Ibid., 21.
3. Sharb al-Na40h (T), 754.
 138

how he would never think of himself as having gained any knowledge and how,

with a feeling of inferiority, he would defer to the scholarsof the past.

His asceticism, piety, and fear of Alldh was also very intense, so that he

had no care for secular life and its mundane honours and social positions. He

invited all to practise seclusion in the hope of saving their souls from

entanglements in the world. In this regard, he wrote to one of his students, 'In

this forlorn age it is incumbent on the intelligent individual to choose the best for

himself and to flee from his fellow human beings, searching only for the true

friends among them."

This feeling of overwhelming necessity to isolate himself from all others

in the hope of protection from sins is what finally led Ibn Zukri to tender his

resignation from the imamate of the ldrisi mosque, where he had served as

Im6m, khatib, and teacher. After listing all the responsibilities of the imamate,

together with the duties and responsibilities that accompanyit and that he feared

he would not be able to fulfil, he wrote in his resignation letter to Mawldy

Ismd'il, 'When I viewed it essential to follow this course, I also realized that it

was necessary to relieve myself of this responsibility and free myself from this

predicament before I became even more entangled.2 The most important of

these responsibilities, according to Ibn Zukri, were as follows:

1. The InOm is responsiblebefore God for all those who pray behind him.

2. The fact of being the Imtim's physical position in front of the people may

1. Al-ljdf-i, Fihris, 76.

2. A]-Rann5n!, Taýliyah, 60.
 139

induce feelings of pride, dissemblance,and superiority.'

Towards the conclusion of this letter, he requests Mawldy Ismd'il to

accept his resignation, saying,

My plea to you is, may AllAh strengthen you, that you may accept my

resignation and overlook my faults relating to this issue, for an apology is

always accepted by the noble and they have always been known to pardon
mistakes. This humble servant has always received your favour and is obliged
to you, and remains full of praise and thankful. May AIIAh reward you greatly
and guide you to your highest hopes in both 2
worldS.

We must acknowledge that Ibn Zukri would never have adopted such a

lifestyle and attained this grade of asceticism had it not been for his Sufi

inclinations. Sufisrn is in reality a spiritual school wherein the soul aspiresto great

heights of purity and sincerity, and releases itself from the filth of materialism

and the faults of human nature that are so closely attached to wordly needs.Ibn

Zukri was a product of such a school of Sufism that dominated Moroccan society

at the time.

As repentance is considered to be the threshold that separates sin from

salvation, and the filth of materialism from the purity of the soul, and that

divides the lover from the beloved, Ibn Zukri performed istighfdr (repeated

chanting of the formula 'I ask forgiveness of God), often treating it as a means

of reaching his goal, and also encouraged others to do the same. In one of his

letters to his students, he wrote,

1. Sharý al-NajOh, 147 f.

2. Ibid.
 140

Let us give you one example of repentance with which you will be able to

understand others. Repentance is remorse over what has passedtogether with a

resolve never to sin again in the future. The result of this is the true
understanding that sin is full of harm and danger, an obstruction in the path to
reach the beloved, and a barrier between the servant and his master. When
this gnosis' takes hold in the heart, it agonizes it, for the heart grieves at the
loss of the beloved and, as a result, feels remorse and guilt at its neglect of
duty towards AIM. When this remorse burns in his heart and his grief
increases with his guilt, he will strive to make amends for what he has lost

and engage himself in fruitful activity.

His parable is like that of a man travelling in a dark wilderness with his

son whom he cannot see. Suddenly, a light appears revealing his son to be on
the brink of danger. Onosis is similar to this light. for only through it does he
feel the loss of the beloved, and when he does so, the fear of separation bums
in his heart, prompting him to hasten and save his son.2

This passionate Sufi understanding and ideal spiritual vision formed Ibn

Zukrl's character, which is believed to have led him to a high rank (maqdm) of

Sufism, and brought him ever closer to A115h. One who possessedsuch a

character would undoubtedly be an ascetic, indifferent to the world and its glitter,

constantly engaged in freeing his soul from its filth and faults such as insincerity,

hypocrisy, pride, and arrogance.

It is clear that Ibn Zukri's personality was marked by three fundamental

characteristics: modesty, asceticism, and Sufism. These qualities, although

apparently very different one from another, are coherent and entwined, and, in

the case of Ibn Zukri, formed a mind-set that produced a great and pious scholar,

and an influential Sufi.

1. Here he refers to the 'gnosis of reality' according to Sufi understanding.

2. Al-135fli, Fihris, 77.
 141

Ibn Zukrrs standing among contemporary scholars

Despite the fact that Ibn Zukri was extremely austere and often humbled

himself, never being inclined to show and fame, he attained a very prominent

rank during his lifetime, to the extent that his contemporary scholars testified to

his learning and his respected social standing in Fez. The 'ulamd' of his day

showed great respect for him and elevated him to a very distinguished position.

His pupil, Mawldy 'Abd al-Majid al-Mandli, better known as al-Zabddi, says in a

letter addressed to Ibn Zukri, following his return from the East,

The flag-bearer and shaykh of knowledge; the star and tower of

understanding; the hafiZ of the age, whose heart has produced elaborate
commentaries on the sciences and the secrets of knowledge; and the sun of the
land whose moon shines in the sky of intellect and understanding; our most

pious guide and firm link; our pillar with which we ascend to the heights of
knowledge; and our garden whose fruits and flowers never end but accumulate
for ever; holder of qualities that are acclaimed by the wise of the age; man of

ambition and will-power that surpassesand outshines even the Pleiades; not to
mention, a scholar who has combined deeds with knowledge and reached the
farthest destination in the two oceans of sharl'ah and baqlqah; one whom I
have observed closely and in whom I have discovered the means to sober me
from my intoxication, and thus he has earned my praise and gratitude. '

The great poet and renowned scholar Sidi 'Abd AIM ibn Mubammad

al-'Alawi al-Shinqiti, known as Ibn Rfiziqah, wrote a poem in praise of Ibn

Zukri, which may be paraphrasedas follows:

1. You, Ibn Zukri, are an assuredlmdm; you are unique.

2. When you dive into a sea (of science),you grasp its best pearls and leave

those of poor quality.

3. In mastering the knowledge you propagate, you provide the source of your

1. A]-Bann§ni, TWiyah, 18.

 142

knowledge and the text of a faqih scholar.

4. May He who made you shine on you like a star by which one who seeks

truth and understandsit avoids trespassingand gains understanding.'

This verse testifiess how Ibn Zukri was accorded high esteem among the poets

and Vam& of his age.

Ibn Zukri's fame and reputation were not restricted to Fez or even

Morocco, for they reached the distant city of Chinguetti (Shinq1t) in Mauritania,

whose scholarsacclaimed his eminenceand learned status.

1. Ibn Rdziqah, Diwan, 146.

 143

CHAPTER FOUR

THE TEXT AND SUFISM

4.1 Sufism in North Africa

4.2 General analysis of Sufism in the text

4.3 Detailed analysis of Sufism in the text

4.4 General conclusions

 144

CHAPTER FOUR

THE TEXT AND SUFISM

4.1 Sufism in North Africa

After Sufism had secured a respectablescholarly position in the Islamic

world with the help of al-Ghazili in the sixth/twelfth century and after it had

become accepted in religious and theological circles, it took a new course in both

its structure and its activity, which resulted in the establishment of Sufi orders

along the lines of the ideological beliefs held by the Sufis of the third and

fourth/ninth and tenth centuries. The first Sufi order to emerge from this new

impetus was the Qddiri order, named after 'Abd al-QAdir al-Jildni, and this was

followed by the Rifd'iyyah order, named after Abmad al-Rifd'i. Other orders

quickly followed in their formation in both the easternand western regions of the

Islamic world, as described in Chapter One and the three appendices.

The main characteristic of the Sufisrn in Andalusia was the philosophical

attitude, contrary to the Sufism in Morocco, which was distinguished by its

practical Sunni attitude and avoidance of abstraction. Andalusian Sufism wa

found only among an elite class, contrary to Moroccan Sufism, which was

widespread among the general public)

One of the first Sufis in Andalusia was Muhammad ibn Masarrah

1. Huwaydl, Tarlkh, I.
 145

(269-319/883-931). The main characteristic of his Sufisrn was its philosophical

and theoretical focus. In North Africa, one of the first people to be influenced

by the thinking of al-Ghazill was Ab5 al-'Abbds Abmad ibn al-'Arif (d.

536/1143), the author of Ma4dsin al-majalis. Two of his most prominent

disciples and admirers of his ideology were Ahmad Ab5 al-Q5sim ibn Qasiyy (d.

546/1151), the author of Khal' al-ndlayn, and Ab5 al-Uakarn 'Abd al-Salim ibn

Mubammad ibn Barrajdn (d. 536/1141). In fact, a number of great Sufis lived

during the sixth/twelfth century, including the famous Sufis Ab5 Madyin Shuayb

ibn al-Ijasan al-An$dri al-Andalus! (d. 589/1193), Mubammad al-Daqqdq

al-Sijilmdsi, and Ab5 Ya'azzah (d. 572/1177). A few of Ibn 'Arabi's teachersalso

lived during this period, such as al-Arini (the disciple of Ibn al--ýArld) and Abii

al-Ijasan al-Sibti. 1

Ab5 Madydn and Ibn 'Arab! (d. 594/1197)were two of the most eminent

Sufis of the western Islamic world, whose teachings and personalities had a

profound influence on Sufisrn generally in this part of the Islamic world. Their

period coincided with that of 'Abd al-Qddir al-Jildni and Abmad al-Riffi, both

of whom Ab5 Madydn actually met during his visit to Baghdad.' Although Aba

Madydn did not lead an organized Sufi order, his method and ideology had an

impact on his disciples and eventually led one of them, Aba Mubammad Salib

al-Dakali al-Mdjiri (d. 631/1234), to form an order in line with the teachingsof

his shaykh. This order, whose followers came to be known as the Mdjiriyy5n,

also had offshoots such as the Dukaliyyan. Other orders also emerged, though

they did not witness the same degree of fame or expansion.These included the

Shu'aybiyyfin, the followers of Ab5 Shu'ayb Ayyab ibn Sa'id al-$anhdji (d.

1. Huwaydl, Tarlkh, 1,298 f.; Bel, al-Firaq, 380-384; Trimingham, Sufi orders, 46.
2. Hirtenstein, Ibn Arabi, 169.
 146

561/1165-6), and the $anhdjiyy6n, who were led by AbE 'Abd Allih Mubammad

Amghdr. Both of these orders were related to the Junaydiyyah order, whose

founder, Junayd, was one of the greatest figures of the Sufi movement in the

Islamic world. '

Thus, it is quite clear that there were other movements, apart from the

Shidhiliyyah and Qddiriyyah, in North Africa that did not have the opportunity

to flourish and impress their ideology on the Sufi movement, even though they

preceded these two Sufi orders.

The Shddhiliyyah order came into existence through the efforts of its

founder, Aba al-Ijasan al-Shddhili 'All ibn 'Abd Allfih ibn 'Abd al-Jabb5r

al-Uasani al-Ghamr! al-Zarwili (d. 656/1258). The Shddhiliyyah order is

characterized by its basic theoretical principle of the individual's denial of his

own will and wishes by surrendering totally to the will of God and freeing

himself completely from worldly desires.' Its ideas fell onto fertile ground so that

it was able to flourish and branch out from the time of its founding in the

seven th/thirteenth century. ' Among its branches can be counted the 'Arasiyyah

order, founded by AbE al-'Abbds Abmad ibn 'Aras; the Uzuliyyah order, founded

by 'Abd Alldh Muhammad ibn AN Bakr Salmin al-Uzuli; and the Khalwatiyyah

order, named after 'Umar al-Khalwati. There were also many other orders that

were direct offshoots of the ShAdhiliyyah and the Qddiriyyah, or at least strongly

influenced by them.

1. lbid, 179.
2. Khushaym, A4mad Zarrr4q, 179.
3. Al-ManDni, Waraq&, 236-8.
 147

The above summary gives us some indication of the prominent role

played by the Madyiniyyah Sufi school in spreading Sufi doctrine and developing

its teachings and orders in North Africa. Our study will show that the

Madyiniyyah Sufi school's main characteristics were its practicality, not

philosophy, and the simplicity of its doctrines advocation of awr6d (additional

periods of private worship beyond the five prescribed daily prayers). Our study

shows the name of Ab6 Mady5n in the pedigree of a number of Sufi orders,

especially those related to the Shddhiliyyah.1 One cannot overlook the influence

of the Shddhiliyyah order, since it played a central role in spreading and

developing Sufi orders and teachings from the time of its founding in the

seventh/thirteenth century.

The eighth/fourteenth century was notable for the emergence of a

number of Sufi personalities who soon had their own distinct ideologies and

followers, such as Ab5 Zayd 'Abd al-Rahmdn 'Abd al-Karim al-Hazmirl (d.

706/1306), whose followers became known as Ghumaniyy6n; Ab6 al-'Abbds

Ahmad ibn al-Mutdrihi (d. 726/1325); Muhammad ibn M6sd al-ljalfdwi al-Ishbili

(d. 758/1356); and AH al-'Abbds ibn 'Umar ibn Muhammad ibn 'Ashir

(d.
al-Andalus7i '
764/1363).

The Sufi movement in North Africa passedthrough a stage of inactivity

and stagnation from this period until the middle of the ninth/fifteenth century,

mainly owing to the passing of the first phase of Sufi inspiration and activity,

which had boasted many famous and pivotal figures, whose departure resulted in

a cessation of vital Sufi activity. The Sufi movement rose again to prominence

1. Hirtenstein, loc. cit.

2. Al-Mulawaffa, 239.
 148

with Mubammad al-Harawl (d. 843/1439); Ijasan Babarkin (d. 857/1453);Ibrihim

al-Tdzi (d. 866/1461); al-Jaz511(d. 870/1465/6); Abmad ibn Uasan al-Ghimaii (d.

874/1469); Abmad ibn Makhl6f al-Sha'bi (d. 887/1482); Muhammad al-Sanasi (d.

895/1490), the disciple of the preceding; and finally Zarr6q (d. 899/1493).' From

the theoretical point of view, the Zarr6qiyyah order stands on five main

principles, viz: the fear of God or piety in public and in private, observing the

Sunnah in deed and word, avoidance of personal involvement in others' affairs,

satisfaction and content with God's deeds both in poverty and in wealth, and

turning to God in happiness, misery, and hardships. ' Zarr6q played a

distinguished and influential role in developing Sufi ideology and activity. As the

founder of the Zarrfiqiyyah order,3 he had a profound influence on the whole of

the North African Sufi movement in his own time and in succeedingages.

It is admittedly difficult to differentiate between the Shddhiliyyah and

the Zarr6qiyyah since they share so closely in the same moral principles. Indeed,

it is no wonder that the characteriistics of all the Sunni Sufi orders in the

Maghrib resembled each other to such a close degree, especially the Zarr5qiyyah

and the Shddhiliyyah, since in fact the former is a branch of the latter.'

During the tenth/sixteenth century in North Africa, there was an absence

of eminent Sufi figures like those who had gone before. This led to a

deterioration in the standardsof Sufi teaching as the leaders of Sufi orders were

forced to present their ideas in a manner more suitable to the masses.Their

activities did continue in a restricted form, but the Sufi movement was never able

1. Bel, al-Firaq, 404-7.

2. Khushaym, A4Mad Zarraq, 180.
I On the origin of the ZarrDqiyyah order, see Appendix 2.
4. Ibid., 179.
 149

to return to the prominent role in scholarship and religion which it had enjoyed

in former times in this region of the Muslim world.

4.2 General Analysis of Sufism in the Text

In the course of our readings on the development of Sufi thought, we

noted that there was a select group of Sufis, including Dh5 al-Mn, al-Junayd,

and Shibli, who laid out the ideological framework of Sufi thought in its

best-known form. Dh6 al-N5n was the first to speak of 'gnosis' in its peculiarly

Sufi sense and to link it with the Shari'ah. He stated,

There are three signs of a gnosis: the light of his gnosis does not obscure the
light of his piety, nor does he believe any aspect of esoteric gnosis to be

contradictory to any practical command, and finally God's abundant blessings

do not incite him to violate the prohibitions of God.'

He also classified people into three categories according to their gnosis of God.

The first, the masses,had understandingof tawýFd; the second, the wise and the

scholars, had understanding of 4ijah (proof) and bayin (exegesis);and the third,

exclusive group, i. e. the friends and chosenones of God, had understandingof the

' Dh6 al-Nfin felt the purpose of 'gnosis' to be

attributes and qualities of oneness.

moral in intent, enabling men to emulate the qualities of God. In this framework,

ta,Fawwsuf can thus be regarded as the knowledge of religious morals that

pinpoint the sicknessesand problems of the human soul and then outline methods

of freeing it from these ailments in both the psychological and physical spheres.

The goal of Sufism was thus to prepare the Muslim servant to emulate and come

to resemble the Creator by observing His commands (in the Qur'dn), by following

L Quoted in al-TaftazAni, Madkhal, 101.

2. Ibid., 102.
 150

the Sunnah of the Prophet Mubammad, and by encleavouring to implement it in

his everyday life in both word and deed.'

The foundations of Sufism are thus Supported by the book of God and

the Sunnah of His Prophet. Al-Junayd said in this regard, 'This way of ours is

bound by the principles of the Quean and the Sunnah. 2 Sahl al-Tustari, a Sufi of

the third/ninth century, speaking similarly, although in greater detail, said, 'There

are seven principles of our tariqah: adhering to the book of God, following the

Sunnah, consuming only what is lawful, avoiding inconveniencing others,

abstention from sin, constant repentance, and the fulfilment of duties. 13In his

letter which he sent to the Sufis and hospices of the Islamic world in 437/1045,

al-Qushayri (d. 465/1073) similarly stressed that the fundamentals of Sufisrn were

derived from the Qur'An and the Sunnah, and that they stood on the foundations

of the Islamic Sharf'ah. '

In the sixth/twelfth century, the views of al-Ghazdli found favour in

religious circles and, as a result, Sufism gained its distinguished and recognized

position among the religious sciences.Al-Ghazdli laid emphasison the idea that

Sufism was founded on the book of God and the Sunnah of His Prophet, on

asceticism, simplicity, and reforming the soul - teachings which were in

conformity with the Sufi emphases of the third and fourth/ninth and tenth

centuries, and in line with the fifth/eleventh-century views of al-Qushayri and

Ahmad al-Mdlini al-Harawi (d. 409/1021).

1. Ibid., 103.
2. Risalah. 32.
3. Al-Ghazdli, at-Munqidh, 219.
4. Bel, al-Firaq, 376.
 151

The period of al-GhazAli witnessed the emergence of a new trend in

spiritual suhik amongst the Sufis. This happenedafter Sufism had won recognition

as a branch of science on a par with other religious sciences. The Sufi orders

were originally based on the principle of adhering to the Qur'dn and the

Sunnah, and on following the practice of the third and fourth/ninth and

tenth-century Sufis. This concept continued as the fountain-head of fundamental

teachingsfor the new Sufi orders.

'Abd al-Qddir al-Jildni asserted that the principles of his order, the

Qddiriyyah, were based on a firm bond between Sufism on the one hand and the

Qur'dn and the Sunnah on the other hand.' The founder of another Sufi order in

the western regions of the Islamic world, the Shddhiliyyah order, which was no

less influential than the Qddiriyyah, said,

If your kashf (revelation) conflicts with the Qur'5n and the Sunnah, then
adhere to the two and abandon your kashf, and remind yourself that God has
guaranteed infallibility in the Qur'5n and the Sunnah, but He has not given

such a guarantee in respect of kashf, itham (inspiration), or even

mushahadah (vision), except after their being compared with the Qur'An and
the '
Sunnah.

It is thus clear that the whole Sufi movement, from its origins and

throughout its history, relied upon the Qur'dn and the Sunnah as an ideological

framework for its central beliefs and as the basis for its ideas. The present

researcher employs the same evidences and arguments forwarded by Ibn Zukri,

be they verses of the Qur'dn or the badTihs of the Prophet (peace be upon him),

as the means of gauging the depth of the book's Sufi content or appraising its

I. Bel, al-Firaq, 237.

2. Al-Ghazffll, al-Munqidh, 221.
 152

general relationship with Sufism. In this regard it may be observed that Ibn Zukrl

cited a total of 49 Qur'dnic verses from 30 S5rahs (p. 18-197) of his 218-page

book. ' I conclude that Ibn Zukri relied upon the Qur'fin to support most of the

topics raised by Zarriiq in his original work. As for his reliance on bad[ths, they

number a total of 110, cited on 86 pages of the book (from p. 21 to p. 218).1

Thus, we similarly conclude that Ibn Zukri relied heavily on had[ths in his

commentary on Zarr5q's views contained in the original work. The extent of this

citing from the Qur'fin and the Sunnah stands as firm evidence of the close

relationship between the book and the Sufi movement in the Islamic world. The

such
pious predecessors, as lbrdhim ibn Adham (d. 161/778),al-Fadl ibn 'Iyad (d.

187/803), and Ddw6d al-Td'! (d. 206/821), are said to have bound themselves to

the book of God and the Sunnah of His Prophet in both their day-to-day living

and in formulating their Sufi ideology and principles. Thus, by studying the ways

and views of the Sufis from the third/ninth century to the seventh/thirteen th

century, such as al-Mubdsibi (d. 243/857), al-Khazz5z (d. 277/890-1), al-Qushayri

(d. 465/1074), and al-Ghazdli (50511111),together with those who followed their

example, such as the Sufis of North Africa including Ab5 Ya'zi Yaln5r (d.

572/1177), 'Abd al-Saldm ibn Mashish (d. 625/1227), and Aba al-13asan

al-Shddhili (d. 656/1258), it is possible to gain an impression of the relationship

between the text of Sharb al-Na$Fbah al-UfTyah and the Sufi movement in

general. Al-Qushayri stated, 'He who has not memorized the Qur'dn and not

recorded badFths should not be heard or followed with regard to Sufism, because

this knowledge of ours [Sufism] is founded on the Qurdn and the Sunnah.1 He

added, 'All roads are closed to the creatures except for those who search for'the

I. These are cited in the relevant notes on the text in Part Two of the present work.
2. They are noted and commented on in the relevant notes on the text in Part Two of the
present work.
3. AI-Risalah al-Qushayriyyah, 32.
 153

example of the Prophet, adhere to his way, and follow his Sunnah, for the path

of all good will then lie open before them) Al-Qushayr! similarly stated that

Sufism can only be reformed by returning it to the creed of the AN al-Sunnah

wa-'I-Jamd'ah and by following the example of the third and fourth/ninth and

tenth-century Sufis.1 Al-Harawl expressed his accord with this ideal of emulating

the figures of the past when he affirmed, 'We adopt the ways and the views of

our predecessorsfrom the AN al-Sunnah wa-7-Jamd'ah. 3

Through an analysis of Ibn ZukrFs commentary, it becomesclear that, in

his exegesis and comments on the original work, he relied upon a number of

prominent scholars and authorities of the earlier centuries, including, for example,

three of the rightly-guided Caliphs; a number of Tiibi'an (the generation who

succeeded the Companions of the Prophet), among them Ab6 Uanifah, the

founder of the Hanafi school of jurisprudence, M51ik ibn Anas, the founder of

the Mdliki school of jurisprudence, and some other T5bi'fin of the second/eighth

century; al-Junayd, the Sufi shaykh; Sahl al-Tustari; Ahmad ibn Hanbal, the

founder of the Hanbali school of jurisprudence; a great number of other

prominent historians and scholarsof hadFth from the third/ninth century, such as

al-Bukhdrl, Ibn Mdjah, and al-Wdqidi; famous Sufis, such

as al-Ddraqutni and
Ibn al-A'rdbi; and eminent jurists and scholars of badFth, such as a]-$ayrafl,

al-Tabardni, Ab5 Isbdq al-Marwazi of the fourth/tenth century, al-Qushayri,

al-NIs5b5ri, and al-Jurjdni of the fifth/eleventh century, a]-GhaZill, Ibn Rushd,

Ibn al-Jawzi, and others of the sixth/twelfth century, Ab6 Madydn, Ibn 'Arab!,

al-Shddhili, al-Mursi, and others of the seventh/thirteenth century (when Sufi

I. Ibid.
2. Al-Taftaz5n!, Madkhal, 148; al-RisTilah al-Qushayriyyah, 4.
3. Al-Ghaal, Manazil, 3.
 154

orders were first established); and other prominent scholars and Sufis of the

following centuries, such as Ibn 'Atd' Alldh al-Iskandarl, Ibn 'Arafah, IbrAh1m

al-Tdzi, al-San5si, al-Suyati, Abmad Bdbd al-Timbukti, and al-Zurqdni. The

thoughts and views of such Sufis, jurists, and scholars of badith and the Quedn

occupy most of the book. This clearly demonstratesthe eagernessof Ibn Zukri to

quote from the early scholars, to follow in the footsteps of the third and

fourth/ninth and tenth-century Sufis, and to adopt the example of those who

followed their way. It is thus possible to conclude that there is a very strong link

between the book and Sufism.

Sufi terminology, which describes the ways and ideas of Sufism, is

evidence to the modern student of the text, of the relationship it holds to Sufism

in general. The Sufis employed many terms in special sensesin order to denote

their goals, thoughts, ideas, peculiarities, and degreesof advancementalong the

Sufi path toward their ultimate desire and goal: union with God. To describe the

different stages of this spiritual journey, they employed such words as

maq, im6l (stages or degrees) and abwdl (transitionary spiritual states of

enlightenment). Furthermore, each of these terms had its own particular

conditions and meanings. For example, some of the maqimit spoken of by Ibn

al-'ArIf included irildah (aspiration), zuhd (devotion), tawakkul (trust in God),

ýFabr (patience), buzn (sorrow), khawf (fear), raid'ah (returning),

shukr (thankfulness), mababbah (affection, attachment), rawbah (repentance), and

uns (intimacy). Similarly, some of the abwdl discussed by the Sufis included

murdqabah (observation), qurb (nearness), shawq (longing),

tuma'nTnah (tranquillity), mush6hadah (seeing), and yaqin (certainty). As

al-Qushayr! pointed out in his RisdIah, there were also many other terms used by
 155

Sufis, such as fand' and baq& (passing away and abiding [in GodD, ghaybah and

budzir (absence and presence);sukr, dhawq, and shurb (intoxication, tasting, and

drinking); mahw and ithblit (obliteration and affirmation); tasartur and

taiallf (cover and theophany); mubtidarah and mukdshafah (presentation and

revelation); lawdiý and tawdlih (shafts of illumination and distractions); lawliniP,

bawddih, and hujam (gleams, sudden descents, and attacks); talwIn and

tamkin (colouring and intensification); and shari'ah and baqiqah (the path to be

followed and the reality). Other terms used speak of the degrees achieved in the

disciple's progress up the ladder of Sufisrn and these included, for example,

siilik (a follower [of the spiritual way]) shaykh (leader), and qufb (leader) among

many others.

These terms are only examples through the mention of which I intended

to prove that $ufists forged for themselve a special language which differs from

the ordinary language of communication as it is in the authentic lexicons; and by

this they created a special world which bestowed on them the differential

attributes.

Considering this selection of Sufi terms, we find that Ibn Zukri made

use of a great many of them in his commentary.' This is clear evidence that

many of the ideas and issuesdiscussedin Zarraqs book were related to Sufism,

so that it was possible for Ibn Zukri to elaborate on them with the help of these

Sufi terms.

I. They are explained in the relevant notes on the text in Part Two of the present work.
 156

4.3 Detailed Analysis of Sufism in the Text

Sufi methodology differs from the methodology of other sciencesin the

sense that it is a spiritual experience relating to inner perception. This is termed

kashf and is very different from the understandingand physical perception of the

external faculties.

'Abd Alldh ibn 'Ali AbE Nasr al-Sirdj a]-T5si explained kashl as 'that

which is concealed to the mind and then made to appear before the eyes, thus

becoming ra'y al--ýayn(beholding by the eye)." Al-Ghazdli stated,

Certain souls attain gnosis through divine inspiration by way of mubadaah and
kashf, while others achieve this through learning and striving. Thus, truth has
been revealed to the Sufis and light has filled their hearts, not by learning,

writing, and studying, but through asceticism, shunning the attractions of the
world, and emptying the heart of its concerns, and by turning to God with full
attention and devotion, for whoever becomesGod's, God becomes 2
his.

He added,

All wisdom that emanates from the hearts as a result of perseverance in

worship and not as a result of learning or study, is through kashf and divine
inspiration. This is not achieved by rational argument or carefully selected

wording, but rather through a light which God instills in the heart and which
is the key to most hidden secrets.One who thinks that kashf is subject to mere

evidences is guilty of restricting God's boundlessmercy.3

Through these quotations, it is evident how the Sufis' method of

cognition kashl, which rises from light which God shedsin the heart. Therefore,

the instrument of cognition is the heart, not the sensesor the mind, becausethe

I. Al-Taftaz, 5n!, Madkhal, 173.

2. Ibid.
3. Al-Ghazdli, al-Munqidh, 11.
 157

heart is naturally suited to understanding the truths of tawbid. In effect,

al-Ghazdli was here explaining the concept of b6fin and z1zhir, and also the

reflections of the external upon the internal. Ibn 'Atd' Alldh al-Iskandari (d.

709/1309), one of the founders of the Shddhiliyyah order, supported this view

when he stated, 'The character of the exterior is the reflection of the inner

character,' a claim which he backed by referring to the following versesfrom the

Qur'dn: 'Thou shalt know them by the burden of their talk" and 'Their mark is

on their "
foreheads.

The role of knowledge, as perceived by Sufism, is a great and important

one indeed. Its precise significance can be understood in the light of a few

paragaphsfrom al-Ghazýli's Ayyuhd al-walad. He said,

You (may God guide you) must first seek knowledge, for it is the pivot and

the base. Know also that knowledge and worship are two gems for whose sake
authors wrote, teachers taught, preachers delivered their sermons, and thinkers
pondered - actually it is precisely for them that prophets were sent and books
were revealed. It is therefore a duty of the servant not to study anything, or
occupy and tire himself for anything, except these two. Know also that all
things other than these two are void, producing no good, and vain, leading to
no result. When you have understood this much, then know
also that
knowledge is the more valuable and superior of the two geMS.3

Ibn 'At5' Alldh al-Iskandari also explained the role and importance of

knowledge, stating,

There are three upholding factors for the heart: light for kashf, knowledge for

strength, and tawfiq (divine enablement) for support. There are also three

1. Siirat MuOmmad, XLVII: 30.

2. Siirat al-Faik XLVIII: 29.
3. Ayyuha al-walad, 48.
 158

upholding factors for the nafs: desire, which brings with it darkness,
ignorance, and failure and disappointment.'

He added, 'When God wishes to assist His servant, He arms him with the forces

of light and removes from him injustice. The forces of light are three: conviction

without doubt, knowledge accompanied by perception, and the dispelling of

insinuations.'2

In addition to our previously stated criterion of Sufi terminology

demonstrating Sharb al-Na$Tbah's connection with Sufism, it is also possible to

employ to this end the concepts discussedby al-Junayd, al-T6si, al-GhazAll, and

Ibn 'Atd' Alldh, viz the conceptsof bdtin and Zdhir, union with God, and the role

of learning and Islamic understanding as viewed from the Sufi perspective.In our

analysis of and commentary on Sufi thoughts and ideas discussedin Ibn Zukrrs

commentary, we will adhere closely to the method and style of Ibn Zukri by first

presenting the original text and appending to it the relevant comments and

explanations. We will analyse this commentary, and attempt to determine its

sourcesand demonstrate its relationship with the current of Sufism.

It will be best if we begin with the very title of the book, Sharb

al-Naýfbah al-HITyah, as a book's title often reveals its contents as well as its

purpose. This done, we may proceed to demonstratethat Zarr5qs ideological and

spiritual framework, from which he derived his vision of developing the faithful

Muslim character, was based primarily on the theological principles contained in

the ýadTths of the Prophet, who is viewed as the perfect example by all Sufis and

I. Zarr5q, Qurrat al-'ayn, 210.

2. lbid, 214.
 159

with whom all orders are ultimately linked. The title of Zarr5q's treatise had in

view the common expressional-dFn al-na.F[4ah (religion as good counsel),clearly

demonstrating the firm link between Zarr5q's ideology and the Sunnah, as the

focal points of Zarr6q's philosophy are outlined by the Sunnah. In fact, the

Sunnah also had a profound influence over the commentator, in the sensethat it

determined the academic sources which he employed in his commentary on the

text of Zarr5q. These sources, reviewed in Chapter Two, comprised Qur'finic

verses, Prophetic ýadith, and the views of Sufi thinkers, scholars of

bad[th, jurists, commentatorson the Qur'An, and historians of Islam.

Zarraq opened with the words,' 'Praise be to God for the gift of Islam'

(p. 15-22), on which Ibn Zukri commented by saying that the servant'spraise and

glorification of his Creator is a humble expression of gratitude for being guided

to Islam. This demonstrates Zarr5q's thought of endeavouring from the very

beginning to link the servant with his Lord and bring him ever closer. He then

added that the objective in Islam is not merely to pronounce the shahadatan N

bear witness that there is no God except Alldh and that Mubammad, peace be

upon him, is His Prophet'), but goes even further, in realizing inner faith. In

reality, Zarraq was here pointing to the Sufi goal of being connectedand united

with God. He also raised the issue of bdýin and ziihir, which is one of the central

points of Sufi thought.

On pages 22-23 of Sharh al-Na$ibah, Ibn Zukri expounded on the

words of Zarrýq: 'All gratitude is to God for the gifts of hearing, sight, and

speech.' Ibn Zukri stated that being grateful toward God is to acknowledge that

I. On Zarr5q's opening discussionof linguistic matters, see above p. 74 f.

 160

all bounties are from Him. Again, this speaks of the servant's total dependence

upon God and further strengthensthe Sufi ideal mentioned earlier, of union and

connection with God. Zarr6q specifically mentioned the gifts of hearing, sight,

and speech, as these are the faculties used by human beings in grasping the

fundamentals of religion, thereby being enabled to reform their characters,obey

God's commands, and abstain from His prohibitions. This is becauseknowledge,

from the Sufi viewpoint, is the central factor in creating both a faithful individual

a
and pious Islamic society. It is also the meansof bringing one closer to God.

On pages 23-24, Ibn Zukri commented on Zarraq's statement, 'And I

seek God's forgiveness for all sins,' that it indicated that Zarraq was here trying

to display the continuing relationship of the servant with his Lord, even at the

time of sin, since it is evidenced by his turning to God and seeking His

forgiveness. He added that seeking forgiveness has a religious significance in

itself, manifest in the fact that the individual is making an attempt to reform his

soul and correct his conduct in accordance with Islamic teachings. Thus, Zarr5q's

viewpoint appears clearly in two emphases: first, in his emphasis on the

importance of the strong bond between the servant and his Lord, even at the

time of sinning; and second, in his exhortation to assessthe state of the soul and

to reform one's character and conduct in the light of Islamic teachings. It should

be clear to the reader that the words hamd, shukr, and istighffir all represent

certain Sufi concepts which include qualities and peculiarities that reside in a

believer's heart and that are attained through knowledge. Their goal is also the

connection and union of the servant with God.

On pages 24-29, Ibn Zukri elaborated on Zarr6q's words, 'May peace

 161

and blessings descend upon Muhammad, the best of all creation! He shows that

such a salutation, which portrays the Prophet as a medium between man and his

Lord, has a profound and special significance in Islamic thinking. After all, it is

through the Prophet that people have come to know their religion and learnt of

the commandments and prohibitions of God. Precisely becauseof this we find the

Sufi movement viewing the Prophet as its leader and example in both word and

deed. The orders' of all Sufi leaders are ultimately traceable back to the Prophet.

It is therefore clear that the concept of wisd(ah (mediationý holds a very

important position in Sufi thought. Ibn Zukri then proceeded to outline the

difference among individuals in their following of the teachings of Islam. To

illustrate this difference, he employed the terms taialli, rakhalff, taballf, sukr,

and ghaybah. It will be clear to the reader that these are Sufi terms denoting the

different grades achieved by the individual on the Sufi path towards the ultimate

goal, i.e. union with God and self-annihilation for His sake.

Adherence to the teachings of Islam is itself dependent on the extent of

the individual's understanding and knowledge of Islamic teachings. This can

obviously only be achieved through learning and study. Thus, knowledge is the

ultimate factor that determines the different levels of relationship enjoyed by the

servants with their Creator, as well as their different standards of ideology and

personal progress.

This passageof commentary also shows that the Sufis viewed knowledge

as an important tool that must be relied upon to achieve progress (through the

Sufi stages and stations) towards the loftiest Sufi ideal of self-annihilation and

1. Shalaq, at-'Aql al-ýafl f! al-Islam, 21.

2. See Part Two, note on p. 24.
 162

union with God. This is the secret of knowledge's importance in Sufi thought.

In general, it can be said that the concept of wisdfah (mediation) is a

very central one in Sufism. It serves as an ideological foundation for building

ideas, developing Sufi orders and structure, and also for strengthening the

different stations of Sufi progress as diverse as the faith of the individual,

self-annihilation, and union with God.

On pages 33-34, Ibn Zukrl commented on Zarr6q's words,

'Naýfbah (good counsel) is a part of faith and trying to achieve it is itself a

related component of faith. ' He underlined the close and strong relationship

between faith and nasFbah by stating that believing in Islam gives the individual

powers that lead him to make Islam accessibleto all and encourageshim to offer

na$Tbah to others. Furthermore, in Ibn Zukri's view, the faithful individual who

counsels others enjoys a blend of religious morals and daily conduct as a result of

the bond between faith and na$fbah. For the na$fhah to be effective, the

recipient of the counselling must have faith and conviction of its benefit. This

requires the presence and interrelationship of three factors: action, bal (the state

of ecstasy induced by continued contemplation of God),' and knowledge. Ibn

Zukri further explained the relationship between these three factors, saying that

pious actions emanatefrom the pious h5l, which is itself a result of knowledge.

This excerpt clearly demonstrates the importance of the role of

knowledge in developing a faithful Islamic character. This is because it is

considered to be an influential tool in reforming the individual's conduct. In other

I Al-Vifni, Mu'jam, 73.

 16i

words, knowledge will prove to be beneficial in reforming the individual's

character if his bdl is linked to God's gift of guidance and piety. This emphasis

on linking all things in existence to God is further proof of the importance of the

Sufi goal of union with God and self-annihilation for His sake. It also illustrates

the extent of the role of knowledge and understanding in achieving this Sufi

objective.

In a number of places, Zarr5q discussed the importance and role of

knowledge in developing both the faithful individual Muslim and the ideal

Islamic society that adheres to the teachingsof the Qur'dn and the principles of

the Sunnah. We will deal with these objectives separately as they occur in the

book, and will then attempt to establish the links between their contexts and their

ultimate goals, remembering that although the topic of Islamic knowledge and its

role has been alluded to a number of times in the book, it has been exclusively

discussedhere in great detail.

On pages 34-36, Zarr5q spoke about 'ignorance', saying, 'The one who is

steeped in the greatest ignorance is he who forgets himself and neglects his

condition and state until he enters his grave.' Commenting on this, Ibn Zukri

observed that ignorance, in general, is a threat to both the individual and society.

However, the greatest threat is when an ignorant person is ignorant of his

ignorance, for he then allows himself to continue without any check, reform, or

correction. This inevitably brings about a shortcoming in his religious character,

which producesin turn defects in the general character of the Muslim society.

Zarr5q then compared the two different individuals portrayed in the

 164

following texts: 'The intelligent one is he who makes himself and his works

subservient for the good reward promised by God after death' (pages37-40) and

'The fool is he who allows himself to follow the soul's desires and simply relies

on false hopes of God's mercy' (pages41-44).

Ibn Zukri commented on the first of these texts, saying that the wise

person is he who takes himself to account in the light of the Sharl'ah and makes

the reward of the hereafter his goal. He explained the second by saying that the

fool is he who holds no control over the soul and its desires,and does not take it

into account or reform it. Such a person, he noted, also turns away from the

heareafter and its reward, and fears no consequenceof his worldly deeds but

merely longs for God's forgiveness and mercy.

We may derive a number of Sufi concepts from these comments of Ibn

Zukri. He evidently touched upon the idea of the 'world and the hereafter',

giving preference to the hereafter and declaring its reward to be the goal that

man works to achieve through his creed and conduct. He also discussed the

nats (soul), its rebellious nature, its desires, and the principle of controlling it

through evaluation and reform along Sufi lines. He further emphasizedthe role of

knowledge and the dangers of ignorance for the Islamic character of both the

individual and Islamic society at large.

On pages 44-49, Ibn Zukri quoted the bad1th: 'Religion is good counsel.

They asked, "For whom, 0 Prophet of God?" He replied, "Being true to God, His

Prophet (peace be upon him), His book, and for the masses and elite of the

Muslims. "' On this he commented that naýThah is the pillar of religion and he
 165

further defined its function by describing it as an effort to perform a deed that

leads to piety, or as a statement through which good is sought. We may say that

Zarrfiq relied mainly upon the contents and ideology of this had[th in his vision

of developing an Islamic character and society.

We may also conclude that the philosophy of the Zarr6qiyyah order

consisted of two principal factors: one ideological and the other practical. The

ideological factor rests on three componentsof the bad[th: God, His Prophet, and

the Qur'dn. Zarr6q viewed these as being the source of Islamic knowledge and

thought, and, accordingly, set out the different aspectsof religion relating to the

creed, politics, economy, spirituality, and social affairs of the Islamic state and

peoples. The practical factor, is

which the secondpart of the badith - 'the masses

and the elite of the Muslims' formed Zarr6q's source for the structure of
-

Islamic society in general, or at least the structure of the particular society of his

time.

Zarr5q then designated the duties, responsibilities, and role of each

group in the fields of the daily economic, social, cultural, political, and religious

activities of society, a society formed, of course, along practical lines and in

accordance with the bad[th. The first group, i. e. the massesamong the Muslims,

are invited to study the teachings of Islam and to implement them in their daily

lives. They must also obey the leaders in all that does not conflict with Islamic

principles as taught by the Qur'dn and the Sunnah. They, in turn, will be

guaranteed freedom to practise their faith and will be protected from any

interference or foreign aggression.The second group consistsof religious people

(scholars and Sufis) and political leaders.The responsibility of the Political leaders
 166

is to develop, to the best of their ability and in agreementwith Islamic ideology,

the social, economic, and cultural welfare of both individuals and society at large.

The religious leaders have a duty to spread Islamic awareness,and to produce

Islamic solutions and explanations for the social and economic developmentsthat

occur with progress. In short, the religious leaders are expected to oversee all

matters of faith. To ensure a lasting relationship between the government and the

populace, and the unity and continuing progress of society, Zarraq laid great

emphasis on the principle of obedience in return for protection. He also looked

on na$i6ah as a moral means of translating Islamic thought and ideology into

action and practice so that it is ultimately seen in the lives of ordinary Muslims.

He further viewed it as a means of rectifying doubtful and unsavoury behaviour

in both the massesand the elite.

Zarr5q wrote, 'Renewing one's ablution after each prayer results in the

enlightenment of the heart and the body' (pages 91-93). 1 Explaining this

statement, Ibn Zukrl confirmed that renewing the ablution after prayer enlightens

the heart and brings peace and contentment. This is because the purity of the

body is directly related to the enlightenment of the heart. The text and

commentary both relate to the specific Sufi concept of b6tin and ; dhIr. They also

discuss the relationship between the two. All this goes to show that although the

apparent form and structure of worship may be legally valid, it remains

incomplete until it conforms to the state of the heart.

Zarr5q wrote, 'Submission to God is of two kinds: takifli and ta'rTIP

Pages 49-91, together with other pages of the book, all deal with the fundamentals of
religion and their related laws, such as ablution, prayer, and fasting. These issuesrelate to
jurisprudence or 'ilm al-kalam, and will be discussedin detail in Chapter Five.
 167

(pages 190 Q. Ibn Zukri described submission as obeying God's commands,being

content with His decree, and showing patience in time of tribulation. Thus,

taklifF is to submit to God's commandments,whilst taWfi is to accept and be

patient in times of calamity and misfortune which one cannot repel. A detailed

review of the concept of 'submission to God' will reveal the Sufi perspective,

which speaks of the weaknessof the limited powers of man in comparison with

the power of God, demanding therefore that man should bow down and submit

to Him. It was with this in mind that the Sufis set as their ultimate goal union

with God and self-annihilation for His sake. They also linked the concept of

submissionto God with reliance on Him.

It will be useful to consider a few passagesin Ibn ZukrTs commentary

that are closely related to the taWIT form of submission. We may cite these and

analyse them in the light of Sufi thought. First, Zarr5q wrote, 'The knowledge

that He is merciful to you and cares for you at all times will surely assistyou in

submitting yourself to Him' (pages 192 0, upon which Ibn Zukri commented that

one of the most important factors assistingman in submitting to God's will was

the knowledge that God cares for him and does not wish to hurt him when

afflicting him with misfortunes. In fact, he asserted,these misfortunes carry him

forward to a greater reward and benefit, and so man is required to be patient.

Zarr5q further stated, 'He is incapable of removing that which has been placed by

others' (page 194), upon which Ibn Zukrl commented that when God tries His

servant, then there is none to remove his suffering, and when he wishes good for

His servant, then there is none to prevent that good. God alone is responsiblefor

the continuation of existence and so man should have faith in this and submit

himself to God, for He alone has power over all things. Again Zarr6q wrote, 'He
 168

creates and chooses what He wills' (p. 195), on which Ibn Zukri commented that

this portrays the infinite power of God and that man must believe in this. Finally,

Zarr6q wrote, 'Just as no other being has the power to create, similarly no one

else has any real choice' (p. 195), on which Ibn Zukri commented that as long as

God is the sole Creator, He alone will choose what will befall man. He creates

what He wills and plans what He wills.

In the light of these comments and explanations, it is possible to derive

certain Sufi ideas that are incorporated within the concept of submission.There is

great emphasis laid on the principle of leaving all tadbFr (planning) in the hands

of God and on the 'onenessof the Creator', together with other Sufi ideas such as

ýabr (patience), hibah (divine gift), and luýf (divine grace), all of which are

closely related to the stagesand different states of Sufism. All these propositions

are simply evidence underlining the Sufi goal of connecting the individual with

his Lord and achieving union with Him and self-annihilation for His sake.

Zarr6q's text contains two passagesrelating to rakITIT submission. We

will cite these here, together with Ibn Zukri's commentary, and discussthem in

the light of Sufi ideology.

Zarr5q wrote of 'repentance at the time of sin and acknowledgment of

divine blessing at the time of obedience' (page 196). Commenting on this, Ibn

Zukri explained that repenting of sin is to desist from it, to turn to God, and to

submit to His Shari'ah. This will result in a transformation of behaviour and will

assist in developing a Muslim character. Acknowledgment of divine blessingis to

realize that one's faith in Islam is actually a gift from God.

 169

On page 197, Zarrfiq also referred to 'patience in misfortune and

gratitude in blessing! Ibn Zukri described patience in Misfortune as acceptance of

the difficulties and misfortunes of life, and gratitude as the expression of

happiness for the gifts of God and the engagement of the tongue in praising and

making mention of Him.

From these two passages of text and commentary, we may derive two

equations of opposing ideas in Sufi ideology, i. e. sin and obedience, and

misfortune and blessing.

We also find in the book other Sufi terms, such as 'reliance upon God',

'the onenessof God', tawbid and fand' (unity and self-annihilation), and finally

sabr (patience) and shukr (gratitude), both of which are regarded as basic stages

by the Sufis.

4.4 General Conclusions

In the light of the foregoing presentation, I may now draw my

conclusions concerning the characteristics and peculiarities of the writings of

Zarr5q and Ibn Zukri.

It is quite clear from the above analysis that, to a great extent, Zarr6q

adhered to the Qur'dn and Sunnah in developing the fundamental beliefs, though,

and method of his Sufi order. Each Sufi sheikh approached Sufism in his own

way. Sufi ideology depends on these two sources in its vision of generating a

faithful individual and the desirable Islamic society. The first authority is the
 170

book of God, which is recognize0d as being the primary source of legislation.

The second source is the Sunnah, which comprises the words and practice of the

Prophet. He is the messenger of Islam and is the most knowledgeable concerning

its teachings and methods of implementation, and is thus looked to as the finest

example of Islam, in both word and deed. On this basis, the Sufis have submitted

themselves to his wistitah (role as intermediary) and have accordingly set out

their goals and fundamental beliefs in linking the servant with his Lord, and

achieving union and self-annihilation for His sake. They have also connected all

their Sufi orders with the Prophet. ' We may therefore conclude that the

Zarr6qiyyah order followed the same Sunni Sufi methodology adopted by the

Sunni Sufi movement as a whole throughout the Islamic world, as well as the two

most influential and widespread movements in North Africa: the Shddhiliyyah and

the Qddiriyyah. 1

We have cited evidence in the form of frequent citations from their

texts, that Ibn Zukri relied upon the ideology of the third and fourth/ninth and

tenth-century Sufis in producing his comments and explanations. However, in

support of the Sufi ideas contained in the book, he did not restrict himself to

these two centuries but also made reference to scholarsand prominent Sufis (who

were known to adhere to these principles) from all ages down to his own (the

twelfth /eighteenth). We may therefore say that the Zarr6qiyyah order followed in

principle the examples of pious predecessorsamong the early Sufis. In this regard,

the Zarr6qiyyah was not very different to the other Sufi orders of North Africa

and, judging from the evidence given above, it is clear that, like all other Sufi

orders, the Zarr8qiyyah relied upon the Qur'dn and the Sunnah in its formulation

1. Khushayrn, ZarrRq, 100-104; Lings. What is Sufism?, 112.

2. Levtzion, "Western Maghrib", 399; Horrie, What is Islam?, 142.
 171

of principles and beliefs.

From our detailed study of the book, we have found that the Sufi

terminology contained in the book reflects various facets of Sufi doctrine,

together with reference to the stations and stagespassedthrough by the practising

Sufi on his journey towards the greatest Sufi ideal, i. e. union with God. These

Sufi terms also allude to the different levels achieved by individuals in their

relationship with God. We also find this in other Sufi books that have employed

the same terms for the same purposes.Thus, for example, terms contained within

the book, such as 'patience', 'repentance','gratitude', 'mercy', and 'compassion',are

all descriptive of the levels and states achieved in Sufi thought. They are also

indications of the stages passedthrough by the individual on his spiritual journey

toward the ultimate goal of self-annihilation. Other words, such as murid, s6lik,

shaykh, and qutb, again speak of particular ranks achieved during Sufi progress.

The Sufi terms cited in the book, such as tahallf, taialIT, sukr, and

ghaybah, indicate the degrees of relationship between the Sufi servant and his

Lord. We may therefore conclude that the Zarrýqiyyah order does not differ at

all from other orders of North Africa in its usage of these Sufi terms, as well as

in its methodology; structure; stations and stages of the Sufi ladder; and in the

specific conditions and statesof thesestages.

The contents of the book point in general to the important role of

knowledge in spreading the word of relgion and in strengthening its foundations.

This is the main trend of Sufi thought, as it is only through knowledge that the

commands and prohibitions of God are ever understood, as a result of which

personal conduct can be reformed. In this regard, we may again conclude that the
 172

Zarraqiyyah order is no different from other orders of North Africa in its

emphasis on acquiring knowledge and viewing it as a most important tool in

developing both the individual and society.

The book also raises the issue of personal evaluation (as may be seen in

Zarr5q's discussion of 'the wise and the ignorant') based on the principles of the

Shari'ah. The Sharf'ah is, in fact, regarded as an effective tool in reforming one's

character and also in resolving social problems. The idea of personal evaluation is

a valuable contribution by the Zarr6qiyyah order in the implementation of its

ideology in the world of Sufism.

The book does not cover all the fundamentals and components of

religion in great detail, but concentrates rather on the failings of people in their

acting upon and implementing these fundamentals. For example, there is

discussion in the text of the common problems of ritual ablution, prayer, fasting,

and pilgrimage, but there is omission of any discussion of the details relating to

their requirements and particulars. This reflects the book's practical purpose in

correcting the common errors of the day and generally seeking to reform the

Muslim character, rather than producing general ideological directives and

detailed religious information. The ZarrEqiyyah order, therefore, aims to observe

the practical realities of life and then to work toward rectifying common errors,

translating its ideas and principles into actions that are seen in the lives of the

people.

In this regard, it can be said that the Zarr5qiyyah order is not different

from the other Sufi orders of North Africa, for it works to establishits ideology
 173

along practical lines. In other words, it aims to translate Sufi thought into

practical action by assessingthe reality of the situation and marking its defects,

and then reforming it, thus practically implementing Sufi ideology.'

It has become clear in the course of our study of Ibn Zukri's

commentary on the ýadfth, 'Religion is good counsel' that Zarr5q defined the

ideological framework of his order in the light of the three factors mentioned by

the bad[th, i. e. God, His Prophet, and the Qur'in. The conditions and particulars

of the social, economic, cultural, political, and religious life of Muslim society

have all been devised on the basis of these three factors. As for the remaining

two factors of the badFth, i. e. 'the masses and the elite among the Muslims',

Zarr6q outlined the characteristics of Muslim society, dividing it into two parts:

the massesand the elite. The duty of the first group, he asserted,is to obey as

long as the orders received are compatible with religion. The responsibility of the

elite, made up of political leaders (rulers and the nobility) and religious leaders

(men of religion and Sufis), is to protect, reform, and guide in accordancewith

the principles of religion. The Zarr5qiyyah order is thus similar to other Sufi

orders in the sense that it has a clear social philosophy which, in the light of

Islamic thought, sets out the particulars and characteristics of both the Sufi

individual and society. This also led the Zarr5qiyyah to pursue a neutral way far

removed from affiliations to any other, political group; in this they were unlike

the Qddiriyyah and the Shddhiliyyah, who ended up either supporting or opposing

the governments of their time.2

Ibn Zukri's exposition of the concept of na$fbah offers clear proof of

1. Khushaym, Zarriiq the Sufi, 145.

2. Ibid., 112; Levtzion, "Western Maghrib", 399,404.
 174

the moral and spiritual ideology of the Zarr6qiyyah order, for Zarr5q not only

laid down moral guidelines for society, but also detailed the methodology for

translating these guidelines into practice. The Zarr6qiyyah order based its moral

and spiritual ideology on the concept of na$iýah. Moral values and principles are

formed through righteous practices and knowledge. These moral values, in turn,

reflect on one's faith and it is the strength of this faith (itself a result of

knowledge) in the believer that gives rise to spontaneous nasfýah, which is

effective in consolidating the religious composure of both the counselled

individual and society as a whole. Na,$ibah can thus be seen as a tool used to

consolidate the Islamic characteristicsof the individual and the social balance in a

Muslim society. As na$ibah is both the product of faith and a method for its

consolidation, it is possible for us to conclude that it is an effective tool that is

characterized by flexibility and progress in its implementation, and also by

endurance.

This principle of constant moral training and guidance sets the

Zarraqiyyah order in parallel with the other Sunni Sufi orders of North Africa. it

made its moral guidelines its social philosophy and set down particular moral

precepts and practices to achieve its social goals, and it has fully striven to

maintain a link between the social and political philosophies.

In general, it can be said that the ZarrEqiyyah order has basedits moral

and social philosophy on broad knowledge and understanding, and has done so

through a method which is very concise and intricate (considering the ideological

standards of Zarr6q's age). This brevity balanced by complexity impelled Ibn

Zukri to explain and clarify many of the book's less than apparent meanings.
 175

Finally, it may be suggestedthat it was intricacy and concisenesswhich may have

been responsible for the neglect of this great Sufi's name in accounts of the Sufi

movement in North Africa, despite his abilities and major achievements.

 176

CHAPTER FIVE

THE TEXT AND OTHER RELIGIOUS SCIENCES

5.1 Fiqh

5.2 If ad Fth
 177

CHAPTER FIVE

THE TEXT AND OTHER RELIGIOUS SCIENCES

During the early years of Islam, religious laws were not documented or

collected in an academic fashion, but were normally just passedon via the oral

narrations of religious scholars. This was generally the case, regardless of the

categories to which these laws related, viz worship, trade and transactions, or

creed and fundamentals. Practical complexities imposed new demandsin the field

of religious sciencesand their documentation, and thus the Shari'ah became the

first branch of Islamic knowledge to be studied and developed by scholars and

researchers.The fuqahd' produced works on liqh, on kaltim and its related issues,

on the sciencesof the Qur'dn together with its tafsFr, and also on had[th.

In the present discussion of religious sciences, we will concentrate

on liqh, Wdith, and kaldm, giving a brief introduction to each before discussing

their relationship with the book Sharh al-NasThah al-kdfTyah, as seen through

the views of the author and the notes of the commentator.

5.1. Figh

AIM says in the Qur'dn,

And the believers should not all go out to fight. Of every troop of them, a

party should go forth, that they (who are left behind) may gain sound
knowledge (Ii-yaiafaqqah&) in religion, and that they may warn their folk

when they return to them, so that they may beware (Surat al-Towbah, IX: 122).
 178

This is a clear directive to Muslims to study their religion and to come to

understand its laws. It is clear from the dyah that the purpose of tafaqquh (the

study of fiqh) is to protect the fundamentals of the Islamic call and to save

Muslims from falling into error and sin. Thus, the scholars of fiqh (a1-fuqahd')

are considered the most authentic and appropriate agents for prescribing sound

religious laws at times of special need and difficulty in the lives of their

fellow-Muslims.

It was this very duty and responsibility that led some of those concerned

with religious affairs to take up the study of religious sciences and to derive

canonical law from the texts. This they achieved by working according to the

guidance of the Qur'5n and badTth, and also through ijmd' (consensus) and

qiyCis(analogy) if ever the need arose.'

The text of Sharb al-NaSFýah al-kdf Fyah deals with a number of

religious topics related to the fundamental pillars of faith, together with a wide

range of varying issues in canonical law. It is no surprise, therefore, that

fiqh occupiesa fair portion of the book's concern.

The number and variety of the Sharl'ah laws has led to the emergence

of many conflicting opinions in the different schoolsof liqh, together with many

independent views outside the recognizedschools.At times, these differences have

surfaced within one particular school alone. This has required the present writer

For more information on the history of ijma' and qiyas, and their implementation, see
al-Bdfi, Aýkam al-fuýal f! ihkam al-u4W, 274 ff., 451 ff.
 179

to deal below with these theological views according to their appearancein the

text and to refer to pages on which later discussion of the views may be found.'

In our notes we will first list the theological differences between the different

schools of fiqh, before discussing the different views within the Malik! school

itself, which was the school of both Zarr5q and Ibn Zukri.

5.1.1. Differences between the schools of Jurisprudence

5.1.1.1. Differences of the schools on wuda' (ritual ablution)

The different schools of Islamic jurisprudence were in no disagreement

about the fact that wudfi' was the key to prayer. As explained below, their

differences only lay in part of the method of performing wu4fi'.

A. Ibn Zukri asserted, 'And the tasmFyah (naming) comes first' (p.

73-76), ' by which he meant that the basmalah should be pronounced when

beginning the wudl?.

The scholars differed on this point. Al-Sh5fi'i3 (d. 204/820) and Sufydn

al-Thawrl (d. 161/778) both considered it to be obligatory, whereasMalik denied

its obligatory character, asking, 'Does he intend to slaughter an animalT (in

reference to the law that prescribesthe uttering of the basmalah at the time of

slaughtering an animal). According to another narration, Malik left the utterance

or omission of the basmalah to the choice of the person performing the wuda'.

1. Ibn Zukrl discussed different views concerning any one topic on different occasions, so
that it seemedmost helpful to gather all this information in one place.
2. The page numbers cited are those of the edited text of Sharý al-Naý! ýah al-kaflyah.
3. To avoid repetition of references, the reader is here advised to refer to the biographies of
scholars in Part Two of Volume One. In determining the correct dates of their deaths,
reference has been made to Kabb5lah, Mu'jam and Mukht5r PAshd,al-Tawflqai.
 180

B. Ibn Zukri said, 'And this includes wiping only part of the head' (p. 59

f.).

This concerned the masb (wiping) involved in wu(ill'. The Sh5fi'1s

considered the masý of only part of the head to be compulsory with an absolute

minimum of three hairs, whereas the Mdlikis stated that it was obligatory to

include the entire head in masý, so that only wiping part of it would not suffice.

Here Ibn Zukri commented that adopting the MUM position on this issue would

ensure the validity of prayer according to both Imams, as the Shdfi'i school did

not view it as obligatory but neither did it object to it.

C. Ibn Zukrl spoke of 'performing wu4lX with nabTdh (Unfermented

wineY (P. 147).

Only according to the Uanaff school was this permissible; all other

schoolsproscribed it.

5.1.1.2. Differences of the schools with regard to Faldh

Of all the forms of Islamic worship, yaldh is probably surrounded with

the most conditions, laws, and related problems, and is also the most difficult to

master. It was, therefore, an open field for the contentions of the proponents of

the differing opinions among the schools of liqh.

A. Basmalah in ýaldh. Ibn Zukri spoke of 'omitting the recitation of the

 181

basmalah' (p. 62-65).

By this he meant the recitation of the doxology bi'smi '116hi'r-rabrn4dni

Or-rabfm at the beginning of the prayer or just before the recitation of Sarat

al-Fdtibah. The MUM school took its position on this issue from the following

words of Mdlik: 'He should not recite bi'smi 'Ildhi 'r-rabmdni 'r-raýlm in any

farel (obligatory) prayer, be it a silent prayer or one in which there is recitation

out loud, regardless of whether he is leading the prayer or not. This is the correct

sunnah (usage sanctioned by tradition) and this is what I have found people to

practise.' The Mdlikfs cited as evidence the fact that the basmalah was not part of

Sarat al-Fdtibah or any other Surdh of the Qur'dn, with the exception, of course,

of Sfirat W-Naml. The Shdfi'is, on the other hand, consideredthe recitation of the

basmalah in prayer to be obligatory. They relied for this opinion on the

consensusof the Companions of the Prophet, who included the writing of the

basmalah at the beginning of every Sfirah in the Qur'in. This was not the case,

however, with Sarat Bard'ah, as they did not consider this to be a separateSfirah.

B. Takbirat al-ibrdm. Ibn Zukri stated that it was necessary'to refrain

from the error of increasingthe wording' (p. 120 f.).

These words relate to the error of increasing even a letter in the

wording of the exclamation Alldhu akbar. The Mdlik! school's position on this

issue, as clearly enunciated by Mubammad ibn 'Abd al-Bdql al-Zurqfini (d.

1122/1710), was that adding the letter w5w before the hamzah of akbar so that it

became wa-akhbar, or changing the hamzah of akbar to wdw so that it became

 182

wakbar did not invalidate or detract from the prayer as long as it was not done

intentionally. By contrast, the Shdfi'is refused to permit any alteration to the

wording and considered this to be actually harmful to prayer.

C. Remaining silent after the takbTrat al-iýrdm. Ibn Zukri stated that it

was necessary'to join it [the takbTrat al-iýrdml with any prayer or recitation that

may follow' (p. 122 f. ).

This was a call for the individual to join up the takbTrat al-iýrdm with

the du'X (invocation) that followed (according to those who recommended the

du'6% or with the recitation of SCirat al-Fitioh (according to those who did not

regard the recitation of the du'& as compulsory). This was done to ensure that

there was no silence after the takbTrat al-ibrdm. There were conflicting opinions

on this question. Al-Shdfi'i, al-Awzd'i, l Isbdq ibn Riwdhiyyah,l and Ibn Ijanbal3

all assertedthat the imlim must observe three saktin (moments of silence), viz: (1)

a saktah after the rakbTrat al-ibrdm, to allow for the recitation of the du'd' for

the beginning of the $aldh; (2) a saktah after the recitation of Sarat

al-Fdriýah; and (3) a saktah after the recitation of the Sfirah that follows Slim

al-Fdtibah. The Uanafi school accepted only the first saktah and rejected the

other two. The MOW school, however, did not recognize any of the saknit and,

for this very reason, we find Zarr6q saying that it was necessary'to join it [the

takbTrat al-i6rdml with any prayer or recitation that may follow. '

1. Abfi 'Amr 'Abd al-Ralým5n al-Awffl (d. 157/774) was a scholar of Lebanon who headed
an early independent school of fiqh.
2. A scholar of hadith, d. 237/851.
3. Im5m Aýrnad Ibn Ijanbal, d. 241/855.
 183

D. The recitation of Sfirat al-Fdtiýah. Ibn Zukrl said, 'Although similar

to the Fdtiýah, this is permissible according to his school of fiqh' (p. 145 f.).

This point of beginning the Faldh with the recitation of Sarat

al-F&ibah was unanimously accepted by nearly all the different schools of

fiqh, which all considered it to be a basic condition for the validity of prayer.

The Ijanafi school was excepted, as it stated that it was permissible for the

individual to recite any verse of the Qur'dn in place of the Fdtibah.

E. Devotion in $aldh. Ibn Zukrl said, 'If he is interrupted by an insidious

thought, then he should try to dispel it' (p. 105-111).

The purpose of this advice was to encouragethe worshipper to put aside

any insidious thoughts from his mind, as devotion in prayer was an absolute sine

qua non for the validity and perfection of prayer. The scholars differed on this.

The Shdfi'is, including a]-Ghaz5li, assertedthat devotion was a condition for the

vailidity of prayer and so they made it obligatory for at least part of the prayer,

especially at the time of the takbirat al-iýrdm, and declared prayer to be invalid

without devotion. The M51ikis, on the other hand, including Ibn Zukri, did not

make devotion a prerequisite of prayer. Ibn Zukrl elaborated on this, saying,

'Those who perform their prayer in the manner prescribed by the Iuqah[F will

have fulfilled their obligation and will receive their appropriate reward. Those

who also observe what al-Ghazdll has considered obligatory will increase their

reward.' He then proceeded to explain that making devotion a prerequisite for the

validity of prayer was the result of a narrow understanding of the Qur'in and
 184

Jjadfth.

F. Saldm in $aldh. Ibn Zukri wrote, 'The chosen wording at the time of

turning is al-saldm 'alaykum.'

By this Ibn Zukri indicated that the words at-saldm 'alaykum must be

spoken at the time of ending the ýFaldh(p. 145 f.). The Mfiliki school emphasized

that the words were obligatory and admitted no alternatives. The Uanafis,

however, together with other scholars such as al-Awzd'i and al-Thawri,

maintained that the tasllm was sunnah (a customary procedure) and the words

al-saliim 'alaykum were not an absolutely necessary condition for ending the

prayer, but that it was permissible to use any alternative wording that indicated

the termination of the prayer.

G. Congregational prayer. Ibn Zukri commented, 'This includes being

careless and missing the congregation' (p. 95-97).

This he said with regard to those people who failed to join the

congregational prayer, or who were careless about its timing, joining it after

having missed the takbirat al-ibrdm, or even a rak'ah. Although the schools of

fiqh were unanimous in declaring the congregational prayer to be superior to the

prayer of an individual, they differed with regard to its conditions, i.e. whether it

was farel (obligatory) or merely a sunnah (a usage sanctioned by tradition). The

Mdlikis, who contended that it was sunnah, were opposed by the Uanballs, a
 185

number of Ttibi'fin, ' and some scholars of bad[th such as 'Atd' ibn Muslim (d.

133/755) and Ab5 Thawr (known as Ibrdhim ibn Kh5lid, d. 240/854), who all

asserted that it was obligatory for all capable men and that, being similar to the

Friday prayer, it was only valid if performed in a congregation, unlessthere was

no one else to join the prayer.

5.1.13. Differences of the schools regarding fasting

There were two main points of difference: (A) the intention in fasting,

and (B) eating by mistake during the fasting period.

A. The intention in fasting. Ibn Zukri wrote, 'One of the common

problems related to fasting is to overdo oneself in exerting the intention at the

beginning of the month (or every night according to those who deem it

necessary)' (P. 154 0.

The Mdlikis regarded one's intention of fasting at the beginning of the

month to be sufficient. The Ijanaff and Shdfi'i schools,on the other hand, stressed

the necessityof repeating the intention on every night of Rarnad5n.

B. Eating by mistake during the fasting period. Ibn Zukri stated, '...or if

he eats in forgetfulness, then, contrary to his school of fiqh, he does not

for
compensate this day of fasting' (p. 158).

The Sh5fi'i school did not consider it necessaryfor the fasting person to

'The Followers', i.e. those who came after the Companions of the Prophet as transmitters
of Islamic Tradition.
 186

compensate for a day if he ate forgetfully, while in contrast the Mdlik! school

imposed a day's additional fasting in compensation.

5.1.1.4. Differences of the schools relating to the recitation of the Quelin

Ibn Zukri wrote, 'Some of the common problems of recitation are

lahn (incorrect pronunciation), affectation, singing, and tafrib (contrived vocal

quavering)' (p. 124-128).

This comment dealt with the importance of reciting the Qur'dn in a

reliable manner without committing any of the above errors. The MUM school

advised against a melodious recitation, contrary to the Shdfi'is, who allowed it on

the condition that the reader understood what he was reciting. All the schools

agreed in prohibiting an excessive rise and fall of the voice to the extent that

understandingthe text becamedifficult.

5.1.1.5. Differences with regard to sending salutations to the Prophet

Ibn Zukri said, '... This also includes not sending salutations to the

Prophet (peace be upon him)' (p. 152).

The Sh5fi'Is viewed this as obligatory, while the Mfilikis regarded it as

sunnah.

5.1.2. Differences within the M51iki school

Differences of opinion were not restricted to the schools of fiqh, but

were even to be found within one and the same school. As both Zarr6q and Ibn
 187

Zukri adhered to the Mdlik! school, the different views mentioned in their books

were all held within this one school. Within the bounds of the presentstudy, we

will discuss the varying opinions to be found in Ibn Zukri's commentary on a

number of issues.

5.1.2.1 Different viewpoints on wudU-'

A. Ibn Zukrl spoke of 'being carelesswith the sunan' (p. 60 f.).

This comment related to the different sunnah practices of wuda', which

included gargling and cleansingthe nose.Leading Mdliki scholarsdiffered in their

ruling concerning the intentional omission of these recommendedpractices.There

were three main views, as follows. (1) Mubammad ibn Abmad ibn Rushd (d.

520/1126)1 was of the opinion that leaving out these recommended practices did

not necessitate the repetition of prayer, either then or later. (2) 'Abd al-Rabmin

ibn al-Qdsim (d. 191/806) was of the opinion that the prayer must be repeated

immediately, except that if the time of prayer had expired, there was no need to

make the repetition. (3) Hdrfin ibn Abmad ibn 'At (d. 582/1186) insisted that in

the event of the above practices' being omitted, the prayer must be repeated

regardlessof whether it be accomplishedwithin the prayer time or later.

B. Ibn Zukri stated, 'The common problems include excessive talking,

which distracts one's attention, and also excessive dhikr (repetition of words or

phrases)' (p. 69 f. ).

1. The grandfather of Averroes.

 188

Mubammad ibn al-Hdjj (d. 737/1336) maintained that one of the

recommendationsrelating to wuda' was to remain silent unless one be engagedin

dhikr. He added that excessive speech, or even dhikr, was undesirable as it

distracted the heart from concentrating on the immediate requirements of wudfi'.

He was supported in this view by most of the adherentsof the Mdlik! school. Ibn

Rushd, however, was of the opinion that constant dhikr was one of the

recommendationsrelating to wuj[F.

5.1.2.2 Different viewpoints on $aldh

A. Ibn Zukrl raised the issue of 'omitting the basmalah in the case of

the Mdlikis' (P. 62 f. ).

We have mentioned before that the Miliki school disapproved of

reciting the basmalah, yet some jurists, such as Mubammad ibn 'Ali al-Mdzarl (d.

536/1141), 'Abd Alldh ibn Miqddd al-Aqfahsi (d. 823/1344), and Mubammad ibn

Abmad al-Quraf! (d. 867/1463) allowed its recitation silently. This was apparently

a means of avoiding disagreement between their own school of liqh and the

Sh5fi'i school, which made its recitation obligatory.

B. Ibn Zukri wrote, 'There is a consensuson the obligation of keeping

one's heart and devotion in prayer' (p. III

The Miliki jurists all agreed that the 'presence of the heart and devotion'

was one of the obligations of prayer. They did, however, disagree on its being a

condition for the validity of prayer. Qidi 'Iy5d ibn Wsi (d. 544/1149) considered
 189

it to be a prerequisite, without which prayer could not be valid. Ibn Rushd, on

the other hand, viewed it as a prerequisite for the perfection of prayer, but not

for its validity.

C. Ibn Zukri took up the question of 'preceding the imdm and

accompanyinghim [in the movements of prayerT (p. 150 f.).

In general, MAIM jurisprudents stated that preceding the imijm in the

takb[r al-tabrfmahl and sald M2 was prohibited and actually invalidated the

prayer. The second part of the question, 'accompanyinghim [in the movements of

prayerY, was a matter of theological dispute. One opinion held that accompanying

the imdm was only desirable in the takbfr al-rahrlmah and the saldm; other than

on these two occasions, it was undesirable. An alternative opinion, attributed to

M51ik, stated that it was permissible to accompany the imdm in all movements

except when rising from the tashahhud3 after the first two rukli's, and at the time

of pronouncing the takbTr al-tabrFmah and the saldm.

D. Ibn Zukri spoke of 'missing the congregationalprayer' (p. 95-97).

In the view of the MAHE school, missing the congregationalprayer was

a major offence, as it was generally considered to be sunnah. Some Mdliki

scholars went even further, like Muhammad ibn Muhammad al-Uattdb (d.

1. The first ejaculation of Allahu akbar in the liturgical prayer, said standing.
2. The greeting spoken, turning the head first to the right and then to the left, at the
conclusion of the liturgical prayer.
3. The confession of faith pronounced during the liturgical prayer, immediately after the
taýiyah and before the salam, still in the kneeling position and with the first finger of the
right hand extended, as a witness to the unity of God.
 190

954/1547), who viewed it as sunnah mu'akkadah,l and al-Mdzari, who considered

it to be fard kildyah (a collective duty).

5.1.2.3 Differences with regard to sending salutations to the Prophet

Ibn Zukri said, '...This also includes not sending salutations to the

Prophet (peacebe upon him)' (p. 152).

Most Millikis regarded the practice as sunnah and strongly recommended

it. However, some few held it to be virtuous, but entirely optional.

5.1.2.4. Differences regarding mazdlim

Mazdlim (sing. mazlimah) are misdeeds, or acts of injustice, particularly

the wrongful or forceful removing of another's property. There were differences

within the Mdliki school regarding two distinct types of maZdlim: (1) maZdlim

nafsiyyah, i. e. misdeeds relating to persons, and (2) maZ51im dFniyyah, i. e.

religious misdeeds.

5.1.2.4.1. Maýdlim nafsiyyah

Ibn Zukri said, 'There are differences of opinion on maz5lim

natsiyyah if they are not related to wealth or property' (p. 203).

Mazdlim related to the person and not to wealth or property were the

subject of jurisdictional debate. There was no dispute among the Mfiliki scholars

to
with regard maýdlim related to wealth, so that, for example, they all held that

'Certain custom', i.e. a matter emphatically enjoined on his followers by the Prophet
Mubammad.
 191

the belongings of a person killed unintentionally must be handed over to the

rightful heirs, or, in cases where compensation was due, it must be paid to the

party in question.

There were, however, two views among the Mdlik! scholarswith regard

to maZdlim casesthat did not involve wealth or property. The one opinion, held

by Zarr6q, stated that the criminal must turn himself over to the victim or ruler

for retribution. The secondopinion, maintained by Ibn Rushd, held that the guilty

individual must perform good deeds, such as freeing a slave or participating in

flMd, in penancefor his wrongdoing.

5.1.2.4.2 Mquilim diniyyah

Ibn Zukri stated, 'Circumstancesdiffer with regard to mazdlim d[niyyah'

204).

The Mdliki school viewed religious misdeeds, such as takITr (denouncing

another as an unbeliever) and tafsiq (denouncing another as sinful or as a

heretic), as sins for which, most of the time, repentance before God was

necessary. The ruling regarding a person who accused another of unbelief and

heresy was, however, a point of dispute in the Mdlik! school. Ibn Rushd stated

that the guilty individual must retract his words and acknowledge his error in the

presence of the accused. Zarr6q, however, maintained that he should repent

before God of his sin (whether committed openly or secretly) and that he need

not acknowledge his error in the presence of the accused unless he may be

assured that he will not suffer a greater harm.

 192

5.2. Hadith

The science of bad[th is based on a number of rules whereby the

reliability of a badIth's sanad (chain of transmission) can be evaluated. The

badfth is confined to statements, actions, or approvals ascribed to the Prophet.

The purpose of the science of badIth is to discover what is to be accepted and

what is to be rejected among all the sayings that have been attributed to the

Prophet. This is done in order to distinguish and preserve the correct Sunnah.

The scholars of this science divide badith into three categories:

4ablb (sound), basan (good), and da'if (weak).' The highest form of bad[th,

badTth Faýfb, is a narration whose chain of transmission can be traced back to

the Prophet through reliable and trustworthy individuals (i.e. people who narrate

authentic bad[th and who are upright in moral conduct and character) without

any shudhadh (irregularity) or 'illah (flaw). The first two books to contain only

ýablb badFths were the Jdmi' al-4ab[ý, compiled by Mubammad ibn Ismd'il

al-Bukh5ri (d. 256/870), followed by the $abTb Muslim, compiled by Muslim ibn

al-Ijusayn al-Qushayri al-Nisdbari (d. 261/875). In Sunni Islam, these two books

are generally accorded the highest authority after the Qur'dn itself.'

The second category of badIth, the badFth basan, is defined as a

badFth which, although it does not attain the degree of sablb in terms of

authenticity, precision, and accurate memory of the narrators, is recorded by an

authority who is well known in this field and whose narrations are also reputable

and accepted by most scholars.There are no known works that record only this

1. The first scholar to create and record these categories was Mulýarnrnad ibn Shih5b
al-ZuhrI, during the reign of the Umayyad Caliph, 'Umar ibn 'Abd al--ýAem
2. Al-Nawawl, Manhal, 31-33.
 193

category of badith. '

A badith (fa'ff is one that does not have the characteristics of the two

'
previous categories. There are a number of works that deal specifically with this

kind of badIth, such as Ibn al-JawzFs al-Mawali'Lit.

To avoid repetitive mention and comment on certain bad[ths and in

keeping with the limits of this study, it will be appropriate to focus the reader's

attention on those bad[ths that have been relied upon by Ibn Zukri in his

commentary on Zarr6q's Na$ioh, which are covered in detail in Part Two of the

present work.

Through the brief discussionof bad[ths in Part Two, the reader will be

able to gauge the relationship between the science of bad[th and the text of

Sharb al-NaýTbah al-kdflyah, and also the successof the method adopted by Ibn

Zukr! in expounding Zarr6q's Sufi ideology with the aid and support of bad[ths.

It is also clear that the Zarrfiqiyyah Sufi order founded its principles, basic

teachings, structure, and framework all in the light of the Sunnah. Although the

small amount of material selected for comment above only permits us to deduce

a general inclination rather than a definite method, it may also be safely

concluded that Ibn Zukri did, to the best of his endeavour, seek to comment on

Zarraq's text by citing ýabFb badfths both to support his own exegesison the one

hand, and the ideology of the original text and the Zarr5qiyyah order on the

other.

1. Ibid., 43.
2. Ibid, 49.
 194

CHAPTER SIX

METHODOLOGY
 195

CHAPTER SIX

METHODOLOGY

When the researcher examined the text of Sharb al-Na$Tbah

al-k5tTyah as the object of this study, it was soon recognized that an edition of

the whole text would be a task beyond the scope of a Ph.D. thesis. Indeed, the

production of a critical edition of the whole text would require the efforts of

more than one person; it would, in fact, be necessaryfor a team to work together

to achieve this aim. After discussing the matter with my supervisor, we reached

the conclusion that the edition should cover only the first of the five topics of the

text, i. e. "Na$Tbah for the sake of God", which covers 218 of the 1265 pages of

the complete text.

In order to establish an authentic text of Sharb al-Naýfbah

al-kdf iyah by comparison of textual variants in the extant manuscript copies, and

in order to provide detailed explanatory notes on this text, it has been necessary

to use appropriate methods to achieve these objectives.

The Editing of the Arabic text

For the purpose of achieving a clear and accurate picture of the textual

variants in the Arabic manuscripts, the variants have been divided into two types,

as follows:

1. If a different word or sentence was found in different manuscripts, no

matter if the meaning was affected or not, such variants constitute

manuscriptal 'differences'.
 196

2. If a mistake was discovered in the structure of a word or sentence in

different manuscripts, no matter if the meaning was affected or not, such

variants constitute either manuscriptal 'accuracies'

or 'errors.

At the foot of each page of the Arabic text, each type of variant is separately

noted, with the page and line numbers indicating the places where the variants
9
occur in the original manuscript M. The Arabic letters 1, y, etc. are used

to indicate the former type of variant, while the Arabic numerals T, r, t, etc.

are used to indicate the latter type of variant. Thus, for example, if there are

three differences and two errors between the manuscriptson page 1, the letters 1,

will respectively indicate the first, second, and third differences, while the

numbers ý and T will respectively indicate the first and seconderrors. The same

practice is followed throughout the 218 pagesof the text.

Most textual variants occur in the Tunisian copy (T) and the

$ubaybiyyah copy (S). The Shinq1ti copy (SH) is used as a third-rank witness to

the original text and has not been relied on unless both T and S contain an

obvious mistake, miss a word, have an unfamilar sentencestructure, or contain

any word or meaning that must be deemed incorrect.

In order to render the edited text more usable by the modern reader,

punctuation has been added with care taken not to alter the original meaning

clearly intended.
 197

The Explanatory Notes

An analysis of the text reveals that it contains many elements. These

have been classified into the following six categories, which are dealt with, page

by page in order of the ranking below, under separateheadings in the notes on

the text:

1. Qurdnic verses;

2. Ifad[ths;

3. Eminent figures;

4. Sufi terminology;

5. Places;and

6. Miscellaneouscomments.

In each category, the explanatory notes are organized according to their position

on the page (defined by the line number, T') and, within lines, by their order of

appearance.

Information has been provided in each category according to the

following schema:

1. Qur'dnic verses: the name of the Krah and the number of the relevant

versesWydt).

2. YadFths: the original sourcesand the degree of reliability.

3. Eminent figures: the person's full name, his dates of birth and death (where

known), and his scholarly achievements.

 198

4. Sufi terminology: the literal meaning of the term and the technical Sufi

usageof the term.

5. Places:the historical and contemPOraryfeatures of cities and towns.

6. Miscellaneous comments: concise comments sufficient to identify the item

referred to.
 199

PART TWO

NOTES ON THE TEXT

1. Qur'5nicverses
2. Hadiths

3. Eminent figures

4. Sufi terminology

5. Places

6. Miscellaneous comments
 200

PART TWO

NOTES ON THE TEXT

Page 1

Eminent figures

1.4: Ibn Zukri. See Chapter Three.

Page 2

Eminent figures

1.16: Abmad Bdbd al-Tunbukti. Abmad ibn Abmad ibn 'Umar ibn Mubammad

al-Takkfirl, better known as Bdbd al-Tunbukti (963-1032/1623-1556),was a

scholar, jurist, and great writer. ' He was the author of Nayl al-ibtihdi

bi-tatrTz aI-dTbdj, 2 on the prominent malki scholars.

1.16: Shihdb al-Din AbE al-'Abbds Abmad ibn Abmad ibn Mubammad ibn 'Isd

al-Burnus! al-Fdsi, better known as Zarraq. See Chapter Three, section 2.

Sufi terminology

1.16: A shaykh is a person who has trod the path of truth and has recognized the

perils and dangers of the way, so that he is able to guide his disciples and

point out to them those things which are beneficial and those which are

1. Kaýbdlah, Mu'jani, 1.145.

2. Al-Kattdni, Fihris, 1,113.
 201

harmful. The shaykh is also said to be one who helps to develop mutual

love between God and His slaves. In yet another view, the shaykh is one

who is possessedof a holy entity but perishable qualities; a prerequisite is,

however, that he must possess full knowledge of the Qur'dn and the

Prophetic Traditions.'

1.18: Sfif L The word is applied to one who pursues the path of Sufism?

Traditionally, a Sufi is he who is, in himself, perishable yet imperishable

through his communion with Almighty God. A Sufi is he who shuns

physical wants and seekscommunion with the 'Reality of 3

Realities'.

1.18: WaIT. Literally, it means he who takes charge of, or undertakessomething.'

In Sufi terminology, it applies to one whose affairs are taken care of by

God, so that he is not left to manage for himself, even for a moment. He

whose state is such, engagesin worship and obedience to God; his worship

is pure, not mixed with disobedience. God described those whose state is

such by saying, 'Behold! verily on the friends of God there is no fear - nor

shall they grieve. Those who believe and (constantly) guard against evil'

Mrah 10 [Yfinus], 62 f. ). So the walF is he who is constant in his

obedience to God and ever guarding against evil and carnal and worldly

desires. Consequently, God takes him into His ibsdn (benevolence) and

favours.1

1.18: Quýb. Literally, it means the pivot fixed to the centre of the lower part of

a quern around which the upper part turns, hence the pivot of the circle.

The pivot of something is its main part around which the subject matter

1. AI-13ifnl, Mu'jam, 143.

2. lbid, 670; Al-KarmT, at-Hadl. 11,518.
3. Al-Karml, at-Had!, 111,63;al-ýfifnl, Mu'jam, 157.
4. Anis, al-Mu'jam, 11,1058.
5. Al-Uifni, Mu'jam. 269.
 202

revolves. The pivot of a group of people is their chief.1 In Sufi usage, the

qutb is a particular person of a particular degree of cognition, upon whom

the care of God is conferred in every place and time; and he is also called

ghawth (succour) in consideration of the fact that the worried resort to him.

The Qu(b al-aqraib, in Sufi perception, is the Prophet (pbuh), who is

referred to as al-Haqiqah al-Mubammadiyya (the Mubammadan Truth)

because he is the pivot around whom truths turn and the abdundant

provider of all the Sufi aqfab.'

1.18: Ghawth. Literally, the word is related to the verb aghdtha, which means

4to support in times of adversity'? In Sufi usage, a ghawth is a qu(b who is

resorted to for help. Other than in times of seeking help, a qu(b is not

referred to as a ghawth.1

1.18: Al--ýdrif bi-71ah. Literally, al-'drif means 'one who knows', but in Sufi usage

it indicates one who is providentially fitted to obtain knowledge (ma'rifah)

of God's entity. As it is employed among Sufis, the expression al-'arif

bl-'IlCzh implies that God has borne witness to a person so that his

psychological state or moods (abwtib become noticeable and cognition

ma'rifah is the condition of his soul. Muhammad ibn lsbdq al-Kaldbidhi

(d. 396/1005) divided ma'rifah into ma'rifat al-baqq and ma'rifat

al-ýaqiqah, stating that the former of these expressions describes insight

into the unity of the Supreme God as He has revealed His attributes, while

the latter expression describes the 'Cirifs awareness of his incapability of

perception due to his lack of cognition of the eternal God (al-$amad) who

is ultimately unperceivable. Thus, ma'rilah is like a secret reverberating

1. Al-KarmT, al-Hadi, 535.

2. Al-Ijifni, Mu'jam, 117.
3. Ibn Zakariyy5', Mu'jam,
4. Al-13akim, al-Mu'jam, 848.
 203

between glorification of the ineffable truth of God and His ungraspable

loftiness.'

Places

1.19: Fez. A city of Morocco, situated on the river Sebou and founded in

193/790. The city is today the capital of Fez province and is an important

centre of culture, trade, and land communication as it is situated at the

centre of the country. It contains many historical remains, such as

Qarawiyyin University (one of the oldest universities in the Islamic world,

founded in 124/859) and the Qarawiyyin Minaret of the Andalusian

University, which was founded in 345/956.1 After the independence of The

Kingdom of Morocco in 1956, Qarawiyyin University was reinstated and

modernized, and, for the first time, women were admitted to study there.3

Page 3

Eminent figures

1.1: Al-Lamati, or al-Sati. Ab6 IsbAq Ibrihim ibn M6sd, otherwise known as

al-Sh5tib! (d. 880/1475/6, i. e. not the famous al-Im5rn al-Sh5tibi), derived

from 4
his name the village of Lamat, at Sijilmdsah in Morocco. It has not

proved possible to discover the titles of any of his works in the biographical

sources.

1.2: Al-Q5rL AH Hris 'Abd al-'Azlz Muhammad al-Quri al-Bdsili (d.

750/1449/50) achieved fame for his piety and learning in theology and

1. Al-Sharq5w!, Alfa;, 207.

2. Ibn al-'Arabl, al-Maghrib, 209; al-Shamarl, al-Mu'jam, 464.
3. Al-Ba'labakki, Mawsil'ah, 11,917 f.
4. Ibn lbrAhTm, al-AU7m, 11,187.
 204

jurisprudence.He was the author of an commentary on al-Mudawwanah.l

1.2: AI-Zarhfini. Ab6 ljdmid al-'Arabi ibn al-Hishim! al-Zarh6ni (d. 1260/1844)

was an im6m, a jurist, and a theologian, who studied under, among others,

Shaykh Tayyib ibn Kirdn.1

1.2: Al-Majdsi. Unknown.

1.2: Al-Ust5dh al-$aghir. Unknown.

1.3: 'Abd al-Rabmdn al-Majd5li. 'Abd al-Rabmdn ibn Jawhar ibn 'Abd al-Ijayy

al-Majd5li al-Ghuzzi al-Ash'ari was a distinguished MOW jurisprudent and

the author of MukhmFar Wafaydt al-a'ydn Ii-'bn Khallik6n'

1.4: 'Abd al-Uaqq. Ab& Mubammad ibn 'Abd al-Uaqq ibn 'Abd al-Rabmdn ibn

'Abd Alldh al-Azd! al-Ishbili was an imcim and bdfiz, erudite and well

versed in Prophetic Tradition. He also contributed to literature and poetry.

He was the author of al-Abkdm al-kubrd wa-'I-$ughrV

1.7: Al-Tha'dlibi. 'Abd al-Rabm5n ibn Mubammad ibn al-Tha'dlibi

(785-875/1383-1473) was a jurisprudent, a Qur'finic commentator, and a

Sufi. He was the author of al-'Ulfim al-fdkhirah fF al-naZar fF umfir

at-5khirah.1

1.7: Al-Mushddli. Abfi 'Abd Alldh Mubammad ibn 'Ali al-Qdsim al-Mushddli

al-Bijd'i (d. 866/1461/2) was a scholar, jurisprudent, orator, and multF of

Bijdyah. He issued many fatwds on measurement and civil marriage

regulations. He wrote a supplement to Heishiyat Ibn MahdF, entitled

l
al-Mudawwanah, one of the most important Miliki collections of latwcls

and hence a principal reference tool among MOW jurisprudents.

1. Al-Mistirl, Shajarah, 221.

2. Ibid., 398.
3. AI-Zirikll, al-Alam, 111,303.
4. Al-Dardir, al-Shar4, IV, 865.
5. Kabb5lah, Mu'jam, V, 192.
6. Al-Mistirl, Shajarah, 263.
 205

1.7: Al-Tfiz! Ibrdhim. Isbiq Ibrdhim ibn Mulýammad al-TAz! (d. 866/1462)

achieved fame as a scholar of jurisprudence and u$X al-d1n, and as a Sufi.,

Among his disciples were al-Hdfi7, al-T5nisi and Im5m Zarr6q. In spite of

al-Tdzi's being mentioned in many books, none of these books mention any

of his books.'

1.7: IjuI515. Ab5 al-'Abbds Abmad ibn 'Abd al-Rabmdn al-Yazlitini al-Qarawl,

known as UulfiM, was an imdm and great scholar. He tutored Abmad

Zarr5q and was the author of two commentariesentitled al-Mukhtasar. l

1.7: Al-Ra$$d'. Muhammad ibn Qdsim al-Ra$$d' (d. 894/1489) was the chief

judge of Tunisia.' He was the author of al-Tashil wa-7-taqrFb wa-'1-ta$bib

1
li-riwdyat al-J5me a1-.FabFb.

1.8: Al-Akhdarl. 'Abd al-Rabmdn ibn Mubammad al-Akhdari

(918-983/1512-1575) was the author of al-Sullam and Sharb al-Sullam, '

dealing with logic, a copy of which is preserved at MS no. Kh/86/491 in

the High Committee of Heritage and History, Abu Dhabi, U.A. E.

1.8: Al-San6sl. Mubammad ibn Yfisuf ibn Shu'aybal-Sanýsl (832-895/1428-1490)

was an erudite and pious figure of his day. He was the author of Sharh

'Aqldat at-Tawhid, Al-Khizdnah Al-$ubayýiyah, No. 85 A.7

1.8: Al-Tansi. Abý 'Abd Alldh Muhammad ibn 'Abd Allih ibn 'Abd al-Jalil

al-Tansi (d. 899/1493) was an historian, who wrote Naham al-durr

wa-'1-'1qydn fF dawlat Al Zayydn,' a manuscript copy of which is preserved

in the $ubaybiyyah Library, SaI6, at no. 486/3.

1. Ibid.
2. Al-Sakh5wl, al-4)aw', 1,187.
3. Al-Mistirl, Shajarah, 259.
4. Ibid.
5. Al-Sakhgwl, al-, Qaw', V111,287.
6. ljajj-i Khallfah, Kashf, 11,998; al-Mistirl, Shajarah, 285.
7. Kabb5lah, Mu'jam, X11,132.
8. Al-Zirikll, al-A'lam, V1,238.
 206

1.9: Al-Sanh6ri. 'Ali ibn 'Abd Alldh AH al-Hasan al-Misr!

(814-889/1411/2-1484/5) was a follower of the Mdlikite school of

jurisprudence and theology. He was the author of a commentary on Khal-il

ibn Isbdq's Mukhta$ar in nine volumes)

1.9: Al-Damiri. Muhammad ibn M5sd ibn 'Isi ibn 'Ali al-Damiri

(742-808/1341-1405) was a well-versed Shdfi'ite from Damirah. Among the

books he wrote were Ifaydt al-ýayawdn (on animal life) and

al-DIMiah (on the Sunan of Ibn Mijah)?

1.9: Al-Sakhdwi. Shams al-Din Ab5 al-Khayr Mubammad ibn 'Abd al-Rabmin

al-Sakhdwi (d. 902/1496/7) was an im5m, a b6liz, and a historian. He was

the author of at-4)aw' al-ldmi` fi a'ydn al-qarn al-tdsr (published in Beirut,

n. d. ) and al-Maqdýid al-hasanah /T bay5n kathir min al-abddlth, l

published in Beirut, 1399/1977.

1.12: Khalil ibn Isbdq. Khalil ibn lsbdq ibn Mfisd I)iyd' al-Din al-Jundi (d.

776/1374) was a Mfilikite scholar and muItT in Egypt. He was the author of

al-Mukhtaýar (on jurisprudence and theology) and a commentary on Ibn

al-lidjib's Mukhtasar. 1

1.13: Ibn 'At5' All5h. ME 'Abb5s Abmad ibn Mubammad ibn 'Abd al-Karim ibn

'Atd' Alldh (d. 709/1309) was one of the founders of the Shddhiliyyah

(ariqah. He was tutored by Aba al-'Abbds al-Mursi and Shaykh Ydqat

al-'Arshi. He was the author of several books, among them al-TanwTr /F

isqdt at-tadbir, al-Ifikam, and Latd'if al-minan (enumerating the virtues

and outstanding traits of his shaykh).'

1. M-Dardir, al-Sharý al-4aghir, IV, 862.

2. Ibid., VII, 118.
3. Al-Sakh5wi, al-Maqiiýid,
4. Ibn 13ajar al-'Asqal5n!, at-Durar. 11,86; Aýmad M5, Nayl, 95.
5. Al-Mistirl, Shajarah, 204.
 207

1.15: Al-Maqqarl'. Mubammad ibn Mubammad ibn Ahmad Abfi Bakr

al-Tilimsini, known as al-Maqqari' (d. 758/1357), was an erudite Sufi and

littýrateur belonging to the Mdlikite school of jurisprudence and theology.

He also served as a judge. He was the grandfather of Abmad ibn

Mubammad al-MaqqaiT al-Tilimsdni, the author of Nafb al-t[b. He himself

was the author of al-QawiTid.1

1.15: Al-Shushtarl. 'Ali ibn 'Abd AIM al-Numayr! (b. 668/1270Y was an

Andalusian Sufi. He left an anthology of poetry, including some

(a
muwashshabdt post-classical form of Arabic poetry, arranged in stanzas),

and azidl (popular Arabic poems in strophic form). He was the author of

aI-MaqdITd aI-wuj1idiyyah fT asrdr aI-$afiyyah and al-Vrwah al-wuthqd?

Sufi terminology

1.17: Fath. The noun derives from the verb fataha (to rule). Traditionally and

idiomatically, latb means all gifts bestowed (on the worshipper) which were

previously withheld. This may include both explicit and implicit gifts, such

as sustenance, devotion in worship, knowledge, and revelations. '

1.17: TamkFn (capacitation) is the rank in Sufi progress of consolidation and

steadfastness. A worshipper making progress along the path will always be

subject to variation and transformation, for he ascends from one stage to

another, and moves from one category of initiation to the next. When he

reaches it and finds communion, then capacitation has been achieved. '

1.18: Murid. A murid is a novice who is entirely devoted to God as a result of

1. Ibn al-'Im5d, Shadharat, VI, 193-6.

2. AI-Zirikil, al-A'lam, IV, 305.
3. Abmad B5bd, Nayl, 202.
4. Al-Qdsh5n!, 135.
5. Al-Jurj5n!, al-TaWfal, 70.
 208

profound contemplation and spiritual perception.' A murld will discard his

own will because of his enlightened realization that whatever happens in

this world is entirely related to and dictated by the will of God!

1.19: Bad' (innovation, or heresy) is a term indicating an action which is

inconsistent with or contradictory to the Prophetic Traditions. The term

indicates that the action so designated is an innovation, 'without the license

"
or recommendation of an imCim.

Page 4

Eminent figures

1.2: Al-Qastalldni. Abrnad ibn Muhammad ibn AN 'Abd al-Malik al-Qastalldni

(851-923/1448-1517) was an expert in Prophetic Traditions and was the

author of Irshdd5t al-siri ff ýaýFb al-Bukhdrf (in ten parts).,

1.2: Al-Laqdni. Muhammad ibn Ijasan ibn 'All ibn 'Abd al-Ralýrndn al-Laqdni

(873-957/1468-1551) was the author of works entitled al-Basmala Sharb

Mukhta$ar al-muntaM, and Sharb ManZamat Ibn Rushd.5

1.3: Al-Hatt5b. Ab6 'Abd Alldh ibn 'Abd a]-Rabmdn a]-Ru'ayni, known as

al-Hattdb (861-945/1457-1539)was an im6m and Mdlikite authority. He was

tutored by al-Sanh6ri and Abrnad Zarr6q. He was the author of a work

entitled Mawdhib al-jaffl. 6

1.2: Tdhir al-Qustantini. Ab5 al-'Abb5s Abrnad ibn Y6nus al-Qustant-in-i

(816-878/1413-1473)was an imdm and an authority in jurisprudence.7

1. Ibid., 221.
2. Al-Ijifni, Mu'jam, 242.
3. Al-Tah5nawl, Kashf, 1,191.
4. AI-Sakh5wl, al-,Qaw', 11,103.
5. Kabb5lah, Mu'jam, IX, 203.
6. AI-Zirikil, al-A'Mm, VII, 58; al-Mistirl, Shajarah, 269.
7. Al-Mistirl, Shajarah, 259.
 209

Sufi terminology

1.1: Al-baqfqah. 'The established thing' and, for linguists, it is 'the characteristic

of everything used in its original meaning'. The truth (6aqfqah) of

something is that which is altogether sure about it and a man's haqfqah is

what he is required to keep and defend, so that it may be said, for

example, 'Such and such a person protects the 6aqiqah, i. e. the army's

banner (rdyah).' In Sufi usage,al-baqFqah indicates the devotees stage of

attainment in communion and the extent of his insight into the secret of

revelation. Thus, it may be said, ',Uaqfqah takes away your natural

characteristics and replaces them by God's own attributes as He is the One

who is at work with you, in you, from you, and not yourself."

1.1: Kardmah (pl. kardmdt) means 'wonder'. Linguistically, it designates

something extraordinary done with no challenge, defiance, or assumptionof

prophethood on the part of God's chosen ones, who are providentially

enabled to bring about or effect such wonders .2 As the prophets are

providentially enabled to effect miracles, God's chosen ones are likewise

enabled to bring about and effect wonders. These are accepted within

religion so long as they do not conflict with any fundamentalsof the faith.'

1.10: Al-abdal: 'the blessed substitutes', a term applied by Sufis to saints (ahl

al-ghayb) who have made progressin the Tanksof 1

Sufism.

1.12: Tawakkul: 'trust in God and reliance on Him'. Al-Sirr! al-Sakhat! defined

tawakkul as 'isolating oneself from all one's power and strength." According

1. AI-Uifni, Miejam, 79.

2. Anis, al-Mu'iam, 11,784.
3. Al-Sharqäwi, Alfä?, 240.
4. Ibn Zakkariyyä', Mujam, 1,210; al-Hakim, al-Mu'iam, 190.
5. AI-Jurjäni, al-Ta'riflzt, 74.
 210

to Ibn Masrýq, tawakkul is 'resigning oneself to the incidence of fate."

Places

1.2: Al-Qustantiniyyah, i.e. Constantinople, is the former name of the Turkish

city of Istanbul, which has a culture and history stretching back many

centuries. For some time it remained the capital of the eastern Roman

Empire, before becoming the capital of the Ottoman Empire when it was

conquered by the Ottomans in 857/1453, during the reign of Sultan

Muhammad the Conqueror. The Ottoman name for the city, Istanbul, is

derived from a Greek phrase meaning 'to the city'. It is famous for its

'
Roman, Byzantine, and Islamic remains, and for its many mosques.

1.4: Taribulus. Taribulus (or Tripoli) of the west is situated on the shores of the

Mediterranean Sea in the north-west of Libya. It was founded by the

Phoenicians and was conquered by the Muslims in 23/643. Today it hosts a

number of colleges, higher educational establishments, and the University of

Tripoli. 3 Its total population was about 1,027,522 in the 1985 estimated

census.4

Page 5

Eminent figures

1.16: Ab6 'Abd Alldh Mubammad al-Zayt6ni (1081-1138/1676-1726) was a

scholar and muftl in Tunisia. Among the books he wrote was the

If6shTyah on Ab5 al-Su'6d's TafsFr.1

1. Al-Ijiffil, Mu'jam, 53.

2. Ba'labakki, Mawsrl'ah, 111,83;al-Mutayri, Dirasbt. 300.
3. Al-Shamarl, al-Mu'jam, 432 f.; Balabakki, Mawsa'ah, X, 27.
4. Al-Mutayri, Dirasat, 339.
5. MabfEý, Tarajim, 11,437; a]-Zirikil, at-A'lam, VI, 12.
 211

Page 6

Eminent figures

1.15: Abfi Madyan al-Ghawth. Ab6 Madyan Shu'ayb ibn al-Hasan al-Ghawth

al-An$dr! al-Andalusi (d. 594/1198) was a prominent Sufi of the Maghrib.

His followers became so many that the Almohad Sultan Ya'q5b al-Mans5r

came to fear him. He was the author of MafW6 al-ghayb li-izdlat al-rayb

wa-satr al-'ayb. '

Places

1.4: 1jadramawt. A city and large area (extending over 150,000 square

kilometres) in the southern region of Yemen. It was once known as

al-Abqdf. Its economy dependschiefly on dates, tobacco, and grain?

Page 7

Eminent figures

1.18: Al-$afawi. 'Isd ibn Mubarnmad ibn 'Abd Alldh AN al-Khayr Qutb al-Din

al-Hasani al-Uusayni, known as al-$afawi, was an Indian Sufi.1 He was the

author of Mukhtawr Nih5yl7t Ibn al-AthFr. 1

1.18: Al-Ghunaymi. Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn 'Ali al-Ghunayrn!

(964-1044/1557-1635) was a jurisprudent and scholar. He was the author of

Hdsh[yah 'ald Sharb al-'iýdm fT al-mantiq. 1

1. Al-Mistirl, Shajarah, 164; Ibn al-'ImAd, Shadharal, IV, 302.

2. Al-Maqhaf-i, Mu'jam, 122.
3. Ibn al-'Im5d, Shadharat, VIII, 297.
4. AI-Zirikli, al-Alarn, V, 108.
5. AI-Zirikli, al-Mam. 1,238.
 212

Places

1.12: Tunis. Tunis was previously known as Tarshish. It is built close to the ruins

of the ancient city of Carthage, an old Phoenician city. Tunis flourished

under Arab-Islamic rule and, at present, its inhabitants number some

596,654 (according to the census of 1404/1984). Today it is an important

city and capital of the Republic of Tunisia. It is situated on the country's

north-east coast on the Mediterranean. It is an important port for both sea

and air travel, and a centre for land '

travel and modem communications. ý

1.12: Jdmi' al-Zayt6nah. The Zayt5nah Mosque was built in Tunis in 732/1331/2

by Wdli 'Abd Alldh ibn Uabib. It became a university in the thirteenth

century, teaching jurisprudence, language, literature, history, mathematics,

medicine, and philosophy. However, in the eighteenth century, the syllabus

was confined to religious, linguistic, and literary studies. It had a library,

built by AbE Zakariyyd' al-Uafý!, which contained some 40,0W manuscripts,

very few of which now remain. Later, al-Zayt5nah Mosque was annexed to

the administration of secondary education with the insertion of foreign

languages and scientific studies into its curriculum?

Page 8

Eminent figures

1.11: Al-'Abbddi. Aba 'A$im Mubarnmad ibn Abrnad ibn Mubarnmad al-'Abbad!

al-Harawi (375-458/985-1066) was a Shfifi'ite scholar and '

judge. He was

the author of Tabaqit 1

al-Shafi`Fn.

1. Al-Ba'labakki, Mawsli'ah, X, 38; al-Mutayri, Dirasat, 121.

2. Ghurb5l, al-Mawsil'oh, 1869;Sald, at-Mawsa'ah, 1, iii, 334.
3. Ibn Khallik5n, Wafbyat, 1,463.
4. AI-Nawawl, Tahdh7b,11,249.
 213

Page 9

Eminent figures

1.7: Al-Qazwini. Mubammad ibn 'Abd al-Rabmdn ibn 'Umar AM al-MaIll Jaldl

al-Din al-Qazwin! al-Shdfi'i (666-739/1268-1338) was well known as a

lecturer and orator in Damascus. He was the author of Talkhis

al-miftdb, dealing with rhetoric.'

Page 10

Eminent figures

1.9: Al-Shaykh Ydsin. Ydsin ibn Zayn al-Din ibn Abi Bakr ibn 'Ulaym

al-Him$!, known as al-'Ulaymi (d. 1061/1651), was a scholar of the Arabic

sciences who was born and brought up in Horns, Syria. He was the author

of Alfiyyat Ibn Mdlik. 2

Page 11

Eminent figures

1.7: Al-Nawawi. Ab5 Zakariyyd' Yabyd ibn Sharaf ibn Murl ibn Uasan ibn

Husayn ibn Hiz5m ibn Mubammad ibn Jum'ah Muby! al-Din al-Nawawi

al-Shdfi'i (631-676/1233-1278) was not only a great scholar in a number of

diverse subjects such as jurisprudence, Prophetic Tradition, biographies (of

narrators), language, and etymology, but was also an ascetic, never spending

a moment other than in the worship of God. '

1.7: Ibn Marz6q. Mubammad ibn Abi Bakr ibn Marz5q al-Khatib al-Tilimsani

(d. 781/1379) was a MAlikite scholar. He was well known for his sense of

1. Ibn Kathir, al-Bid&yah, XIV, 185.

2. AI-Zirikli, al-A'lam, VIII, 130.
3. AI-Subkl, Tabaqai, V, 165; al-Zirikli, al-A'Iam, VIII, 50.
 214

humour.1 The most important of his books were TaysTr al-mardm fT sharb

'umdat al-a4kCimand Sharý Fard'i Ibn al-If akim.

Page 13

Eminent figures

1.8: Al-Taftazdnl. Mas'6d ibn Mubammad ibn 'Abd AIM al-Taftazdni, known as

al-Sa'd (712-793/1329-1390) was a prominent scholar of Arabic, rhetoric,

and 2
logiC. He was the author of Tahdh[b '
al-manýiq.

Page 14

Eminent figures

1.2: Aba lidmid al-Ghazdli. Aba Uimid Muhammad ibn Mubammad ibn

Ahmad al-Ghazdl! al-Tasi, known as Ifujiat al-Ishim (450-505/1058-1111),

was a Shdfi'ite jurisprudent and Sufi. Initially he studied under Abmad

al-Rddhkdni, but after that went to Nisdb6r, where he first attended the

discourses of lm5rn al-Haramayn 'Abd al-Malik al-Juwayni. He graduated

within a short time and became a prominent figure. He left Nisdb6r for

'Askar and there met the minister, Nizdrn al-Mulk, who appointed him to a

teaching post in his Nizdmiyyah School in Baghdad, where he amazed the

people of Iraq and gained popularity among them. After a time, he visited

Damascus, Jerusalem, and Egypt, from where he finally returned to his

home town, T6s, where he settled down to write his many useful books,

including al-WasFt, al-Basl(, al-Waifz, lbyd''ulCim al-din, al-Munqidh min

1. Ibn Farýan, al-Dibaj, 305.

2. Al-Suy5t!, Bughyah, 11,285.
3. AI-Zirikil, at-A'Iam, VII, 219.
 215

al-daldl, TaMfut al-laldsitah, and Mishkat al-anw&. '

Suli terndnology

1.1: Al-dhikr. The literal meaning of the word is 'remembrance'. Thus, 'dhikr

al-lubb of the tongue', i. e. constant repetition, is a means of keeping

something from being forgotten! In Sufi usage, the term indicates the

devotee's coming out from the sphere of inattention to the space of

witnessing, inspired by fear of God or abundant love of God. It specifically

designates the religious practice of 'recollection', a spiritual exercise intended

to achieve awarenessof God's presencethroughout one's whole being.,

1.2: Al-lub. The literal meaning of the word is 'pure from everything'! As a Sufi

term, allab describes the mind as lighted with the pure, holy light away

from the trivialities of illusions and imagination. '

1.4: FanX. 'Passing away'. In common usage, we say that something laniya, i. e.

perished, vanished, or became extinct. We also say that somebody

laniya, i. e. has grown old and is on the verge of death Al-lanT is the
.6

person who abandons and shuns everything for the sake of gaining

communion in the life of the omnipresent God Almighty. Such a person

appears to be detached, while in fact he is closely attached, or he may

'
appear isolated while in truth he is in the Real Presence.

1. Ibn Khallikän, Wafayat. IV, 216-9.

2. AI-Jurjäni, al-Ta'rifät. 200.
3. Ibn Zakariyyä». Afu'iam, 11,258.
4. Anis, al-3fu'jam, 11.818.
5. AI-Jurjäni, al-Ta'rifät. 200.
6. Al-Milni, ýtfu*iam. 103.
7. Anis, al-3fu'jam, 11,675.
 216

Page 15

Eminent figures

1.14: Ibn al-Hajib. Ab6 'Amr Jam5l al-Din 'Uthm5n ibn 'Umar ibn AN Bakr

Y6nus, known as Ibn al-liajib (d. 646/1298) was a 'pillar of religion' in

respect of both knowledge and endeavour. He was tutored by Ab6 al-Ijasan

al-lbyiri and went on to study the art of Qurinic recitation under Imirn

al-Shilibi and, among other texts, Im5m al-Shddhilrs al-ShifCV. He himself

tutored many pupils, among them al-Qarifi- and Ibn al-Munir. He was the

author of very valuable and elaborate books, one of which was his

well-known al-Mukhta$ar, which is said to have summed up sixty

anthologies and aptly dealt with sixty-six thousand precepts of

jurisprudence. Ibn al-Hajib was the author of al-$awl wa-Vamal fi 'ilaym

al-uvil wa-7-jadal Ii kashl al-zunfin, al-Keillyah fT al-nabw, al-Maqvad

al-jaITI fi 'ilm al-Khalfl, and Jamil al-'Arab fT 'ilm al-adab. l

Page 18

Qur'anicverses
1.8: '...Nay, both His hands are widely outstretched. He giveth and spendeth (of

His bounty) as He pleaseth...2

Page 19

Qur'anicverses
1.2: '(God) Most Gracious is fir-mly established on the throne (of authority). '

I. Al-Mistirl, Shajarah. 163.

2. SOrah 5 (al-Afa'idah). 67.
3. SCirah20 (Tah7j). 5.
 217

1.13: '...the heavens will be rolled up in His right hand..."

Page 21

Qur'ani*c
verses
1.9- '-. God has conferred a favour upon you that He has guided you to the faith... 2

Hadiths

1.10: 'You are indeed praising God for a great gift. ' Narrated by Aba Bakr 'Abd

Alldh ibn Muhammad Ibn Abi a]-Dunyi al-Qurash! on the authority of

Ijasan al-Baýri as a mursal (incompletely transmitted) badith. 1 Ibn Sa'id said

that any musnad badFth (i. e. a badIth the ascription of which is traceable in

uninterrupted ascending order of the traditionaries) reported on the

authority of the Tdbi (a successor of the Companions of the Prophet) Ijasan

al-Basri (himself narrating from another authority) is to be considered

binding evidence, ' unlike a mursal badFth, which must consequently be

considered da'If (weak).

Miscellaneous comments

1.18: At-Hizb al-kabir (or Hizb al-Barr) is a book on Sufism written by Ab5

al-Hasan al-Shidhili. It is considered the most important document of the

Shddhiliyyah fariqah. 1

1. SGrah39 (al-Zumar), 67.

2. S(irah 49 (al-Ifujaral), 17.
3. Ibn Abi al-Duny5, at-Shukr, 68.
4. Ibn ljajar al-'AsqalSni. Tahdh7b, 11,266.
5. 'Abd al-'Azlz, at-Afawsa'ah. 111,22.
 218

Page 22

Hadiths

1.17: 'Praise is the essenceof gratitude. A servant who has not praised God has

not been grateful to Him! 'Abd al-Raz7dq ibn Hammdrn al-$an'dni (d.

211/826/7) reported this bad[th on the authority of 'Abd Allih ibn 'Amr as

a marfii' badith (Le one traceable in ascending order of traditionaries to

Muhammad). ' Jaldl al-Din al-Suy5t! (d. 911/1505) states, 'This same

ýadfth has been narrated by al-Khaildbi in his GharTb, by al-Daylami in

his Musnad at-firdaws, and by al-Bayhaq! in al-Adeib. All of them report

this hadIth with an isneid whose authorities are all reliable, though the

WIth is still munqapý(interrupted in its chain of transmission).'

Eminent figures

1.16: 'Abd al-Razzdq. Ab5 Bakr 'Abd al-Razz5q ibn Hammdm ibn Ndfi'

al-Uimyarl al-$an'dni (126-211/744-827) was a trustworthy narrator of

Prophetic Tradition. The number of badFths he learnt by heart amounted to

17,000.1 He was the author of the anthology of badiths entitled al-Jdmi'

al-kabFr .4

16: Al-Bayhaqi. Abmad ibn al-Uusayn ibn 'Ali 'Abd A115h ibn Wsi

al-Bayhaqi (d. in Nis5b6r in 458/1066) was one of the greatest scholars of

badIth. He was al-imdm al-htifiz and the compiler of many books. He

wrote down bad[ths and memorized them when he was young. He was

considered to be master of the two sciencesof had[th and liqh. He was the

I. Ibn Hamm3m, al-Muýannaf, X. 424.

2. Tadrlb, 1.57.
3. AI-Zirikli. al-Alam. 111,353.
4. Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalani, Tahdhlb, V1,310.
 219

author of al-Sunan at-kubrd wa-'I-. Fughrd and Kittib al-asmti' wa-7-. Fiffit.'

1.16: 'Abd Allih ibn 'Urnar ibn al-Khattib. Ab5 'Abd al-Rahmdn 'Abd Alldh ibn

'Umar ibn al-Khattib al-'Adawi al-Qurashi (b. 10/612) was one of the

Prophet's Companions and son of the Prophet's minister and Caliph. He was

one of those adhering to the sunnah. He narrated about 1,630 badiths and

was among the group of six who narrated most from the Prophet.2

Page 24

Entinent figures

1.17: Al-NasdT Ab5 'Abd al-Rahm5n Ahmad ibn 'Ali ibn Shu'ayb al-Nasd'i

(215-303/830-915) was a memorizer of bad[ths and author of a compilation

entitled al-Sunan. 3

1.17: Ibn al-'Arabi. AbE Bakr Mubarnmad ibn 'Abd Alldh ibn Muhammad

al-M51iki al-Andalusi (468-543/1076-1148) was a jurist and commentator

on the Qur'dn. He was the author of Abkdm al-Qur'dn, Sharb al-Jdmi'

al-SahTh liý-7-Tirrnidhl, and Qjnfin al-ta'wil /T talsTr al-Qurdn. 1

1.18: 'AW al-Din al-Kindni. Muhammad ibn Hir6n a]-Kindni al-Tunisi

(680-750/1275-1345) erudite scholar of jurisprudence and its
was an
foundations, and one of the teachers in the Zayt6nah Mosque in T5nis. He

was the author of Sharb Mukhtaýyar Ibn al-, Ydiib, both on the original text

and the secondary text.'

Al-DhahabT, Tadhkirah, 111,282.

Al-Nawawi, Tahdhib. 1,278.
3. Ibn KhallikAn, Wafayai. 1.77 f.
4. Ka"alah, Afu'jam, X, 242.
5. Kaýý51ah, Mu'jam, X11,85.
 220

Sufi terminology

1.4: Add' baqq al-wfisitah. In Sufi usage, the Wdsitah is the intermediary

between God and His servants in the present life and in the hereafter. One

of the strongest Wdsifahs is the Prophet Mubammad (pbuh), the Messenger

of God linking-, God with mankind on earth. If it were not for this

Wdsifah, the religion of Islam would not have been received. The payment

of dues to the W6sitah consists in the paying to him of esteem and the

maintaining of a due standard of respect and obediencetoward him.'

Miscellaneous comments

1.14: Al-Siýdb. This is the title of an Arabic dictionary compiled by Ismd'il ibn

Ijammfid al-Jawharl (d. 393/1003). It is considered to be the most correct

Arabic dictionary? A text edited by 'Abd al-Ghaf6r 'Attdr was published in

1375/1956in Cairo and later republished in Beirut in 1399/1979.

Page 25

Eminent figures

1.3: Nafjawayh. lbrdhim ibn Mubammad ibn 'Arafah ibn SulaymRn al-AzdI,

known as Naftawayh (244-323/839-935) was an erudite scholar and

grammarian. He was the author of GharTb al-Qur'dn, al-Ma$ddir, and

al-Qaw6f [. 3

1.9: Sibawayh. AN Bishr 'Amr ibn 'Uthmdn ibn Qanbar, known as Sibawayh (d.

180/796), was a freed slave of the Ban6 al-Udrith ibn Ka'b.4 He gained the

reputation of being the most knowledgeable of all scholars, ancient and

1. Al-13ifni, Mu'jam, 266.

2, Ibn ljajar al-'Asqaldni, Faik VI, 551.
3. AI-Zirikli, al-A'Iam, 1,61.
4. Kabb5lah, Mu'jam, VIII, 11.
 221

modern, with regard to Arabic grammar. His book (al-Kit6b) on Arabic

'
grammar is unsurpassed.

1.12: Ab5 'Abd All5h Mubammad al-'Arab! (988-1052/1580-1642), the son of

Ab6 Mabdsin Yfisuf al-Fdsi, was the author of Sharb Dald'il al-khayrdt in

two volurnes.'

Page 26

Suf! terminology

1.11: Maqdmdt. Maqdmdt (sing. maqJm) has the literal meaning of 'place,

residence, spot on which to sit'. In Sufi terminology, however, it indicates

the rank obtained by those treading the path of illumination. '

Page 27

Qur'Cznic
verses
14
1.12: '...God is the Protector of those who have faith...

1jad[ths

1.1: 'This religion is a very formidable one, therefore only take from it what you

can. No one can challenge religion without being overwhelmed by it. '

Narrated by al-Bukhdr! on the authority of Ab6 Hurayrah as a marf[V

bad[th from the Prophet.' It is therefore $aýfb (sound).

1. Al-Khatib al-Baghd5d!, Tbrikh, XII, 195.

2. Al-Mistirl, Shaiarah, 302.
3. Anis, al-Mu'jam, IV, 773; al-Naqshbandi, Ma huwa, 87.
4. Sarah 2 (al-Baqarah), 257.
5. Al-Bukh5rl, al-Jami', 1,15.
 222

Sufi terminology

1.7: Al-ahwdl. Al-aýwdl (sing. b6l) has the literal meanings 'condition, state,

present moment', and 'status'. It designates the end of the past and the

beginning of the future. In Sufi usagebdl is the transitory spiritual state of

joy or grief associatedwith progressalong the Sufi path.'

1.7: Al-stilikFn. Plural of al-sdlik, lit. 'the walker', from the verb salaka.1 In Sufi

usage the sdlik is a follower of the spiritual path, reaching ranks, not in

mere thought and imagination but in his own entity.3

1.7: Al-maidhilb[n. Majdhfib is derived from the verb jadhaba, 'to pull

something', or 'to change the position of something'. ' In Sufi usage,

jadhb (attraction) is a spiritual experience or state in which the heart

becomes unaware of what is going on in the physical world and rises to the

higher realms.'

1.6In
1.7: Al-ghaybah. The literal meaning of the word is 'absence,disappearance

Sufi perspective, ghaybah refers to the state in which the heart becomes

absent from and unaware of whatever occurs in the physical world because

all perceptive sensesare entirely obsessedby and absorbedin what the heart

receives.'

1.11: Al-sukr. Sukr is the absence or confusion of mind resulting from the use

of intoxicants.' Sufis define sukr as a 'stunning astonishment that the lover

experiencesupon suddenly witnessing the Loved One.9

1. Ibn Zakariyyä', Mu'jam, 11,121; al-Ijifni, Mujam, 73.

2. AI-Jurjäni, al-Ta'rifät, 21.
3. Ibn Zakariyyä', ML2jam, 111,97.
4. Anis, al-Mu'iam, 1,112.
5. Al-? ifni, Mu'iam, 62.
6. Anis, al-Mu'iam, 11,673.
7. AI-Ijakirn, al-Wiam, 673.
8. Anis, al-Mu'iam, 441.
9. AI-Jurjäni, al-Ta'rifät, 125.
 223

1.13: Al-taiallf. The literal meaning of the term is 'shrinking and the resulting

protrusion of anything'.' In Sufi usage, it indicates, 'theophany, illumination,

irradiation'.

1.13: Al-takhallf. The literal meaning is 'relinquishment, getting rid of. ' As a

Sufi term, it indicates opting for khalwah, i. e. solitude or seclusion, in order

to set the scene for talalliyydt (epiphanies) through cutting all links with the

world. 3

1.14: Al-taWIF. A derivative of baluwa (to be sweet, pleasant, agreeable);thus,

baly denotes a woman's jewelry.4 In Sufi usage,al-taballi denotes 'empathy

and resembling the Truthful in both acts and words'.'

Page 28

Qur'linicverses
1.20: 'God did confer a great favour on the Believers when He sent among them

"
an Apostle from among themselves...

Sufi terminology

1.11: Al-mabw wa-7-ithbit, i. e. 'eradication and establishment'. This is a

two-fold aspect of Sufi conduct. A similar pair is 'non-being and being'.

Both are paradoxical, with no contradiction being involved. Thus,

'eradication' means that a man vanishes,while the same man is established

through attainment of communion with his Lord.7

1.6: These couplets were not composed by Uassdn ibn Thdbit al-$abbdbI as is

1. Ibn ZakariyyS', Mu'jam, 1,468.

2. Ibn Zakariyy5', Mu'jam, 11,204.
3. AI-VifnT, Mu'jam, 43.
4. Anis, al-Mu'jam, 1,194.
5. Al-Ijifni, Mu'jam, 43.
6. Sfirah 3 (At 'Imran), 164.
7. AI-Vaklm, al-Mu'jam, 1016.
 224

evidenced by their absencefrom his Dlwan. Ijassin ibn Thibit was from

Khazraj and was one of the Anpir, not from Quraysh as is indicated in the

text. The true author was in fact 'Abd A115hibn Rawdýbah.l

Page 29

Suft terndnology

1.7: Al-ghaybah. In general usage, the term indicates 'absence,the opposite of

presence', e.g. the related verb in the statement, 'The man went away

(ghdba) from them,' or the statement that 'Something disappeared(ghfiba)

and did not reappear! In Sufi usage,ghaybah indicates a state of mind and

heart in which the devotee is unaware of what is happening to people and

the material creaton becausehe is so enraptured by the mental visions that

come to him in divine contemplation. Further, the heart may be unaware

of itself and of other things becauseof the remembracne of reward or the

'
contemplation of punishment.

1.7: Sukr. In common usage the term indicates 'inebriety', while in Sufi usageit

indicates the astonishment which strikes the devotee when he perceives

God's beauty. Thus, when the Sufi is attracted in spirit by God's beauty, his

sensesbecome so astonished that he does not senseanything and his sight

becomesperplexed by the beauty of al-ljaqq (God).'

1. Ibn Ijajar al-'Asqaldni, al-lýabah, VI, 8; al-Zurqdni, al-Mawahib, 111,372.

2. Al-Karml, al-Hadl, 11,365.
3. Al-tiifni, Mu'jam, 131.
 225

Page 30

Sufi terminology

1.1: Al-mush5hadah. The literal meaning is 'perception via one of the senses'.' In

Sufi usage, al-mushilhadah means 'being in the presence of and being close

to [Godh It is also defined as 'witnessing God with the heart's eye in a way

that involves no doubt and as if it were all true?

Page 31

Qur'dnic
verses
1.16: 'Then he approached and came closer, and was at a distance of but two

bow-lengths or (even) nearer."

UadFths
,
1.3: 'The scholars of the ummah are like the prophets of Ban6 Isrd'il. ' This

6adFth was cited by Ismd'il ibn Muhammad al-'Ajl5ni (d. 1162/1749),who

added that both al-Suy6t! and Ibn Hajar al-'Asqa1fin!assertedthat it had no

basiS. 4

1.18: '1 pass the night in the care of my Lord. He feeds and waters me.' Quoted

by al-Bukhdri in his $abFb1on the authority of Ab6 Hurayrah as a marta,

bad[th from the Prophet. It is therefore $aýib.

Eminent figures

1.6: Ab5 Yazld a]-Bistfimi. AH Yazid Tayf5r b. 'Isd b. Adam al-Bist5ml (d.

1. Anis, at-Mu'jam, 1,499.

2. Al-Ijiffil, Mu'jam, 244.
3. S5rah 53 (al-Naim), 8 f.
4. Al-Bukhdri, al-Jami', 11,64.
5. Ibid., 343.
 226

261/875 or 264/877-8) was a famous Sufi from Bist5m, a town in the

Persian province of Khurds4n, where he was born and died. His followers

becameknown as Tayfariyyah or Bistdmiyyah.

1.8: Al-Bu$iri. Sharaf al-Din Mubammad b. Sa'id b. Ijammid b. Mubsin

(608-696/1213-1296) was a writer of highly ornate verse, whose mother

came from AbL$lr (whence his name) in the Ban! Suaif district of Egypt.

His family was in fact of Maghribi origin and came from Qal'at Ijammdd.

He died in Alexandria. He was the author of an anthology of poetry, the

most famous of his compositions being al-Burdah, written in praise of the

Prophet (pbuh).'

Sufi terminology

1.5: Hazz al-anbiyX wa-baZZ al-awliyd'. These are the fruits of behaviour along

the Sufi path. They are, in fact, abnormal deeds or incidents which are

reasonably beyond the normal human capability. If such a deed is

performed by (rasal)
a messenger of God as a challenge to the people, it is

called a 'miracle' (mu'jizah). Examples are the resurrection of Jesusfrom

the dead and Moses' transformation of the rod into a snake. If such an

abnormal deed is performed by a holy man who does not claim the gift of

prophecy and makes no public challenge by it, then the deed is a 'favour'

(kardmah) from God. The difference between a mu'jizah and a kardmah is

that the mu'jizah is proof establishing the truthfulness of a prophet in

claiming prophethood, whereas one who performs a kardmah does his best

to conceal it unless it is necessary to appeal to it in order to convince

1. Zirikil, al-A'Iam, Vi, 139.

 227

people who have gone astray.'

1.13: Shams al-abadiyyah. The literal meaning of the term is 'the sun of

oneness'. Just as the sun is the life-giving force throughout creation, so

God may be symbolized by the disk of the sun, as He is the light creating

all godly vision and clarifying His various sacred and pure attributes.'

1.13: Al-n[ir al-MubammadF. The literal meaning of nfir (pl. anwtir) is 'light'.

Sufis frequently used the word nar, and also nfir al-anwar (the Light of

Lights, i. e. God) in a figurative sense. In Sufi usage it indicates the

certainty of truth and right guidance, and the heart's satisfaction with them.

Nfir is frequently paired, e.g. by al-Suhrawardf, with its opposite, 'darkness'.

The specific locus of nfir is Mubammad (pbuh) becausehe brought light to

man's pathway. This thought is contained in God's words, 'Have We not

expanded thee thy breast? This is the light which God, the Almighty, cast

in the heart of the Prophet (pbuh)."

Page 32

Qur'[7nic
verses
1.19: 'There hath come to you from God a (new) light and a perspicuousBook."

,YadFths

1.6: 'My earth cannot encompass me nor my heaven, but the heart of my

believing servant envelops me! This badFth was recorded by N5r al-Din

'All ibn Mubammad ibn Sultfin 'All al-Qdri' (d. 1014/1605/6) in his book

al-Asrdr al-marffi'ah fT al-Akhbdr al-mawda'ah. He comented, 'Al-'Irdqi

1. Al-Naqshbandl, Ma huwa al-taýawwuf, 159.

2. Al-Sharqdwl, AlfaZ, 140.
3. Al-SharqSwi, AlfaZ, 276.
4. S6rah 5 (al-Ma'idah), 17.
 228

has said that he found no basis for this bad[th and Ibn Taymiyyah claims

that it has been narrated as an Israelite tradition and has no known link of

transmissionfrom the Prophet."

Sufi terminology

1.4: Barzakh. Literally, the term indicates the 'partition' or 'gap' between two

objects. In theological usage, the barzakh between the present life

(al-dunyd) and the life to come (al-17khirah) is the period from the time of

death until the Day of Resurrection, so that whoever dies enters into the

barzakh. In Sufi usage, barzakh indicates the middle world between the

heavenly and the earthly realms. Thus, it is higher than the physical world

and lower than the world of true being. The barzakh may be either a

world of God's grace (na'Fm) or one of torture, misery, and hardship.

1.11: Al-wdrid. Related to the word wird (watering place), ' in Sufi usage

w5rid means 'all invisible perceptions and revelations of the "Unknown"

coming to the heart and unfolding themselves in a manner that involves no

deliberate endeavour on one's part.13

Page 33

Eminent figures

1.6: Al-Damdmini. Badr al-Din Mubammad ibn Abi Bakr al-Damdmini

al-Qurashi (b. 763/1369) was an Alexandrian scholar in many fields of

learning. He wrote Sharh Mughni al-labFb (a commentary on MughnT

al-lab[b 'an kutub al-a'drTb by 'Abd Alldh ibn Y5suf ibn Ahmad ibn

1. AI-Qäri', al-Asrär, 206.

2. Anis, al-Mu'iam, 1035.
3. AI-Jurjäni, al-Ta'rlfül, 299.
 229

Hishfim), Sharb TashTl al-fawti'id (a commentary on Tash[l al-fawXid

wa-rakmIl al-maqdsid by Abfi 'Abd Alldh Jam5l al-Din Mubammad ibn

'Abd Allih ibn Mdlik al-Nabwi), Maýdb[b al-JdmP (by al-Bukhdri), and

Sharý al-Qa$Tdah al-rdmizah (a commentary on al-Qas[dah al-rdmizah by

I?iyii' al-Din Ab5 Mubarnmad ibn 'Abd Alldh al-Khazraji). He was also the

author of a volume on i'r6b, i. e. grammatical analysis of the Arabic

'
sentence.

1.18: Muslim. Muslim ibn al-ljajjdj ibn Muslim K6shddh al-Qushayr!

al-Nisdb6ri (204-261/820-875) was a leading im6m, ýOfiz, and expounder of

Prophetic Tradition. He compiled his famous anthology of bad[ths, $abrb

Muslim and said of it, 'I have compiled this authentic collection from some

three hundred thousand badFths which I have myself heard."

1.18: Abfi M6sd al-Ash'arl. Ab6 Wsi 'Abd Alldh ibn Qays ibn Salim ibn Ijad5r

ibn Harb (21 BH-AH 44/602-665), of the Qabtdni tribe of al-Ash'ar, was a

Companion of the Prophet (peace be upon him) and served as a governor.

He was employed by the Prophet (peace be upon him) to rule over Zabld

and Aden, and in 17/638 was appointed as ruler of Basrah.3

Page 34

ffadlths
,
1.1: 'The believer is like a structure in respect of another believer, each

strengthening the other.' Narrated by al-Bukhdri on the authority of Aba

M5sd al-Ash'arl. It is therefore $abib.l

1.4: 'The believer is the brother of a believer. Under no circumstancesdoes he

1. Al-MistTri, Shajarah, 240.

2. Ibn Khallik5n, Wafayal, V, 194 f.; al-DhahabT, Tadhkirah, 588.
3. Ibn Sa'd, al-7abaqat, IV, 105; Ibn Ijajar al-'Asqal5nT, al-14abah, XIII. 194-6.
4. Al-Bukh5rl, al-Jami', 1,123.
 230

overlook an opportunity to counsel him. ' Narrated by AH al-Fayd

Mubammad Murtadd ibn Mubammad al-Ijusayn! al-Zabid!

(1145-1205/1732-1791) in his ltýLif al-sddah al-mutraqTn.1 According to

al-Mundwi, al-Suy5ti also quoted it in his Fay4 al-qadir, on the authority

of Jdbir ibn 'Abd All5h, as a martfi' badith from the Prophet, adding

however that it is da7f (weakV

1.14: 'When light enters the heart, it is pleased and delighted! Narrated by Ibn

Mas'5d and recorded by al-'Irdqi, who commented, 'It is reported by Ibn

Abi al-Dunyd in Qasý al-'amal wa-7-hakim ff al-mustadrak.3

Eminent figures

1.3: Ibn al-Najjdr. Mubibb al-Din Aba 'Abd Allah Mubammad ibn Mabmad ibn

Uasan al-Baghd5di al-Shfifi'i, known as Ibn al-Najjdr (578-643/1182-1245),

was a ýdfiZ, an expounder of badiths, an historian, a litt6rateur, a

grammarian, a poet, and a great reciter of the Qur'dn.

4

1.3: Jdbir ibn 'Abd A115h. Jdbir ibn 'Abd AIM ibn 'Amr al-KhazraTi al-An$dri

(16 BH-AH78/607-697) was one of the Companionsof the Prophet. He was

a narrator of copious badiths; al-Bukhdri and others attributed to him the

narration of 1,540 badFths. Ascribed to him is a Musnad, as related by Ab5

'Abd al-Rabmdn 'Abd Alldh, the son of Im5rn Abmad ibn Uanbal.1

1.13: Ibn Abi al-Dunyd. Ab5 Bakr 'Abd Alldh ibn Mubammad ibn 'Ubayd ibn

Sufydn ibn Abi al-Dunyd al-Qurashi al-Umawl a]-Baghdddi

(208-281/823-894) was a slave freed by the Umayyads. He was a great

1. AI-ZabTdT, ltýaf, VI, 240.

2. Al-Mun5wl, Fay4, VI, 256.
3. Al-Mughni, IV, 444.
4. Kabh5lah, Mu'jam, XI, 317; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidayah, XIII, 169.
5. A]-Zirik]T, al-Alam, 11,104; Ibn ýiajar al-'Asqal5nT, al-lýabah, 45.
 231

expounder of Prophetic Tradition, a scholar, and the author of a number of

books. He compiled a collection of ýadfths on abstinenceand asceticism.'

1.14: Al-Udkim al-Nisibfti. Ab5 'Abd Alldh Mubammad ibn 'Abd AIM ibn

Ijamdawayh, sometimes referred to as Ibn al-Bayyi' (321-405/933-1014),

was a bCzfiZand compiler of hadith collections. Among the books he wrote

were Tdrikh Nisdbar and al-Mustadrak 'ald al-$aWayn. l

Page 35

Qur'Cznic
verses
1.11-12: 'Nor do I absolve my own self (of blame); the (human) soul is certainly

to I
prone evil ...

Eminent figures

1.8: Ab5 HafS. Mubammad ibn Abmad ibn Haf$ ibn Zabraqdn al-Bukhdri

al-Uanafl, known as AH Haf$ al-$aghir (d. 264/878), was a scholar of

jurisprudence. Among the books he wrote were al-Ahwd', al-lkhtildf

wa-'I-radd 'ald at-laftiyyah, and Muqaddimah fT al-furfi'. '

Miscellaneous comments

1.11 Al-Karim ibn al-Karim. The reference is to Y5suf ibn Ya'qab ibn Isbdq

ibn Ibrdhim (the biblical Joseph son of Jacob son of Abraham). A

badIth says of Yýsuf: 'He... is of noble descent, his father is of noble

descent, and so are his grandfather and his great grandfather.' The wording

of the badith in Arabic includes the epithet Ibn a]-Karim four times, thus

1. Al-Dhahabl, Tadhkirah, 11,677-9; al-Khatib al-Baghd5d!, Tarlkh. X, 89-91.

2. Al-Subkl, 7abaqat, 111,64,72.
3. Sfirah 12 (Yi2suf), 53.
4. Kaýb5lah, Mu'jam, VIII, 255.
 232

placing emphasis on it. Al-Bukhdr! is alone in narrating this bad[th, having

narrated it from 'Abd Alldh ibn Mubammad, who in turn received it from

'Abd al-$amad.1

Page 36

Sufi terminology

1.16: Al-taraqq[. Derived from raqiya (to ascend),' in Sufi usage it comes to

refer to a devotee's progressfrom one rank to another up the Sufi 3

ladder.

Page 37

Eminent figures

1.4: Ibn al-A'rdbi. Mubammad ibn 'All ibn Mubammad ibn al-'Arabi ibn AbI

Bakr a]-Udtimi al-Td'i al-Andalusi, known as Mubyi al-Din ibn 'Arab! and

surnamed al-Shaykh al-KabIr (560-638/11265-1240), was a philosopher and

Sufi, who claimed wabdat al-wujiid (the unity of existence/the universe).

He was the author of some four hundred books, among them: al-Futfibdt

al-Makkiyyah (in ten volumes), Mub5dar& al-abrdr wa-mus6marat

4
al-akhydr, Fuslis at-bikam, Maldtib al-ghayb, and a DTwdn of his verse.

1.6: AI-MunAwi. Mubammad ibn 'Abd al-Ra'6f a]-Ijaddidi

(952-1031/1545-1621) was an eminent scholar in religion and the arts. He

wrote some eighty books, including Kunaz al-baqDq (on Tradition),

al-TaysTr fT sharb al-himi' al-saghlr, Fay(f al- qadlr sharb Jdmi'

1. Ibn ljajar al-'Asqalgnl, Falý, V1,551.

2. Anis, al-Mu'jam, 1,368.
3. Al-Sharqdwl, Alf&Z, 76.
4. Ibn Khallik5n, Wafyal, 1,77 f.
 233

al-saghir, and Sharb al-Sharnd7l (by al-Tirmidhi). '

1.7: Al-'Alqami. Muhammad ibn 'Abd al-Rahmdn ibn 'Alam ibn AN Bakr

al-'Alqam! Shams al-Din (898-969/1491-1561) was an erudite Shdfi'ite, well

versed in Tradition. He was the author of al-Kawkab al-munir bi-sharb

al-Jdmi' al-$aghlr, Qabs al-nayyirayn 'ald taIsTr al-Jaldlayn, and

Mukhta$ar itWf al-maharah.1

1.8: Al-Tibi. Al-Uusayn ibn Muhammad Sharaf al-Din al-TIN (d. 743/1342) was

a scholar of badFth and tafsTr. Among the books he wrote were al-Tibyan

fI al-ma'dnf wa-7-baydn, al-Khuld$ah fT ma'rifar al-had[th, Sharb

al-Kashshdf, and Sharb Mishkdr al-maýdbfb. '

1.10: Al-Suy5ti Jaldl al-Din. 'Abd al-Rabmfin ibn Abi Bakr ibn Mubammad ibn

Sdbiq al-Din al-Khudayri al-Suyfiti Jaldl M-Din (849-911/1445-1505) was

an imdm, a relater of traditions, and an historian. He was the author of

some six hundred books, including al-ltq5n /F 'ulfim al-Qur'dn, 11m6m

al-dirijyah li-qurrX al-niqdyah, al-ab5dlth al-mun[lah, and al-Ashbdhl. 6:

Al-Mundwi. Mubammad ibn 'Abd al-Ra'Ef al-Uaddddi

(952-1031/1545-1621) was an eminent scholar in religion and the arts. He

wrote some eighty books, including Kunaz al-baqd'iq (on Tradition),

al-TaysIr ff sharb al-J5mi' al-$aghlr, Fayd al- qadfr sharb Jdmi'

aI-$aghFr, and Sharý al-Shamd'il (by al-Tirmidhi). 4

1.7: Al-'Alqami. Mubammad ibn 'Abd al-Rahmdn ibn 'Alam ibn Abi Bakr

al-'Alqami Shams al-Din (898-969/1491-1561) was an erudite Shfifi'ite, well

versed in Tradition. He was the author of al-Kawkab al-mun[r bi-sharb

al-Jdmi' al-ýyagh[r, Qabs al-nayyirayn 'ald tafsFr al-Jaldlayn, and

1. Al-KattdnT, Fihris, 11,560.

2. AI-Zirikli, al-A'Ibm, VI, 195.
3. Ibn Uajar al--ýAsqalAnl,al-Durar, 11,67; al-Zirikil, al-Alam, 11,256.
4. Al-Katt5n!, Fihris, 11,560.
 234

Mukhta$ar itýdf al-malOrah-l

1.8: Al-Tibi. Al-Ijusayn ibn Mubammad Sharaf al-Din al-Tibi (d.

743/1342) was a scholar of hadith and talsEr. Among the books he wrote

were al-Tibydn /T al-ma'dnT wa-'I-baydn, al-Khuldsah fi mdrifat

al-badfth, Sharb al-Kashshdf, and Sharb Mishkdt al-masdbib?

1.10: Al-Suyfiti. Jalil al-Din 'Abd al-Rabm5n ibn Abi Bakr ibn

Mubammad ibn Sdbiq al-Din al-Khudayri al-Suyfiti (849-911/1445-1505)

was an im6m, a relater of traditions, and an historian. He was the author

of some six hundred books, including al-ltqjn fI Vlim al-Qur'dn, ItmLim

al-dirdyah Ii-qurrX al-niqdyah, al-aýddfth al-munFfah, and al-Ashbdh

wa-7-nazd'ir. '

1.16: Ibn 'Arabi. Seeabove, on p. 24,1.17.

Page 38

Eminent figures

1.14: Sufydn al-Thawri. Aba 'Abd Alldh Sufydn ibn SaId ibn Masr6q al-Thawri

(97-161/716-778) was 'leader of the faithful' (amTr al-mu'minfn) in hadIth.

He was the author of al-Jdmi' al-kdbir and al-Jdmi' al-ýaghir, both

dealing with badiths.4

Page 39

Qur'dn[cverses
1.13,19: '...We feed you for the sake of God alone: no reward do we desire from

1. At-Zirikli, al-Alam, VI, 195.

2. Ibn Ijajar al--ýAsqalanl, al-Durar, 11,67, al-Zirikli, al-A'lam, 11,256.
I AI-Zirikli, al-Alam, 111,302-,Ibn al-'Im5d, Shadharat, VIII, 51.
4. Al-l$fahdnl, Hilyah, VI, 356.
 235

you, nor thanks."

Page 40

Eminent figures

1.9: 'All ibn Abi Tdlib. AbE al-Uasan 'Ali ibn AN Tdlib ibn 'Abd al-Muttalib

al-Hdshimi al-Qurashi, known as AmTr al-Wminin Cthe Leader of the

Faithful') (23 BH-AH 40/600-661) was the fourth Orthodox Caliph and one

of the ten people to whom Paradise was promised. He was the Prophet's

cousin and son-in-law. He was the first male to embrace Islam. 2

1.9: Fdtimah al-Zahrd'. Daughter of the Prophet Mubammad (peace be upon

him) by Khadijah bint Khulayd. Fdtimah married the Caliph 'Ali ibn abi

Tdlib when she was eighteen years old. Her children were al-Hasan,

al-Uusayn, Umm KaltUm, and Zaynab. She died only six months after the

death of her father, the Prophet.'

1.9: Al-Uasan ibn 'Ali. Al-Ijasan ibn 'Ali ibn Abi Tdlib al-Hdshimi al-Qurashi

(3-50/624-670) ranks secondamong the twelve imdms in Im5mi Shl'ism. He

was born in Medina. His mother was Fdtimah al-Zahrd', daughter of the

Prophet Mubammad (peacebe upon himV

1.9: Al-Ijusayn al-Sibt. Abu 'Abd Alldh al-Ijusayn ibn 'Ali ibn AN Tdlib

al-Hdshim! al-Qurashi, known as al-Sibj (i. e. 'grandson' [of the Prophet])

(4-61/625-680) was the son of Fdtimah a]-Zahrd'. He was martyred in the

well-known battle of Karbald'.1

1. Siirah 76 (al-Dahr), 9.
2. Ibn 13ajar al-ýAspl5ni, al-I. Fabah,VII, 56.
3. Ibn Sa'd, al-Tabaqai, VIII, 443; Ibn Hajar al-'Asqal5n!, al-14abah, 828.
4. Ibn al-Jawzl, ýifah, 1,758.
5. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-lsiFab, 40; Ibn Hajar al-'Asqaldnl, al-lýabah, 111,114.
 236

Miscellaneous comments

1.7: Qiit al-qulfib. The reference is to the book on Sufism entitled Q11tal-quio

fI mu'dmalat al-maýbab wa-wa$f (arfq al-murld ild maqCzmal-tawb1d, by

Ab5 Tdlib Mubarnmad ibn AN al-Ijasan 'All ibn 'Abbds al-Makki, who

died in Baghdad in 386/996.

Page 43

Qur'iWcverses
1.5: 'But this thought of yours which ye did entertain concerning your Lord, hath

brought you to destruction, and (now) have ye become of those utterly lost!"

1.10: '...Nor does any one know in what land he is to die... 2

Eminent figures

1.14: 'Abd al-'AzJm al-Mundhiri. AM Mubammad 'Abd al-'A7,im ibn 'Abd

al-Qawl ibn 'Abd Alldh al-Mundhiri (581-656/1185-1285) was a scholar of

Prophetic Tradition and the Arabic language. He came originally from

al-Shdm, but attained presidency of Ddr al-Hadith al-Kimiliyyah in Cairo.

Among his books were al-Targhlb wa-'I-tarhib, al-Takmilah Ii-Walaydt

al-naqalah, and Arba'fin bad[than.1

1.15: Ibn Mdjah. Aba 'Abd AIM Mubammad ibn Yazid ibn Mdjah al-QazwIn!

(209-273/824-887) was one of the imLims of the sciences of Prophetic

Tradition. Among the books he wrote were his Sunan, Tafsir

al-Qur'jn, and Tdrikh Qazwin.'

1.15: Shadd5d ibn Aws. Ab5 Ya'ld Shadddd ibn Aws ibn Th5bit al-Khazrafi

1. Sdrah 41 (Fugilat), 23.

2. S5rah 31 (Luqman), 34.
3. Ibn Kathir, al-Bidayah, XIII, 212; al-KutubT, Fawat, 11,366.
4. Ibn ljajar al-'AsqalAnl, Tahdhlb, IX, 468; al-Zirikii, al-A'Iam, VII, 144.
 237

al-Anýiri al-$abdbi (d. 58/677) was a narrator of fifty different badiths.1

1.16: Al-135fiZ al-Iriqi. Abfi al-Fadl 'Abd al-Rabim ibn al-Ijusayn ibn 'Abd

al-Rabm5n, known as al-13dfiZ al-'Iriql (725-806/1325-1404), was a

researcher and one of the great memorizers of ýadfths. Among the books

he wrote were al-MughnT 'an baml al-asfdr (on the traceability of the

bad[ths of the 1hyY), Nukat minhdi al-Bay, 4dwi (on the foundations of

faith), Dhayl 'ald al-Mizdn (on Prophetic Tradition), and al-Alflyah (on the

terminology of bad[th).'

1.17: Al-lmdm Abmad ibn 13anbal. Aba 'Abd Alldh Abmad ibn Ijanbal

al-Shayb5ni al-Will (164-241/780-855) was the founder of the Uanbalite

school of jurisprudence and one of the four major imLims.Among the books

he wrote were al-Musnad (in six volumes, containing some thirty thousand

bad[ths), al-T&M, al-Ndsikh wa-7-mansfikh, Fadd'il al-$abdbah, and

al-Mandsik. 3

1.18: Ibn al-Mubdrak. Ab6 'Abd al-Rabmdn 'Abd Alldh ibn al-Mubdrak ibn

Widib al-Marwazli (118-181/736-798) was a master of jurisprudence.4

1.18: Al-Tayilisi. ME al-Walid Hish5m ibn 'Abd al-Malik al-Bdhili al-Tayilisi

(133-227/750-841) was one of the great memorizers of bad[th. Al-Bukhdri

recorded a hundred and seven badFths which he '

narrated.

1.18: Ab5 Nu'aym. AM Nu'aym Abmad ibn 'Abd Alldh ibn Abmad al-I$fahdni

(336-430/948-1038) was a narrator of bad[ths. Among the books he wrote

were Hilyat al-awliya' wa-tabaqdt al-a#iyd' (in ten volumes), MaWfat

al-SaýObah, and Tabaqdt al-mubaddithin wa-7-ruwah.1

1. Ibn ýiajar al-ýAsqaIgni, al-lýabah, V, 52.

2. Al-Sakh5w!, al-Paw', IV, 171, Kabý51ah. Mu'jam, V. 204.
3. Al-KhatTb al-Baghdddl, Tarikh, IV, 412; Kabb5lah. Mu'jam, 11,92.
4. Al-Mistirl, Shajarah, 1,57 f.
5. Ibn Vajar al-'Asqal5n!, Tahdh7b,XI, 42; al-Zirikil, al-Mam, Vill, 87.
6. Al-DhahabT, Mizan, 1,111.
 238

1.19: Al-'Askarl. Ab5 Abmad al-Ijasan ibn 'Abd AIM ibn SaId ibn Ismd'il

al-'Askari (293-382/906-993) was a prominent scholar and litt6rateur.

Among the books he wrote were al-Zawdiir wa-'I-mawd'i?, al-Taf4lll

bayna baldghatay al--ýArabwa-'I-'Ajam, and al-Ifikam wa-7-amthdO

1.19: Al-Tabardni. Sulaymfin ibn Ahmad ibn Ayy5b al-Lakhmi al-Shimi

(260-360/873-971) came from a family living in Tiberias (in Bildd al-Shdm).

He was the author of three books on Prophetic Tradition, as well as

al-Awd'il, Dald'il al-nubuwwah, and other books on Qurdnic '

exegesis.

Page 44

Had1ths

1.16: 'Religion is counsel, for the sake of God, for His book, for His Prophet

(peace be upon him), and for the leaders of the Muslims! Narrated by

Muslim in his ýaýTý on the authority of Tamim al-Ddr! as a marfa'

Odfth from the Prophet. It is therefore $aýfb?

Eminent figures

1.4: I?umrah. Qumrah ibn Habib ibn Suhayb al-Zabid! (d. 130/747/8) narrated

bad[ths from Shadd5d ibn Aws, Abb Um5mah al-Bdhili, and others and

those who in turn narrated from him included his son 'Utbah, MuIwiyah,

and Ab5 Bakr ibn Maryam. Ibn Uibbdn referred to him as one of the

reliable '
transmitters.

1.4: Ab5 Bakr ibn Maryarn al-Ghassdni al-Shdmi. Ab5 Bakr ibn 'Abd AIM ibn

Abi Maryam al-Ghassdni al-Sh5mi (d. 256/869/870) was a narrator of

1. Ibn Khallikiin, Wafaýat, 11,83.

2. Ibn Khallik5n, Wafayat, 1,215; al-Zirikli, al-A'Iam, 111,121.
3. Muslim, al-Jami', 1,74.
4. Ibn Ijajar a]-AsqalAnl, Tahdh1b,IV, 402.
 239

4ad[ths, the sources of which were his father, his cousin al-Walid ibn

Sufyin ibn Abi Maryam, Ijdkim ibn 'Umayr, Rishid ibn Sa7d,and others.

He was one of the famous narrators of the Muwatta' of Im&m Mdlik and

should not be confused with Ab5 Bakr ibn al-'Arabi al-Mdlik! or Muby!

al-Din ibn 'Arabi al-$5fi. 1

1.7: Sayyidi Mubammad ibn 'Abd al-Qddir al-Fisi. Abu 'Abd ARM Mubammad

ibn 'Abd al-Qddir ibn 'Ali ibn Yasuf al-Miliki (1042-1116/1632-1704)first

took up the study of the Arabic language, but then turned to the study of

Qur'dnic exegesis and Prophetic Tradition. Among the books he wrote were

TakmTI al-mardm bi-sharb Shawdhid Ibn Hishdm, Sharý UrIazat al-'Arabi

al-Fdsi fi muýtalab al-badTih, Hdshlyah 'ald Mukhta$ar Khalfl, and

Shar4 'Uddat al-bisn al-ba$ln. l

1.8: Sayyidi al-'Arabi al-Fdsi. Muhammad ibn Yasuf ibn Mubammad al-Fihri

al-Qa$ri al-Fdsi (988-1052/1580-1642) became known as Shaykh al-IsItim.

Among the books he wrote were 'Uqdat al-durar (a verse compendium of

Ibn Hajar's Nukhbat al-likr on the terminology of 6adith), a commentary

on the above book, a verse treatise on the different namesof bad[th, and a

verse treatise on 3
zak5h.

1.16: AI-Obbi. Abfi 'Abd Aldh Mubammad ibn Khalaf, known as al-Obbi

al-Washtdni (d. 827 or 828/1424 or 1425), was an erudite scholar of the

foundations of religion (u$fil al-d[n). He wrote Ikmil al-ikrn4dl (on Muslim's

5ab[6), and Sharý al-Mudawwanah.4

,
1.18: Al-Qidi 'Iy5d. 'Iyid ibn Wsi ibn 'Iydd ibn 'AMT5n al-Yab$ubi

(476-544/1083-1149) was qd,11 of Sabtah (Ceuta) and later of Granada. He

1. Ibn 13ajar al-'AsqaRinl, Tahdhib, XII, 33.

2. Al-Mistirl, Shajarah, 1,339, al-Kattdnl, Salwah, 1,316.
3. Al-Mistirl, Shajarah, 1,393; Kabý51ah, Mu'jam, XII, 163.
4. MabfOZ, Tarajim, 1,46.
 240

was one of the leading scholarsof Hadith and the Arabic language.Among

the books he wrote were al-Shifd' ff ta'rff huqfiq al-Mu$tafti, Tart1b

al-maddrik wa-taqrib at-masdlik li-ma'rifat a'ldm madhhab Wilik, and

Shar4 ýaNý Muslim.'

Page 45

Eminent figures

1.1: Al-$ayrafl. Ab6 Bakr Mubammad ibn 'Abd AIM al-Sayrafi- (d. 330/942)

was a Shiffite jurisprudent. Among the books he wrote were al-Baytin li

dallz'il al-a'16m 'ald usfil al-ahUm (on the basics of the ShaTTah)and Kit6b

al-fard'id. l

Page 46

Eminent figures

1.19: Al-Bazzdr. AH Ja'far Abmad ibn 'Umar al-Ijimyar! al-Baghdidi

al-Makhram! al-Bazzdr, known as Ijamdin (d. 258/871/2), narrated badFths

from such persons as AN al-Nadr, AN al-Jawwdb, and R6b ibn 'Abddah,

and badiths were narrated from him by al-Bukhdri, al-Mubdmili, Ibn

Mukhlid, and others. Al-Khatib described him as a reliable person.,

1.21: Tamim al-Ddri. Tamim ibn Aws ibn Khdrijah al-Ddri (d. 40/660) was one

of the Companions of the Prophet (peacebe upon him) and embraced Islam

in AH 9. Al-Bukhdr! and Muslim narrated from him about eighteen

thousand badiths.1

1.21: Ibn Ijajar al-'Asqaldni. Abmad ibn 'All ibn Mubammad al-'Asqaldni

1. AI-Zirikli, al-A'Iam, V, 99.

2. AI-Zirikli, al-A'Iam, VI, 224.
3. Ibn Ijajar al-'Asqa]5nT, Tahdh7b,1,55.
4. Al-Zirikli, al-alam, 11,87.
 241

(773-852/1372-1449) was among the leading scholarsof science,history, and

badith. He was the author of al-Durar al-kdminah fI dy6n al-mi'ah

al-thdminah, Lisdn al-mFzdn, Tahdhfb al-tahdhfb (on traditionists), and

Fatb al-barT sharý ýablb al-Bukhdrl. '

Page 47

Eminent figures

1.5: Ibn 'Abbds. AbO al-'Abbds 'Abd AIM ibn 'Abd al-Muttalib al-Qurash!

al-Hfishimi (3 BH-AH 68/619-687) sought the company of the Prophet

Mubammad (peace be upon him) and narrated many authentic traditions

from him. The badTihs reported from him in al-. 5ablbayn and other

4adFth compilations amount to 1,660.1

Page 48

Qur'dnic verses

1.10-11: 'The man who believed said..."My (own) affair I commit to God: for

God (ever) watches over His Servants." Then God saved him from (every)

ill that they plotted (against him), but the brunt of the Penalty encompassed

on all sides the People of Pharaoh.13

Page 49

Qur'lznic
verses
1.21: '0 ye who believe! If ye will aid (the cause of) God, He will aid you, and

1. AI-Zirikli, al-Alam, 1,178; al-Sakhdwl, al-, Paw', 11,1,36.

2. Ibn Hajar al-'Asqaldnl, al-lýabah, V1,130.
I SOrah40 (al-Ghafir), 38,44 f.
 242

plant your feet firmly. "

Miscellaneous comments

1.21: Al-Madkhal. The reference is to al-Madkhal ill tanm[yat al-a'mdl

bi-tabs[n al-n[yLit by Mubammad ibn Mubammad ibn al-IjAjj Abdari

al--ý,

al-Qayrawdni al-Tilimsdni (d. 737/1336).2

Page 51

UadFths
,
forWUd[j'3
1.3: 'There is a devil known as al-Walhin. Fear, therefore, doubtful

thoughts concerning water.' Reported by Ab5 'Isd Mubammad ibn 'Isa ibn

S6rah al-Tirmidhi (d. 279/892) on the authority of Ubayy ibn Ka'b as a

marfa' bad[th from the Prophet (peace be upon him). Al-Tirmidhi

commented on this badFth that its ismid was not strong, as it contained

Khdrijah ibn Mus'ab; it must therefore be classified as eja7f.1

Eminent figures

1.2: Ibrdhim ibn Adharn. Ab6 lslýdq IbrAhirn ibn Adharn, ibn Maný6r al-Tarninal

al-Balkhi (d. 161/778) was renowned for his eloquence and spoke only

classical Arabic. '

Page 52

Ifad[ths

1.4: 'One who has even an atom's weight of pride in his heart will not enter

1. SaTah 47 (Mu4mmad), 7.
2. Al-Mistirli, Shajarah, 1,218.
3. Ritual ablution after prayer.
4. Al-TiTMidhI, Sunan, 1,85.
5. IN Kathir, al-Bidbyah, X, 135.
 243

Paradise.' Narrated by Muslim on the authority of 'Abd Alldh ibn Mas'fid

as a marfa' hadIth from the Prophet.'

1.7: 'Two deeds that are unsurpassedin evil: mistrust of God and mistrust of the

slaves of God.' j.2 Ibn al-Subk! commented, 'I could

Recorded by al---'Irdq

not find to it
anybody whom was attributed. 3

1.20: 'There are three destructive traits: pampered greed, desire which is fulfilled,

and self-conceit. ' Narrated by Abmad ibn Ijusayn al-Bayhaq! (d. 458/1066)

on the authority of Anas ibn Mdlik as a marfii' bad[th. 1 A]-'Iriqi stated that

it was also reported by al-Bazzir, al-Tabardni, Ab6 Nu'aym, and

al-Bayhaq! on the authority of Anas with a weak chain of transmission.5

Eminent figures

1.24: Y5suf ibn 'Urnar. AbE al-Hajjdj Yasuf ibn 'Urnar al-Anfds!

(661-761/1263-1360) was well versed in Mdlikite jurisprudence. He wrote

Taqyid'ald RisdIat AN Zayd aI-QayrawdnT.'

Miscellaneous comments

1.6: Al-, Uikam is the title of a book on Sufism by Tdj al-Din Ab5 al-Fadl

Abmad ibn Mubammad ibn 'Atd' Alldh al-Iskandari (d. 709/1309), which

was commented on by many religious scholarsincluding Zarr5q.'

1. Muslim, al-Jami', 1,93.

2. Al-Mughni, 11.208.
3. Al-Uadd5d, Takhrij aý&dlth al-lhya', 111,1214.
4. Al-Bayhaq!, Shu'ab,1,471.
5. Al-Ir5cli, al-Mughni, 1,15.
6. Al-Mistirl, Shajarah, 1,233.
7. See his Qurrat al-ayn, ed. M. ibn Sharif (Cairo, 1973).
 244

Page 53

Hadiths

1.13: '1 am unable to praise you as you have praised yourself.' Narrated by

Muslim on the authority of Ab5 Hurayrah as a marfCV ýadfth from the

Prophet (peacebe upon him). It is therefore Fablb.1

1.19: 'Your deeds will not take any of you to Paradise. 'Not even you, 0 Prophet

of God? " He replied, "Not even me unless God envelops me in His grace

and mercy. "' The first part of this bad[th was reported by MUSIiM, 2 the

second part by N6r al-Din 'Ali ibn Abi Bakr ibn Ijajar al-Haythami (d.

807/1404/5), who wrote, 'Al-Tabardni narrated this had[th with a number of

transmission chains, one of whose authorities is a narrator of the

sahlb books of badfth. " We may thus conclude that this Odfth is ýa6fb.

Eminent figures

1.6: Al-Shaykh AN Mubammad Obn AN Zayd al-QayrawAn!). AN 'Abd Alldh

ibn Abi Zayd 'Abd al-RabmAn Ab6 Mubammad (310-386/922-966) was a

Mdlikite jurisprudent, and leader and imdm of the M5likites in his time, so

that he became known as al-Mdlik al-$aghir. 1 He was the author of

al-Risdlah, al-Iqtadd' bi-Ahl al-Sunnah, al-Dhabb 'an madhhab Wilik (in

defence of Mdlikism), Risdiah /T usal al-tawhTd, and Mukhta$ar

al-Mudawwanah.5

1.26: Al-BaydAwi. Aba Sa'id 'Abd Alldh ibn 'Umar ibn Muhammad ibn 'Ali

al-Shirdzi Nd$ir a]-Din al-BaydAw! (d. 685/1286) was a judge in Shiraz, an

1. Mulsim, al-Jami', 1,74.

2. AI-Jami', 1,74.
I Ibn Hajar al-Haythami, Majma', 1,357.
4. MabfFa?,Tarajim, 11,443.
5. Ibn Farb6n, al-Dibai, 136-8.
 245

interpreter of religious texts, and an erudite scholar.' Among the books he

wrote were Anwdr al-ranzfl wa-asrdr al-ta'wfl (better known as TafsTr

al-Bay(Mwf), Tawtili' al-anwtir (on monotheism), and Minhiii al-wuTal ilti

71mal-usal?

Page 54

Qur'Cznic
verses
1.7: '...If He so will, He can remove you and put (in your place) a new Creation?

Nor is that for God any great matter.3 The same text recurs in S5rah 35

(Fdtir), 16 f. but with a slightly different wording: 'If He so pleased, He

could blot you out and bring in a New Creation. Nor is that (at all) difficult

for God!

1.15: 'When thou dost recite the Qur-5n, We put between thee and those who

believe not in the Hereafter, a veil invisible: and we put coverings over

their hearts (and minds) lest they should understand the Qur-in, and

deafness into their ears: when thou dost commemorate thy Lord - and Him

alone - in the Qur-dn, they turn on their backs, fleeing (from the Truth)."

Had[ths

1.23: 'This is a devil called Khanzab. When you feel his presence, seek God's

protection from him and spit to your left three times. If you do this, God

will distance him from you. ' Reported by Muslim on the authority of

'Uthm5n ibn Abi al-'A$ as a marfX With from the Prophet (peace be

1. Ibn Kathir, al-Bidayah, X111,309.

2. Al-Suygtl, Bughyah, 286.
3. SdTah 14 (Ibrahim), 19 f.
4. SOrah 17 (al-Isra'), 45 f.
 246

upon himV

Eminent figures

1.8: Al-Mursi. Ab5 al-'Abbds Shih5b al-Din Abmad ibn 'Umar al-Murs! (d.

686/1287) was well versed in religious lore and was a Sufi.'

1.9: Al-Bildli. Mubammad ibn 'Ali ibn Ja'far al-Bilili al-'Ajlfini al-Qdhiri

(750-820/1349-1417) was a Shdfi'ite jurist and a Sufi. Among the books he

wrote were Mukhta$ar IbyX Vfim al-din (by al-Ghazdli) and

al-Rawdah (on jurisprudence, but left uncompleted).3

1.15: Ibn al-Sakk5k. Ab5 Yaýyd Mubammad ibn Abi Ghdlib al-Mikndsi, known

as Ibn al-Sakkik (d. 818/1415) was chief judge in Fez. He was the author of

an excellent commentary on al-Qddi 'Iy5d's Shifd'.'

1.21: Ibn Abi al-'As al-Thaqafi. 'Uthm5n ibn AM al-'A$ ibn Bishr ibn 'Abd ibn

Dahm5n (d. 51/671) was one of the Companions of the Prophet (peace be

upon him). The Prophet (peace be upon him) made him governor of

al-Wif, where he governed until the days of 'Umar, who gave him charge

of Oman, and then Bahrain in AH 15.1

Miscellaneous comments

1.19: Al-Ifisn al-ýasfn is the title of a book by Shams al-Din Ab6 al-Khayr

Mubammad ibn Mubammad ibn al-Jazari al-Shdfi'i (751-833/1350-1429)

containing supplications and prayers, scattered with badfths from the

Prophet (peace be upon him) and his Companions (may God be pleased

1. Muslim, al-JamP, IV, 28.

2. AI-Zirikli, al-A'Iam. 1,186.
3. Ibn al-'Im5d, Shadharal, VII, 147; al-Sakh5w!, al-4)aw'. IV, 178.
4. Al-Mistirl, Shajarah, 1.251.
5. Ibn Ijajar a]-'Asqaldnl, al-14abah, VI, 394; Ibn Sa'd, al-Tabaqat, V, 372.
 247

with '
them).

Page 55

Eminent figures

1.16: Al-Hasan ibn Isi. Al-Hasan ibn 'Isiii ibn Misirji Abil 'Ali al-Nisibilri (d.

239/853) was a freed slave of Mawli Ibn al-Mubdrak and also a narrator of

badiths from him. His bad[ths are narrated by Mulsim, Abil DdW,

al-Nasd'-i (through Aýmad ibn Ijanbal and his father), 'Ali ibn al-Junayd,

and al-Bukhiri (in books other than aI-J6mi`).I

1.18: 'Ammdr ibn 13asan. Ab15 al-Hasan 'Ammdr ibn Ijasan ibn Bashir

al-Hamd5ni al-Rdzi (d. 159-242/776-856) narrated badFths from Ab5

Hadiyah al-Firisi, Zdfir ibn Sulaym5n, and others. His narrations were in

turn cited by al-Nasd'i, Aýmad ibn Sayydr al-Marwazi, 'Abd AIM ibn

Abmad Sibawayh, and many others. Al-Nasd'i spoke of him as 'reliable' and

'acceptable',while Ibn Hibb5n categorizedhim among the 'trustworthy'.'

Places

1.15: Khwarizm. A medieval empire in Central Asia with Urganj (Jurjdniyyah) as

its capital. It came under Islamic rule in the eighth/fourteenth century when

it fell to the Seljuk Turks. It subjugated Bukhdrd, Samarqand, and most of

Persia during the sixth/twelfth and seventh/thirteenth centuries. It was

attacked by Genghis Khan during 615-621/1218-1224.1

1.20: Marv. An ancient city in Turkmenistan. It was seized by Russia from the

Uzbeks in 1301/1884. Its old name, when it was the capital of one of the

1. ýiajji Khallfah, Kashf, 1.669.

2. Ibn ljajar al-'Asqaldnl, Tahdhlb, 11,271.
3. Ibn Uajar al-'AsqaidnT, Tahdhlb, VII, 348.
4. Ghurb5l, al-Mawsa'ah, 767.
 248

northern districts of ancient Persia, was Marfiana. During the Middle Ages

it was a flourishing centre of Islamic culture. ' Today it is one of the old

cities of the Turkmenistan Republic in Central Asia, with a total population

of about 75'000.2

1.24: Al-Raqqah. Al-raqqah may mean any land neighbouring a valley with

water flowing along it. Al-raqaq, according to al-Asmal, is soft land with

no sands. Al-Raqqah, as a proper noun, is a well-known city overlooking

the Euphrates, and is often referred to as 'White Raqqah'. It is viewed as

being among the Jazirah lands because it lies on the eastern bank of the

Euphrates within a short distance of Harrin. In AH 17 Sa'd ibn Ab!

Waqqds, who was then governor of K6fah, sent an army under 'Iydd ibn

Ghdnim to al-Jazirah. When news of its advance reached the people of

al-Raqqah, they respondedby offering their surrender, which was accepted.'

1.26: Khurds5n. A district located in the north-west of Iran. It was conquered

and surrendered to the Muslim armies in 31/651 during the caliphate of

'Uthmdn ibn 'Affdn. Its economy dependson' the production of fruit, cotton,

grain, and livestock. Mashhad is the capital city of the province.'

Page 56

Eminent figures

1.6: 'Arnr ibn Shu'ayb. 'Arnr ibn Shu'ayb ibn Muýarnrnad ibn 'Abd Alldh ibn

'Arnr ibn al-'A$ al-Qurashi (d. 118/736), of Medina or al-Td'if, was a

student of bad[th. '

1. GhurbAl, al-MawsWah, 1688.

2. Al-Ba'labakki, Mawsa'ah, VII, 17.
3. YAqft, Mu'jam, 111,58 f.; al-ijimyarl, al-Raw4,270.
4. Al-Ba'labakki. Maws&'ah, VI, 51.
5. Ibn Ijajar al-ýAspl5ni, Tahdh7b,VIII, 43-49; al-Dhahabl, Mizan, 11,289.
 249

Places

1.3: Hit. A town overlooking the Euphrates beyond al-Anbdr, named after its

founder Hit ibn al-Bandi. It is famous for its countless palm-trees and the

tomb of 'Abd Alldh ibn al-Mubdrak. 1

1.4: Al-Furdt (i.e. the Euphrates). One of the two main rivers watering the Iraqi

lands. It derives its water from several sourcesin easternTurkey in a region

whose mountains rise above three thousand metres. The Euphrates flows

through Syria and thence into Iraq, where it unites with the Tigris at

Kardmat 'All, forming the Shatt al-'Arab, which flows into the Arabian

Gulf. Its total length is some 2,330 km.1

Page 57

Ijad[ths

1.16: 'When you perform wudW, do not shake your hands to throw off the water!

Narrated by Mubammad ibn Ijibbdn ibn Ahmad al-Busti on the authority

of Abu Hurayrah as a marffi' badFth from the Prophet (peace be upon himV

Ibn Uajar al-'Asqaldni wrote that both Ibn al-$aldý and al-Nawawi had

assertedthat this badFth was without 4

basis.

Eminent figures

1.9: Al-Jaz5li. Ab5 'Abd Alldh Muhammad ibn Sulaym5n al-Jaz511 al-Sharif

al-Ijasani (d. 870/1466) was a well-known scholar of jurisprudence. Zarraq

was among his followers. He was the author of Daffil al-khayrdt and Yizb

1. AI-BaghdAdl, Mar&ýid, 111,1468;al-Ijimyarl, al-Raw4,597.

2. Ghurb5l, al-Mawsii'ah, 1278.
3. Ibn Ijibb5n, al-Majrliýln, 1,203.
4. Al-TalkhlT, 1,99.
 250

subWn al-d0m. 1

1.12: Ibn Niiji. Qdsim ibn 'Isd ibn NdTi al-Tan5kh! al-Qayrawin! (d. 837/1433)

was a jurisprudent and judge. He was the author of Shar6 al-Mudawwanah,

Sharý RisdIat Ibn AbT Zayd aI-Qayrawdni*, and Shar6 al-Tahdhfb

U-7-Barddhi'T.1

1.13: Ibn Farbfin. Ab6 'Abd Allfih ibn Mubammad ibn Farb6n al-Ya'murl

al-Miliki AN Muhammad (693-769/1294-1368)was a well-known scholar

in the realm of jurisprudence and Prophetic Tradition. He was the author of

al-Durr al-mukhalla$ min al-taqaýý[ wa-7-mulakhkhas on Had[th, Kashf

a-mughattd fT sharý mukhtaýara al-Muwaýfa' in 4 volumes, and

al-'Uddah (on the parsing of 'Umdat al-abkLim, a book on Traditions by

Taqi al-Din ibn DaqIq al-'Id). 3

1.13: Ibn Hdr5n. AN al-Hasan 'All ibn M6sd, known as Ibn Hdr6n al-Mutghari

(from Mutgharah of Tlemcen) (d. 951/1465), was well versed in

jurisprudence and the interpretation of the Qur'dn and ýadTths. He was the

muftf and the im6m of the Qarawiyyin Mosque in Fez.'

Miscellaneous comments

1.15: Sharb al-Risdlah. The referenceis to the Zarr6q'a commentary on the

treatise dealing with aspectsof Mdlikite jurisprudencewritten by Ibn Aby

Zayd al-Qayrawini. An edition was first publishedin printed form in Cairo

in 1332/1913/4.5

1. Al-Mistirl, Shajarah, 1,264.

2. AI-Zirikli, at-Milm, V, 179.
3. AI-Zirikil, al-Alam, IV, 126.
4. Al-Qddirl, Nashr, 1,60; al-Katt5n!, Salwah, 11,82.
5. 'Abd al-'Az7iz, al-Mawsh'ah, 111,92.
 251

Page 59

Eminent figures

1.2: Al-Tatd'i. Mubammad ibn Ibrdhim ibn Khalil al-Tatd'! (d. 942/1535) was a

Mdlikite supreme judge in Egypt and was the author of Fatb al-jalil (on

Khalil's Mukhta$ar), Jaw5hir al-durar, Tanwlr al-maqdlah (an

interpretation of al-Qayrawdni's Risdiah), and Khitat al-siddd

wa-7-rushd (an interpretation of the Muqaddimlit of Ibn Rushd).1

1.9: Al-Im5m Mdlik ibn Anas. Aba 'Abd Alldh Mdlik ibn Anas ibn Mdlik ibn

Abi 'Amir al-A$babi al-Ijimyari (93-179/712-795) was im6m in Medina and

one of the four Sunnite im5ms. To him is attributed the origin of the

Mdlikite madhhab. He was born and died in Medina and was the author of

al-Muwatfa' (a classical work on badIth and fiqh on which al-Shdfi'i

commented that it was the most correct book to appear on earth after the

Holy Qurdn itself), Tafs[r gharlb al-Qurdn, and RisdIah fT al-wa'z?

1.10: Al-Imfim al-ShfifiT AW 'Abd Alldh Mubammad ibn Idr-is ibn al-'Abbds

ibn 'Uthmin ibn Shdfi' al-Qurashi a]-Matlabi (150-204/767-819) was one of

the four Sunnite imCims. To him is attributed the origins of the Shdfi'ite

madhhab. He was born in Gaza in Palestine and grew up in Mecca and

Medina. He died in Egypt. He was the author of Kirdb (al-umm) fF al-fiqh,

al-Ris&ah fT uý141
al-liqh, al-Musnad /T al-badith, Ahkiim al-Qur'iin, and

1khtildf al-badith?

1.14: Al-Ajh5ri. 'All ibn Mubammad ibn 'Abd al-Rabmdn ibn 'All al-Ajhari

(967-1066/1560-1656) was a Mdlikite jurist and scholar of Tradition. He

was the author of Sharh al-durar al-saniyyah ff naZm al-sTrah

1. Ibn Farb5n, at-Dibai, 335; al-MiSLIH, Shajarah, 1,272.

2. A]-Zirikli, al-A'lbm, V, 257; al-Nawawl, Tahdhib, N, 75-79.
3. KabýAlah, Mu'jam, IX, 32; al-Zirikil, al-Alam, VI, 26.
 252

al-nabawiyyah, al-Aiwibah al-mubarrarah li-as'ilat al-bararah, Sharb

Risalat AN Zayd, and Mawdhib al-jaITI fi sharb Mukhta$ar KhaIF1.1

1.15: Al-Shddhili. Ab5 al-Hasan 'Ali ibn 'Abd Alldh ibn 'Abd al-Jabbdr ibn

Yi1suf ibn Hurmuz al-Shddhili al-Maghribi (591-656/1195-1258) was the

founder of the Shddhiliyyah Sufi order. He was born in the Maghrib and

resided in Shidhilah, near Tunis, and died in SaId in Egypt. He was the

author of al-Hizb al-kab[r, al-Jawahir al-maslinah wa-'I-Ia'[71F

al-maknlizah (fT sirr basbund Alldh wa-ni'ma al-wakfl), and Risalat

al-amIn li-yaniadhib ild Rabb 1

al-'AlamFn.

1.15: Al-Takhikhi. M6sd, known as al-Takhikh! (d. 947/1541), was a prominent

jurist. He wrote a commentary on Khalil's Mukhta$ar. His excellent

handwriting was highly admired by the people of his day.'

1.15: AI-Zurqdni. Ab6 'Abd A115h Mubammad ibn 'Abd al-Bdqi ibn Yasuf

al-Zurqdni al-Mdliki (d. 1122/1710) was a famous Egyptian expounder of

Prophetic Tradition and was the author of Sharý al-Muwatta' (in three

large volumes) and at-YaqCiniyyah(on idioms).4

1.16: Al-Qurlubi. Ab& 'Abd Alldh Mubammad ibn Ahmad ibn Abi Bakr ibn

Farh al-An$dri al-Khazraji al-Qurtubi (d. 671/1273) was an eminent

interpreter of the Qur'dn and was the author of al-Jami' Ii-abUm

at-Qur'an (in twenty volumes, popularly known as Tafsfr al-Qurtubf)

Qam' al-ýirý bi-'I-zuhd wa-7-qand'ah, and al-Asna fT sharb asma' Alhih

al-busnii (on the ninety-nine beautiful namesof 5

God).

1. Al-Mubibbi, Khulaýah, 111,157;al-Zirikil, al-A'Iam, V, 13.

2. KabbAlah, Mu'jam, VII, 137; al-Mistirl, Shaiarah, 1,186.
3. Al-Qardf-i, Tawsh!4,236.
4. Al-Mistirl, Shajarah, 1,317.
5. Ibn Far4, al-J&mi', 1, intro.; Ibn Farý5n, at-Dibai, 11,308.
 253

Page 60

Qur'ildcverses
1.8: '...and rub therewith your faces and hands...
"

1.8: '-when ye prepare for prayer, wash your faces, and your hands (and arms) to

2
the elbows....

Eminent figures

1.8: Al-Mughirah ibn Shu'bah. Abu 'Abd Alldh al-Mughirah ibn Shu'bahibn AN

'Amir ibn Mas'5d a]-Thaqafi (20 BH-AH 50/603-670) was one of the best

tacticians and leaders of the Arabs, besideshaving been one of the Prophet's

3
CompanionS.

1.19: Ibn Rushd. Ab5 al-Walld Muhammad ibn Abmad ibn Rushd, qddf

al-iamd'ah in Cordova (450-520/1058-1126), was the grandfather of Ibn

Rushd the philosopher (on whom, see above). He was the author of

Muqaddimat al-mumahhidah li-masd'il al-Mudawwanah, al-Baydn

wa-'I-ta4$FI, MukhtaýFar sharb Ma'tinl al-dthdr (by al-Tabdwi),

al-Fatliwd, and al-Aiwibah. 1

1.20: Ibn al-Q5sim. Ab5 'Abd Alldh 'Abd al-Rabmfin ibn al-Qdsim al-'Itql

al-Mi$r! al-UdfiZ (132-191/750-806) was esteemed for his reliability in

narrating the words of Mdlik and for his great knowledge of Mdlik's

judgments and verdicts. This was becausehe accompanied Mdlik for'some

twenty years' and was one of the most prominent narrators of the

Muwaudof Im5m Mdlik.

1. Sarah 4 (al-Nisa'), 43.

2. Sarah 5 (al-Ma'idah), 7.
3. Ibn ljajar al--ýAsqalAnT, al-l; &bah, IX, 269.
4. AI-Zirikli, al-Alam, V, 316; Ibn Farh5n, al-Dibai, 287.
5. Al-Mistirl. Shaiarah, 1,85; al-Zirikil, at-Mam, 111,323.
 254

Page 61

Eminent figures

1.1: Yaby5. Ab5 Mubammad Yabyd ibn Yabyd ibn Ab! 'Isd al-Laythi

(152-243/769-849) was the leading Andalusian scholar of his age. He studied

in Cordova, then travelled to the East while still young. He listened to

al-Muwatta' in the lectures of Milik, after which he returned to Andalusia

where he publicized the MOM doctrines. Describing him, Imdrn Mdlik

commented, 'Yabyd is the wisest of Andalusian people! He died in '

Cordova.

1.1: Al-BisAti. Abfi 'Abd A115h Mubammad ibn Abmad ibn 'Uthmdn Shams

al-Din al-Td'i al-Bisdtl (760-84211359-1439) was a Milikite jurist and

judge. Among the books he wrote were al-MughnT (on jurisprudence),

Shiff al-'alil fI mukhraýar al-Shaykh Khalil, and Hashlyah 'aM

al-Mutawwal. 1

1.2: Ibn al-H5jib. Ab5 'Amr Jam5l al-Din 'Uthmdn ibn 'Umar ibn Abi Bakr

Yýnus, known as Ibn a]-fjdjib al-Mi$ri (750-646/1174-1249) was a Mdlikite

jurist. He was the author of al-I(Ibb sharb Mufa$$al al-Zamakhshari, Jdmr

al-ummahdt fT al-fiqh al-MdlikF, and al-Maqsad al-jal[I /I 'ilm al-Khaffl. 1

1.12: Ibn Zarq5n. Ab5 'Abd Alldh ibn Zarq5n Muhammad ibn SaId ibn Aýmad

al-An$dr! (502-586/1108-1190) was a Mdlikite jurist, well versed in

Tradition. He was the author of al-Anwdr (on two commentaries on

al-Muwa(fa': al-Muntaq5 by al-Bdji and al-istidhkdr by Ibn 'Abd al-Barr)

and al-J6mr bayna al-TirmidhT wa-Abi DXad. l

1. Ibn Khallik5n, Wafayal, VI, 143.

2. Ibn al-'ImAd, Shadharat, VII, 245; al-Sakhdwl, al-paw', IV, 5.
3. Al-Mistirl, Shajarah, 1.167; Kabb5lah, Mu'jam, VI, 265.
4. AI-Zirikil, al-Mam, VI. 139.
 255

Page 62

Eminent figures

1.7: Ibn Y6nus. Ab5 al-Ijasan Y6nus ibn Mubammad ibn Mughith ibn Yfinus (d.

447-532/1055/6-1137/8) was an esteemed sheikh of Cordova, a jurist, a

littirateur, and a scholar. He cited the badFths related by his grandfather,

fjdtim al-Tardbulusi, Ab5 Marwdn ibn Sir5j, and others. The bad[ths he

narrated were in turn cited by several people among whom was Ibn

Bashkuwdl.1

1.9: Ibn 'Arafah. Ab3 'Abd Alldh Muhammad ibn Mubammad ibn 'Arafah

al-Wargham! (716-803/1316-1400) was an imdm, khaffb, and scholar of

Tunis. Among the books he wrote were al-Mukhtasar al-kabir (on

MAlikite jurisprudence), al-Mabsa( (in seven volumes, also on

jurisprudence), and al-, Yudfid (on definitions in jurisprudence)?

1.9: AI-Mfiziri. Aba 'Abd Alldh Muhammad ibn 'Ali ibn 'Umar al-Tamimi

al-Mdziri (453-536/1061-1141) was a scholar of Tradition among the

Mdlikite jurists. Among the books he wrote were al-Mu'lim bi-lawd'id

Muslim, al-TalqFn, al-Kashl wa-7-inbeY(a refutation of al-Ghazill's lbyX)

145b al-mabýfil fT al-u.Ffil, and a number of books on literature?

1.13: Ibn Maslamah al-Qa'nabi. 'Abd Allfih ibn Maslamah ibn Qa'nab al-Udrithi

(d. 221/835) was one of the most reliable narrators of bad[ths. 123 of the

badFthshe narrated were cited by al-Bukhdrli and 70 by Muslim.'

1.13: Ibn Ndfi'. Ab6 Mubammad 'Abd Alldh ibn Ndfi' al-Sd'igh al-Madan!

al-Qurash! (d. 186/802) attended the sessionsheld by Mdlik, Ibn Dhu'ayb,

1. Al-Mistirl, Shajarah, 1,133.

2. AI-Zirikli, al-A'lam, VII, 43; Ahmad Bdb5. Nayl, 274.
3. MabfDZ, Tarajim, IV, 232.
4. A]-Zirikli, al-Mam, IV, 137.
 256

Hishim ibn 'Urwah, and others)

1.19: Al-Aqfahsi. 'Abd Alldh ibn Miqd5d ibn Ismd'il Jamdl al-Din al-Aqfahs!

al-7, dhirl (745-823/1344-1420) was a judge and Mdlikite jurist. He became

the head of Mdlikite jurisprudence and issuanceof famis in Egypt. He was

one of the disciples of Sheikh Kh5lil. Al-Aqfahs! wrote a three-volume

commentary on Khalil's Mukhta$ar, al-Maqdlah fI sharb al-Risdlah (of Ibn

Abil Zayd al-Qayrawdni), and a three-volume commentary on the Qur'dn.1

1.19: Al-Qardfl. Shams al-Din ME 'Abd AIM Mubammad ibn Abmad ibn

'Umar ibn Sharaf al-Qdhiri al-Mdliki, known as al-Qardfi

(801-867/1399-1463), was the grandson of the prominent Sufi figure, Ibn

AN Jamrah. He studied under his father and Jamdl a]-Aqfahsi, and became

an erudite jurisprudent and narrator of Prophetic Tradition. He was the

author of Sharb al-Aiurrumiyyah (al-Durar al-mudi'ah), Mas'alah /F

ibddth al-kand'is, and Sharb 'ald al-Mulbah (left uncompleted).'

1.22: Al-Fdkihdni. 'Umar ibn 'Ali ibn Sfilim ibn $adaqahal-Lakhmi al-Iskandari

al-Fdkihfini (654-734/1256-1334) was a grammarian. Among the books he

wrote were al-lshdrah (on grammar), al-Manhai al-mub[n (a commentary

on al-Nawawl's Arba'an ýad[than), al-Taýrfr wa-7-taibIr (a commentary

on Ibn Zayd al-Qayrawdni's Risdlah), and Riydd al-alhdm Ii sharb 'Umdat

al-aOdm (on badith). 4

Page 63

Qur'dnic
verses
1.4: 'It is from Solomon, and is (as follows): "in the name of God, Most Gracious,

1. Al-Mistirl, Shajarah, 1,55.

2. Al-Sakhdwl, at-,Paw', V, 71; al-Mistirl, Shaiarah, 1,240.
3. Kaýbdlah, Mu'jam, VIII, 304; al-Mistirl, Shaiarah, 1,256.
4. Al-Mistid, Shajarah, 1,204; Ibn Kathir, at-Bidayah, XIV, 168.
 257

Most Merciful...'"'

Uad[ths
,
1.9: '1 have divided the prayer into two parts, between me and my servant!

Narrated by Muslim on the authority of Abfi Hurayrah as a marfa' had[th.1

Endnent figures

1.3: Al-Qddi 'Abd al-Wahh5b. Aba Mubammad 'Abd al-Wahhib ibn 'Ali ibn

Na$r al-Tha'dlibi al-Baghdid! (362-422/973-1031) was a Mdlikite jurist. He

was appointed judge for some regions of Iraq. Among the books he wrote

were al-Talqfn fi fiqh al-Mdlikiyyah, 'Uýun al-masd'il, al-Nu$rah

li-madhhab Mdlik, Sharb al-Mudawwanah, and al-Ishrdf 'ald masd'il

al-khildf?

1.12: Anas ibn Mdlik. Ab5 "amzah Anas ibn Mdlik a]-Nadr al-An$dr!

al-Madani (10 BH-AH 93/612-712) was an assistantto the Prophet (peace

be upon him) and a Companion of long standing. He reported several

badfths!

1.12: Abfi Bakr al-$iddiq. Ab6 Bakr 'Abd Alldh ibn Qubdfah 'Uthmdn ibn 'Amir

ibn Ka'b al-Tamimi (51 BH-AH 13/573-634) was the first man to embrace

Islam and was the first Orthodox Caliph. In the pre-Islamic era he was

nicknamed al-Siddiq, i. e. 'the Truthful', but it is sometimesassertedthat he

acquired this name later, under Islam, owing to the fact that he never

hesitated to believe the Prophet's story of his heavenly journey. His

1. Silrah 27 (al-Naml), 30.

2. Muslim, al-Jami', 1,296.
3. Al-Kutubl, Fawat, 11,421; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidayah, X11,32; Ibn KhallikAn. Wafayal, 1,304.
4. Al-Dhahabi, Tadhkirah, 1,44; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, 1,127; Ibn Hajar al-'Asqaldnl,
al-Iýabah, 1,112.
 258

caliphate lasted for two years, three and a half '

months.

1.12: 'Umar ibn al-Khatt5b. AbE Ja'far 'Umar ibn al-Khattib ibn Nufayl

al-Qurash! al-'Adawl (40 BH-AH 23/584-644) was the second orthodox

Caliph and one of the ten people to whom Paradise was promised. He was

the first to be called AmIr al-Mu'minfn, i. e. the Commander of the

Faithful. He was also the originator of the Miri dating.2

1.12: 'Uthmdn ibn 'Affin. 'Uthmdn ibn 'Affdn ibn Ab! al-'As! ibn Umayyah (47

BH-AH 35/577-656) of the tribe of Quraysh, was the third Orthodox Caliph

and bore the title AmTr al-Mu'minTn. During his caliphate the Qur'dn was

collected. He was one of the ten people to whom Paradise was promised.

He gained the title Dh6 al-N6rayn, i. e. 'the man in possession of two

sources of light', with reference to his marriages to two of the Prophet's

daughters:Ruqayyah and Urnm Kalth5m.1

1.14: 'Abd Alldh ibn Mughfal. Aba Sa'id 'Abd AllAh ibn Mughfal 'Arif ibn

Asbam ibn Rabl'ah ibn 'Adi al-Muzn! (d. 57/677) was one of the members

of the convention named 'the Tree Pact' (AsOb al-Shaiarah). He narrated

bad[ths directly from the Prophet (peace be upon him), besidesquoting the

bad[ths related by Aba Bakr, 'Uthmdn, and others. He was also a leading

jurist among the Prophet's Companions.'

Miscellaneous comments

1.9: Al-Ma'finah. This is a reference to al-Ma'anah fi sharb al-Risdlah, on

Milikite jurisprudence, by al-QRdi 'Abd al-Wahhdb ibn 'Ali, known as Ibn

al-Tawf al-Mdliki (d. 422/1031). It is a commentary on the Risdlah of Ibn

1. Ibn Ijajar al-ýAspl5ni, al-lýabah, VI, 155.

2. AI-Zirikil, al-Alam, V, 45; Ibn Ijajar al-'Asqaldnl, al-I; abah, VII, 74.
3. Ibn Ijajar at-'Asqal§nl, al-lýabah, VI, 391.
4. Ibn ljajar al-'Asqal5n!, Tahdhib, V1,38; al-Zirikli, al-Mam, IV, 139.
 259

Abif Zayd al-Qayrawdni.l

Page 64

kladiths

1.11: '1 swear by Him in whose hands lies my soul that, from those among you,

my prayer best resembles that of the Prophet (peace be upon him). '

Reported by al-Nasd-i on the authority of 'Abd al-Rabmdn ibn Abmad ibn

Shu'ayb (d. 303/915/6).2

1.13: 'The Prophet (peace be upon him) would begin recitation with the words

ih al-Rabmdn al-RabTm. '

Bi-'sm 711, Narrated by al-Tirmidhi on the

authority of Ismd'il ibn Hamm5d, reporting from Ab6 KhOd, reporting

from Ibn 'Abb5s, as a marfa' bad[th. Al-Tirmidhi said, 'Its isndd is not

standard. I say the isndd of this Odfth is da'ff. "

Eminent figures

1.10: Na'im al-Mujmir. Ab5 'Abd Alldh Na'im ibn 'Abd Alldh a]-Mujmir

al-Madani was a slave freed by the family of 'Umar ibn al-Khatt5b. He

reported the hadFths narrated by ME Hurayrah, Ibn 'Umar, Anas, Jdbir,

and others. His own narrations were in turn reported by his son

Mubammad, by Mubammad ibn 'Ajldn, and by others.4

Page 65

Qur'dnic
verses
1.14: 'When thou dost read the Qur-dn, seek God's protection from Satan the

1. ljajj-i Khallfah, Kashf, 11,1743.

2. Al-Nasd-i, Sunan, 11,134.
3. Al-Tirmidhi, Sunan, 11,14.
4. Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalSnl, Tahdh7b,X, 414.
 260

Rejected One."

Jýadfths

1.18: 'When the muezzin calls out to prayer, Satan flees with the sound of

rushing wind. ' Reported by Muslim on the authority of AN Hurayrah as a

marta' With?

Eminent figures

1.6: Al-Fakhr al-Rdzi. Ab6 'Abd Alldh Mubammad ibn 'Umar ibn al-Ijasan ibn

al-Uusayn al-Taymi al-Bakri Fakhr al-Din a]-Rdzi (544-606/1150-1210)

was an im[im and commentator on the Qur'fin. Among the books he wrote

were Mafit[b al-ghayb (a commentary on the Qur'dn in eight volumes),

Lawlzmi' al-bayyindt (an explanation of God's names and attributes),

Ma'dlim u$al al-dFn, al-Masd'il al-khamsan ff u.FC41

al-kaldm, and

Muba,gal afk5r at-mutaqaddimFn wa-'I-muta'akhkhirin min al-'ulamd'

1
wa-'1-mutakaIIimFn.

1.15: Al-Lakhmi. Ab6 al-Ijasan 'Ali ibn Mubammad al-Rab'i, known as

al-Lakhm! (d. 478/1085), was a Mdlikite jurist. He was the author of a

number of valuable books, two of which were al-Tabýirah (a commentary

on al-Mudawwanah in which he endorsed views contrary to orthodox

Mdlikism) and Fadd'il al-Sheim.1

1.21: Ab6 al-Ijasan al-Man5ff. 'Ali ibn Mubammad ibn Khalaf al-Manafl

al-Shddhili (857-939/1453-1532) was a Mdlikite jurist. Among the books he

wrote were 'Umdat al-sdlik (on jurisprudence), Tubfat al-maýallf, Ghdyat

1. Surdh 16 (al-Nahl), 98.

2. Muslim, al-Jami', 1,151.
3. AI-Zirikli, al-A'Iam, VI, 313; Kaýbdlah, Mu'jam, XI, 79.
4. Ibn Falýan, al-Dibai, 203; MalýfD4, Tarajim, IV, 214-220.
 261

al-am,inT (a commentary on al-QayrawAnFsRisalah), and Kiffiyat al-taUb

al-rabb,inT.1

Page 66

Ifad[ths

1.13: 'There will come a people who will go to extremes in both their

supplications and ablutions! Narrated by AM MW on the authority of

'Abd Alldh ibn Mughfal as a marffi' bad[th. AM Dd'5d reserved judgment

on it. It is an accepted rule that any badFth which AM Dd'6d does not

classify is to be considered 2
basan.

Eminent figures

1.1: Ibn Ijabib. Abfi Marwdn 'Abd al-Malik ibn Ijabib ibn Sulaymdn ibn Hdr6n

al-Sulami al-Qurtubi (174-238/790-853) was an Andalusian scholar and

jurist. The number of books he wrote is said to have exceeded one

thousand. Among them were "urlib al-lsldm, Tabaqdt al-fuqahd'

wa-7-ý5brTn, Tabaqtit al-mubaddithi*n, and TafsFr Muwaf(a' Malik. 3

1.2: Ab5 Ijanifah. Al-Im5m Ab6 Ijanifah al-Nu'mdn ibn Thfibit al-Kafi

(80-150/699-767) was one of the four Sunnite imams and to him is

attributed the Hanafi madhhab. When offered the office of judge, he

refused the post because of his fear of God. He was the author of

al-Musnad /I al-badith, al-Makhdrij fF al-liqh, and al-'Alim

wa-'l-muta'allim /F al--ýaqd'idwa-7-nas0b. '

1.12: Sa'd ibn AN Waqqds. Ab5 Isbdq Sa'd ibn AN Waqqds Milik ibn Uhayb

I. Al-Mistirl, Shaiarah, 1,272; al-Zirikli, al-Alam, V. 11.

2. Aba Dd'ad, Sunan, 1,24.
I Ibn Farban, al-Dibai, 11,8; al-Tilims5nT, Nafk 11,5.
4. Kahý51ah, Mu'jam, XIII, 104; Ibn Khallik5n, Wafayal, V, 405-415.
 262

ibn 'Abd Mandf al-Qurashi al-Zahri (23 BH-AH 55/600-675) was one of

the Prophet's Companions, the military conqueror of Iraq and Persiancities.

He embraced Islam at the age of nineteen. He was one of the six people to

whom 'Umar assignedal-sMrd, i. e. they were made arbitrators. He was also

one of the to
ten people whom Paradise '
was promised.

Page 67

Had[ths

1.12: 'The iqCzmahlfor the prayer was announced and the congregation completed

their rows. The Prophet (peace be upon him) emerged whilst he was still in

the state of ritual impurity Qanibah) and said, "Remain in your places." He

then went back to his chamber and took a bath before returning to the

congregation with water still dripping from his hair. He then led them in

prayer.' Reported by al-Bukhdri on the authority of Aba Hurayrah as a

marffi' ýadfth. l It is therefore ýaýTb.

1.14: 'The iqLimah for the prayer was announced.We stood up and straightened

our rows before the Prophet (peace be upon him) emerged from his

chamber. He arrived and stood in his place, but just before he was about to

pronounce the takbir, 4 he turned to us saying, "Remain in your "

places. We

stood waiting for him until he emerged having taken a bath. Water was still

dripping from his hair. He pronounced the takbFr and led us in prayer.'

Reported by Muslim on the authority of Ab5 Hurayrah.5

1. Al-I$fahAnI, Ifilyah, 1,92; Ibn al--:Im5d, Shadharat, 1,61.

2. The second call to prayer in the mosque, indicating the imminent beginning of the prayer.
I Al-BukhArl, al-Jbmi', 1,72.
4. Le the exclamation 'God is great! (Allahu akbar)'.
5. Muslim, aI-JC7mi',1,422 f.
 263

Miscellaneous comments

1.1: Al-Qaw6'id al-fiqhiyyah. The reference is to Zarr5q's Qawd'id al-tarlqah fI

al-jam'bayna al-sharf'ah wa-'I-baqiqah. 1

1.9: Al-Nawddir. The reference is to al-Naw6dir wa-'I-ziyCzd6t 'ald m641

al-mudawwanah wa-ghayrih[i min al-ummah6t by Ibn Abi al-Zayd

al-Qayrawdn! (310-386/822-996).'

Page 69

Eminent figures

1.6: Ibn al-13djj. Abfi 'Abd AIM Mubarnmad ibn Mubarnmad ibn Mubammad

ibn al-Udjj al-Qayrawdni (d. 737/1336) was a Milikite jurist. He was the

author of al-ý4adkhal (a denunciation of innovations contrary to the

Shari'ah), Bulfigh al-maq$id, and al-Mund fT khawdg asmd Alldh al-busnj. 3

Page 70

Miscellaneous comments

1.3: Sharh al-WaghlTsiyyah. The reference is to Zarr6q's commentary on

al-WaghITsiyyah by Ab5 Zayd 'Abd al-Rabmdn ibn Abmad al-Waghlis!

al-Bijd'i (d. 786/1348), a work which dealt with the rules of lmdm Mdlik's
4
jurisprudence.

Page 71

Eminent figures

1.1: Ibn 'Affl. 'Abd Alldh ibn 'Ad! ibn 'Abd AIM ibn Mubammad ibn Mubdrak

1. Hajji Khallfah, Kashf, 11,1358.

2. Sezgin, Tarlkh, 1, ii, 172.
3. AI-Zirikil, al-Mam, VII, 35.
4. Al-Dardir, al-Sharý al-4aghir, IV, 878.
 264

ibn al-Qattdn al-Jurjdni (277-3651890-976) was a scholar of Prophetic

Tradition. Among the books he wrote were al-Ktimil ff marifat al-LidaftY

wa-'I-matrfikFn min al-ruwdt, al-Inti$dr (on al-MuzanPs Mukhta$ar, dealing

with ShWite precepts),and '11alal-ýadfth. l

1.3: Al-Ddraqulnl. 'Ali ibn 'Umar Abmad ibn Mahdi al-Ddraqutni al-Shdfi'i

(306-385/919-995) was a leading exponent of Prophetic Tradition in his

time and the first to have arranged the Qur'dn in chapters. Among the

books he wrote were al-Sunan and al-Mu'talif wa-7-mukhtalif. 1

Page 72

Had[ths

1.2: 'When one of you completes his ritual ablution (wuda'), he should say, "I

bear witness that there is no god except Alldh and that Mubammad is His

servant and messenger, " and then he should invoke salutations on me. If he

does this, the gates of Paradise will be opened for him. ' This badith was

cited by al-Suy6t! on the authority of Ibn Mas'5d as a mar117 hadith, but

al-Suy6ti also observed that it is ja7f. 3

Eminent figures

1.1: AN al-Shaykh. AN Muhammad 'Abd AIM ibn Muýammad ibn Ja'far ibn

Ijibbdn (? or ibn Ijayydn) al-Isfahdni (274-369/887-979) was well versed in

respect of Tradition and the authorities of Tradition. Among the books he

wrote were Tabaq5t al-mubaddith[n bi-I$bahan wa-7-waridin 'alayhi,

Al-Dhahabl, Siyar, XVI, 154; al-Subkl, Tabaqat, 11,233.

2. Al-Khatib al-Baghd5d!, Rirlkh, X11,34; Kabb5lah. Mu'jam, VII, 157.
3. Al-Suy5ti, Jami', 72.
 265

Akh1dqal-Nab[ wa-ddlibuh, and al-Amt101.1

1: Ibn Mas'6d. 'Abd AIM ibn Mas'5d ibn Ghdfil ibn Habib al-Hudhali (d.

32/653) was a prominent member of the group of Companions.He was one

of the first Meccans to embrace Islam and the first to recite the Quiln in

public. One of the servants of the Prophet (peace be upon him), Ibn Mas'Ed

kept close company with him on his travels, expeditions, and at home.

Upon the Prophet's death, Ibn Mas'fid was entrusted with the Treasury (Bayt

al-MIM in Kfifah. He is said to have reported 848 1

bad[ths.

1.4: Al-Subki (TAj al-Din). Abý Na$r 'Abd al-Wahhdb ibn 'Ali ibn 'Abd al-Kfifi

al-Subk! (727-771/1327-1370) was a judge and a researcherin history. He

was the author of numerous books, among them: Tabaq5t a1-Shd1Nyyah

al-kubrd (in six volumes), Wid al-ni'am wa-mubld al-niqam, Jam'

al-iawllmt, and TawshFb al-ta$b Fb fi u$W al-fiqh. 3

Page 73

Had1ths

1.4: 'It was stated in al-Risdlah that the Prophet (peace be upon him) said, "For

one who performs his ritual ablution to perfection and then lifts his gaze to

the heavens saying, 'I bear witness that there is no god except Allah and

that Mubammad is His servant and messenger,' to him will the gates of

Paradise be opened; he may enter by whichever gate he wishes."' Narrated

by al-Tirmidhi on the authority of 'Umar ibn al-Khalib as a marla' bad[th.

Al-Tirmidhi commented that since its isndd has a disruption (idtirdb), it

1. AI-Zirikli, al-A'lam, IV, 120.

2. Ibn Ijajar a]-'Asqaldni, al-IýZibah, V1,214.
3. Ibn Hajar al-'Asqaldni, al-Durar. 11,425; Kal)ý51ah,Mu'jam, VI, 225.
 266

must be accountedda'Tf.'

Eminent figures

1.16: 'Uqbah ibn 'Amir. 'Uqbah ibn 'Amir ibn 'Abs ibn Mdlik al-Jahn! (d.

58/678) was a Companion of the Prophet (peace be upon him), a jurist, and

a distinguished reciter of the Qur'dn. He related about fifty badiths and

witnessed the battle of $iff-in.1

1.18: Al-Ddrimi. 'Abd Alldh ibn 'Abd al-Rabmdn ibn al-Fadl ibn Bihrdm

al-Tamimi al-Ddrim! al-Samarqandi (181-255/797-869) was a well-versed

reciter and memorizer of badiths, besides being a commentator on the

Qur'dn and a jurist who helped to establish the knowledge of Prophetic

Tradition in Samarkand. Among the books he wrote were al-Musnad,

aI-JJmi` al-ýWh (also known as Sunan al-Ddrimi), and al-Thulathlyyat. '

1.19: Ibn M5jah. Aba 'Abd Alldh Mubammad ibn Yazid Ibn Mdjah al-QazwIn!

(209-273/824-886) was an im6m of the science of badith. Among the books

he wrote were Sunan Ibn Mdjah (unanimously viewed among Shl'ite

Muslims as one of the six authorized compilations of Prophetic Traditions),

TafsTr al-Qurdn, and TdrFkh QazwFn.4

1.19: Sa'id ibn Zayd. Ab5 a]-A'war Sa'Id ibn Zayd ibn 'Amr ibn Nufayl al-'Urw!

al-Qurash! (33 BH-AH 51/589-671) was one of the eminent Companions

and one of the ten people to whom Paradise was promised. He was

renowned for his subtle judgment and his bravery. His contribution to the

anthologies of Prophetic Traditions amounted to forty-eight ýadiths. '

1. Sunan,1,80.
2. Ibn al-Athir, Usd, 111,417;al-Zirikil, al-Alam, IV, 240.
3. AI-Zirikli, al-Mam, IV, 96; Ibn 1ýajaral-'AsqaldnT,Tahdh7b,V, 258.
4. Ibn Khallikdn, Wafayal, IV, 279; Ibn Ijajar al-'Asqa]5n!,Tahdhib,IX, 468.
5. Ibn 13ajaral-'Asqal5n!,Tahdhlb,IV, 30; a)-Zirikil, at-Mam, 111,94.
 267

Page 74

Uad[ths
,
1.1: 'There is no wud[V for one who does not take the name of God! Reported

by al-Tirmidhi on the authority of Sa'id ibn Zayd as a marIX badith. 1

1.7: 'There is no prayer without purity or its perfection! Quoted by Ibn 'Abd

al-Barr without an isn5d This badFrh cannot be relied upon in the absence
.2
of an isndd, although its general meaning is correct and supported by

in
evidence al-Tirmidhl. 3

1.8: 'There is no prayer for the neighbour of the mosque except in the mosque!

Reported by al-Ddraqutni on the authority of Jdbir and Ab5 Hurayrah as a

marf14' bad[th. 1 Ibn Uajar a]-'Asqaldni commented, 'This badIth is very

popular amongst people, but it is (1a7f and has no proven '5

isn5d.

Eminent figures

1.17: Ibn 'Abd al-Sal5m. Ab5 Mubammad 'Izz al-Din ibn 'Abd al-'Azlz ibn 'Abd

al-Saldm ibn Abi al-Qdsim ibn al-Masan al-Sulam! al-Dimashqi, known as

Sultdn al-'Ulamij' (577-660/1181-1262), was a Shdfi'ite qd(ff who attained

the status of muitahid in Islamic law. Among the books he wrote were

al-Tafsfr al-kabfr, QawiTid al-abk[zm /I ma.Falib al-an6m, and al-Ishdrah

ild al-Iffiz fT ba'41anwd' al-majdz /F al-Qurdn. 1

1 18: Isbdq ibn Rdhawayh. Ab6 Ya'q6b Isbdq ibn Ibr5hirn ibn Rdhawayh ibn

Mukhallad al-ýIanZali al-Tamimi (161-238/778-853) was a scholar of

1. Al-Tirmidhi, Sunan, 1,37.

2. Ibn 'Abd a]-Barr, at-Tamhld, VII, 215.
3. Sunan, 1,6.
4. Al-Ddraqutni, Sunan, 1,42.
5. Al-Talkh4,1,31.
6. AI-Kutubl, Fawat, 1,350-2; al-Zirikil, al-Mam, IV, 21.
 268

KhurAsAn. He became one of the prominent memorizers of bad[ths. He

toured many places to collect bad[ths and his narrations were cited by

Abmad ibn Uanbal, al-Bukhdri, Muslim, al-Tirmidhi, al-Nasd"i, and others.

He compiled a Musnad)

Page 75

Eminent figures

1.5: Al-Mubdmili. Aba 'Abd Alldh al-Husayn ibn Ismd'11ibn Muhammad ibn

Ismi'il al-Mubfimili al-l? abbi a]-Baghdddi (235-330/849-941) was a jurist

who was also prolific in the relation of bad1ths. He was appointed judge of

Kafah and Persia. He wrote al-Aizd' al-Mubdmiliyy6t (sixteen volumes on

Tradition), a voluminous work which is often referred to as AmdIF

al-Muýdmili. l

1.6: Al-Jurjdni. Ab5 al-'Abbds Abmad ibn Muhammad ibn Abmad al-Jurjdni (d.

482/1089) was a judge in Basrah and a leading scholar among the Basran

Shdfi'ites of his time. He was the author of al-Tabr[r (on the precepts of

Shdfi'ism), al-Bulghah, al-ShdfF, al-Mu'dyiih (the last three all on

jurisprudence),and al-Muntakhab.'

1.10: Ibn al-Munir. Abmad ibn Muhammad ibn Man$5r (610-683/1223-1284)

was an Alexandrian scholar and litt6rateur. He was appointed (twice) as

Alexandria's judge and preacher. Among the books he wrote were Diwiin

khutab (i. e. a collection of sermons), al-Wdf wa-'I-kashshal, and a

commentary on the Qurln-'

1.12: Al-Maghrib! Msd): 'Isd ibn Mubammad ibn Abmad al-Ja'farli (related to

1. Ibn Uajar al-'Asqaldnl, Tahdhlb. 1,190-2.

2. Al-Khailb al-Baghd5d!, Tarlkh, VIII, 19; al-Dhahabl, Tadhkirah, 111,424.
3. Al-Subkl, Tabaqal, 111,31.
4. Al-Kutubi, Fawat, 1,149; al-Zirikil, al-Mam, 1,220.
 2()Y

Ja'far ibn Abi Tdlib) al-Hdshimi al-Tha'dlib! al-Maghribi

(1020-1080/1611-1669) was a prominent Mdlikite scholar in his time.

Among the books he wrote were Kanz al-riwdyah (on the names of his

tutors and sheikhs), Mudd'afat thaw6b hadhihi al-ummah, and Muntakhab

al-astinid. '

Page 76

Eminent figures

1.2: Al-Dhahabi. Aba 'Abd Alldh Muhammad ibn Abmad 'Uthmdn ibn Qdymdz

Shams al-Din al-Dhahabi (673-748/1274-1348)was a memorizer of bad[ths,

a scholar, an historian, and a meticulous researcher. Among the books he

wrote were al-Mushtabih /I al-asmd' wa-7-ansib wa-7-kund wa-7-alqdb,

al-'Ubdb (on history), Tdrlkh al-Ishim al-kabfr, Tadhkirat al-bufffizz, and

Tabaqdt al-qurral. 2

1.5: AI-Mfijish5ni. Ab6 Y5suf Ya'qab ibn Salamah (Dinar, or Mayman)

al-Taymi Bd-'I-Wald' al-Madani, known as al-Mdfishani (34-124/654-742),

was well versed in the science of Prophetic Tradition and used to

accompany 'Urwah ibn a]-Zubayr (one of the seven eminent jurists) and

'Umar ibn 'Abd al-'Aziz before the latter becameCaliph.3

1.7: Ibn al-Hum5m. Muhammad ibn 'Abd al-Walad ibn 'Abd al-Uamid ibn

Mas'ad al-Siwdsi al-Iskandari, known as Ibn a]-Humdm

(790-861/1388-1457), was looked upon as an imdm in the realm of

Prophetic Tradition. He was well versed in the fundamentals of religion,

Qur'dnic commentary, the laws of inheritance, jurisprudence, mathematics,

1. AI-Mubibbl, Khulasah, 111,240-297;a]-Zirikii, al-Alam, V, 108.

2. AI-Subkl, Tabaqat, V, 216; Ibn al-'Im5d, Shadharbl, VI, 153.
3. AI-Zirikil, al-A'Iam, VIII, 198-,Ibn 13ajar al-'AsqalAnl, Tahdh7b.XI, 340.
 270

language, music, and logic. Among the books he wrote were Fatb

al-qad[r (in eight volumes on Uanafite jurisprudence) and al-Tabrfr (on

the fundamentals of jurisprudence).'

1.10: Ibn al-Qattdn. Ab6 al-Ijasan 'Ali ibn Mubammad ibn 'Abd al-Malik

al-Kattini al-Uimyari al-FAsi al-Qattfin (562-628/1167-1230) was one of

the memorizers and verifying critics of Tradition. Among the books he

wrote were Baydn al-wahm wa-7-Th5m (on 'Abd al-Uaqq ibn al-Kharrdt's

al-AbUm), Maqdlah fT al-awzdn, al-Nazar fI ibkdm al-nazar, and

Barndndj. Also ascribed to him is Nazm al-iumdn. l

1.11: Ibn al-Jawzi. Ab5 al-Faraj 'Abd al-Rabmin 'Ali ibn Mubammad al-Jawzi

al-Qurashi al-Baghd5di (508-567/1114-1201) was a prolific writer and an

outstanding scholar of his time in the fields of history and Tradition. He

wrote some three hundred books, among which were Talqfb fuhfim ahl

al-lithdr fI mukhtaýar al-siyar wa-'I-akhbdr, al-Ndsikh wa-7-manslikh (on

Traditions), TaIbFs IbIls, and al-Qu'afd' wa-7-matr[Wn (on Tradition

authoritieS).3

1.12: Mughlatdy ibn Qilij. Mughlat5y ibn Qilij ibn 'Abd Alldh al-Bakjarl

al-Mi$r! al-Uikri al-Hanafi (689-762/1290-1360), who was of Turkish

origin, was a memorizer of bad[ths and an historian. He was also well

versed in the science of genealogy. Among the books he wrote were Sharb

al-BukHrF (in twenty volumes) and Sharb Sunan Ibn Mdiah .4

1. Al-Sakhawl, al-4)aw', IV, 127-137.

2. Ibn al-'Imdd, Shadharat, V, 128; al-Zirikli, al-Mam, IV, 331.
3. Ibn Khallik5n, Wafayal, 111,140; al-Zirikil, al-Mam, 111,316.
4. Ibn Ijajar al-'Asqal5n!, al-Durar, IV, 352.
 271

Page 77

Uad[ths
,
1.10: '0 God, include me among those who repent and place me among those

who seek purity. ' Narrated by al-Tirmidhi on the authority of Abfi IdrIs

al-Khawldni and AH 'Uthmdn from 'Umar ibn al-Khatt5b as a marfX

ýadfth. Al-Tirmidhi commented that its isndd has a disruption Ueffirlzb) and

that it is therefore ddifl

Eminent figures

1.7: Thawbin ibn lbrdhim. Aba al-Ghayd Thawbfin ibn Ibrahim, known as Dh5

al-NZn al-Misri (d. 245/859), was, according to Ibn Khallikfin, 'unique in

his time' in respect of knowledge, piety, and social standing. He is

remembered as one who related the Muwaua' as it was narrated by Imam

Mdlik. His relation was in turn quoted by al-Junayd and others.2

1.16: Ibn al-Sunni. Abmad ibn Mubammad ibn Isbdq ibn Ibrahim ibn Asbdt

al-Dinawari, known as Ibn al-Sunni (d. 364/974), was a scholar of Prophetic

Tradition. Among the books he wrote were 'Amal al-yawm wa-7-laylah,

Mukhta$ar Sunan al-Nasd'F, and al-Qand'ah. 1

Page 78

Yadfths
,
1.7: 'One who recites Krat al-Kahf will find that it becomes a light for him on

the Day of Judgment stretching from his place to Mecca, and one who

recites the last ten verses of it will not be harmed by al-Daiffil when he

1. Sunan, 1,78.
2. Ibn al-'Im5d, Shadharal, 11,108.
3. A]-Subki, Tabaqat, 11,96; Kabb5lah, Mdjam, 11,8.
 272

appears. He who performs the ritual ablution and then recites, "All praise

and glory be to You. I bear witness that there is no god except You. I turn

to You in repentance and seek Your forgiveness, " it will be recorded on

parchment and then placed in a mould that will be preserved until the Day

of Judgment. ' Narrated by al-Nasd'i on the authority of Ab5 Sa'id

al-Khudari as a marffi' badith) Al-Nasd'i added that classifying it as a

marfW bad[th was an error, since it should be classified as mawqiifI and

must therefore be Fablb.'

Eminent figures

1.6: Ab5 Sa'id al-Khudari. Sa'id ibn Milik ibn Sinin al-Khudari al-Ansdri

al-Khazraj! al-Madan! (10 BH-AH 74/613-693) was one of the scholarly

Companions who kept the Prophet (peace be upon him) permanent

company. The ýadiths which he narrated amounted to 1,170.1

Miscellaneous comments

1.15: Mukhtaýar 'awdrif al-ma'dril. The reference is to the Sufi text by Mubibb

al-Din Abrnad ibn 'Abd A115hal-Tabad al-Makki (d. 694/1294-5).

Page 79

YadTihs
,
1.13: 'Anger comes from Satanand he has been created from fire. Only water can

extinguish fire. Therefore, when one of you becomes angry, he should

perform the ablution. ' Reported by AM D5'6d on the authority of 'Atlyah

1. 'Amal, 42.
2. Le. it is the statement of a Companion of the Prophet (peace be upon him).
3. Ibid.
4. Ibn Ijajar al-'AsqalSnl, Tahdhib, 111,416;al-Dhahabl, Tadhkirah, 1,44.
 273

al-Sa'di as a marl[I'badith. 1

1.15: 'Anger comes from Satan and he has been created from fire. Only water can

extinguish fire. Therefore, when one of you becomesangry, he should wash

himself. ' Cited by al-Suy6t! as a bad[th of Mu'dwlyah ibn AN Sufydn.

A]-Suyfitl commented that it was da'Ff.1

Eminent figures

1.16: Ibn 'As5kir. 'Abd Alldh ibn al-Uusayn ibn 'AsAkir al-Sh5fi'i

(499-572/1105-1176) was the lmdm of the AN al-Ifadith in his era and

their leader. His father and brother took care of him when he was young.

He listened to hadIths being related when he was six years old. He learned

from many sheikhs. He wrote many monumental works, including Ttirikh

madinat Dimashq in eighty volumes. He who reads it, will realize his vast

stoe of memory. He was full of knowledge and obtained good favour. He

travelled extensively in quest of badTihs and managed to collect more than

many others. He was burried in Bdb al-$aghIr cemetery in the tomb of

Mu'dwiyah.1

1.16: Mu'dwiyah ibn Ab! Sufy5n. Mu'dwiyah ibn AN Sufydn $akhr ibn Harb ibn

Umayyah ibn 'Abd Shams ibn 'Abd Mandf al-Qurash! al-Umawl (20

BH-AH 60/603-680) was the founder of the Umayyad state in Syria and

one of the prominent Arab tacticians. The Prophet Mubammad (peace be

upon him) enlisted him among his secretaries. When Ab6 Bakr became

Caliph, he entrusted the army command to Mu'iwiyah. Under 'Umar and

'Uthm5n he became governor of Syria, a post in which he continued for

I. AM D5'0d, Sunan, IV, 249.

2. Al-MunAwl, Fay4, IV, 412.
3. Ibn 'As5kir, Tahdhib, 1.
 274

twenty years. He assumed the office of Caliph in AH 41.1

1.17: Ab5 Muslim al-Khawldni. 'Abd Alldh ibn Thawb (d. 62/682) was one of

the Followers (Tdbi'C4n), a jurist, and a pious and ascetic man. He was

referred to by Aba Muslim as 'the sageof this [Muslim] people'.'

1.19: Al-B5ni. Ab5 al-'Abbag Abmad ibn 'Ali ibn Y6suf al-BW (d. 622/1225)

was a Moroccan Sufi and the author of Shams al-ma'drif al-kubrd (on the

scienceof letters), al-Lamat al-nilrdniyyah, and Sharb Ism A116hal-A'Zam.1

Page 80

Qur'dnic
verses
1.2: 'Enjoin prayer on thy people, and be constant therein. We ask thee not to

provide sustenance:We provide it for thee. But the (fruit of) the Hereafter

"
is for Righteousness.

Hadfths

1.4: 'Whenever his family suffered from hunger, he would say, "Come, let us

stand in prayer. That is what my Lord has commanded me to do."'

Al-'Irdqi said, 'This ýadith was narrated by al-Tabardni in his Awsa( on the

authority of Mubammad Bani Uamzah ibn Yfisuf ibn 'Abd All5h ibn Sal5m.

The authorities of the science of With only recognize Mubammad ibn

Uamzah's narration from his father, reporting from his [the latter's]

grandfather. The possibility of his narrating from his great grandfather is

1. Ibn 13ajar al-'Asqaldnl, al-14&bah,IX, 231; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-lstTab, X, 134.
2. Al-Dhahabl, Tadhkirah, 1,49; Ibn Hajar a]-'Asqal5n!, Tahdhib, XII, 256.
3. Hajji Khallfah, Kashf, 11,1062; al-Baghd5d!, Hadlyah, 1,90.
4. S6rah 20 (Tii-ha), 132.
 275

"
remote. Therefore, this badith is considered munqatr and is to be classified

as ddif.

Page 81

Ijadfths

1.12: "'Do not become angry." The narrator says,"I pondered over these words of

the Prophet (peace be upon him) and realized that anger encompassesall

evil. "' Reported by Imdm Abmad ibn Ijanbal on the authority of Ijamid

ibn 'Abd al-Rabmdn from a Companion of the Prophet (peacebe upon him)

as a marfil' bad[th. 2 Ibn Ijajar al-Haythami commented, 'This bad[th was

reported by Imdm Ahmad ibn Hanbal and the authorities of its isnLid are

the authorities of the ýabfk'l It is therefore ýab[b.

1.19: 'The most prone to misfortunes among you are the prophets, then the

martyrs, followed by the best! Narrated by al-Tirmidhi on the authority of

Sa'd ibn Abli Waqq4 as a marffi' badfth, with the comment, 'This badith is

basan xWb. "

Eminent figures

1.11: Jabalah ibn al-Ayham. Jabalah ibn al-Ayham ibn Jabalah al-Ghassdni (d.

20/646) was the last of the Ghass5nid kings, living in the Syrian desert

during the pre-Islamic era. After the advent of Islam, he fought against the

Muslims at Yarm5k and in other battles. He then embraced Islam, but later

converted to Christianity and settled in '

Constantinople.

1. Al-Mughni, IV, 244.

2. Ibn Ijanbal. al-Musnad, V. 463.
3. Maima', VIII, 69.
4. Sunan, IV, 602.
5. Al-Zirikll, al-Mam, 11,1H; al-Baghdddl, Khizanah, 11,324.
 276

1.12: Ijamid ibn 'Abd al-Ralýrndn. ME Ibrdhim Ijamid ibn 'Abd al-R4ibmdnibn

'Awf al-Zahri (d. 95/714) related the narrations of 'Umar, 'Uthmin, Sa'Id

ibn Zayd, AH Hurayrah, Ibn 'Abbds, and others.'

Page 82

ffadiths

1.16: 'Satan flows through man like the flow of blood.' Narrated by al-Bukhiff

on the authority of $afiyah bint Ijayy. 1 It is sabTb.

Page 83

Eminent figures

1.7: 'Ammir ibn Yisir. Ab5 al-Yaqtin 'Ammir ibn Yisir ibn 'Amir al-Kinin!

al-Madhmaji al-'Ansi al-Qabtdni (57 BH-AH 37/567-657) was one of the

first to embrace Islam and make a public confession of the faith. He was a

Companion of the Prophet (peace be upon him), gifted with bravery and

vision. The Prophet (peace be upon him) always referred to him as

al-tayyib al-mutayyab (the good man with the good smell). The Caliph

'Umar appointed him as governor of K6fah. The number of bad[ths he

related amounted to 3
SiXty-tWO.

1.9: Al-KalibAdhi. Mubammad ibn Ibrdhim al-Kalibddhi (d. 380/990).

1.19: 'A'ishah Umm al-Mu'minin. 'kishah bint Abi Bakr al-$iddiq 'Abd Alldh

ibn 'Uthmfin al-Qurashi (9 BH-AH 58/613-678) was a learned Muslim

woman well versed in matters of religion and literature. She was surnamed

Umm. 'Abd Allih. She became married to the Prophet Mubammad (peace

1. Ibn tiajar al-'Asqal5n!, Tahdhib, 111,40.

2. Al-Bukhdri, al-Jami', IV, 93.
3. Ibn ýIajar al-'Asqal5nT, al-lýabah, VII, 64.
 277

be upon him) in AH 2 and was his dearest wife. She was also the most

copious in had[th-relation. She is still remembered for her eloquent

speeches and memorable expressions of opinion. Whenever she was

informed of an event, she would compose a verse. Prominent Companions

often asked her questions on legacy (al-fard7d), which she was always able

to answer.'

Page 84

Eminent figures

1.2: Qutbah ibn Sharib. AH Uafý Qutbah ibn Abmad ibn Sharlb al-Bukharl

al-Shil (d. 316/928) was a Qur'finic commentator who wrote al-Tatsir

al-kabir. 1

Miscellaneouscomments

1.16: Al-'Uhfid al-Mubammadiyyah. The reference is to a work on Sufism

written by Shaykh 'Abd (898-973/1492/3-1565).

al-Wahh5bal-Sha'rdni The

full title of the book is Mash6riq al-anwdr al-QudsiyyahfI baydnal--ýuhfid

al-Mu6ammadiyyah.

Page 85

IfadFths

1.4: 'Three are not approached by the angels: the corpse of an unbeliever, the

person who applies khalfiq, and the janab unless he performs the ablution!

Reported by AN Dd'5d on the authority of 'Ammdr ibn Ydsir as a marffi'

1. Ibn Uajar a]-'AsqalAni, al-14abah, XIII, 38.

2. Al-Suy6jl, Tabaqat al-mufassirin, 28.
 278

WdTth.1

Page 86

Eminent figures

1.1: Ash'ath al-A'mi. AH 'Abd Allfih Ash'ath ibn 'Abd Alldh ibn Jdbir

al-Hamddn! al-A'md al-Ba$ri narrated badiths from Anas, a]-Ijasan, Shahr

ibn Hawshab, Muhammad ibn Sirin, and others. The badiths he related

were in turn reported by Shu'bah, Hamm5d ibn Salamah, Ma'mar, Yabyd

ibn SaId, and others.'

Page 87

ffadiths

1.2: 'The Prophet (peace be upon him) forbade that anyone should urinate in

stagnant water.' Reported by Muslim on the authority of Jfibir ibn 'Abd

Alldh as a marf[F ýad[th

.3
1.3: 'You should not urinate in stagnant water and then bathe in it. ' Reported by

Muslim on the authority of Ab6 Hurayrah as a marffi' bad[th.1

Eminent figures

1.14: Al-Tafjar6ti. AH Mubammad 'Abd Alldh ibn Mubammad ibn Mas'ad

al-Tamgr5ti al-Dar'ami (d. after 980/1572) was a Mfilikite jurist from

Tamgr5t in the Moroccan desert. Among the books he wrote were Sharb

Mukhtasar KhaIll, Sharb al-Alfiyyah, Sharb al-Airamiyyah, Sharb

al-LJmiyyah (on verbs), and al-Rawd al-ydni' fi abkCimal-tazwFi wa-dddb

1. Aba DS'Ed, Sunan, IV, 80.

2. Ibn Ijajar al-'Asqaldni, Tahdhib, 1,310.
3. Muslim, al-Jami', 1,235.
4. Ibid.
 279

al-muffima'ah.1

Page 88

Eminent figures

1.15: Mubammad ibn Thibit. Mubammad ibn Thdbit ibn Aslam al-Bandni

al-Ba$rI related the 6ad[ths transmitted by his father as well as those

transmitted by Mubammad ibn al-Munkadir and 'Amr ibn Dindr. The

had[ths he related were in turn reported by Ja'far ibn Sulaym5n and 'Abd

al-$amad ibn 'Abd al-Wirith. 1

1.20: 'Atlyah ibn Bishr. 'Atlyah ibn Bishr (or Bishr Shaykh) was a Syrian. Some

'ulamd' have claimed that he was in fact one of the Companions.'

Page 89

Eminent figures

1.7: Ab5 Tdlib al-Makki. Abil Tdlib Mubammad ibn 'Ali ibn 'Atlyah al-Udrithi

al-Makki (d. 386/996) was a Sufi and a theologian. He was the author of

Qfit al-qulfib fT mu'dmalat al-mabblib and Wa$f (ariq al-murFd i16 maq[zm

al-tawbTO

1.9: Al-NaZZ-5m al-NisfibErl. Al-Hasan ibn Muhammad ibn al-Uusayn!

al-Qumm! al-NisRb5rl (d. after 850/1446) was a Qur'dnic commentator who

also studied wisdom, logic, and mathematics. Among the books he wrote

were Ghar6'ib al-Qur'dn wa-'aid'ib al-furqdn (generally known as Tafsir

al-Nis6bfiri, compiled in 828/1424/5), Awqaf al-Qur'dn, and Lubb

1. M-Mistirl, Shajarah, 1,285.

2. Ibn 13ajar al-'Asqal5n!, Tahdhlb, IX, 72.
3. Ibid., V11,199.
4. KabbAlah, Mu'jam, X1,27; Ibn al-'ImAd, ShadharZil,111,120.
 280

al-ta'wfl. l

Page 90

Eminent figures

1.1: Ibn 'Ard6n. Ab5 al-'Abbds Abmad ibn al-Ijusayn ibn 'Ard5n al-Ghimdri

al-Zajjili al-Shafshdwani (d. 992/1584) was an imfim, a 'pillar of

knowledge', a prominent figure, a jurist, a notary public, and a just judge.

He studied under Abu al-'Abbds Ahmad ibn 'Ali al-Manj5r al-Fds!

(926-995/1519-1586), Abfi al-Ridd Radw5n ibn 'Abd Alldh al-Janawi

al-Fdsi (912-991/1506-1583), Ab5 Mubammad 'Abd al-Wfibid ibn Aýmad

al-Hamid! (930-1003/1523-1594), Abfi al-13asan Qdsim ibn 'Ali al-Batiwi

(whose dates are unknown), and Yabyi ibn Mubammad al-Sarrij (d.

1007/1598). Among the few books which he wrote were al-Ld'iq fi

al-wathd'iq, Kitdb fI al-ankibah, Risdiah fT al-tawaddud

wa-'I-taýdbub, and Sharý asmd' Alldh al-ýusnd?

Page 92

Endnent figures

1.9: Ibn al-Qastalldni. AN Bakr Qutb al-Din Muhammad ibn Abmad ibn 'All

al-Qays! al-Sh5jib! al-Tawzarl al-Qasialldni (614-686/1218-1287) was a

scholar of Tradition and its authorities. Coming from Tawzar in Africa, he

travelled widely and studied under the scholars of Baghdad, the Arabian

Peninsula, Syria, and Egypt. His works included al-Ifs6h 'an al-mu'jam min

al-gharnia wa-'I-mubham, Mara$id al-ýilat fi maqasid al-salar, and

1. AI-Zirikil, al-A'Iam, 11,216.

2. Al-Katt5n!, Salwah, 11,268; al-Mistirl, Shajarah, 1,286.
 281

Mad5rij al-marLim wa-masilik al-suyfir. 1

Page 93

Ifad[ths

1.17: 'The best deed is prayer at its time of commencement.' Narrated by

Mubammad ibn 'Abd AIM al-Udkim al-NisdHri on the authority of

'Ubayd Alldh al-'Amri, reporting from Umm Farwah Ibn Ijajar

.2
al-'Asqalini commented that its chain of transmission was 3
authentiC. The

badFth is therefore ýaýFb.

1.18: 'The beginning of time is the pleasureof God and the ending of time is the

forgiveness of God. ' Reported by Aba Abmad 'Abd Alldh ibn 'Adi

al-Jurjdni on the authority of Anas ibn Mfilik, as a marIX badFth with a

weak 1
isndd.

Miscellaneouscomments

1.19: Al-Mukhta. Far. The reference is to the jurisprudential work written by

Muhammad ibn 'Abd ANA ibn 'Abd al-Hakarn (d. 262/875).

Page 95

Ifad[ths

1.11: 'Your prayer in congregation is twenty-five' times more rewarding than

praying alone.' Reported by Muslim on the authority of Ab6 Hurayrah as a

marIll' 6
badFth.

1. AI-Zirikli, al-A'Iam, V, 323; al-Kutubi, Fawat, 111,310-2.

2. A]-HAkim al-NisAbBrl, al-Mustadrak, 1,189.
3. Taqr1b, 1,537.
4. Ibn 'Ad!, al-Kamil, 1,509.
5. In one version 'twenty-seven'.
6. Muslim, al-Jami', 1,449.
 282

1.16: 'If only those who avoid joining the congregation knew what reward there

is for walking to the congregational prayer, they would come even by

dragging themselves on their hands and feet.' Narrated by Imdrn Abmad

ibn lianslim, al-Jdnzr, 1,449.

1.16: 'If only those who avoid joining the congregation knew what reward there

is for walking to the congregational prayer, they would come even by

dragging themselves on their hands and feet.' Narrated by lmdm Abmad

ibn lianis FW&

Page 96

Endnent figures

1.17: Wak! '. Ab6 Sufydn Waki' ibn al-Jarrib ibn Mallb al-Ru'ds!

(129-197/747-813) was a memorizer of ýadiths and an authority on them.

He was Iraqs chief narrator of ýadfths in his day. He quoted the relation

of Sufydn al-Thawri. Al-Rashid wanted to appoint him as judge, but Waki'

refused the offer. He was renowned for his piety and frequent fasting.

Among the books he wrote were TafsTr al-Qur'dn, al-Sunan (a collection

of WdFths), al-Tdri*kh, and al-Zuhd. 1

Miscellaneous comments

1.1: Al-Baydn wa-'l-taý$Fl. The reference is to the work on Malikite

jurisprudence by AH al-Walld Muhammad ibn Abrnad ibn Rushd (the

grandfather) (450-520/1048-1156), the full title of which is al-Bayan

wa-'l-ta. ybFl wa-'I-sharb wa-'I-tawiFh wa-'I-ta'lfl IF al-masXil

1. AI-Zirikli, al-Mam, Vill, 117; al-Dhahabi, Tadhkirah, 1,306.

 283

al-mustakhrajah. It has frequently been commented on by various scholars,

among them Mubammad ljajji (who published an edition in fifteen

volumes, Beirut, 1984-5).

Page 97

Qur'dnic
verses
1.3: 'Be ye foremost (in seeking) forgiveness from your Lord..."

Uad[ths
,
1.4: 'He who performs the prayer in congregation for forty days in succession

without missing the takbTrat al-ibreim, God will guarantee him

emancipation from two things: emancipation from hypocrisy and

emancipation from the fire of hell. ' Reported by al-Tirmidhi on the

authority of Anas ibn Mdlik as a marlfi' badith. 1

1.15: 'Whoever perfonns the dawn prayer will be in the care and responsibility of

God. So let not anyone among you violate this protection by a deed for

which God will take hold of the guilty individual and throw him headlong

into the fire of hell.' Narrated by Muslim on the authority of Jundab ibn

'Abd Alldh as a marla' badith. 1 Ibn 13ajar al-'Asqaldnl commented, 'This

bad[th was reported and classified as 4a'11 by al-Tirmidhi. It was not

narrated by Bazzdr, who considered it to be gharib. 1 This badith is

therefore da'ff.

1. SGrah57 (al-ffadid), 21.

2. Al-TirmidhT, Sunan, 11,7.
3. Muslim, al-jami', 1,454.
4. Al-Talkhlý, 1,27. In the science of Tradition, gharib ('strange, rare, foreign') is used to
designate ýadlihs which are isolated and date only from a later generation than that of the
Companions.
 284

Eminent figures

1.4: Ab5 Kdhil (al-Abmusi). His real name was Qays ibn ',k'idh (or 'Abd Alldh

ibn MOW. He related bad[ths directly from the Prophet (peace be upon

him).'

1.6: Sa'id ibn al-Musayyab. Sa'id ibn al-Musayyab ibn Ijazm al-Makhz6mi (d.

94/713 or 93/712) was the leader of the Followers (Tdbi`un).1

1.8: Abfi Thawr al-Kalbi. Ab5 Thawr Ibrdhlm ibn Khilid ibn Abi al-Yamin

al-Kalbi al-Baghd5d! (d. 240/854) was a jurist and a companion of al-Imdm

al-Sh5fiT According to Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, he wrote several books, one of

which pinpoints the differences of view between Mdlik and al-Sh5fiT In

this treatise, as in all his other books, Ab5 Thawr wrote as an apologist for

the Shdfi'ite school of jurisprudence.3

1.8: 'Atd' ibn AN Rab5h. 'Aid' ibn Aslam ibn Safwin was a Follower (of the

Companions) and one of the most prominent jurists. He grew up in Mecca

and became the Meccans'mufti and chief scholar, and a narrator of Odlths. '

1.8: DdW al-7, dhirl. Ab6 Sulaymdn D5'6d ibn 'Ali ibn Khalaf al-l$fahdni

al-7,5hiri (201-270/816-884) was a muitahid im5m and founder of the 7,dhirl

school of jurisprudence, so called because they mainly relied on

al-zdhir (i. e. the clear, literal) text of the Qur'dn and Sunnah and were

to
opposed explanation, opinion, and deduction by '
analogy.

1.14: Jundub ibn 'Abd Alldh al-Bajali. Jundub ibn 'Abd Alldh ibn Sufydn

al-Bajali al-'Alaq! was a Companion of the Prophet (peace be upon him),

though this was only toward the close of the Prophet's life. He lived in

1. Ibn Vajar al-'Asqaldnl, Tahdhlb, XII, 229.

2. A]-Suy5ti, Tabaqat at-buffbZ, 17; al-Dhahabl, Tadhkirah, 1,54.
3. Al-Dhahabl, M7zan, 1,29; a]-Khatib al-Baghd5d!, Tar7kh, VI, 65.
4. Al-Dhahabl, Tadhkirah, 1,98; Ibn Hajar al--ý'Asqa]W, Tahdh7b,VII, 179.
5. Ibn al-Nadim, al-Fihrist, 271; Ibn Khallik5n, Wafayat. 11,255.
 285

Kffah and the ýadiths he related were quoted by 'Abd al-Malik ibn

'Umayr, al-Aswad ibn Qays, and Salamah ibn Kuhayl. He later moved to

Basra, where the ýadTths he related were quoted by al-Uasan ibn AM

al-Ijasan, Mubammad, and Anas ibn Skin, among others.'

1.17: Samorah ibn Jundub. Samorah ibn Jundub ibn Hildl al-Ghazzdwl (d.

60/679) was a Companion and a brave leader.'

Page 98

Eminent figures

1.6: Wfilid Ab! Mdlik al-AsjaT Tfiriq ibn Ashim ibn Mas'5d al-Asja'i was the

father of Ab6 Mdlik. His son, as Muslim states, was the only one who

quoted the two hadFths which he related. '

Page 99

Hadiths

1.7: 'One who performs the evening Cish6l prayer in congregation will be

rewarded as though he had spent half the night in worship and he who has

performed the dawn (subý) prayer in congregation will be rewarded as

though he had spent the entire night in worship! Narrated by Muslim on

the authority of 'Uthmfin ibn 'Affdn as a marla' 6adFth.1

Page 100

Ifadfths

1.6: 'Wheneyer the Prophet (peace be upon him) was confronted by some

1. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isil'ab, TV, 257.

2. Ibid.
3. Ibid., V, 211; idem, Tahdh1b,V, 3.
4. Muslim, al-Jami', 1,454.
 286

difficulty, he would resort to prayer. ' Narrated by Ab5 MW on the

authority of Uudhayfah ibn al-Yamdn. Ab5 135'6dreserved judgment on it; '

therefore it is ýasan, since any bad[th not classified by Aba DdW is

consideredas basan?

Eminent figures

1.6: 13udhayfah ibn al-Yamfin. Hudhayfah ibn Ijasal ibn Jdbir ibn Rabl'ah,

known as Ijudhayfah ibn al-Yamdn (d. 36/656), was a prominent

Companion and well known as one who kept the Prophet's secret. The

Caliph 'Umar appointed him as governor of al-Madi'in, where he remained

until his '

death.

1.11: Ab5 'Abd Alldh Muhammad ibn 'Ali al-A$babi al-Andalusi al-Gharridti ibn

al-Azraq (d. 896/1491) commented on the writings of Ibn Khaldan. He

served as a judge. Among the books he wrote were al-lbriz al-masbak f!

kayfiyyat dd5b at-mulak, Taýyir al-riydsah wa-raýdhFr al-siydsah, and

BaddT al-silk fT fabD' al-mulk. 4

1.14: Ibn Abi Hajalah. Shih5b al-Din Ab5 al-'Abbds Abmad ibn Yabyd ibn Abi

Hajalah al-Tilimsdni (725-776/1325-1375) becamethe leader of the Sufis in

Cairo. He was the author of over eighty books, among them: Diw6n

al-ýabdbah, Manýiq al-(ayr, and Hd(ib layl. '

Miscellaneouscomments

1.1: AI-Intibdh. The reference is to the jurisprudential work written by Ibn Hajar

1. Sunan, 11,35.
2. Al-Suy5ti, Tadrlb, 1,167.
3. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isil'ab, 11,318; al-lýfah5nl, 4filyah, 1,270.
4. Al-Mistirl, Shajarah, 1,261.
5. AI-Zirikli, al-A'Iam, 1,268.
 287

al-Haythami, the full title of which is al-Intibdh li-taýq[q 'awr.F masd'il

al-ikriih. 1

Page 102

Miscellaneous comments

1.1: Sharb al-Qur(ubiyyah. The reference is to the work on Mdlikite

jurisprudence written by Zarr6q.2

Page 103

Eminent figures

1.2: Ibn Shiblan. Aba al-Qdsim 'Abd al-Khiliq ibn Khalaf ibn SaId ibn Shiblan

al-Qayrawini (d. 390/989) was a jurist whose authority was relied on in

al-Qayrawdn for delivering formal and legal opinions after Ibn Abi Zayd

al-Qayrawdni. He was the author of Kitdb al-maqýad (in forty volumes, on

Mdlikite jurisprudence).'

1.13: Ibn al-Tilimsdni. Aba 'Abd AIM Mubammad ibn Mmad ibn 'Ali al-ldrisi

al-Husayn! al-'Ulwayni, known as al-Sharif al-Tilimsdni

(710-771/1310-1370), was a leading Mfilikite scholar. Among the books he

wrote were Miftdý al-wuýal ild binX al-lura' wa-7-uýal and Shar6 Jumal

al-Khunai[. 4

1.14: Ibn Sha'bdn. Aba Isbdq Mubammad ibn al-Qdsim ibn Sha'bdnal-Qurtub!

(270-355/883-966) was a descendant of 'Ammdr ibn Ydsir. He becamehead

of the Mdlikites in Egypt. Among the books he wrote were aI-ZdhT (on

jurisprudence), AbUm al-Qur'dn, Mukhta$ar mii laysa /I al-Mukhta$ar,

1. Al-Sayyid, Fihris, 1,80.

2. 'Abd al-'Azlz, al-Mawsli'ah, 111,91,
3. MaýM?, Tarajim, 111,144.
4. AI-Zirikli, al-A'Iam, V, 327.
 288

Manijqib Wilik, and al-Mandsik. 1

Page 105

Eminent figures

1.10: Al-Burzuli. 1 AU al-Qdsim Abmad ibn Mubammad Ab5 al-Mu'tall

al-Burzuli (741-844/1340-1440) was a Moroccan Mdlikite im6m. He moved

to Tunis, where he became the Grand Mufti and was entitled Shaykh

al-Isl6m. He was the author of a number of books, among which were

Jdmi' masiVil al-aýkdm mimmd nazala min al-qaddyd bi-'I-muftin

wa-7-ýukkdm and al-Dfwdn al-kabFr (on 3

jurisprudence).

1.17: Ab5 Talhah al-An$drl. Zayd ibn Suhayl ibn al-Aswad al-Bukh5r! Aba

Talbah al-Ansdri (36 BH-AH 34/585-654) was a Companion of the Prophet

(peacebe upon himV

Page 108

Suli terminology

1.6: Al-Murdqabah. From the root raqaba (to watch, observe).5 It is also used in

the sense of watching God or conscience at work, and so fearing God. It

implies an understanding that God is omnipotent and oversees all one's

actions in private and in public. Murtiqabah describes a worship of God as

if you actually saw Him and in the full knowledge that He sees you.

Moreover, it is said to have two aspects:murdqabah of the common people,

expressed in fear, and murdqabah of the awliyd', who, through their

1. Al-Mistirl, Shaiarah, 1,180; al-Zirikli, al-Alam, VI. 335.

2. Mahfuz, Mohammed, 'Tarajim Al Mu'allifin Al Tunisiyyn" Vol. 1, page 115.
3. AI-Zirikli, al-A'Iam, V, 172; al-Sakh5wi, at-Qaw', VI, 133.
4. Ibn al-'Im5d, Shadharal, 1,40; Ibn Sa'd, al-Tabaqat, 111,504.
5. Anis, al-Mu'jam, 1,363.
 289

closenessto God, have a way of making requeststhat is denied to '

others.

Page 109

Eminent figures

1.6: Al-Qabbdb. AN al-'Abbis Abrnad ibn Qdsirn ibn 'Abd al-Rabrndn, known

as al-Qabbdb (d. 779/1377), a native of Fez, was a jurist, judge, and one of

the leading mernorizers of 2

bad[ths.

Page 110

Eminent figures

1.13: Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah. Shams al-Din Aba 'Abd Alldh Mubammad ibn

AN Bakr ibn Ayyfib ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah al-Zar'! al-Dimashqi

(691-751/1292-1350) was one of the most prominent reformist Muslim

scholars. He wrote several books, among which were I'Idm al-muwaqqrrn,

AbLim ahl al-dhimmah, Maddrij al-sijlikin, and Ighlithat al-lahfdn. 3

Miscellaneous comments

1.2: Al-'Uhfid. The reference is to al-'Uhfid al-wathiqah fF al-tamassuk

bi-'I-Shar['ah wa-'I-baqlqah by Mubammad Amin ibn Fatb Alldh

al-Kurdi al-ShRfi'i (d. 1332/1913),

an edition of which was published in

Egypt in 1320/1902/3.1

1. Al-Naqshbandl, Ma huwa, I 10.

2. Abmad Baba, Nayl, 72 f.; Kabb5lah, Mu'jam, 11,49.
3. Kabb5lah, Mu'jam, IX, 106.
4. Al-BaghdAdl, 74aý, 11,131.
 290

Page 112

Qur'iWcverses
1.12: 'The Believers must (eventually) win through, - those who humble

themselvesin their prayers."

Hadiths

1.17: 'The first thing ordained upon my ummah is the five daily prayers and they

shall also be the first thing to be lifted from this ummah. God will say,

"Look. Do you find any supererogatory prayers of my servant with which

you can compensate for his missing obligatory prayers?Searchmy servant's

fasts during the month of Ramaddn. If he has missed any, then see if you

can find any supererogatory fasts with which you can compensatefor his

missing fasts. View also my servant's payment of zakdh. If he has failed in

any payment, then search and see if you can find any voluntary

contributions with which you may make up for any deficiency in his zakah.

All this will be taken and added to the account of the obligatory duties

imposed by God. This will be through the mercy of God. If any excessis

discovered, then it will be taken and placed on his scalesand it will be said

to him, 'Enter Paradise without hindrance.' If however there is no excessto

be found, then the guardian angels of hell will be commanded to seize him.

They will take him by his arms and legs and throw him into the fire. "'

Narrated by Imdm Abmad ibn Hanbal on the authority of Tamim al-Ddr!

as a marfa' bad[th. 1 This ýadFth is sabFb, for Ibn Uajar al-Haytham!

1. S6rah 23 (at-Muminan), I f.
2. Ibn Ijanbal, al-Musnad, IV, 143.
 291

commented, 'Its authorities are sound."

Eminent figures

1.14: Ibn Jamd'ah. Mubammad ibn Ibrdhim ibn Sa'd Alldh ibn Jamd'ahal-Kindn!

al-Hamd! al-Shifi'l (639-737/1241-1333) was a judge well versed in

Traditions and other branches of religion. He was appointed as q6di and

preacher of Jerusalem, later judge in Egypt, and later still judge in Syria.

Among the books he wrote were al-Manhal al-rawl tF al-had[th

al-nabawl and Kashf al-ma',in Ffi al-mutashdbih min al-mathiin [.2

Sufi terminology

1.3: Al-khd(ir. The range of the word's literal meaning covers 'idea, thought,

notion, mind, desire, inclination, liking'. 3 In Sufi usage it indicates whatever

occurs to the heart, whether it be an inspired address or a presentiment,

provided it be spontaneousand self-motivated!

Miscellaneous comments

1.14: Al-QawdnFn al-fiqhiyyah. The reference is to Qawdn[n al-abkdm

al-Shar'iyyah wa-masd'il at-furfi' al-liqhiyyah by Muhammadibn Abrnad

ibn Juzayy al-Gharndt! al-Mdliki (693-741/1294-1340),which was written

at an unknown date. An edited version of the text by 'Abd al-Rabrndn

Ijasan Mabrn6d.waspublishedin 1406/1985/6.

1. Maima', 1,291.
2. AI-Zirikli, at-Alam. V, 297; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidayah, XIV, 163.
3. Ibn Zakariyy5', Mu'jam, 1,243.
4. Al-Jurj5n!, al-Ta'rifal, 101.
 292

Page 113

Entinent figures

1.16: Al-'Alqami. Mubammad ibn 'Abd al-Rabmdn ibn 'Ali ibn Abi Bakr

al-'Alqami al-Qdhirl al-Shfifi'i (897-963/1492-1556)was a jurist and teacher

of Tradition. Among the books he wrote were Hdshiyat qabs al-nfirayn

'ald TafsTr al-Jaldlayn, al-Kawkab al-munfr ff sharb al-Janif al-.Faghfr

U-7-Suy[iti, and Multaq6 al-babrayn /F al-jam' bayna kakim al-Shaykhayn.1

Page 114

Ifad[ths

1.14: 'The Prophet (peace be upon him) reported the following words of God:

"No one has ever come as close to me as they have done by performing

what I have ordained for them."' Reported by al-Bukhdri on the authority

of Aba Hurayrah as a marlfi' badith?

Page 115

Miscellaneous comments

1.8: 'Uddat al-mur[d. The reference is to Zarr5q's work entitled 'Uddat

al-murid al-$ddiq fi asb5b al-maqt fI baydn al-jarTq wa-dhikr bawddith

al-waqt. It contains a hundred chapters and exposes the fads and

innovations introduced and practised by Sufi fakirs.1

1.12: Minhdj al-'[zbid[n. The reference is to al-Ghazdlfs work entitled Minhdj

al-'tibidin ild jannat Rabb al-'Alam[n, which it is claimed was his last

1. Al-Kattlini, Fihris, 11,826; Uajji Khallfah, Kashf, 1,560.

2. Al-Bukhdr-i, at-Jilmi', VII, 190.
3. 'Abd al--ýAzfiz,al-MawsWah, 111,91.
 293

work. '

Page 116

Eminent figures

1.11: Uitim al-Aýarnrn. ME 'Abd al-Rahmdn Hdtirn ibn 'Unwin (or IjAtirn ibn

Y5suf, or Ij5tirn ibn 'Unwdn ibn Y5suf) (d. 237/851) was one of the early

sheikhs of Khurdsdn.2

Sufi terminology

1.7: Al-badrah. Derived from bu4lCir (presence), which is a special state of

mental wakefulness in which the heart is occupied with a subject such as

prayer. This 'presence' has a numbing effect on the bodily organs, so that in

this state any other matter is not minded.3

Page 117

Ifad[ths

1.1: 'Whoeyer keeps himself hungry, his thinking will become great and his heart

will haye increased understanding. ' Cited by al-Ghazdli. 4 Al-'Irdqi

commented, 'I haye found no basis for this ýadlth! It must therefore be

considereda fabrication of no validity. 5

1. Badawl, Mu'allafal, 474.

2. AI-Sulaml, TabaqZit,91; al-4fahW, Hilyah. Vill, 73.
3. Al-Uakim, al-Mu'jam, 328.
4. ihya', IV, 84.
5. At-Mughni, 111,84.
 294

Entinent figures

1.3: Al-Junayd. Al-Junayd ibn Mubammad ibn al-Junayd al-Baghd5d! (d.

297/910) was a renowned ascetic and a scholar of religion. His family

origins were in Nih5wand, in the old Iranian province of Hamadhan, but he

himself was born and brought up in Baghdad, where he studied Prophetic

Tradition and kept the company of leading scholars.'

Page 118

,Yad[ths

1.5: 'There is a devil for ablution known as al-Walhdn. Fear therefore doubtful

thoughts concerning water.' Reported by al-Tirmidhi on the authority of

Ubayy ibn Ka'b as a marlIt' badFth from the Prophet (peace be upon him).

Al-Tirmidhi commented that the isndd of the badith was not considered

strong by the scholarsof Prophetic Tradition? It is therefore da'11.

1.8: 'If you experience this, then poke your left thigh with your forefinger and

say, "In the name of God," for this acts as a knife in the Devil. ' Narrated

by AH Bishr Mubammad ibn Abmad al-1351fibl (d. 310/922/3) on the

authority of Muhdjir Ab6 al-Munib al-Hudhall, as received from the latter's

father.' Al-'Uqayli noted that the narrator Muhdjir was unknown.4 On this

basis the bad[th must be consideredda'11.

Endnent figures

1.18: Al-NakhaT Ab5 'Imrfin Ibrihim ibn Yazid ibn Qays ibn al-Aswad

al-Nakha'i al-Madhmaj! (46-96/666-715) was as Follower of the Prophet's

1. AHýfah5nl, Hilyah, X, 255.

2. Sunan, 1,85.
3. M-WlAbl, al-Asma', 11,130.
4. Ibn Uajar al-'Asqal5n!, Tahdhlb, V1,105.
 295

Companions, a memorizer of 6adiths, and the renowned jurist of Iraq. He

was a mujtahid imim who had his own school of thought.'

Page 121

Eminent figures

1.9: Ibn Juzayy. AN al-Q&sirn Mubammad ibn Abmad ibn Mubammad ibn 'Abd

Alldh ibn Juzayy al-Kalb! (693-741/1294-1340) was a scholar, a writer, a

jurist, and a memorizer of interpretations of the Qur'dn. Among his

compilations were Wasilat al-Muslim fT rahdhfb $ab[b Muslim, Kit6b

al-aqw6l al-saniyah fT al-kalimdt al-saniyah, Kitdb al-qawdnin

al-fiqhiyyah fT talkhF$ madhhab al-MC71ikiyyah,and Kittib taqrlb al-wu.Fcd

ilb 'ilm: al-usal.1

Page 122

ffadlths
,
1.12: '0 God, create a spacebetween me and my sins just as You have created an

expanse between the east and the west. 0 God, cleanse me of my sins just

as a white cloth is cleansed of stains. 0 God, wash away my sins with ice,

water, and hail.' Reported by al-Bukhdri on the authority of Ab5 Hurayrah

as a marf[F ýadfth. '

Eminent figures

1.13: Al-BdTi (Sulaymdn). Sulaymfin ibn Khalaf ibn Sa'd ibn Ayy5b ibn Warith

al-TaTibi al-Qurtubl al-Bdfi al-Dhahabi al-M51M (403-474/1013-1081)was

1. AI-Zirikli, al-Alam, 1,80; al-lýfahbl, lyilyah, IV, 219.

2. Kab451ah, Mu'jam, IX, 11; Ibn Farh5n, al-DiMi, 11,274 f.
3. Al-Bukh5rl, al-Jami', 1,181.
 296

a jurist and a scholar of the principles of jurisprudence. He introduced

science into Spain and Morocco. Among the books he wrote were

al-Tasdfd ild ma'rifat al-tawbid, Ahkdm al-fu$W ff abkdm al-uýal, and

al-Muntaqd ff sharý al-Muwatta .

1.15: Ibn Wahb. Ab5 Mubammad 'Abd Alldh ibn Wahb ibn Muslim al-Qurash!

(125-197/743-813) was a leading scholar who mastered both jurisprudence

and Tradition. Among the books he wrote were al-Muwalta' al-kabIr,

aI-Muwa(fa'aI-$aghFr, and al-Jinir al-kabfr. 2

Page 126

Qur'dnic
verses
1.13: 'We have, without doubt, sent down the Message;and We will assuredly

guard it (from "

corruption).

1.14: '...indeed it is a Book of exalted power. No falsehood can approach it from

before or behind it...94

Uad[ths
,
1.10: 'The call to prayer should be calm and peaceful. If your call to prayer is

not as such, then you should not make the call. ' Quoted by 'Ali ibn 'Umar

al-Ddraqutni on the authority of Ibn 'Abbds as a marffi' badFth. Ibn Ijibb5n

al-Busti commented that this saying had no foundation as a bad[th of the

Prophet (peacebe upon him) and that it was a fabrication.5

1.16: 'Read the Qur'5n in the voice and melody of the Arabs, and beware the

1. Ibn Khallik5n, Wafayal, 11,408; Kabýdlah, Mu'jam. IV, 261.

2. M-Mistirl, Shajarah. 1,58 f.
3. Sarah 15 (al-Hijr), 9.
4. Sarah 41 (Fu4ýilal), 41 f.
5. Al-Majruffln, 1,137.
 297

melodies of the people of infatuation and the people of the book. Soon

there will come after me a people who will recite the Qur'An in a singing

and wailing manner. Their recitation will not surpass their throats. Both

their hearts and the hearts of those who are pleased with their recitation

will be in sin.' Reported by 'Abd al-Rabmdn ibn al-Jawz! on the authority

of Sa'id ibn 'Amr, reporting from Baqiyyah, from al-Ija5in ibn Mfilik

al-Fazzdri, from Ab5 Mubammad, from 13udhayfahas a marffi' badith. Ibn

aI-JawzI added that this bad[th is not authentic.'

Eminent figures

1.9: Ibn Jurayj. 'Abd al-Malik ibn 'Abd al-'A25z ibn Jurayj al-Qurashi al-Umawi

(d. 150/767/8 according to the majority, but the dates 151/768/9 and

149/766/7 have alternatively been suggested)is said to have lived more than

a hundred years. Abmad ibn Uanbal commented, 'The first person to write

a book was Ibn Jurayj."

1.15: Aba al-Ijasan Razin. Aba al-Ijasan Razin ibn Mu'dwlyah ibn 'Ammdr

al-'Abdari al-Saraqusti al-Andalusi (d. 535/1140/1 in Mecca) served as

imlzm in the Two Holy Shrines. Among the books he wrote was al-Tairid

al-sittah. '

Page 127

Eminent figures

1.3: Al-Haythami. N6r a]-Din Ab5 al-Hasan 'Ali ibn AN Bakr ibn Sulaymdn

al-Haytham! al-Sh5fi'l (735-807/1335-1405) was a narrator and memorizer

1. Al-'llal, 1,111.
2. Ibn 13ajar a]-'Asqa]5n!, Tahdh7b,VI, 357.
3. Ibn al-'Im5d, Shadharal, IV, 106.
 298

of ýadfths. Among the books he wrote were Mawdrid al-Zam'dn ild zawdid

Ibn ffibbdn, Maima' al-zawii'id wa-manba' al-fawd'id, and Zawd'id

al-mdjamayn al-asghar wa-7-awsat U-7-Tabardni. '

1.16: Ibn Abi Mulaykah. 'Abd AIM ibn 'Ubayd Alldh ibn AN Mulaykah

al-Taym! al-Makki (d. 117/735) was a judge and a reliable narrator of

Prophetic Tradition. He was appointed by Ibn al-Zubayr as judge of

al-Td'if. 1

Page 128

Qur'dnic verses

1.14: 'And the Unbelievers would almost trip thee up with their eyes when they

3
hear the Message...

1.15: 'Our Lord! Thou art He that will gather mankind together against a Day

about which there is no doubt...'4

1.16: 'Say: I do admonish you on one point...'"'

16
1.16: '...And those who do not desist are (indeed) doing wrong.

1.17: 'And hold fast, all together, to the Rope which God (stretchesout for you),

and be not divided...7

Page 129

Qur'dnic
verses
1.1: '0 ye who believe! Fear God, and let every soul look to what (provision) he

1. Kabb5lah,Mu'jam. VII, 45.

2. Ibn Uajar al--ýAsqalAnl, Tahdhlb,V, 268.
3. Sarah68 (al-Qalam),51.
4. Sarah3 (; it 'Imran), 9.
5. Sarah34 (Saba),46.
6. Sarah49 (al-Ijujural), 11.
7. Sarah3 Uit 'I'mran), 103.
 299

has sent forth for the morrow..."

Page 130

Eminent figures

1.1: Al-Mint5ri. Ab6 'Abd AIM Muhammad ibn 'Abd al-Malik al-Gham5t!,

known as al-Mintbri (d. 834/1431) was a teacher of the art of Qur'inic

recitation, a jurist, a scholar of the principles of jurisprudence, a meticulous

researcher, and learned in many other subjects. Among the many works

which he wrote was a commentary on Ibn Barri on the art of recitation, as

narrated from Nfifi'. 2

Page 133

Ifad[ths

1.18: 'For there are among you the old, the weak, and the needy.' Narrated by

al-Bukhdri on the authority of Ab5 Mas'6dal-Badr! as a marfa' 1

bad[th.

Eminent figures

1.6: Ab5 al-'Abbds al-Mursi. Ab6 al-'Abbds Shihdb al-Din Abmad ibn 'Umar

al-Mursi (d. 686/1289) was a jurist and Sufi of Alexandria (though

originally a member of a family from Marseilles), who is still revered by

the Alexandrians as a remarkably blessedman. He is looked upon as one of

the great disciples of Ab5 a]-Hasan al-Sh5dhili and a propagandist for the

Shddhili creed, but he did not leave any published writings.'

1.16: lbrdhim al-Tamimi. Ab5 Ishfiq lbrdhim ibn Mubammad ibn Talbah ibn

1. Sarah 59 (al-, Yashr), 18.

2. AI-MistlrT, Shajarah, 1,247 f.; al-Zirikli, al-A'16m, VI, 250.
3. Al-Bukh5r!, al-Jami', 1,172.
4. At-Zirikli, al-Alam, 1,186-, al-Sha'r5nT, al-Tabaqai, 11,12-20.
 300

'Ubayd Alldh al-Tamim! al-Madan! (36-110/656/7-728/9) was a reliable

narrator of bad[ths. He related from Sa'Id ibn Zayd, Ab5 Hurayrah,

'A'ishah, and 'Amr ibn al-'As, and was in turn quoted by 'Abd A115hibn

al-Ijasan and 'Abd al-Rabmdn ibn Uumayd among '

others.

1.17: Yai-id ibn Sharilk. YazId ibn Sharik ibn Tdriq al-Taymi al-Kaff related

bad[ths from 'Umar, 'Ali, Ab5 Dharr, and Ibn Mas'Od. Ibn Uibbin

mentioned him among the reliable narrators of bad[ths and Ibn Sa'd also

spoke of his reliability. '

Page 135

Places

1.2: Sald. A city in the Maghrib, located on the right bank of the Aba Raqrdq

river, opposite the city of Rabat. The two cities are linked by the Mawldy

al-Ijasan Archway, installed at the beginning of Morocco's independence.

The city of SaI5 dates back to the time of the Ban5 Yifrin (the eighth

century AD), so that it is of more ancient foundation than the present

capital city, Rabat. It contains ancient monuments such as Jdmi' al-Shahbd'

al-Murdbiti, al-Mandrah al-Muwabbidiyyah, al-Masjid al-JAmi'

al-Muwabbidi, and al-Madrasah al-Maiiniyyah. 3

Page 136

Hadiths

1.4: 'When any one of you leads the people in prayer, then he should shorten it,

for among them are to be found the sick, the weak, and the old. But when

1. Ibn ljajar al-'Asqalani, Tahdhlb, 1,133 f.

2. Ibid., 294.
3. Ibn al-'Arabl, al-Maghrib, 230 f.
 301

one of you prays alone, then he may lengthen the prayer as he wishes.'

Narrated by al-BukHri on the authority of Ab5 Mas'5d al-Badr! as a

nwrfW badith. 1

1.5: 'There are among you those who drive people away. If any one of you lead

the people in prayer, then he should shorten it, for among the congregation

there are the weak, the old, and the needy.' Reported by al-Bukhiri on the

authority of Ab5 Hurayrah as a marfa' hadith. 1

Page 137

hfad[ths

1.14: 'May you be glorified and praised, 0 God! Forgive me.' Narrated by

Muslim on the authority of Aba Hurayrah as a marfa' ýad[th. l

Page 138

Ifad[ths

1.8: 'When the Prophet (peace be upon him) would straighten his back after

making prostration in prayer, he would say, "God has heard the one who

has praised Him. 0 God, our Lord, to You belongs all praise, to the full

extent of the heavens, the earth, and anything thereafter that You may

wish."' Reported by Muslim on the authority of 'Abd Alldh ibn AN Awfd

as a marfCi'Odith. '

1.10: 'He would say, "0 God, our Lord, to You belongs all praise, to the full

extent of the heavens,the earth, and anything thereafter that You may wish.

0 God, cleanse me of sins and trespassesjust as a white cloth is cleansedof

L Al-Bukhdri, al-Jami', 1,172.

2. Ibid.
I Muslim, al-Jam?, 1,350.
4. Ibid., 36.
 302

stains.'" Narrated by Muslim on the authority of 'Abd Alldh ibn AN AwfV

1.12: 'When the Prophet (peace be upon him) would straighten his back after

making prostration in prayer, he would say, "God has heard the one who

has praised Him. 0 God, our Lord, to You belongs all praise, to the full

extent of the heavens, the earth, and anything thereafter that You may wish.

You are worthy of praise and glorification, and this praise and glorification

is the most worthy thing uttered by the servant and we are all Your

servants. 0 God, there is none to prevent what You have bestowed and

there is none to give what You have withheld, nor does the strength of the

strong protect them from you."' Reported by Muslim on the authority of

Abfi Sa'id al-Khudri as a marffi' bad[th.1

Page 140

Had[ths

1.8: 'When man recites a verse of prostration and then prostrates himself, Satan

removes himself and weeps saying, "Woe unto me; man was told to

prostrate himself and he fell down in prostration. Thus he gained Paradise,

and I was commanded to prostrate myself but I did not obey, so that for

me there is the fire. "' Narrated by Muslim on the authority of Abil

Hurayrah as a marICYhad[th-I

Page 141

HadIths

1.13: 'The Prophet (peace be upon him) would supplicate in his prayer saying, "0

1. Ibid, 347.
2. Ibid.
3. Ibid., 87.
 303

God, free and save al-Walid ibn al-Walid, Salamah ibn HishAm, 'Ayydsh

ibn AN Rabi'ah, and the oppressed in Mecca. 0 God, make severe Your

vengeance on Mudar and let them suffer a famine like the famine of

Y5suf. ' Narrated by al-Bukhdr! on the authority of ME Hurayrah as a

marffi' bad[th. 1

Eminent figures

1.13: Al-Walid ibn al-Walid. M-Walid ibn al-Walid ibn al-Mughirah ibn 'Abd

AIM ibn 'Amr ibn Makhz6m (d. 7/628) was the brother of Khdlid ibn

al-Walid. He embraced Islam after having participated in the battle of Badr

on the side of the 1

idolaters.

1.13: Salamah ibn Hishdm. Salamah ibn Hish5m ibn al-Mughirah ibn 'Abd Alldh

ibn 'Amr ibn Makhz6m al-Makhz6mi (d. 14/635) was the brother of both

Ab5 Jahl and al-Hdrith, and was one of the earliest people to have

embraced '
Islam.

1.14: 'Ayyish ibn Abi Rabi'ah. 'Ayydsh ibn AN Rabi'ah ibn a]-Mughirah ibn

'Abd Alldh ibn 'Amr ibn Makhz6m al-Makhz5ml (d. 15/636) was one of the

earliest people to have embraced Islam. He took part in two emigrations.,

1.16: Al-Mawwdq. Abfi 'Abd Alldh Mubammad ibn Y5suf ibn AN al-Q5sim ibn

Y6suf al-'Abdari al-Mawwdq (d. 897/1492) was a Mfilikite jurist. Among

the books he wrote were al-Tdi wa-7-Mil 1i sharb Khalli and Sunan

al-muhtad[n fT maqdmdt al-dFn.'

1.18: Sabn5n. 'Abd al-Saldm ibn Sa'id ibn Habib al-Ta'awwuoi, known as

1. AI-Bukh5rl, al-Rimi', VII, I IS.

2. Ibn Ijajar al-ýAscIal5ni, al-14abah, X, 315; a]-Zirikil, al-A'Mm, VIII, 122.
3. Ibn Ijajar al--ýAsqaldnl.al-14abah, IV, 236; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isil'ab, IV, 235.
4. Ibn ljajar al--ý'AsqaldnT,al-lqabah, VII, 184; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, at-Isil'ab. IX, 63.
5. Abmad 135M, Nayl, 324; al-Mistirl, Shajarah, 1,262.
 304

Sabn6n (160-240/777-854), was a judge, jurist, and ascetic., The most

famous of his works is al-Mudawwanah, one of the most important

reference works in MOM jurisprudence.

1.14: Mudar ibn NizAr. Mudar ibn Nizar ibn Ma'add ibn 'Adndn, a native of the

Hejaz, was a great grandfather in the family tree of the Prophet (peace be

upon him). It is claimed that Mudar was the originator of the traditional

camel-caravan singing (al-bud&).'

Page 142

Eminent figures

1.8: Al-'Awfi- Mubammad ibn 'Abd al-Rabmdn al-'Awfi (d. 1068/1658) was

instructed in Sufism by Shaykh 'Abd al-Rabmdn al-Fdsi, al-'Arif, and later

by Mubammad ibn 'Abd Alldh Ma'an. He ranks among the notable religious

figures of Fez.'

Page 143

Had[ths

1.6: 'When the Prophet (peace be upon him) would raise his head from his

prostration, he would say, "0 God, forgive me, have mercy on me, sustain

me, and protect me."' Narrated by al-Bayhaq! on the authority of Ibn

'Abb5s as a marfa' ýadfth 'Ali ibn 'Uthmdn 'Ald' al-Din al-Mdridini ibn
.4

al-Turkumdn! commented that the isndd of this badIth contains the

1. AI-Zirikli, al-A'lam, IV, 5.

2. Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil, 11,29.
3. Al-Qddirl, Illiqa(, 11,140; idem, Nashr. 1,218.
4. Al-Bayhaq!, al-Sunan, 111,122.
 305

unreliable authority Kfimil ibn al-Wd', so that it is efa7f.1

1.8: 'He would say between two prostrations, "0 God, forgive me, have mercy on

me, shield me, reward me, sustain me, pardon me, and protect me."'

Reported by al-ljdkim on the authority of Ibn 'Abb5s as a marta'

hadfth, adding that it has an authentic isndd.1

Page 146

Eminent figures

1.3: Al-Aw7. d'i. Ab6 'Amr 'Abd al-Rabmdn ibn 'Amr ibn Mubammad al-Awzd'I

(88-157/707-774) was born in Ba'labakk and became an imdm in Syria,

famed for his skill in jurisprudence and for his ascetic manner of life. He

died in Beirut. During his lifetime, he issued a tremendous number of

fatwds relating to the precepts of religion, which are contained in his book

Kitab al-Sunan. His ideas and school of thought remained in currency in

Andalusia until the reign of al-Uakam ibn Hishfim.1

Page 148

Eminent figures

1.1: 'Ubaydah ibn al-Jarrdb. 'Amir ibn 'Abd Alldh ibn a]-Jarr5b ibn Hildl

al-Fihri al-Qurashi (40 BH-AH 18/584-639) was one of the ten people who

received the Prophet the good news that they are destined to Paradise and

one of the earliest to have embraced Islam and emigrated to Medina. He

participated in the early battles of '

Islarn.

1.13: Bishr ibn al-Hdrith. Ab5 Na$r Bishr ibn al-Udrith ibn 'All ibn 'Abd

1. Ibn al-Turkum5n!, al-Jawhar, 111,122.

2. AI-Ijaklm al-NlsWrl, at-Musladrak, 1,171.
3. AI-Zirikli, al-A'Ihm, 111,320;al-l$fah5n!, 1.1ilyah,VI, 135.
4. Ibn Uajar al-'Asqal5n!, at-14abah, V, 285; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isil'ab, V, 292.
 306

al-Rabmin al-Marwaii, known as al-lidfi (150-227/767-842), was one of

the most prominent ascetics whose tales of piety becamewell known. He is

also viewed as one of the reliable authorities in the transmissionof had[ths.1

Page 149

Had[ths

1.5: 'There will be three kinds of people who will be on mounds of musk on the

Day of Judgment. They will experience no fear when people will be full of

fear, nor will they panic when the rest of creation will be panicking; this

until the time when God will judge the creation. The three will be: a man

who led the people in prayer and they were pleased with him; a man who

called out to prayer for seven years in a mosque seeking the pleasure of

God; and a bondsman who was tried by God by being made a slave on

earth, and who obeyed God and was obedient to his master, thus fulfilling

the right of both God and his own master.' Narrated by al-Tinnidhi on the

authority of Ibn 'Umar as a marfX bad[th. He did not, however, mention

the words 'seven years'. He also added that this badith is basan gharib. '

Page 151

Eminent figures

1.5: Ashhab. Aba 'Umar ibn 'Abd al-'Aziz Ddw6d al-Qays! al-'Amirl al-Mi$ri

(140-204/757-819) was a jurist.'

I. AI-Zirikli, al-A'lam. 11,54; Ibn Khallik5n, Wafayat, 1,274.

2. Al-Tirmidhi, Sunan, IV, 697.
3. Al-Mistirl, Shajarah, 1,59.
 307

Page 152

Uad[ths
,
1.11: 'God will not accept any prayer without ablution! Narrated by al-NasiI on

the authority of Usdmah ibn Zayd al-Hudhali as a marfW had[th. 1

Eminent figures

1.14: Ibn al-Mawwdz. Mubammad ibn IbrAhIm ibn Ziy5d al-Iskandari al-Mdliki,

known as Ab5 'Abd Allih Ibn al-Mawwdz (180-269/796-883), was a jurist

among whose works was a book on '

jurisprudence.

Page 155

Hadiths

1.13: 'There is no fast for one who has not begun the fast from the night.'

Narrated by al-Nasi'i on the authority of Haf$ah bint 'Umar ibn al-Khattab

(may God be pleased with him) as a marlIF badith, with the wording, 'He

who has not begun the fast from the night has no fast, ' and in one

narration, '...
before '
dawn. The badith is $abib.l

1.7: 'The obstinate ones have perished.' Narrated by Muslim on the authority of
4
Ibn Mas'5d as a marlIF hadith.

Page 157

Eminent figures

1.16: Ibn Y6nus. AH Bakr al-Udfiz Mubarnmad ibn 'Abd AIM ibn Y6nus

al-Tarnimi al-$iqilli (d. 451/1059) was an imiim dealing in tarjib (i. e.

1. Al-Na-q5-i, Sunan, 1,88.

2. Ibn FarbRn, al-Dibaj, 11,166; Kabb5lah, Mu'jam, Vill, 200.
3. AI-Nas5li, Sunan, 1,88.
4. Muslim, al-Jami', IV, 205.
 308

deciding between one religious verdict and another on the basis of

theological argument). He compiled a book on inheritance and a copious

commentary on Saýn&s al-Mudawwanah. '

Page 158

Eminent figures

1.1: Rabi'ah. AN 'Uthmdn Rab-i'ahibn Farr5kh al-Tayrni al-Madani, known as

Rabi'at al-Ra'y (d. 136/753), related the bad[ths of Anas, Sd'ib ibn Ya2:id,

Ibn al-Musayyib, al-Qdsim ibn Mahm5d al-A'raj, Makbfil, and others. His

own narrations were in turn related by Milik, Shu'bah, Sufyin, Ijarnmid

ibn Salarnah,al-Layth, and others.2

Page 160

ffad[ths
,
1.6: 'There are three destructive traits: pampered greed, desire which is

unfulfilled, and self-conceit! Narrated by al-'Ajl5n!, who added that it had

been reported by al-Bazzdr, al-Tabarini, and Ab5 Nu'ayrn on the authority

of Anas ibn Mdlik with a weak chain of transmission.'

Page 161

Qur'Linic
verses
1.7: 'Whatever beings there are in the heavens and the earth do prostrate
14
themselvesto God...

1. AI-MistTrT, Shajarah, 1,111.

2. AI-ZirikIT, al-A'lZim, 111,17;al-Dhahabl, Tadhkirah, 1,157.
3. Al-'Ajlanl, Kashf, 1,323.
4. Sgrah 13 (al-Ra'd), 15.
 309

Page 162

Eminent figures

1.2: Mitraf. Ab5 Mu$'ab Mitraf ibn 'Abd Allih ibn Mitraf ibn Sulaymdn ibn

Yasir al-Yasirl al-Hildli al-Madan! (137-214/754-829) narrated badiths

from his uncle Mdlik ibn Anas. His own narrations, transmitted by

Mubarnmad ibn Abi al-Ijasan, were quoted by al-Bukhgri and al-Tirmidhi. 1

1.2: Al-Wiqidi. Abfi 'Abd Alldh Mubammad ibn 'Umar ibn Wiqid al-Sahm!

al-Madani al-Wiqidi (130-207/747-823) was one of the earliest and most

famous historians of Islam. He also memorized Prophetic Traditions and

was the author of al-Maghijzf al-nabawiyyah, Fat6 Afrfqiyyah, Fatb

al-'Aiam, Fath Misr wa-'I-IskandariYyah, Akhb[zr Makkah, and Tafsir

al-Qur'dn, in addition to other '

books.

1.11: Ab5 Khdrijah. Ab6 Khdrijah 'Anbasah ibn Khdrijah al-Ghdfiq! (d. 220/835)

had the reputation of being a reliable imdm. He attended the discoursesof

al-Thawri, Ibn 'Uyaynah, a]-Layth, Ibn Wahb, and Mdlik. Mdlik was the

main source of most of the Odfths that he related. His own lectures were

attended and recorded by his students, among whom were AN Dd'ud and

al-'Attdr. His contemporary Sabn5nshowed great respect for him.'

1.12: AbE al-'Abbds ibn al-'Alwdnl. Ab6 a]-'Abbds Abmad ibn 'Alw5n al-T5nisi

al-Mi$ri (d. 727/1385) was an ascetic jurist and the author of over forty

books, among which were Albdb al-lubdb 'ald al-iulldb, lqti(Cif al-akutf

min al-rawd al-anuf, Iftind' al-zahr min Kittib al-tard, and Kit6b

al-tashawwuq i16 ahl al-tasawwuf.1

1. Ibn Uajar al--ýAsqaldnl,Tahdhib, X, 158 f.

2. Al-Dhahabl, Tadhkirah, 1,348; al-Khatib al-Baghd5d!, Tarlkh, 111,3-12.
3. Al-Mistirl, Shajarah, 1,62.
4. Al-Mistirl, Shajarah, 1,112; MaýM?, Tafiijim, 111,414.
 310

Page 163

Qur'iWcverses
1.10: 'God acceptsonly from those who are righteous."

Eminent figures

1.4: Al-Say6ri. Miqdid ibn 'Abd Allah ibn Mubammad ibn al-Musayn ibn

Mubammad al-Say5ri al-Mill! al-Asadi (d. 826/1423) was a jurist and imdm.

He wrote a number of books, among them: Kanz al-'irffin ff fiqh

al-Qur'dn and Irsh5d al-tillibin fT sharý Nahl al-mustarshidfn ff u$al

al-din (by JamdI al-Din Masanibn al-Mutahhar al-Uilli al-'Alldmah). '

1.16: Ibn Rushd al-Baghdddi. Ab6 'Abd Allah Mubammad ibn 'Ubayd Allah ibn

Rashid was a professional scribe Wtib). From him Ismd'il ibn Mubammad

ibn ZanTi related a badith. 3

Page 164

Eminent figures

1.15: Al-Tddili. AbE Muhammad 'Abd Alldh ibn Muhammad al-Tddill al-Fds!

(511-597/1117-1200) was a jurist and judge. He studied under his father

al-Qddi 'Iy5d and was also tutored by Ibn Bashkuwdl, who granted him a

licence (iffizah) to teach a number of his treatises.4

Page 165

Ifadiths

1.16: 'Whoever consumes what is lawful will obey God whether he likes it or

1. S5rah 5 (al-MlYidah), 27.

2. AI-Zirikli, al-Alam, VII, 282.
3. Al-Khatib al-Baghd5di, Tar7kh. 11,331; X, 342.
4. Al-Mistiri, Shajarah, 1,164; al-Zirikil, al-Mam, IV, 124.
 311

not, and whoever consumeswhat is unlawful will disobey God whether he

likes it or not.' Al-'Irdqi stated that Ab5 Nu'aym reported this hadIth in

his ffilyah on the authority of Ab5 Ayy6b. Ibn 'Ad! narrated a similar

bad[th on the authority of Ab5 M5sd, but he added that it was

munkar (unacknowledged).
' Al-Ghazdli also narrated a similar badfth?

Eminent figures

1.2: IbrAhIm ibn Hildl. AH Isbdq Ibr5h! m ibn Hildl ibn 'All al-$anhdbi

(817-903/1414-1497) was a Mdlikite scholar and Mufti of SijilmAssah.

Among the books he wrote were al-Nawdzil, Sharb al-Bukhfiri, Sharb

Mukhta$ar Khalil, and a compendium of Ibn Farbfin's al-Dibdi

3
al-mudhahhab.

Page 167

Eminent figures

1.18: Al-Qushayri. 'Abd al-Karim ibn Hawdzin ibn 'Abd al-Malik ibn Tallýah

al-Nisdbarl al-Qushayri (376-465/986-1072) was the most eminent scholar,

Sufi, and ascetic of KhurAsdn in his time. Among the books he wrote were

al-TaysTr fI al-tafsir, Latd'if al-ishdrdt, and at-RisdIah al-Qushayriyyah.1

Page 169

Sufi terminology

1.8: Muidhadah. From the verb jahada (to strive). ' In Sufi usage

1. Al-'IrAqi, al-Mughni, 1,89.

2.14ya', 1,89.
3. Al-Mistirl, Shajarah, 1,268; al-Zirikil, al-A'Iam, 1,78.
4. AI-SubkT, Tabaqat, 111,243-8; al-Khatib a]-Baghd5d!, Tarlkh, XI, 83.
5. Anis, al-Mu'jam, 1,142.
 312

muffihadah denotes 'striving' along the mystical path through devotion to

God alone. In this context it is a near synonym of riyadah, which again

denotes the struggle against worldly desiresand ambitions.'

Page 174

Eminent figures

1.7: Al-'Uqbdni. Mubammad ibn Abmad ibn Qdsim ibn Sa'id al-'Uqbdni (d.

871/1467) was a jurist of Tlemcen, where he was also appointed judge.

Among the books he wrote was UifZ al-sha'[Fir wa-taghyfr al-man5kir

.2

Page 175

Eminent figures

1.12: Mubammad ibn Sirdj. Muhammad ibn lbr5him ibn 'Abd AIM al-An$dr!

al-Gharndti, known as Ibn Sirij (654-730/1256-1330), was a herbal doctor

and specialist. He wrote a book on botany and another on the merits of

Granada
.3

Page 176

Eminent figures

1.1: Ibn Lubb. Ab6 Sa'Id Faraj ibn Qd.sim ibn Ahmad ibn Lubb al-Taghlib!

al-Gharnfiti (701-782/1302-1381) was a jurist, a grammarian, and the

leading muItT in Andalusia in his time. He was also the preacher of the

Great Mosque of Granada and was the author of a book on the singular b6',

1. Al-Naqshbandl, Ma huwa, 157; al-Hifni, Mu'jam, 236.

2. AI-Zirikli, at-A'Iam, V, 334.
3. Ibn Uajar al--ýAsqalAnl,at-Durar, 111,287;a]-Zirikil, al-Alam, V, 297.
 313

a short book on grammatical puzzles, and two treatiseson '

jurisprudence.

Page 177

Eminent figures

1.6: Ab5 Isbdq al-Marwazi. Ab5 Isbdq lbrdhim ibn Abmad al-Marwazi (d.

340/1951) was a jurist and a leading Shfifi'ite scholar of Iraq. His books

included Shar6 Mukhta$ar al-MuzanF, al-Fusal ff ma'rifat al-usal,

al-Shurfit, al-Wathli7q, al-Waýdyd, "istib al-dar, and al-Khusas

l
wa-7--ýumCim.

1.7: Al-Maballi. Mubammad ibn Abmad ibn Ibriihim al-Maball!

(791-864/1389-1459) was a Shdfi'ite scholar of religious fundamentals. He

wrote a commentary on the Qur'dn which was later completed by al-Suy6ti,

Kanz al-r5ghibFn, al-Badr al-(61i' fT 6all Jam' al-jawdmi', and Shar6

al-waraqdt. 3

Page 180

Qur'dnic
verses
1.14: '...forbid what is wrong: and bear with patient constancy whate'er betide

thee...'

Page 181

Qur'dnic
verses
1.1: '...and make not your own hands contribute to (your) destruction...'5

1. AI-Zirikli, al-Alam, V. 140.

2. Kahhglah, Mu'jam, 1,3; Ibn al-'ImAd, Shadharat, 11,355.
3. AI-Zirikli, al-A'Ilim, V, 333; Ibn al-'Im5d, Shadharal, VII, 303.
4. S5rah 31 (Luqman), 17.
5. Sdrah 2 (at-Baqarah), 195.
 314

Eminent figures

1.13: Ibn Hurmuz. AM DAd 'Abd al-Rabmdn ibn Hurmuz, known as al-A'raj

(d. 117/735), was a memorizer of bad[ths, a professional scribe, and a

reciter of the QurIn. He transmitted the narrations of ME Hurayrah, Ab6

SaId al-Khudri-, and others. The badFths he related were in turn cited by

al-Zuhri, AN al-Zindd, $dlib ibn Kaysdn, '

and others.

Page 182

Eminent figures

1.16: Al-Amidi. ME al-Ijasan Sayf al-Din 'Ali ibn Mubammad ibn Salim

al-Taghlibi (631-714/1234-1314) wrote some twenty well-known books,

among which were al-AbUrn fT uýfil al-abUm, Mukhra$ar muntahd

al-su'fil, and Abkdr al-afkdr. 1

Page 183

Qur'dnic
verses
1.4: 'Do ye enjoin right conduct on the people, and forget (to practise it)
13
yourselves?...

1.4: 'Grievously odious is it in the sight of God that ye say that which ye do not."

1.16: '...before consummationor the fixation of their dower...'s

1. Al-Dhahabl, Tadhkirah, 1,97; al-Zirikli, al-A'Iam, 111,340.

2. Ibn al-'ImAd, Shadhadit, VI, 144; Kahh5lah, Mu'jam, VII, 208.
3. SOrah2 (at-Baqarah), 44.
4. SOrah61 (al-$alf), 3.
5. SGrah2 (at-Baqarah), 236.
 315

HadIths

1.6: 'A man will be brought on the Day of Judgmentand thrown into the fire.

His intestineswill spill out and he will roam aroundthem just as a donkey

roams around a stone-mill. The dwellers of the fire will gatheraroundhim

saying, "What has happenedto you? Were you not the one who enjoined

good and forbade evil?" He will reply, I would enjoin good and yet not

practiseit, and I would forbid evil but be guilty of it myself.'" Narratedby

Muslim on the authority of Usdmahibn Zayd as a marffi' bad[th.1

Page 184

Qur'dnic verses

1.3: 'How many of the Prophets fought (in God's way), and with them (fought)

large bands of godly men? But they never lost heart if they met with

disaster in God's way, nor did they weaken (in will) nor give in...2

Page 185

Qur'bnic
verses
13
1.5: 'But speak to him mildly...

Uad[ths
,
1.6: 'Whosoever enjoins good, then let both his word and action of enjoining be

good. God is gentle and loves kindness. He gives in kindness what He does

not give in violence.' Narrated by Ab5 Yald al-Mawsili on the authority

1. Muslim, al-Jami', IV, 2291.

2. Sarah 3 (Al 'Imran), 146.
3. Sarah 20 (Ta-ha), 44.
 316

of 'Ali ibn Abi TAlib as a marl[V bad[th. 1 Ibn 1jajar al-Haythami

commented, 'This bad[th has been reported by Abmad, Bazzdr, and Aba

Ya'15. Abmad did not categorize ME Khalifah as 41a7f and its remaining

narrators are all reliable." It is therefore $abiý.

Page 188

Qur'dnic
verses
1.9: '(They are) those who, if We establish them in the land, establish regular

prayer and give regular charity, enjoin the right and forbid "
wrong...

Ijad[ths

1.7: 'Every one of you is a shepherd and will be questioned about his flock. The

imdm is a shepherd and will be questioned about his flock. The man is a

shepherd in his family and will be questioned about his flock. The woman

is a shepherd in her husband'shome and will be questioned about her flock.

The servant is a shepherd in his master'shouseand will be questioned about

his flock. ' The narrator then continues, 'I think that I heard him say, "And

the man is a shepherd with regard to his father's wealth and will be

questioned about his flock. "' Narrated by al-Bukh5r! on the authority of

Ibn 'Umar as a marliF ýadFrh.l

1. AM YAR, al-Musnad, 1,380.

2. Maima', VIII, 18.
3. SFarah22 (al-Haii), 41.
4. Al-Bukhdrl, al-Rlmi', 1,215.
 317

Page 190

Miscellaneous comments

1.18: Al-Tanw[r. The reference is to the book on Sufism, the full title of which

is al-Tanwir fI isqd( al-tadbir, written by T&j al-Din Ab5 al-Fadl Abrnad

ibn Mubarnmad ibn 'Atd' Alldh al-Iskandari.1

Page 192

Qur'tinicverses
1.2: '...and He is Full of Mercy to the Believers.2

1.15: 'Now await in patience the command of thy Lord: for verily thou art in

Our eyes...3

Ifadiths

1.3: "'Can you imagine this woman throwing her child into the fire? " They

replied, "No, 0 Prophet of God." The Prophet (peace be upon him) then

said, "God is more loving and caring to his servant than this woman to her

child. "' Reported by al-Bukhdri on the authority of 'Umar ibn al-Khajt5b

as a marfa' bad[th.1

Page 193

Qur'dnic
verses
1.6: '...it is possible that ye dislike a thing which is good for you..."
16
1.10: 'God had helped you at Badr, when ye were a contemptible little force...

1. Hajj-i Khallfah, Kashf, 1,502.

2. Sarah 33 (al-Abzab), 43.
3. Sarah 52 (al-Tiir), 48.
4. Al-Bukhdri, al-JamP, IV, 2109.
5. Sarah 2 (al-Baqarah), 216.
6. Sarah 3 (ýl 'Imran), 123.
 318

Ifadiths

1.7: 'Paradise has been surrounded with difficulties and Hell has been surrounded

with desires! Narrated by al-Tirmidhi on the authority of Anas ibn Mdlik

as a marf[4' bad[th. Al-Tirmidh! added that it is basan gharib in this

version, but sabTO

Page 194

ffad1ths
,
1 1: 'The believer does not suffer any discomfort or fatigue except that his sins

are forgiven, even if it be a thorn that pricks him.' Narrated by Muslim on

the authority of Ab5 Sa'id al-Khudri and Ab5 Hurayrah as a marIX badith. 1

1.3: 'Fever is the share of every believer from the fire.' Quoted by Ibn 13ajar

al-Haythami, who stated that it had been narrated by Bazzfir on the

authority of 'A'ishah as a marIX badith. 1 Its isndd is basan.

1.3: 'One day's fever atones for a year's sins.' Reported by al-Sakhiwi. After

quoting a number of supporting narrations for this bad[th, he added, 'It has

many supporting narrations, each strengthening the other." The badFth is

therefore 0san.

Eminent figures

1.15: 'Ati' al-Khurdsdni. 'Atd' ibn Ab! Muslim al-Khurdsdn! (50-133/670-755)

was a narrator of Prophetic Traditions and a Qur'inic commentator. He

resided in Damascus,died in Jericho, and was buried in Bayt al-Maqdis in

1. Sunan,1,693.
2. Muslim, al-Jbmi', IV, 1993.
3. Ibn Ijajar al-Haythami, Maima'. 11,306.
4. Al-Maqa#d, 194.
 319

Jerusalem.He was the author of Taftir al-Qur'dn. '

1.15: Wahb ibn Munabbih. ME 'Abd Allih Wahb ibn Munabbih al-Anbiri

al-$an'dni al-Dhamdri (34-114/654-732) was a narrator of bad[ths and was

considered to be one of the Followers (Ttibilin). He was appointed as judge

of $an'd' by 'Umar ibn 'Abd al-'Aziz. Among the books he wrote were

Dhikr al-mulfik al-mutawajah min Ijimyar wa-akhbdruhum wa-qipsuhum

wa-qurfibuhum wa-ash'druhum and Qisas al-anbiyX. 2

Page 195

Qur'dnic
verses
13
1.5: 'Fhe Lord does create and chooseas He pleases...
14
1.7: 'Now await in patience the command of thy Lord ...

Page 197

Qur'linicverses
1.7: ......If ye are grateful, I will add more (favours) unto you

Miscellaneous comments

1.8: Sharb al-araba'Fn 4ad[than. The reference is to A-Ghazalls commentary on

forty Traditions, which was in fact part of his larger work entitled Jawfihir

al-Qur'dn. He later granted permission for it to be copied separately and it

thus becamea monograph in its own right.6

1. Al-Dhahabl, Mizan, 111,73 f.; Kabb5lah, Mu'jam, Vi, 283.

2. AI-Zirikli, al-Alam, VIII, 125-,Ibn al-'Im5d, Shadharal. 1,150.
3. Sarah 28 (al-QaýaA 68.
4. Sarah 52 (al-Tar), 48.
5. Sarah 14 (lbriih7m), 7.
6. Ijajj-i Khalifah, Kashf, 61.
 320

Page 200

Eminent figures

1.7: Al-Masili. Ab5 'Ali Hasan ibn 'All ibn Mubammad al-Masili (d. 580/1185)

was a jurist and the judge of Bougie (Bijdyah) in Algeria. He was sometimes

compared with al-Ghazdli. He wrote a number of books including

al-Tadhkirah fT u$111'ilm al-dIn and al-Nibrds fT al-radd 'ald munkir

al-qiy, is. 1

Page 201

HadIths

1.14: 'Cannot any one of you become like Ab5 Pamdam? Whenever he emerged

from his house he would say, '0 God, I have donated my wealth to the

people! Quoted by al-Ghazili. 1 Al-'Iraqi stated that this badith had been

reported by Bazzdr, by Ibn al-Sunn! in his Amal al-yawm wa-7-laylah, and

by al-'Uqayll in his 4)u'afa' on the authority of Anas ibn Mdlik, with a

weak chain of transmission.3

Page 205

HadFths

1.10: 'Reparation in the caseof one you have slandered is to seek his forgiveness!

Quoted by Ibn al-Jawz! on the authority of 'Anbasah ibn 'Abd al-Rahm5n,

reporting from Kh5lid ibn YazId, reporting from Anas ibn Milik, as a

marffi' hadFth from the Prophet (peace be upon hiM). 4

1. AI-Zirikli, al-Alam, 11,203; Ahmad MU, Nayl, 104.

2. Iýya, 111,154.
3. A]-'IrAql, at-Mughni, 111,154.
4. Ibn al-Jawzi, al-Maw4A'at, 111,119.
 321

Eminent figures

1.7: Mayman ibn Mihrdn. AH Ayy5b MaymOn ibn Mihrdn al-Raqq! (d.

117/735) was a jurist, a judge, and a reliable narrator of badiths, who spent

much of his time in worship. Most of his early life was spent in K6fah, but

he later settled in Raqqah on the Euphrates, where he became the leading

scholar of the region. Ibn 'Abd al-'Aziz appointed him as judge and

governor there, making him also responsiblefor collecting the khar4i tax.'

Page 206

Ifad[ths

1.19: 'Whoever oppressesa protected person (dhimmi), I will stand against him

on the Day of Judgment, and whoever oppressesa protected person will not

smell the fragrance of Paradise! Narrated by Ab5 Dd'5d on the authority

of a number of the sons of Companionsof the Prophet (peace be upon himV

Al-Sakhdwi commented, 'Its ismid has no defects and the anonymity of

some of the sons of Companions has no adverse effect on it, as their

number compensatesfor their anonymity. Ab6 Dd'Od reserved judgment on

this ýadith for this very reason.Thus it is basan.3

Page 207

Hadiths

1.14: 'Whoever performs the pilgrimage to this house of God and does not speak

lewdness or commit sin, then he will be cleansed of his sins [so that

becomes] like the day his mother gave birth to him. ' Narrated by

1. Al-4fah5n!, Uilyah, IV, 82; Ibn al-lm5d, Shadharat, 1,154.

2. Aba Dd'6d, Sunan. 111,171.
3. Al-SakhAwl, al-Maqaýid. 194.
 322

al-BukhM on the authority of Aba Hurayrah as a marld bad[th. 1

Page 208

Eminent figures

1.3: Ibn Taymiyyah. Abmad ibn 'Abd al-Ualim ibn 'Abd al-Salim ibn 'Abd

Alldh al-Numayrii al-Harriini, Shaykh al-Isldm (661-728/1263-1328) was a

scholar of the Quf'dn and Sunnah. He was born in Uarrin, then moved to

Damascus where he was arrested in 712/1312. He was summoned to Egypt

and sent to jail on account of a fatwd he had issued. He was later released

to return to Damascus, where he died. Among the books he wrote were

al-SiyLisah al-Shar'iyyah, al-Fahiwd, al-Furqtin bayna awliyd' Alldh

wa-awliyd' al-Shaytdn, Minh5i at-Sunnah, and Raf' al-mal[im 'an

al-a7mmah al-'al5m. 2

Page 209

Eminent figures

1.15: Abfi Hdshim. 'Abd al-Saldm ibn Muhammad ibn 'Abd al-Wahhdb

al-Jubbdni (247-321/861-933), from the family of Abdn (the freed slave of

'Uthm5n), was one of the staunchest and most prominent Mu'tazilites, and

had a group of followers who were termed Hdshimiyyah after their leader,

Ab6 Hdshim. His works included al-Shdmil fT al-fiqh, Tadhkirat

al--ýdlim,and al-Wddah fl uýfil al-fiqh. 3

1. Al-BukhArl, at-Jami', 11,209.

2. AI-Zirikli, al-A'lam, 1,144.
3. Ibn KhallikAn, Wafayat, 111,183;al-Khatib a]-Baghdid, Tbr7kh, XI, 55.
 323

Page 211

,Uadlihs

1.18: 'Repent, for I repent before God seventy times" in a day.' Narrated by

Muslim on the authority of al-Muzan! as a marfil' badIth (with the wording

'a hundred times') and also by al-Tirmidhi on the authority of Abil

Hurayrah as a marf[V badIth (with the wording 'seventy times').

Al-Tirmidhi adds his comment that this badith is $abfh?

1.19: 'One who repents from sin is like one who has no sin.' Narrated by Ibn

Mfijah on the authority of Ibn Mas'H as a marffi' badith. 1 Al-Sakhdwl

commented, 'Its narrators are all reliable. Our sheikh, Ibn Ijajar

al-'Asqaldni, has declared this badith to be basan in view of its supporting

narrations."

Page 214

HadIths

1.19: "The servant may sin and then this very sin will take him to Paradise:'

They asked, "How can his sin take him to Paradise?" He replied, 'The

remembrance of his sin remains with him. He always seesit and flees from

it, repenting."' Narrated by 'Abd Alldh Ibn a]-Mubdrak al-Marwaz-i on the

authority of Uasan al-Ba$ri as a mursal badIth. As previously noted, the

mursal narrations of Uasan a]-Ba$ri are classified as weak bad[ths.5

1. In some narrations, 'a hundred times'.

2. Sunan, V, 383.
3. Ibn M5jah, Sunan, 11,1420.
4. Al-Maqa4id, 125.
5. Al-Marwazi, Zuhd, 114.
 324

Page 215

Eminent figures

1.6: Sahl ibn 'Abd Allgh (al-Tustari). Ab5 Muhammad Sahl ibn 'Abd Allih

al-Tustari (d. 273/886 or 283/896/7 at the age of 80) was an ascetic and one

of the great saints with a number of religious discoursesand miracles to his

name)

1.7: Abfi Na$r al-Sirij. Ab5 Na$r 'Abd Allih ibn 'All al-T6sI al-Sirdj (d.

378/988) was an ascetic and a leading sheikh of the Sufis in the Sunnah

order.'

1. Al-l$fahdni, Ifilyah, X, 189; Kabb5lah, Mu'jam, IV, 284.

2. AI-Zirikli, al-A'lam, IV, 104, Ibn al-'lm5d, Shadharai. 111,91; Kabb5lah, Mu'jam, VI, 89.
 325

CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

 326

CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Conclusions

After the presentation of the edited text of Ibn Zukri's Sharh

al-NasT6ah al-kdffyah, including clarification of its obscure points, discussionof

its scientific aspects, and placing of the text in the context of contemporary

culture, we may conclude the following.

1. The authoritative starting point for Zarraq was the Qur'dn and Sunnah as the

two major sources for his study. He based his Sufi order on the Qurin and

Sunnah, so that his Sufism was a Sunni Sufism based on the Islamic

Shari'ah in its scientific and practical aspects.

2. ZarrOq realized that ma'rifah (cognition) brings with it responsibility.

Therefore, he started his book with the badith known as al-DFn

al-Na$Fbah, making clear that the individual, particularly the scholar, should

necessarily undertake his responsibilities towards the social reform of other

individuals and communities. Basing himself on this bad[th, he also established

his view of the Islamic society, dividing it into two parts, viz: (1) common

people (the individuals of the society, the subjects) and (2) special people

(political leaders and 'ulamd'. He made clear the obligations of each of these

sections of society towards the other, emphasizing their integrity for the

purpose of creating social and political equilibrium. With this proposition as

 327

the basis for his social philosophy, it is clear how ZaTT6q had fashioned a

social and political philosophy basedon the Qur'An and Sunnah.

3. The commentary of Ibn Zukri analysed and supported all the Islamic issues

and subjects which constituted Zarr5q's original text. In his explanatory

comments, he relied on the principal sourcesof Islamic thought, i. e. the Qur5n

and Had[th, and the viewss of the most prominent scholars of the various

Islamic sciences such as language, jurisprudence, and Sufism. This approach

reflects the integrity of the Islamic Arabic culture in all its constituent elements.

4. In his treatment of Islamic issues that were disputed between the different

jurisprudential schools, Ibn 2ukri discussed the various views on particular

questions and then gave prevalence to the view of the MUM school, offering

in justification of this verdict various evidences which upheld his view and its

integrity.

5. When Ibn Zukri cited prophetic bad[ths as evidence, he included in his

account the degree of the badfth's validity or weakness. His aim was to

concentrated on valid ($abib) bad[ths, and to rely on them in his explanations

and discussions.

6. In his commentary on Zarr6q's text, Ibn Zukri was not satisfied with merely

mentioning the views of Muslim scholarsof all the preceding ages,but he also

mentioned the views of his contemporaries. This may be taken as evidence of

his extensive researches,a characteristic of the superior Muslim Vamd' among

his contemporariesand predecessors.

 328

7. Similarly, in his explanations, Ibn Zukri did not limit himself to citing the

views of the North African scholars and the Moroccans in particular, but he

also referred, in his reasoningand evidence, to the Muslim Vamd' of the Arab

East, thereby acknowledging the unity of the Islamic culture despite the vast

distancesbetween Islamic countries.

8. Sufism - with its concepts, terminology, books, and men - was accorded a

prominent position in Ibn Zukri's critical comments, discussions,and verdicts.

Recommendations

Following the above conclusions,I wish to suggestthat there is still need

for further study closely related to the subject of this thesis. The

recommendationsfor further study which I would like to make are as follows.

1. The edition and study of the remaining part of Sharb al-Na$Fbah

al-kdfiyah in view of the richness of the various subjects which it comprises.

It is evident that its proper editing requires major effort in view of its sheer

bulk and the wide variety of subjectsit toucheson.

2. A special study of the thought of Ibn Zukri, in which Zarr6q constituted one

of its most important sources, especially in Sufi matters. Such a study should

take into consideration all the works of Ibn Zukri in its discussionand analysis.

I Editing of the remaining works of Ibn Zukri, particularly in view of the fact

that most of his works are still available only in manuscript. The work of
 329

editing these texts is therefore an important step in the revival of Islamic

scienceswhich have remained obscure despite their scientific importance.

4. A discrete study of Sunni Sufism in North Africa and its influence in the

orientation of social and political life, highlighting in particular its

environment, what benefits it brought, and in what ways it is distinct from the

Sunni Sufism of the Arab East.

5. A study should be made of the North African 'ulamll' who are mentioned in

the book, so that light may be shed on the extent of their scientific works and

the qualities which characterized their scientific and practical interests. Their

activities should then be brought into comparison with the mature Islamic

thought of the Arab East in order to understand the distinct quality of their

contribution to Sufism.

6. A special study of the Sufi terms and concepts occurring in the book: how a

term was forged, what relation there is between its literal and technical

meanings, how it came to be coined in the historical context of the Sufi

movement, and whether it gained new connotations within the Sufisrn of

North Africa.

7. A comparative study of the jurisprudential subjects included in the book,

ascertaining objectively the views of all the jurisprudential schools. Such a

study will illustrate the abundance of Islamic liqh and the integrity of its

schools in thought and evidence.

 330

APPENDICES

1. Chronological list of the most distinguished Sufi orders, giving the names of

their founders and the years of their decease

2. Chart representing the influence of the Mady5niyyah and Rifd'iyyah orders

on the ShAdhiliyyah and Zarrfiqiyyyah orders

3. The Zarrftqiyyah order and its branches

4. The text of the edited portion of al-Na. Fihah at-kdflyah

5. Table of contents of the whole text of al-Na. Fibah al-keifTyah

 331

APPENDIX 1

Chronological List of the most distinguished Sufi orders

The list which follows sets in chronological order the most distinguished

Sufi orders (tarlqahs) and gives the namesand years of deceaseof their founders.'

Qddiriyyah: founded by 'Abd al-Qddir al-Jildni, who died at Baghdad in

561/1166. He was the guardian of the tomb of the Imam A'zarn Aba Hanifah,

the famous jurisconsult.

Rildiyyah: founded by Sa'id Abmad al-Riffl, who died in the woods between

Baghdad and Basrah in 578/1182. The order became popularly known as the

'Howling Dervishes'.

Suhrawardiyyah: founded by Shihib al-Din Aba Uafs 'Umar al-Suhrawardi (d.

632/1234).

Kubrdwiyyah: founded by Najm al-Din Kubrd, who died at Kh-dTiZM in

618/1221.

Shddhiliyyah: founded by AN al-Hasan 'Ali al-Shddhill, who died at Mecca in

656/1258.

Mawlawiyyah: founded by Jaldl al-Din al-R5mi, who died at Konya in 672/1273.

The order is popularly known as the Turning' or 'Dancing Dervishes'.

Badawiyyah (or Abmadiyyah): founded by Abmad al-Badawl, who died at Tantah

Based on information derived from Brown, Darvishes. 267-271 and Trimingham, Suli
orders, passim.
 332

in Egypt in 675/1276.

Naqshabandiyyah: founded by Mubammad ibn Mubammad Bahd' al-Din

al-Naqshaband! (d. 791/1389).

Sa'diyyah: founded by Sa'd al-Din al-Jibdw! ibn Y6nus al-Shaybdni, who died at

Jibah, a few miles north of Damascus,in 736/1335.

dn, called the waff (saint), who

Bekt[zshiyyah: founded by U5jFi Bektish of Khurd--,,

died at Kirshehir in Asia Minor in 759/1357. He lived for several years at the

court of Orkhdn I and it was he who blessed the Janissaries on the day of

their creation.

Khalwatiyyah: founded by 'Umar al-Khalwati, who died at Qay5ariyyah

(Caesarea)in Syria in 800/1397.

Zayniyyah: founded by Zayn al-Din al-KhlvdFi,who died at Kufa in 838/1435.

Bdb6'iyyah: founded by 'Abd al--Ghani Bdbdi, who died at Edirne in 870/1465.

Bayrdmiyyah: founded by Udjji Bayrim al-Ansdri, who died at Ankara in

833/1430.

Ashraftyah: founded by Sa'id 'Abd Alldh Ashraf R5m! (d. 899/1493).

Bakriyyah: founded by Ab5 Bakr al-Wafd'i, who died at Aleppo in 902/1496.

Siinbidiyyah: founded by SOnbOlSindn Y6suf, who died at Istanbul in 936/1529.

Gii1sheniyyah: founded by lbrdhim GbIshen! (d. 94011533). The order is

alternatively known as the Rfisheniyyah, after G61shenrstutor, 'Umar RýShenl

of Aydin (d. 892/1487).

1ghit-B5shiyyah: founded by Shams al-Din Ighit-Edshi, who died at Maghnisa in

Asia Minor in 951/1544.

UmmF-Sin[zniyyah: founded by lbrdhim Umm-i Sindn, who died at Istanbul in

958/1551.

Jilwatiyyah: founded by Mubammad Jilwat! 'Pir Oftfide', who died at Bursa in

 333

988/1580.

'UshshCzqiyyah:founded by Ijasan Uusim al-Din 'Ushshdqi, who died at Istanbul

in 1001/1592.

Shamslyyah: founded by Shams al-Din Abmad Slwdsl, who died in the environs

of Medina in 1010/1601.

Niy, iziyyah (or Misriyyah): founded by Mubammad Niyizi al-Misri of Bursa,

who died on the Isle of Lemnos in 1105/1694.

Murildlyyah: founded by MurAd ibn 'All al-Bukh5ri, known as Murdd al-ShRml,

who died at Istanbul in 1132/1720.

Nfir al-Diniyyah (or Jarr5bi), yah): founded by Nfir al-Din Mubammad al-Jarr5b,

who died at Istanbul in 1164/1750.

Jam[zliyyah: founded by Mubammad Jamdli ibn Jam5l al-Din Aqsardi Edirnewl,

who died at Istanbul in 1164/1750.

 334

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Table of contents of the whole text of

al-Naýibah al-kdflyah
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 346

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