Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews

eISSN: 2395-6518, Vol 7, No 5, 2019, pp 340-351

https://doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2019.7539

A SOCIOLINGUISTIC ANALYSIS OF DIGLOSSIC CODE-SWITCHING IN

RELIGIOUS DISCOURSE BY PREACHERS OF FRIDAY SERMONS IN
JORDAN
Dr. Omar Abdullah Al-Haj Eid
Faculty of Educational Sciences and Arts, UNRWA University, Jordan.
Email: O.el-hajeid@unrwa.org
th th th
Article History: Received on 18 July 2019, Revised on 29 August 2019, Published on 29 September 2019
Abstract
Purpose: The study aimed to examine the phenomenon of diglossic code-switching in religious discourse used by preachers of
Friday mosques in Jordan when they deliver their Friday sermon.
Methodology: To achieve the study objective, the researcher recorded (21) Friday sermons from three different geographical
locations: cities, villages, and plains. The study primarily investigated the types of functions, the forms of code-switching and
subject matters that make Friday preachers code-switch from high variety to low variety. A descriptive analysis was performed
by the researcher.
Main Findings: The study reveals that diglossic code-switching is purposeful and functional serving ten sociolinguistic
functions such as clarity and simplicity, giving directions, warnings, etc. The analysis also reveals that Arabic consists of high
variety (standard) and low variety (nonstandard). Even though high variety is much better and is frequently used in official
settings, there are instances in which low variety is used because high variety does not meet Arabic speakers' daily- life
communication. The study also concludes Arabic is not a pigeonholed variety as Ferguson's claimed. Therefore, Friday
preachers vacillate from high to low variety to serve certain sociolinguistic functions. The research results also found three
forms of code-switching: extra- sentential or tag-Switching, inter-sentential and intra-sentential. Extra-sentential was the most
frequently used in the study.
Implication: This paper can be useful to a better understanding of the phenomenon of diglossic code-switching in the religious
discourse in sociolinguistics in general and in particular studying the linguistic features of cod-switching in the religious
discourse in the Arab world.
Novelty: No studies were conducted on diglossic code-switching in the religious discourse by Friday sermons not only in
Jordan even in the Middle East.
Keywords: diglossic code-switching, high variety, low variety, sociolinguistic function.
INTRODUCTION
One of the significant areas of study in sociolinguistics is the relationship between language and religion since religion has a
major impact on society. This relationship cannot be denied because language reflects religion, shapes culture and plays a
fundamental role in communities. Language contributes to understanding aspects of religion. Davis (2013:P 377) confirms that
language and religion heavily rely on each other in direct and thoughtful ways leading to the existence of a bilingual language;
especially when it is used in religious situations known as a religious language. When language and religion amalgamate, a
religious language appears. Donovan (1976) states that religious language is a distinctive means of communication used
independently in some particular situations such as Arabic.
Several studies have been done concerning the use of language in official settings such as educational system, mass media,
religious discourse situations, and companies; among which are Gumperz (1964), Ferguson (1989), Halliday (1973), Al-Sobh
et al.( 2015) and Bhatia (2014). On the other hand, little concentration has been directed to the use of language in religious
settings such as mosques which are considered governmental institutions,( quoted in Alsaawi:2017). Language incorporates
several varieties used by the community members to serve different communicative functions. The Holy Quran is mainly the
basic influential factor in safeguarding standard Arabic nowadays, which is the official language in Jordan.
Arabic is distinguished by the use of diglossia with two varieties: high variety (standard Arabic) and low variety (Colloquial
Arabic). These two varieties have been viewed in this study as they convey functional messages in specific situations. It has
been hypothesized that Arabic-speakers face difficulty while communicating using the low variety since Arabic is strictly
patterned and cannot be categorized. This assumption by some foreign researchers turned out to be wrong since low variety is
used in different institutional settings throughout the Arab world. The phenomenon of diglossic situation of Arabic in Jordan is
gaining much interest because Jordan is a diglossic society where low variety, Jordanian Colloquial Arabic (JCA), is widely
used in daily oral interactions to serve several sociolinguistic functions in different institutional settings: in schools,
universities, social media, Jordan TV programs , on Jordan Radio and even in the mosques on Friday sermons by preachers.
340 |www.hssr.in © Al-Haj Eid
 Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews
eISSN: 2395-6518, Vol 7, No 5, 2019, pp 340-351
https://doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2019.7539
Thus, this study views the diglossic code-switching in the religious communication by Friday sermons from a sociolinguistic
perspective through examining the sociolinguistic functions they convey.
Diglossic code-switching abounds in all countries around the world. It is particularly a common phenomenon in Jordan. It can
be observed by all community classes and age groups. Jordanian speakers frequently vacillate from high variety to low variety
in all oral interactions either formal or informal settings. The sociolinguistic phenomenon of inserting a low variety of words
and /or phrases in speech is relatively widespread in Jordan. It is a distinctive feature of the communication of well-educated
Jordanian speakers even in official settings such as schools, universities, mosques, and other state institutions.
More specifically, in religious discourse, Friday mosque preachers vacillate from high variety (H) to low variety (L) by
including words, phrases and /or sentences during delivering their Friday sermons for a variety of sociolinguistic functions.
This study was conducted to address the scarcity of studies on diglossic code-switching in the religious discourse during
delivering Friday sermons in Jordan from a sociolinguistic viewpoint. This current study is meant to investigate how the
sociolinguistic functions are used in diglossic code-switching in Jordan by preachers of Friday sermons.
LITERATURE REVIEW
Diglossic code-switching refers to the idea that high variety (H) and low variety (L) can be spoken simultaneously (Ferguson
1959). It is universally engraved in people’s social and cultural structures. It is used by the vast majority of people regardless of
their age and social status as a medium to express their cultural, social and political attitudes. It is deeply rooted in history and
was very common around the globe. This linguistic phenomenon is widely made use of in most official speech and daily oral
situations. In Jordan, people tend to practice it in every aspect of life and in institutional settings. It is sometimes used in
mosques as well. This phenomenon has attracted the attention of sociolinguists. However, very few papers have been done on
diglossic code-switching from a linguistic viewpoint in Jordan. Since this study is intended to be a contribution to
sociolinguistic research studies, it is worth exploring the two sociolinguistic terms: diglossia and code-switching.
(A) Diglossia
Diglossia as a sociolinguistic concept has been investigated in-depth by sociolinguists a long time ago. It refers to "the use of
two different varieties of the same language by the same speaker in separate socially-determined contexts", (Ferguson
1959:335). Diglossia refers to a situation where there are two different codes with apparent functional separation; that is one
code is used in one set of conditions and the other is a completely different set” (Wardhaugh& Fuller, 2015, p.90).It is a fairly
constant language and is well-codified as a grammatically complex variety. It is learned through education and has two forms,
written and spoken. He also differentiated between two varieties High (H) and Low (L). Diglossia is strictly patterned and is
not used by any sector of the society for daily-oral situations. It is used by educated people (Ferguson Ibid: 1959:336).
In the Jordanian context, a study was conducted in Jordan and was carried out by Al- Brri and et al (2015). The researchers
studied diglossia among students. The study sought to identify the term diglossia and the reasons lurking behind this linguistic
phenomenon. It concluded that diglossia is used to make contact between languages and the emergence of new other languages
or dialects resulting in the loss of their original features and qualities as well as the diverse environments within the same
community which plays a pivotal role in the occurrence of diglossia. In a similar study, Abu Melhem (2014) examined the two
varieties of Arabic educated speakers of both males and females while speaking in informal spoken settings. The study
examined the types of diglossic code-switches employed and their functions. The study sample included conversations then
transcribed and analyzed. The findings showed that the subjects did not use Classical Arabic as a linguistic medium during
their taped conversations. Rather, they used then investigates the informants’ diglossic code-switching behavior and reasons
for diglossic code-switching. The informant from Jordan, Iraq, Morocco, Egypt and Saudi Arabia. The researcher recorded the
subjects' a variety of accommodation strategies when speaking with each other. They code-switched between Educated Spoken
Arabic and the colloquial Arabic. In a study conducted in Jordan by Qudah (2015), entitled "A Sociolinguistic Study: Diglossia
in Social Media," the researcher identified the conditions where diglossia became well-known in various electronic sites and its
impact on standard Arabic. The research showed that a high variety differs from low variety according to changing the
contextual topic. It also examined diglossia in Twitter and Face book. The study concluded that the use of high variety is
prevalent in tweets and posts, especially in official settings such as chatting about political news and religious issues;
meanwhile, style in the low variety is used to talk about fashion, design, games, songs and private issues.
In the Arab setting, in his article, Yacoub (2015) introduced three coexisting language varieties in Egypt: Standard Arabic,
Egyptian Arabic variety and English variety. It is a challenging phenomenon and requires further investigation. He called for
standardizing the low variety (Egyptian Arabic variety) since it is broadly used by the Egyptians. The article concluded that
lots of TV series and documentary films were produced to tackle this issue in an attempt to prepare people to recognize the
suggestion of disconnecting the EAV from classical Arabic and then standardize it. Likewise, Salih's study (2015) investigated
diglossia on Friday sermons in the city of Mosul, Iraq. His study proved that speech preachers transfer from standard Arabic
during Friday speeches to nonstandard Arabic in several language domains such as grammar, phonology, and lexemes, which

341 |www.hssr.in © Al-Haj Eid

 Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews
eISSN: 2395-6518, Vol 7, No 5, 2019, pp 340-351
https://doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2019.7539
was the most frequent use in the study. The preachers of sermons were featured by switching from classical Arabic to
colloquial dialect for simplification, avoiding ambiguity and telling proverbs. In a different context, Al Suwaiyan (2018)
discussed resources on the Arabic language and its development from Classical Arabic to Modern standard Arabic. The study
investigated t the major causes of diglossia and shifting within the Arabic language. It also explored the Arabic dialects
focusing on the phenomenon of diglossia in an Arabic-speaking country. Differenced in phonology and lexicon between the
Modern Standard Arabic and some Arabic dialects were investigated. The study concluded that Some Arabic speakers find
difficulties in pronouncing particular sounds.
(B) Code-switching
Code-switching is a widespread sociolinguistic concept observed globally for ages due to emigration. It happens when a person
switches between languages or varieties in speech. Speakers of a language usually shift between the two languages or dialects.
This exchange in language takes place spontaneously in daily-life communications. Code-switching is commonly used in
multilingual societies where community members switch to more than one language in their daily settings inadvertently. Nilep
(2018:1) defines code-switching as the process of choosing or changing language components to use speech communication in
context. This may be confined to discourse outside the present exchange as well as the community knowledge and various
identities.
Code-switching, as a speech style, can effortlessly be observed by Jordanian people in all aspects of life either official or
informal contexts. Switching from classical Arabic to low variety can be seen in the microcosm of the Jordanian speakers in
their daily expressions. In particularly, well-educated Jordanian speakers sometimes exchange forth and back from classical
Arabic to the English language in addition to switching to low variety according to certain situations. They switch to the
English language because English is deeply-seated in Jordan since the British Mandate. English is considered a foreign
language in Jordan, but the first language in most university specializations; that is why some individuals switch to English
naturally as they do in low variety in their conversations. Such code-switching from classical Arabic to low variety or
sometimes to English can be noticed by Jordanian speakers in daily utterances.
Code-switching in the Jordanian setting has been investigated by several scholars. For example, Almhairat (2015) observed
the domains in which Bedouins switch their dialects to the urban dialect in Jordan. The author discussed the reasons lurking
behind this linguistic phenomenon. The study confirmed Jordanian Bedouins vacillated between the two dialects in most social
settings in Amman. The study proved that Bedouin females in the capital of Jordan frequently use code-switched. The study
also confirmed code-switching occurred due to several factors such as marriage, love, and migrations. Additionally, Mustafa
(2011) tackled code-switching in SMS among youngsters in Jordan; his study aimed to examine the most regularly used words
in youngsters’ SMS, the factors and attitudes of this through messaging. 1500 texts were collected and analyzed. The sample of
the study consisted of 1500 mixed families. The study employed a questionnaire. The study demonstrated seven main reasons
behind youngsters' switched messages. The study revealed the reasons and attitudes towards this phenomenon as well as it
showed the obvious field between sociolinguistics and psycholinguistic features. In the same context, Al-Khatib and Sabbah
(2008) examined the sociolinguistic functions of code-switching in messages of mobile phones. The study sample consisted of
46 students focused on code-switching in grammatical elements. The study also revealed that code-switching was used as a
communicative tool for facilitating communication. Moreover, Al-Hourani (1016) explained the sociolinguistic functions
performed code-switching by students from Jordan studying in Malaysia. The study explained Jordanian students' code-switch
from formal to informal to convey several sociolinguistic functions among which quoting someone, demonstrating abilities,
and filling gaps. Similarly, Sardar et al (2015). Investigated the phenomenon of code-switching behavior of Iraqi speakers and
the kinds of code-switching used in daily conversation. The study also examined the reasons and results lurking behind the
process of code-switching. The researcher conducted a survey questionnaire and recorded thirty-five minutes conversation for
six university students in Malaysia. The study concluded that Iraqi university students use several kinds of code-switching to
emphasize their identity. The study also showed a shortage of vocabulary items in English as a second language. In a similar
study, Abu Mathkour (2004) examined the functions of Arabic-English codes- switching by reviewing six hours of tape-
recorded speech of speakers of Jordanian Arabic on Jordan Television from different programs. The study investigated the
effect of the speakers' gender on the frequency of the functions. The study sample included thirty-three33 male and female
speakers. The study results showed several common code-switching functions used by Jordanian Arabic speakers such as
quotation; interjection; reiteration; message qualification, and personification vs. objectification were functions that code-
switching fulfilled in these conversations. The function of interjection was the most frequently used in the data. In the same
context, Hamouda (2015) explored the different sociolinguistic functions of Arabic-English code-switching in the Egyptian
talk show ‘Shabab Beek. He also examined the syntactic categories and kinds of code-switching to English. The study sample
incorporated four hours and forty-five minutes of YouTube videos of the talk show where code-switching to English occurred.
The study concluded that the majority of the code-switching was formed by show hosts and guests while callers produced a
small amount of code-switching. The use of nouns was the most frequently used in code-switching to English followed by

342 |www.hssr.in © Al-Haj Eid

 Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews
eISSN: 2395-6518, Vol 7, No 5, 2019, pp 340-351
https://doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2019.7539
adjectives. Tagging was the most common kind of code-switching in the study sample.tag followed by intrasentential and
intersentential code-switching.
(C) Forms of Code-Switching
Code-switching is commonly used in bilingual and multilingual societies. Dwellers in such societies switch from one language
to another to convey certain sociolinguistic functions. Strategic code-switching could help people rush and save expressions.
There are two main types of code-switching according to Myers- Scotton (1993). They are inter-sentential code-switching and
intra-sentential code-switching, ( quoted in Al-Hourani, ibid:2016)). Poplack (1980) offered a theoretical framework
suggesting three forms of code-switching to be accounted for when dealing with this phenomenon: extra-sentential (tag –
switching), inter-sentential and intra-sentential.
1- Extra- Sentential or Tag-Switching:
A tag from one language is included in another language. In other words, there is an insertion of a tag from a language into an
utterance in another language or the same language. Hamers & Blanc (2000) since tags are the subject to minimal syntactic
restrictions. They may be inserted at several points in a monolingual utterance without violating syntactic rules"((quoted in Al-
Heeti and Al-Abdely's study.(2016)).
2-Inter-Sentential Code- Switching:
Inter-sentential code-switching refers to the type of code-switching which is linked to diglossic situations where community
members practice two varieties: high variety (H) and low variety (L). Inter-sentential code-switching is categorized as internal
code-switching because speakers of a language vacillate from high variety to low variety within the same language. In inter-
sentential code-switching, the language shifts for a whole sentence or clause. However, inter-sentential code-switching may
happen in a single language or more than one language. Myers-Scotton(ibid:1993), quoted in ((Al-Hourani (2016)) stated that
inter-sentential switching occurs at the clausal or sentential level where each clause or sentence is in one of the two languages.
Taking place within the same sentence or between speaker turns, this type of code- switching demands that speakers should be
fluent in both languages to obey the rules of the languages. In a study conducted by Kanakri and Ionescu 201:185) the
researchers observed that inter- sentential code-switching is less common than tag-switching because several sentences could
be reflex tags.
3- Intra-Sentential Code Switching
Intra-sentential code-switching usually occurs within monolingual, bilingual and / or multilingual societies where two or more
languages are used in societies. In intra-sentential code-switching, people switch within a sentence or clause. Therefore,
speakers of a certain language code-switch between more than one language. This type of intra-sentential code-switching is
called external code-switching, standing for entire diglossic situations. This form of switching demands a deep understanding
of the grammatical system in both languages, especially word categories. Muysken (2000) mentioned that this form of code-
switching applies to the entire lexical items and grammatical features from two languages occurring in a single sentence.
METHODOLOGY
The methodology adopted in this study is primarily qualitative. This paper is regarded as a contribution to descriptive studies in
sociolinguistics. It is intended to examine diglossic code-switching in religious discourse used by preachers of Friday sermons
in Jordan from a sociolinguistic parameter regarding the functions they convey. The study will chiefly look into the types of
functions and forms of code- making Friday preachers code-switch from high variety to low variety based on the change in the
subject matter and geological location.
Objectives of the Study
This study is meant to identify diglossic code-switching of Friday preachers in Jordan when they deliver their Friday Khutba
(sermon). The focus of this paper is to examine the sociolinguistic functions served by this switching. It also aims to
highlight the reasons why the preacher's code-switch to low variety during Khutba. It investigates the diglossic code-switching
nature and types used by preachers of Friday mosques. This study examines the contexts where the diglossic code-switching
takes place. It also pinpoints the ways Friday mosque preachers employ diglossic code-switching from high variety to low
variety or vice versa when delivering their sermons based on the subject matter and geographical location.
Statement of the Study's Problem
Due to the lack of studies conducted in religious discourse in Jordan, this paper seeks to fill this gap in literature since it is the
first of its type and no studies have investigated this linguistic phenomenon so far from a sociolinguistic viewpoint in Jordan.
Based on the researcher's attendance of (21) Friday sermons in mosques, it was noted that the use of diglossic-codeswitching

343 |www.hssr.in © Al-Haj Eid

 Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews
eISSN: 2395-6518, Vol 7, No 5, 2019, pp 340-351
https://doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2019.7539
among Friday preachers is very common. They frequently vacillate between high variety and low variety. Thus, this paper
seeks to investigate the sociolinguistic functions served by diglossic code-switching as a sociolinguistic phenomenon.
Importance of the study
Several research studies have been done on code-switching in Jordan, but none of them was on religious discourse. Thus, this
study draws its importance from the fact that it is the first of its type in religious discourse, especially on Friday sermons in
Jordan. It studies the phenomenon of diglossic code-switching among Friday preachers in Jordan. Moreover, it depicts a real
portrait of diglossic code-switching in religious discourse. This research will concentrate on the sociolinguistic functions
served by diglossic code-switching in Friday sermons from a sociolinguistic parameter. It will also investigate the ways and
means in which mosque preachers vacillate from high variety to low variety and vice versa.
Questions of the Study
To accomplish the set objectives, this research primarily attempts to answer the following questions:
1. What are the sociolinguistic functions served by diglossic code-switching?
2. -Do sociolinguistic functions vary according to geographical location?
3.-What are the forms of code-switching used in Friday sermons?
Limitations of the study
This study limits itself to the study of religious discourse in Friday sermons by Jordanian preachers from a sociolinguistic
parameter. It is restricted to the selected sample of twenty-one Friday sermons in Jordan distributed in three geographical areas:
Jordan's capital, Amman city, rural areas and plains of Jordan. Seven randomly Friday samples were chosen from each area.
Digital cameras were excluded from being used in this research.
Data collection
A representative sample of twenty-one Friday sermons was randomly chosen from Jordan. The sermons were audio recorded
from three geographical locations: cities, plains, and villages. The first seven sermons were chosen from three cities as follows:
Amman, Zarka, and Irbid. The other seven sermons were also randomly selected from villages in the Jordan Valley and Irbid.
The last seven sermons were also randomly chosen from plains of the south and east of Jordan. The researcher himself along
with five participants took part in attending the Friday sermons. They tape-recorded the sermons for five months to examine
the sociolinguistic functions served by diglossic code-switching in the sermons.
Data Analysis
To analyze the corpus of the study, content analysis has been done on the sample of the study. The data were meticulously
categorized and compared with reference to the sociolinguistic functions and their frequencies. They have also been calculated
and then presented in tables. Then, the results were discussed and summarized.
FINDINGS AND DISCUSSIONS
A. Sociolinguistic Functions: Content Analysis
Several diglossic code-switching functions have been identified in the study data. Language functions in human lives are
deemed as an essential element in understanding the possible meaning of language (Halliday,2014:p 34). Language conveys
several sociolinguistic functions acting as a medium of ideology. Code-switching serves several language functions. Muysken
and Apped (2006) mention that code-switching as a sociolinguistic term conveys various language functions. Thus, the data
surveyed in this study indicated ten sociolinguistic functions. Below are the ten sociolinguistic functions investigated by the
study? This answers the first questions regarding the sociolinguistic functions investigated in the study. They were classified,
calculated and tabulated to provide frequencies and percentages according to their occurrences in the sermons.
1. Expressing Clarity and Simplicity
Clarity and simplicity reflect the qualities of Islam as a religion of straightforwardness and transparency. It is an accessible
faith for all people. Friday preachers may come over some verses and Prophet's sayings (Hadith) that cannot be easily
understood by the audience, who are of different levels of educational qualifications and classes, so preachers delve deeply into
clarifying and simplifying some verses and Hadith so as to be easily understood by all members of the audience attending the
Friday sermons. This function constitutes (20, 83%) of the total number of the corpus collected. Following are illustrative
examples:
‫جاء رجل للرسول عليه السالم وقال له أوصني فقال له الرسول"ال تغضب"يعني اإلنسان ما يعصب ويطبش ويكسر الزم يصبر على مرتو‬
‫وأوالده والجيران و هاي الحياه بشكل عام‬
344 |www.hssr.in © Al-Haj Eid
 Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews
eISSN: 2395-6518, Vol 7, No 5, 2019, pp 340-351
https://doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2019.7539
A man came to the Prophet Mohammed, peace be upon him, telling him to advise him. The Prophet advised him not to get
angry. This means a man should not lose his temper and break objects. The man should be patient to his wife, children, and
neighbor. Generally, this is life.
"‫يقول هللا سبحانه وتعالى"قل إن تخفوا ما في صدوركم أو تبدوه يعلمه هللا‬
‫شايفين يا اخواني هللا بعرف شو مخبي في صدرك وباي اشي بتفكر وشو ناوي تعمل‬
God (Allah) says in the Holy Quran, "Whether you conceal what is in your hearts or bring it into the open, God knows it. Look,
brothers, our God knows what is hidden in your chest, what you think and what you intend to do.
2. Expressing directions
Directions refer to pieces of advice, guidance, cautions, notifications, and directions that Friday preachers convey to the Friday
worshipers to ensure that their prayers are hopefully accepted because some prayers always commit mistakes during Friday
sermons (Al-Khutba). Friday preachers unintentionally code-switch to low variety when drawing prayers attention to
something to sound natural and stir their feelings and emotions; otherwise, code-switching becomes made-up and not real.
These function forms (16, 20%) of the whole number of the data. Following are some of these directions:
- ‫اقعد يا أخي ما بسير تتخطى الناس‬
Please sit down brother, do not step over prayers!
‫البياعين الي برا ما تعلو صوتكم وانتو تبيعوا بعد الصالة‬
Vendors outside the mosque please keep quiet after the prayer and do not shout.
3. Expressing Warnings
Warnings refer to expressions, notifications or pieces of advice that cautions people from doing something wrong. Friday
preachers warn prayers not commit mistakes while performing their prayers or during practicing their daily-life religious rites.
This function represents (12, 96%) of the total number of expressions included in the study sample. The following examples
express the wrong ritual practices.
-‫إلي بجلسو علكراسي معلش اتقدمو كراسيكم من شان ما اتخربوش الصف الثاني‬
Prayers, who sit on the chairs, please take a step forward in order not to deform the second line.
– ‫المصلين إلي برى بصلو ما تتخطوش اإلمام من شان ما تبطل صالتكم‬
Prayers, who pray outside the mosque, do not exceed the Imam so that your prayers could not be invalidated.
4. Condemning Local and Foreign Policies
Politics dominates people's lives in Jordan due to the political instability the Arab world witnesses. People in Jordan are
allowed to freely convey their feelings, opinions, and points of view. Therefore, it is logical that Friday preachers are affected
by the political events that raise every day in addition to the suffering of Muslims in the Arab world. Friday sermons should
reflect the current situations and people's concerns that is why Friday preachers include a considerable amount of political
content in their sermons. Otherwise, they are detached from society and would not reflect its impulse. This function forms (12,
50%) of the whole number of the data. The following examples evidently illustrate the aforesaid function.
- ‫أهل غزة أكلو هوا والعرب ساكتة ونامية ومعهمش خبر‬
The population of Gaza was severely harmed and the Arabs keep quiet, asleep and pretend that they know nothing

- ‫المسئولين الرحمية الفاسدين لطشو أموال البلد وخربو البلد‬

Officials who are depicted as burglars stole the country's money and damaged it.
5. Expressing Supplication
It means to ask Allah (God) in a humble, emotional and sincere way when something is urgently needed to be fulfilled from
Allah. Muslims supplicate when they feel guilty, they plead for mercy. Friday preachers during sermons sometimes practice
this religious rite in standard Arabic, but very few limited numbers of preachers delve to supplication in nonstandard Arabic in
villages and plains when the audience is not educated and the majority of them are greybeard peasants or Bedouins. This
function makes up (9.25) of the whole number of the data. The following examples illustrate the aforesaid function.

345 |www.hssr.in © Al-Haj Eid

 Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews
eISSN: 2395-6518, Vol 7, No 5, 2019, pp 340-351
https://doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2019.7539
‫حاشاك ربنا أتخيب وجوهنا وتردنا خابيين‬
Please, God, do not disappoint our faces and do not let us down.
‫داخلين عليك يا رب دخالة تتقبل منا و ترحم كبارنا وضوعفنا‬
We seek your protection of God to accept our deeds and to be merciful towards our grey beards and little children.
‫يا رب ملناش غيرك ريح قلوبنا وحقق أمنياتنا‬
Oh God! We have no God except for You. Please relax our hearts and fulfill our wishes.
6. Expressing discourse markers and Gap Fillers
Discourse markers and gap fillers refer words or phrases employed in discourse to express the addresser's attitude, engage the
addressee in the discourse and create a unity between the addresser and addressee. They are optionally used and convey
different messages and give the addresser an awkward moment to think. Friday preachers recurrently resort to such words or
phrases in low variety such as ‫( طيب‬okay), ‫) ايو‬yeah), ‫) ماهو انتو عارفين طبعا‬of course, you know that), ‫) يعني‬I mean), ‫هالحين‬/‫هسى‬
(now). This function constitutes (9.25) of the entire number of the data. The following examples explain this function.
‫طيب هالء خلينا نفسر الحديث ونحكي شو بعن‬
Okay. Now let's interpret the Hadith (Prophet saying) and say what it means.
‫هساخلينا نرجع لموضوع الخطبة‬
Now, let's go back to the topic of our sermon.
7. Expressing Commendation
Commendation as a religious term means praising somebody publically when they perform something extraordinary based on
the Islamic doctrine to encourage others to follow their good deeds. Many prayers admire some people for doing honorable
things. Therefore, Imams (Friday preachers) highly speak well of those who perform commendable deeds and thank them for
their actions before prayers. Prophet Muhammad, peace be upon, he says, "Those who do not thank people, they do not thank
Allah (God)."This function comprises (5, 55%) of the total number of the corpus. Following are descriptive examples:
-‫زلمنا في معركة الكرامة قاتلو رفعوا روسنا‬
Our soldiers gallantly fought at Karameh Battle and honored us.

‫عفيه عليهم‬.... ‫نشامى الوطن راقدين على الحدود من شان يصدو المخربين‬
The Nashama (soldiers) of Jordan are guarding the country's borders to reverse perpetrators….May Allah keep them healthy.
8. Telling Proverbs
Proverbs refer to unforgettable sayings denoting common truths, viewpoints, and morals. They are commonly used by people.
At Friday sermons, Imams sometimes quote some common proverbs to enhance the sermons and make it understandable. They
resort to proverbs for clarity purposes. Such proverbs provide the audience with words of wisdom, fact, information, pieces of
advice and moral lessons since they reflect the impulse of the society. Friday prayers make use of such proverbs and employ
them in real-life situations. This function consists of (6, 94%) of the total number of the corpus collected. The following are
examples of what the researcher has found in this regard.
-.‫قلبي على ابني وقلب ابني على حجر‬
My heart is upon my son and the heart of my son is upon a stone.
-‫بتحصدو‬ ‫إلي بتزرعو‬
What you sow, you shall reap.
9. Expressing insult
An insult is an impolite word meant to hurt somebody's feelings. Friday sermons may resort to insults to scorn someone or
people for doing bad things or something contrary to the Islamic doctrine. This function represents (4, 16%) of the whole
number of the data. Following are some examples describing this function:
-. ‫دم المسلمين في مسجد النور في نيوزلندا مش رخيص لما بيجي واحد تشكلب واطي يتخطخهم وهم بصلو لربنا‬

346 |www.hssr.in © Al-Haj Eid

 Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews
eISSN: 2395-6518, Vol 7, No 5, 2019, pp 340-351
https://doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2019.7539
The blood of Muslims is not cheap when a dog and an inferior guy shot them while they were praying at Al-Noor Mosque.

!‫من شعبان يخرب بيتو من وين جايب هالحديث‬- ‫امبارح احد المشايخ على إحدى الفضائيات بدعي الناس قال يصومو ليلة المنتصف‬

Yesterday one of the Sheikhs on TV urged people to fast the day of the middle of May. May God damage his house? Where
did he bring this Hadith?
10. Expressing humor and mocking
Humor and mocking attract people's attention and make them listen attentively. They also break barriers and maintain bridges
of communication between people and deepen understanding. Friday preachers sometimes resort to humor and mocking as a
vent to motivate prayers and draw their attention to certain issues. They say some messages comically. Therefore, some
preachers who have passions for a sense of humor crack jokes to make prayers listen thoughtfully. This creates a sense of
pleasure among prayers and makes them adhered to the Imam's sermon. Nevertheless, the gamut of humor and mocking is very
restricted because the topic of the sermon necessitates using this type of language in addition to the state of instability the
nation is witnessing nowadays. These function forms (2, 31%) of the total amount of the data. The following are some of the
examples found on this function.
‫شو أسوي؟‬... ‫بعض الناس بسال يا شيخ وأنا صايم أكلت بالخطأ‬
!‫وجاي تسال عن األكل‬....‫طيب ما انتا ماكيل حق خواتك‬
Ironically, the Imam says someone asked me: "Sheikh I ate inadvertently while I am fasting….What should I do?"
Sheikh: "You deprived your sisters of inheritance and you ask about food during the day!"
B. Textual Analysis of the Sociolinguistic Functions Expressed by the Preachers' Friday Sermons
The corpus of the study consisting of (21) Friday sermons showed that diglossic-code-switching to low variety is purposeful
and serves ten sociolinguistic functions. They are classified according to the texts they appeared in the sample with explanatory
examples. The sociolinguistic functions are stated in terms of their percentages and frequencies as shown in Table (1). They are
coded as follows in a descended order from the highest to the least frequent sociolinguistic functions found in the collected
data: expressing clarity and simplicity 20, 83%, expressing directions 16, 20%, expressing warnings 12, 96%, condemning
local and foreign policies 12, 50%, expressing supplication 9, 25%, expressing discourse markers and gap fillers 9, 25%,
telling proverbs 6, 94%, expressing commendation 5, 55%, expressing insult 4, 16%, expressing humor and mocking 2 ,31% .
This answers the first question of the research regarding the sociolinguistic functions served by diglossic code-switching. It
should be noted that the variation in frequency and percentage of the sociolinguistic functions show that the use of high variety
and low variety vary among preachers of Friday sermons in Jordan according to the change of functions as mentioned above.
Table 1: Frequency and Percentage of Sociolinguistic Functions

No. Sociolinguistic Functions Freq. Per. Rank

1 Expressing clarity and simplicity 45 20,83% 1
2 Expressing directions 35 16,20% 2
3 Expressing warnings 28 12,96% 3
Condemning local and
4 27 12,50% 4
foreign policies
5 Expressing supplication 20 9.25% 5
6 Expressing discourse markers and gap fillers 20 9,25% 6
7 Telling proverbs 15 6,94% 7
8 Expressing commendation 12 5,55% 8
9 Expressing insult 9 4,16% 9
10 Expressing humor and mocking 5 2,31% 10
Total 216 100%
Geographical location
Table (2) shows that there are three major geographical locations where diglossic-code-switching was reported. There are
statistically significant differences regarding the geographical location as shown in table (2). Cities recorded the most frequent
347 |www.hssr.in © Al-Haj Eid
 Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews
eISSN: 2395-6518, Vol 7, No 5, 2019, pp 340-351
https://doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2019.7539
occurrence, comprising 54%, followed by villages 25% and plains 21% respectively. Frequencies and percentages in Table (2)
showed that expressing commendation formed 83% in cities followed by villages 17%.The high amount of occurrence in cities
may be attributed to the complementary messages that Friday sermons enjoy because they have a constructive impact on
people. Expressing clarity and simplicity ranked second, forming 36% in villages, followed by expressing discourse markers
and gap fillers, forming 35% in plains. ((See table (2)). This answers the second question of the research regarding whether
sociolinguistic functions vary according to geographical location.
Table 2: Frequency and Percentage of Sociolinguistic Functions based on Geographical Location
Geographical Location
Total
Sociolinguistic Functions Cities Villages Plains
Freq. Per. Freq. Per. Freq. Per. Freq. Per.
36 91
1 91 42% 91 22% 45 100%
Expressing clarity and simplicity %
2 Expressing directions 15 42% 10 29% 10 29 % 35 100%
3 Expressing warnings 15 54% 6 21% 7 25% 28 100%
condemning local and
4 18 67% 4 14% 5 19% 72 100%
foreign policies
5 Expressing supplication 9 45% 5 25% 6 30% 20 100%
Expressing discourse markers and gap
6 8 40% 5 25% 7 35% 71 100%
fillers
7 Telling proverbs 10 67% 4 27% 1 6% 91 100%
8 Expressing commendation 10 83% 2 17% 0 0% 12 100%
9 Expressing insult 7 78% 1 11% 1 11% 9 100%
10 Expressing humor& mocking 5 100 % 0 0% 0 0% 5 100%
Total 991 54% 15 25% 47 21% 791 100%
Forms of code-switching used in Friday sermons
Table (3) answers the third question of the study concerning the forms of diglossic code-switching used in Friday sermons. The
study revealed that three forms of code-switching were used in the Friday sermons: extra- sentential or tag-switching, inter-
sentential and intra-sentential code-switches. However, they were not equally used. The analysis of the data showed that tag-
switching was the highest in frequency, constituting 68% followed by intra-sentential code-switching 20% and inter-sentential
code-switching 12%. Preachers of Friday sermons use tag-switching more than inter-sentential switching and intra-sentential
switching. It should be noted that forms of code-switching do not denote the sociolinguistic functions discussed earlier in the
study. On the contrary, they serve other functions such as exclamation, including certain phrases, making prayers agree or
disagree with what the preacher says. Occurrences of intra-sentential code-switching and inter-sentential code-switching were
not high. Inter-sentential code-switching was the least frequent in the data as it is the most difficult form of code-switching
which coincides with a study conducted by Al-Heeti and Al-Abdely's study(ibid:2016).
Table 3: Frequency and Percentage of Code-Switching Forms Used in Friday Sermons
Form Frequency Percentage
Extra- Sentential or Tag- 65 68%
Switching
Inter-Sentential 12 12%
Intra-Sentential 19 20%
Total 96 100%

CONCLUSION
This study was conducted to investigate diglossic code-switching in the religious discourse by preachers of Friday sermons in
Jordan and the research concluded that diglossic code-switching is prevalent in the Jordanian religious discourse. Linguists
confirmed that Arabic is diglossic incorporating high variety (standard) and low variety (nonstandard). Even though high
variety is frequently used in official settings, there are instances in which low variety is used because high variety does not
meet Arabic speakers' daily- life communication needs. On the contrary, it sounds odd and not an ordinary variety.
348 |www.hssr.in © Al-Haj Eid
 Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews
eISSN: 2395-6518, Vol 7, No 5, 2019, pp 340-351
https://doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2019.7539
The present study further supports the invalidity of Ferguson's claim which says that Arabic is not diglossic and is strictly
categorized. He argued that Arabic speakers cannot vacillate from high variety to low variety, especially in formal settings,
assuming that Arabic is a pigeonholed variety; either high or low variety is used. Contrary to Ferguson’s (ibid:1959:336)
argument. This study concluded that diglossic code-switching from high variety to low variety is purposeful and is not
inadvertently used. Additionally, scholars such as (Fishman 1967) and (Maamouri 1998) found shortcomings in Ferguson’s
claim of diglossia and opposed it since it lacks details ( quoted in Martinez, 2017 ). Based on the above discussions and
results, Ferguson's claim proved to be inaccurate.
In the religious setting, imams switch from high to low variety to develop a thoughtful rapport with Friday prayers creating a
sense of profound understanding between them and their audience. Additionally, Friday preachers code-switch from high to
low variety in an attempt to behave naturally, to be culturally accepted by the prayers and to draw the attention of the audience
as well. In this way, they capture the prayers' hearts and they listen attentively to their sermons. On the other hand, delivering
Friday sermons is not done in high variety. Preachers sometimes resort to low variety to serve different sociolinguistic
functions. As the results revealed that diglossic code-switching is functional serving ten sociolinguistic functions, some of them
vary according to the subject matter and the geographical location. For instance, if the audience is not well-educated as in
villages and plains, the preacher delves into low variety, but if not as in cities, he resorts to high variety to show seriousness
since high variety indicates more appealing to the prayers in this case and shows more formality. The researcher firmly
believes that the educational level of the prayers mostly necessitates the preachers to switch to low variety. Moreover, the
educational background of preachers make them vacillate to low variety since a considerable number of preachers are not
enough qualified and are not competent in standard Arabic as well, especially in villages and plains. However, high variety is
chiefly used in cities where most of the preachers are highly qualified. The research results found three forms of code-
switching: extra- sentential or tag-switching, inter-sentential and intra-sentential. Extra- sentential was the most frequent in the
study.
REFERENCES
1. Abu Mathkour, H. 2004. Arabic with English: Code-switching in Jordanian Arabic. Academia. Retrieved
September,13,2018from,https://www.academia.edu/870824/Arabic_with_English_Code-
switching_in_Jordanian_Arabi1-
2. Abu Melhem, A. R. (2014). Intra-lingual code alteration in Arabic: The conversational impact of diglossia. Theory
and Practice in Language Studies.4(5).DOI:10.430/tpls.4.5891-902 . Retrieved September,19,2018from
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/269948248_Intralingual_Code_Alternation_in_Arabic_The_Conversational
_Impact_of_Diglossia. https://doi.org/10.4304/tpls.4.5.891-902
3. Al- Brri, Q.,Bani-Yaseen, M., Al-Zubi, M., and Al-Hersh, M (2015). Diglossia among Students: The Problem and
Treatment. Journal of Education and Practice. 6( 32), 14-20. Retrieved Ootober,18/2018from,
https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/EJ1083486.pdf
4. Al-Heeti and Al-Abdely's study.(2016).Types and functions of code-Switching in the English language used by Iraqi
doctors informal settings. International Journal of Advanced Research and Review.1,(8),10-18.Retrieved
September,12/2018,from
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/306031490_TYPES_AND_FUNCTIONS_OF_CODE-
SWITCHING_IN_THE_ENGLISH_LANGUAGE_USED_BY_IRAQI_DOCTORS_IN_FORMAL_SETTINGS
5. Al-Hourani, A. (2016). The Use of Code-Switching between Arabic and English languages among Bilingual
Jordanian Speakers in Malaysia. Ph.D. Thesis. University Sains Islam Malaysia Nilai. Retrieved September,13/2018
from, http://ddms.usim.edu.my/bitstream/123456789/13150/1/PhD%20thesis%20%28Alaa%29.pdf
6. Al-Khatib, M. A, and Sabbah E. A., (2008). Language choice in mobile text messages among Jordanian university
students. SKY Journal of Linguistics.21, 37–65.Retrieved October,22/2018 from,
http://www.linguistics.fi/julkaisut/SKY2008/Al-Khatib%20et%20al%20NETTIVERSIO.pdf
7. Almhairat, A. (2015). Code-switching from the Jordanian Bedouin dialect to the Jordanian urban dialect, in Amman:
A sociolinguistic study. MA Thesis . Middle East University. Retrieved September,13/2018 from,
https://meu.edu.jo/libraryTheses/5870d21772040_1.pdf
8. Alsaawi, A.(2017). Imams' language in mosque sermons. PhD. Thesis. Newcastle University. Retrieved
September,22/2018.dio: 10443/3985/1 from
https://theses.ncl.ac.uk/jspui/bitstream/10443/3985/1/Alsaawi%2C%20A.A.A..pdf.
9. Al-Sobh, M., Abu-Melhim, A., &Bani-Hani, N. (2015).Diglossia as a result of language variation in Arabic: Possible
solutions in light of language planning. Journal of Language Teaching and Research, 6(2),274- 279. DOI:
http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/jltr.0602.05. Retrieved August,5,2018doi: Retrieved September,23/2018
from,https://www.researchgate.net/publication/273906346_Diglossia_as_a_Result_of_Language_Variation_in_Arabic
_Possible_Solutions_in_Light_of_Language_Planning. https://doi.org/10.17507/jltr.0602.05

349 |www.hssr.in © Al-Haj Eid

 Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews
eISSN: 2395-6518, Vol 7, No 5, 2019, pp 340-351
https://doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2019.7539
10. 10. Al Suwaiyan, L. (2018). Diglossia in the Arabic Language. International Journal of Language and Linguistics
.5,(3).Retrieved December,3/2018 from http://ijllnet.com/journals/Vol_5_No_3_September_2018/22.pdf.
https://doi.org/10.30845/ijll.v5n3p22
11. Bhatia, V.K. (2014) Analyzing genre: Language use in professional settings. London: Routledge .
https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315844992
12. Davis, D.R. (2013) World Englishes in world religions. World Englishes, 32(3), pp. 377−379.Retrieved
December,9/2018 from, https://doi.org/10.1111/weng.12037
13. Donovan, P. (1976). Language religious. Sheldon Press, Marylebone Road, London =W1 4DU. Flew, A. &
Macintyre, A. (1955). New essays in philosophical theology. S.C.M. Press 1955.
14. Ferguson, Ch. (1959): Diglossia. Word 15, 325-340.Retrieved September 5,2018,from
https://www.scirp.org/(S(i43dyn45teexjx455qlt3d2q))/reference/ReferencesPapers.aspx?ReferenceID=1412218.
https://doi.org/10.1080/00437956.1959.11659702
15. Ferguson, Ch. (1989) Grammatical Agreement in Classical Arabic and the Modern Dialects: A Response to
Pidginization Hypothesis. Al-Arabiyya 22,(2) 5-17.Retrieved August22,2018,from
https://www.jstor.org/stable/43208675?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents
16. Fishman, J., A. (1967). Bilingualism with and without diglossia. The Society for the Psychological Study of Social .23,
29-38. Retrieved August 2/2018. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-4560.1967.tb00573.x
17. Gumperz, J. (1982). Discourse Strategies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511611834
18. Halliday, M. A. (1973). Explorations in the Functions of Language. London: Edward Arnold.
19. Halliday, M.A (2014). Halliday’s Introduction to Functional Grammar (4th ed.). Oxon: Routledge.
https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203783771
20. Hamers, F. & Blanc, M. (2000). Bilinguality and Bilingualism. Cambridge University Press: Cambridge.
https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511605796
21. Hamouda, A. (2015). Arabic-English Code Switching in the Egyptian Talk Show ‘Shabab Beek’. MA Thesis. Arizona
State University. Retrieved Dec.22/2018 from,
https://repository.asu.edu/attachments/150610/content/Hamoda_asu_0010N_14909.pdf
22. Kanakri, M. and Ionescu, V. (2010).Prototypes of Code-switching in the Speech of Romanian/Arabic Bilinguals in
Jordan. Department of English, Al Al-Bayt University, Mafraq, Jordan. Jordan Journal of Modern Languages and
Literature. 2.(.2),179-194 Retrieved December,22/2018 from,
http://journals.yu.edu.jo/jjmll/Issues/Vo2No2_2010PDF/5.pdf
23. Maamouri, M. (1998). Arabic diglossia and its impact on the quality of education in the Arab region. Philadelphia:
International Literacy Institute.
24. Martinez, J. (2017). Arabic diglossia within Palestinian-Arab folk narratives. University Honors Theses. Portland
State University. Paper 421. 10.15760/honors.417 .Retrieved December 5,2018 from,
file:///C:/Users/Dell/Desktop/codeswitching%20research/92ead495ca22e4d5c90a34daeac7a71e64c6.pdf
25. Mustafa, R. A. A. (2011). SMS code-switching among teenagers in Jordan.MA Thesis. Middle East University,
Amman Jordan. Retrieved December,22/2018 from, http://meu.edu.jo/ar/images/research%20papers/-
%20SMS%20Codeswitching%20among%20Teenagers%20in%20Jordan.pdf
26. Muysken, P., and Appel, R. (2006). Language contact and bilingualism: Amsterdam: Amsterdam University
Press.
27. Muysken, P. (2000.) Bilingual speech: a typology of code-mixing. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
28. Myers-Scotton, C. (1993).Comparing codeswitching and borrowing. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
29. Nilep, C. (2018). Code -switching in socio-cultural linguistics. Colorado Research in Linguistics.19, 1-22. Retrieved
September,12/2018from,https://www.researchgate.net/publication/239461967_Code_Switching_in_Sociocultural_Lin
guistics
30. Poplack, Sh. (1980). Sometimes I'll start a sentence in English Toward a typology of code-switching. Linguistics
,18(7)581-616.RetrievedDec.4/2018from,
http://www.sociolinguistics.uottawa.ca/shanapoplack/pubs/articles/Poplack1980Sometimes.pdf.
https://doi.org/10.1515/ling.1980.18.7-8.581
31. Qudah, M. (2016). A Sociolinguistic Study: Diglossia in Social Media. International Conference.ICT for Language
Learning. Retrieved September,14/2018 from, https://conference.pixel-online.net/ICT4LL/files/ict4ll/ed0010/FP/4139-
ICL2733-FP-ICT4LL10.pdf
32. Sardar, A.,Mahdi, A., Mohd, Y. (2015). Code-switching in daily conversation among Iraqi students in Malaysia .
Arab World English Journal 6 ,(3) 309-309. Retrieved December,25,2018
from,https://www.academia.edu/16377562/Codeswitching_in_Daily_Conversations_among_Iraqi_Students_in_Malay
sia. https://doi.org/10.24093/awej/vol6no3.20

350 |www.hssr.in © Al-Haj Eid

 Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews
eISSN: 2395-6518, Vol 7, No 5, 2019, pp 340-351
https://doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2019.7539
33. Salih, S., M. (2015). Reevaluating diglossia: The Case of Iraqi Arabic. International Journal of Educational
Investigations.l2,(.5),103-117.RetiriedSeptember,5,2018from
http://www.ijeionline.com/attachments/article/42/IJEI_Vol.2_No.5_2015-5-09.pdf
34. Wardhaugh, R.& Fuller, J. (2015).An introduction to sociolinguistics (7th ed.). John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
35. Yacoub, M. (2015). Diglossic Situation of Arabic Language in Egypt: Is low variety planned to get standardized?
International Journal of Social Science and Humanities Research.3,1,382-387. Retrieved October,16/2018 from,
file:///C:/Users/Dell/Downloads/Diglossic%20Situation%20of%20Arabic%20Language%20in%20Egypt%20Is%20L
ow%20Variety%20planned%20to%20get%20standardized-1246.pdf

351 |www.hssr.in © Al-Haj Eid