Hindutva and Pragmatism in Modi’s Foreign Policy 69

ROLE OF HINDUTVA AND PRAGMATISM IN MODI’S

FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS PAKISTAN
Kallimullah∗, Dr. Amna Mahmood∗∗

Abstract
The rise of Prime Minister (PM) Narendra Modi to the corridors of
power has perceptibly increased Indian hostility towards Pakistan.
In the domestic politics of India, Bharatiya Janata Party under
Narendra Modi has vehemently supported Hindu nationalism,
commonly known as Hindutva, which brushes aside the ideals of
secularism forming the basis of the Indian constitution. In the
foreign policy realm, Modi’s government has adopted pragmatism
in its relations with neighbours and the Muslim world except
Pakistan. Hence there is rising Indian animosity towards Pakistan
amidst the reinforced Hindu nationalism under PM Modi. The
article examines role of Hindutva as well as pragmatism in Indian
foreign policy under Modi from 2014 to 2019. It concludes that
Hindutva is the driving force of Indian foreign policy towards
Pakistan, rather than pragmatism.

Keywords: India, Secularism, Hindutva, BJP, Modi, Foreign Policy,

Pakistan-India relations

Introduction

F
oreign policy of a nation is meant to maximise its national interests
and is a reflection of its domestic dynamics and interests. For
maximizing Indian interests, Prime Minister Nehru grounded its
post-independence foreign policy in the ideals of secularism and non-
alignment – Nehruvian idealism.1 During this period India earned the
status of world’s largest democracy, aided by its secular values and a

∗
Kallimullah PhD Scholar Department of Politics and IR, International Islamic
University, Islamabad. Email: kalim735@gmail.com
∗∗
Dr. Amna Mahmood,Professor Department of Politics and IR, International
Islamic University, Islamabad.Email: amna.mahmood@iiu.edu.pk.
1 Anirudh Deshpande, “Revisiting Nehruvian Ideals in the Context of
Contemporary Imperialism,” Political and Economic Weekly 41, no. 52 (30
Dec, 2006)
70 Journal of Contemporary Studies, Vol. VIII, No.2, Winter 2019

foreign policy based on peaceful co-existence.2 Non-alignment remained

another celebrated component of Indian policy of this period, which was
practically abandoned in the 1970s when India signed a defence pact with
the Soviet Union, though in principle it continued for quite some time.
Nehru’s secularism formed the ideological basis of the Indian state,
in contrast to the two-nation theory of All India Muslim League (AIML),
which provided the ideological basis for creation of Pakistan. The concept
of ‘Mother India,’- India is for all of its inhabitants regardless of their
religion, caste and creed was adopted officially and constitutionally
irrespective of ground realities. Although it provided some constitutional
safeguards to the minorities living in India, but the Hindu majority and
Hindu revivalist movements continued to work for making India a Hindu
state.
This political idealism and secularism started weakening after the
demise of Nehru though the Indian National Congress (INC) tried to
continue with the policy but Hindu nationalists started dominating over
Nehruvian policies. Indian foreign policy was no exception to these
developments. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) was formed in 1980 and
was brought to prominence through the Ram Janmabhoomi movement in
Ayodhya, Uttar Pradesh; led by BJP leaders and Sangh Parivar including
Hindu nationalist organizations like Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS),
Bajrang Dal, Shiv Sena and Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP). As a corollary, the
BJP emerged pre-eminently as a right-wing Hindu nationalist party3
leading the movement for the demolition of Babri Mosque in 1992. After
the rise of BJP to the corridors of power under A.V. Vajpayee (1999-2004),
pragmatism became a feature of Indian domestic and foreign policies. This
pragmatism, based on Hindu nationalism however, strengthened the
Hindu right-wing influence in politics and Hindutva ideology continued to
flourish even under subsequent Congress’ rule (2004-2014).
Since 2014, under Narendra Modi, Hindutva ideology seems to
have started changing the very nature of Indian polity -- undermining

2 The Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, known as the Panchsheel Treaty:

Non-interference in others internal affairs and respect for each other's
territorial unity integrity and sovereignty (from Sanskrit, panch: five, sheel:
virtues), are a set of principles to govern relations between states. As given as
the stated foreign policy of India. “Revitalising Panchsheel,” Ministry of
External Affairs, www.mea.gov.in › articles-in-indian-media ›
Revitalising+Panchsheel, assessed on 13/02/2020.
3 A 2009 report written by Justice Manmohan Singh Liberhan is quoted in this
book on page 84. This report declared that 68 people were found responsible
for the demolition of Babri Mosque. Most of them were the leaders of BJP,
prominent among them were L.K. Advani, Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Murli
Manohar Joshi, Manooj Singh, Ram Mandir, vol. 1, (Neelkanth
Prakashan,2018), https://books.google.com.pk/books?id=SGloDwAAQBAJ&
sitesec=buy&source=gbs_atb, pp. 83-84, assessed on 3/02/2020.
Hindutva and Pragmatism in Modi’s Foreign Policy 71

secular ethos of the Indian constitution and challenging the survival of

minorities in India. Laws like Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 20194 and
National Population Register (NPR),5 mainly targeting the Muslims,
threaten to leave millions stateless.6
Although successive Indian governments adopted a tough stance
towards Pakistan, but the Hindutva driven government of Narendra Modi
has proven to be quite rigid by ruling out all avenues for rapprochement.
The domestic rise of Hindutva ideology poses an equally serious threat to
regional peace, as the intolerance towards Muslims is evidently
transcending from the domestic to the external sphere -- Indian dealings
with Pakistan and Kashmiris being a case in point.7 Indian government
used the Pathankot incident8 as an excuse for suspending the dialogue
between India and Pakistan. Later, the Pulwama attack9 was used as a
justification to launch ‘surgical strikes’ against Pakistan by crossing the
international border for the first time after 1971, stirring up the possibility
of a direct clash between the two nuclear powers.
Since 2014, Narendra Modi has pursued a policy of isolating
Pakistan in the region as well as globally. This was justified by blaming
Pakistan for the indigenously motivated Kashmiri resistance movement,
labelled as terrorism by India. In its 2014 election manifesto, BJP, using
national security argument, pledged zero tolerance towards terrorism by

4 Snigdha Poonam, “The 3 Most Polarizing Words in India ‘Jai Shri Ram”, Foreign
Policy, February 13, 2020, https://foreignpolicy.com/2020/02/13/jai-shri-
ram-india-hindi/
5 Bharti Jan, “NPR update begins on April 1, President to…,” Times of India,
February 17, 2020. http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/
74166482. cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_
campaign=cppst.
6 India Code, “Citizenship Act, 1955 - India Code,” indiacode.nic.in › bitstream ›
Citizenship.Act.1955, accessed on 3/02/2020
7 Kashmir is a disputed territory between India and Pakistan. It is on the
agenda of UN Security Council, where plebiscite was suggested to exercise the
established right of self-determination of Kashmiris.
8 It was a terrorist attack and Indian National Security Advisor claimed that
terrorist came from Pakistan. Pakistan immediately registered FIR against
unknown terrorist on the basis of evidence initially provided by India and
requested India to conduct joint investigation. However India called off the
process of comprehensive dialogue on the pretext of this terrorist attack.
Imran Gabol, “Pathankot Air Base Attack: FIR Registered in Gujranwala against
Attackers, Abettors,” Dawn, February 19, 2016, https://www.dawn.com/
news/1240574.
9 It was a suicidal attack by a young Kashmiri Adil Ahmed Dar in Pulwama
District of Occupied Kashmir in which 40 Indian soldiers were killed. Sameer
Yasir “Tracking the Path, that led to Pulvama,” BBC News, 1 May, 2019,
https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-india-47302467
72 Journal of Contemporary Studies, Vol. VIII, No.2, Winter 2019

so-called Pakistan-backed terrorist groups.10 Before 2019 elections, while

BJP showed commitment to having good relations with all neighbouring
countries, it simultaneously ran a campaign to project Pakistan as a major
national security threat.11 His policy towards Pakistan is driven by Hindu
nationalism. In contrast, Modi’s pragmatism is quite pronounced in his
policies towards the Muslim states of South Asia and Persian Gulf,
including Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Iran, Saudi Arabia (KSA), and United
Arab Emirates (UAE). Further, Modi’s policies towards Muslims in India
and Kashmiris in Indian Occupied Kashmir turned out to be even more
aggressive than in his first term (2014-2018) – clearly reflective of
growing influence of Hindutva ideology. This anti-Muslim approach of
Modi within India (influenced by Hindutva) is also visible in his anti-
Pakistan agenda.
This study identifies Hindutva ideology as being the guiding
principle of Modi’s foreign policy vis-a-vis Pakistan, which may have
devastating implications for regional peace and security. PM Modi’s
Hindutva obsession is likely to herald a fundamental change in India-
Pakistan relations. Even if nuclear deterrence upholds the status-quo in
India-Pakistan strategic equation, regional stability would continue to be
at stake. Modi’s second term in office reflects that the domestic politics
would overshadow pragmatism in its policy formulation vis-à-vis Pakistan
and is likely to continue if BJP wins the next elections as well. For this
reason, Hindutva ideology must be understood for comprehending Modi’s
Pakistan policy.

Evolution of Hindutva and Hindu Nationalism

Hinduism is hard to characterize as one unified religion since it is a
fusion of different offshoots and sects. Likewise, Hindus follow a variety of
practices and religious beliefs, divided across regional, ethnic and cultural
foundations. They worship multiple gods based on divergent
interpretations of religious writings and celebrate various
religious/cultural festivals based on preferred set of beliefs held in
different regions and localities. This diversity calls for having a common
ground for Hindu nationalism, hence the proposition of ‘Hindutva’
ideology.12 This ideology is often referred to as an Indian nationalist
(right-wing religious) movement, which is considered a paradoxical
phrase by different scholars. The Hindutva ideology also involves the

10 BJP Election Manifesto 2014 - Narendra Modi, cdn.narendramodi.in › uploads ›

2014/04 › Manifesto2014highlights, accessed on 16/02/2020.
11 Atiq Durrani, “Pakistan and Modi’s Foreign Policy,” Stratagem, 2015,
http://stratagem.pk/setting-the-record-straight/pakistan-and-modi,
accessed on 3/02/2020.
12 An ideology seeking to establish the hegemony of Hindus and the Hindu way
of life.
Hindutva and Pragmatism in Modi’s Foreign Policy 73

integration of social and political ideals advocated by Sangh Parivar.13 The

prominent political branch of this Parivar is Bharatiya Janata Party—the
modern political manifestation of Hindutva ideology.14 Knowing the
beginning and evolution of Hindutva ideology is essential to comprehend
India's domestic politics and BJP’s domestic and foreign policies.
Swami Dayananda, who established the Arya Samaj,15 was known
as an adept interpreter of the Vedas (Hindu religious text). He believed
that their descent from the Aryan race – belonging to Tibetan region - was
the actual reason of Hindu superiority. Thus all Hindus living in the Indian
subcontinent were of a superior race that had endured despite outside
incursions. Vinayak Damodar Savarker (who opposed Gandhi’s non-
violence movement) was an advocate of Hindu militarism and coined the
term Hindutva. He also went to jail because of his rebellious movement,
charged of crimes against the British Crown. He penned his seminal book
during detainment that provides an ideological foundation for the
Hindutva philosophy.16 Hindutva: Who is a Hindu published in 1928 was
his most compelling book, where he delineated the Hindutva philosophy
and distinguished it from the traditional concept of Hinduism.17
Hindutva ideology was mainly concerned with countering two
rising threats: foreign influences including British rule and proselytizing of
lower caste Hindus by Christians and Muslims. This was evident in
Savarker's public addresses18 where he encouraged his supporters to
battle against foreign influence and to be a true Hindu. Golwalker in his
book warns the foreigners in India that:
The foreign races in Hindustan must adopt the Hindu culture and
language--- must learn to respect and hold in worship the Hindu religion,
must entertain no ideas but those of glorification of the Hindu race and

13 Martha Craven Nussbaum, The Clash Within: Democracy, Religious Violence,

and India's Future (Harvard University Press, 2007).
14
A. Mohapatra, “Out of Saffron Ashes: Revival of Hindutva in India,” Honors
Thesis (Baylor University, Waco, Texas. 2016), accessed June 10, 2019.
https://baylor-ir.tdl.org/baylorir/ir/bitstream/handle/2104/9744/Anuja_
Mohapatra_honorsthesis.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y.
15 Arya Samaj is a monotheistic Indian Hindu reform movement that promotes
values and practices based on the belief in the infallible authority of the
Vedas. The Samaj was founded by the Sannyasi (ascetic) Dayanand Saraswati
on 10 April 1875.
16 C. Bhatt, Hindu Nationalism: Origins, Ideologies and Modern Myths (New York:
Oxford University Press, 2001).
17 Lise McKean, Divine Enterprise: Gurus and the Hindu Nationalist Movement
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996).
18 Ibid.
74 Journal of Contemporary Studies, Vol. VIII, No.2, Winter 2019

culture and may only stay in the country wholly subordinated to the Hindu
nation claiming nothing, not even citizen’s rights.19
Hindutva is derived from Hinduism, which can be explained as
‘Cultural Nationalism’ since it is a blend of culture and religion. To
promote Hinduism in India, there are many different conservative Hindu
organizations working under different names, for example, the Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) set up in mid 1920s, the Vishwa Hindu
Parishad (VHP) formed in 1964, and the Bharatiya Janta Party (BJP) set up
in late 1970s. In spite of working as independent entities, they back each
other because of their similar beliefs and motivation. That is why with
BJP’s government in power, RSS assumed a central role in politics, further
aided by branches like political BJP, religious VHP and social and cultural
RSS according to their nature of work.20
In search of Hindu religious identity, VHP has created the concept
of joint Hindu nation by promoting common historical founder (Rama). It
trained Hindu missionaries to preach to the Dalits and declared Ayodhya
as the Hindu religious city (in an attempt to imitate Islam and
Christianity).21 Efforts were made in different time periods to abolish the
caste system and other discriminatory practices in India, but hatred
against lower castes destroyed these efforts. One VHP leader Kailash
Chandra wrote in Hindu Vishwa22 that Christian missionaries and later
Muslims tried to destroy the caste system.23 Hindu preachers smartly
included Buddhists and Jains into Hinduism, even though these religions
emerged as a reaction to Hindu violence against lower castes. By the
efforts of Dr. Ambedkar, leader of lower caste Hindus, a large number of
Dalits converted to Buddhism; however, Hindu conservatives still called
them Hindus claiming that these philosophies (Buddhism and Jainism)
evolved within Hindu religion.24 Moreover, a large number of Dalits
continued to register as Hindu, despite having converted to other religions
to avail quotas in jobs, free schooling facility etc. provided by the Indian
Constitution.

19 M.S. Golwalkar, We or Our Nationhood Defined (Bharat Publications, 1939).

20 M. Katju, Vishwa Hindu Parishad and Indian Politics (Hyderabad: Orient
Longman Ltd, 2003).
21 R. Thapar, “Some Thoughts On The Present Situation,” in Communalism, Civil
Society and The State, by K. Pannikar and S. Muralidhara (New Delhi: Safdar
Hashmi Memorial Trust, 2003).
22 Jagdish Chandra Sharda Shastri, Memoirs of a Global Hindu (New Delhi:
Vishwa Niketan, 2008), 23-27
23 K. Chandra, Soya Bharat chete’ (India should wake up), (Hindu Vishwa, January
1990): 13-14.
24 M. Katju, Vishwa Hindu Parishad and Indian Politics (Hyderabad: Orient
Longman Ltd, 2003).
Hindutva and Pragmatism in Modi’s Foreign Policy 75

BJP politicians tried to increase their influence over other

communities and engender a uniform Hindu culture for their political
gains. Previously, Hindu extremists used the excuse of civilising other
communities to suppress their culture, calling them Vanyasis (residents of
jungle) instead of Adiyasis (original inhabitants).25 These right-wing
organizations taught people in villages about Hinduism. They also
brainwashed children in Hindu temples and residential schools to accept
the Hindu lifestyle. In the past decade, Christian organizations in tribal
areas have been attacked by these extremists. They believe that
conversion to any foreign religion and its preaching is against Hinduism
and the native culture.26
Contrarily, Gandhi's non-violence doctrine and Nehru's way of
governing through the Indian National Congress (INC) forged a different
kind of nationalism (based on pluralism, democracy, socialism and
secularism) called “the Nehru Consensus”.27 Despite being against the
beliefs of radical and racist right wing philosophy of Hindutva, Nehru’s
secularism remained very popular for the early decades of Indian
history.28
Between 1948 and 1950, RSS was banned, thousands of its
members arrested, and others went underground, due to violent activities
and connections with Gandhi's assassination.29 Later RSS developed again
by restoring its branches and tried reshaping the society under Hindu
principles by taking less radical positions under Golwalker's guidance
(who did not support RSS participation in politics).30
For decades, the principles of Hindutva remained active within a
secular democracy, and were partly used by INC and its allies to appeal to

25 Zubaida Zafar, Shoukat Ali, and Sheeba Irfan,“Origin of “Hindutva” and Its
Reflections in Modi’s Doctrine,” Journal of Indian Studies, (July-December
2018), 3.
26 C. Shah, “Ideology, Strategies, and the Experience of Gujarat,” Warning Signs of
Fundamentalisms 9(2004): 61-70.
27 “Nehruvian Consensus under Siege,” The Hindu, November 14, 2019,
www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/nehruvian-consensus-under-siege/
article29965455.ece; Sirijan Mitra Das, “Modi Model, a Break from 'Nehruvian
Consensus'?” The Times of India, May 28, 2014,
https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Modi-model-A-break-from-
Nehruvian-Consensus/articleshow/35649672.cms.
28 S.W. Hibbard, Religious Politics and Secular States: Egypt, India, and the United
States (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010).
29 T.B. Hansen, The Saffron Wave: Democracy and Hindu Nationalism in Modern
India (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999).
30 A. Mohapatra, “Out of Saffron Ashes: Revival of Hindutva in India,” Honors
Thesis, (Baylor University, Waco, Texas. 2016), https://baylor-
ir.tdl.org/baylorir/ir/bitstream/handle/2104/9744/Anuja_Mohapatra_honor
sthesis.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y, accessed on 12/02/2020.
76 Journal of Contemporary Studies, Vol. VIII, No.2, Winter 2019

the Hindu vote bank for ensuring electoral victories. The electoral
outcomes till 1990s show that extremist parties like RSS could not inspire
the voters at a massive scale, thereby Hindutva could not find much space
in Indian secular democracy.31

Pragmatism vs Hindutva Ideologyunder

BJP’s Rise and Rule
The Concept of Pragmatism
In the literal sense, pragmatism describes the philosophy of "doing
what works best."32 In political philosophy, pragmatism is a concept put
forward by an American school of thought that evaluates beliefs and
theories on the basis of their success after practical application. Peirce is
known as the father of pragmatism, while John Dewey and William James
played an important role in its refinement and popularization. Britannica
explains it as a philosophy that gained popularity in the first quarter of
twentieth century based on the principle that the usefulness, workability,
and practicality of ideas, policies, and proposals are the criteria of their
merit. It stresses the priority of action over doctrine, of experience over
fixed principles, and it holds that ideas borrow their meanings from their
consequences and their truths from their verification. Thus, ideas are
essentially instruments and plans of action.33
The opposite of this concept of pragmatism is idealism. John
Dewey rejected dualistic epistemology in favour of the naturalistic
approach in modern philosophy. He believed that human beings should
actively adapt to their environment. In the Indian context, a ‘pragmatic’
approach to foreign policy means the rejection of Nehruvian ‘idealism’. A
pragmatic leader would pursue power and material interests instead of
continuing India's earlier reliance on ‘moral posturing’. The rise of BJP to
power was considered as reinforcing pragmatism in Indian politics by
pursuing a realistic foreign policy capable of overcoming the gaps left by
the idealism of earlier decades. Even in the current scenario, Indian media
considers PM Modi as a pragmatic leader capable of bringing radical
changes to Indian foreign policy by dispensing with idealism. The idea that
power of the government should be used for establishing a Hindu state –
Hindustan for Hindus – is the goal of those supporting this approach. Thus
the inadvertent consequence of BJP’s rise to power was the rise of

31 T.B. Hansen, The Saffron Wave: Democracy and Hindu Nationalism in Modern
India.
32 Dictionary Definition: Vocabulary.com, www.vocabulary.com › dictionary ›
pragmatic, accessed on January 15, 2020.
33 Encyclopaedia Britannica, “The Classical Pragmatists,”
https://www.britannica.com/topic/pragmatism-philosophy/The-classical-
pragmatists, accessed on January 15, 2020.
Hindutva and Pragmatism in Modi’s Foreign Policy 77

Hindutva ideology, which the Congress leadership’s secularist slogans had

been denying all along;34 even today under PM Modi, it is Hindutva in the
guise of pragmatism that is becoming the core of Indian domestic policies
as BJP has provided a conducive environment for its flourishing.
In the 1980s and 1990s, the BJP re-energised Hindutva within
Indian politics. BJP challenged the secular model of Indian National
Congress and gradually started giving a tough opposition to the ruling
alliance. BJP came with an economic agenda and gathered popular vote to
execute its reform program, while not keeping Hindutva on the back seat.
Although, BJP leaders had previously supported anti-Muslim violence such
as the demolition of the Babri Mosque in 1992, but it succeeded in forming
its national government in the late-1990s. BJP managed to execute
economic reforms in the provinces it ruled – this helped the BJP-led
alliance to gain a majority in 2002 and 2014 elections. In the case of PM
Modi, in all of his election campaigns, Modi avoided communal speeches
and adopted a moderate approach, downplaying radical Hindutva
ideology.35 He rather played on the slogans of stability and economic
development. Contrarily, in 2019 elections, BJP won an overwhelming
majority using anti-Pakistan rhetoric and promoting Hindutva sentiments
within India.
After successful implementation of Hindutva driven policies as the
Chief Minister of Gujarat in 2002, Modi used that confidence to transform
India into a Hindu religious state under this ideology after gaining national
level electoral victory in 2014. Since the BJP sponsored National
Democratic Alliance (NDA) won clear-cut majority in 2014 elections, it
confirmed that the idea of pragmatic redefinition of internal and external
policies was sold successfully to the masses. In his second term, Modi is
more confident in taking ownership of his Hindutva beliefs while openly
rejecting Nehruvian ideology; accusing it of neglecting Indian national
interests and holding it responsible for serious foreign policy failures and
diplomatic losses which weakened India.
A clear majority of the Indian population bought BJP’s political and
economic vision as it represented the dream of making India a powerful
state on the world stage. Besides subscribing to the Hindutva creed, Modi
remained pragmatic in his approach towards development. Since 2014,
economy has been the government’s top-most priority, and successful
economic growth has allowed easy execution of more aggressive and
amoral policies. Under Modi, India’s foreign policy formulation has
completely deviated from the patterns of earlier years-- along with a shift
from idealism to realism, the impact of Indian bureaucracy and

34 “Pragmatism in Indian Foreign Policy: How Ideas Constrain Modi,”

International Affairs, 93(1) (January 2017) doi: 10.1093/ia/iiw001.
35 A. Mohapatra, “Out of Saffron Ashes: Revival of Hindutva in India.”
78 Journal of Contemporary Studies, Vol. VIII, No.2, Winter 2019

intelligentsia has become dismal. In domestic policymaking, Hindutva’s

influence has increased manifold.36
Since Modi has come into power, fear has risen in Indian
minorities as growing intolerance and the new norm of communal
violence threatens the ethnic minorities. Many social activists and
members of civil society, who believe the communal politics of BJP to be
the reason behind religious violence, have raised voices against this. The
Ayodhya Movement of the 1990s, the demolition of Babri mosque, and
Gujarat riots in early 2000s by Hindu nationalist organisations were the
instances of communal brutality37 smartly exploited by the BJP. The
history of Hindu-Muslim rivalry was largely exploited by the BJP: it used
communal violence as a political tool to increase BJP’s vote bank as
Hindutva ideology portrays the ethnic minorities as threats to Hindu
identity. Ever since, India has been transformed into a hell for minorities
and a threat for Pakistan, reinforcing the latter’s belief in two nation
theory.
Given the domestic popularity of NDA’s economic liberalization
agenda (the larger reason for its 2019 re-election), the sitting regime
needs to prove its economic worth – BJP direly needs to take effective
measures for poverty alleviation and rural development. Indian politics, by
and large, has become a two party system with power alternating between
INC and BJP. BJP’s emphasis on Hindutva ideology in domestic affairs, and
steps such as actions against liberal actors, beef bans and communal
violence, may lead to changes in the voting trend as manifested by BJP
losses in recent elections in Bihar and Delhi. This indicates a tough future
competition between BJP and Congress.
In considering the reasons for the revival of Hindutva ideology in
India and its political mainstreaming, several explanations are proposed. A
popular academic notion about Hindutva’s rise in India is its re-emergence
as a reaction to globalisation whose devastating effects created gaps in the
political sphere for extremists. The revival of religious politics is a world-
wide trend, e.g. rise of conservative Christian groups in the US and of
conservative Muslims in Egypt.38 In India, the minorities’ rights
movements of the 1980s and 1990s are considered another reason for
Hindutva’s revival. Moreover, communal issues including the 1980s Sikh
separatist struggle in Punjab and the Kashmiris’ struggle for self-
determination apparently further provoked Hindu nationalism in Indian

36 A. Mohapatra, “Out of Saffron Ashes: Revival of Hindutva in India.”

37 T.B. Hansen, The Saffron Wave: Democracy and Hindu Nationalism in Modern
India.
38 C. Kinnvall, Globalization and Religious Nationalism in India: The Search for
Ontological Security (New York: Routledge, 2006; S.W. Hibbard, Religious
Politics and Secular States: Egypt, India, and the United States (Baltimore: The
Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010)
Hindutva and Pragmatism in Modi’s Foreign Policy 79

society. However, the coherent effort which paved the way for BJP’s rise
was the Ram Janambhoomi campaign to rebuild the temple of Ayodhya in
the place of Babri mosque.
Additionally, a few scholars attribute the rise of BJP to the decline
of Congress (in the 1970s and more particularly, the 1980s), which created
a political vacuum that was filled by BJP emerging as a strong opposition.
India’s corporate sponsored-democracy where any party can get power
through political patronage can also be counted as a reason for BJP’s rise
that is skilled enough to grab elite’s attention and patronage. The above
listed factors have been identified as short-term factors by few scholars
and most credit for BJP’s success goes to its economic policies and
ideology of Hindu nationalism.39 Hindutva as an ideology is not only active
on the domestic front, but has also made inroads into Modi’s foreign policy
initiatives and responses towards Pakistan.

Guiding Principles of Modi’s Foreign Policy

As identified earlier, pragmatism and Hindutva ideology are the
two guiding principles of Indian foreign policy under PM Modi, of which
the latter is predominantly followed when dealing with Pakistan. Modi has
adopted an ‘India first’ approach – the first priority being the
strengthening of national power according to realist paradigm. For that
end, he overcame the hesitation to make radical foreign policy changes.
India’s ‘Look East’ policy’ proclaimed in 1993 was transformed into an ‘Act
East Policy’ under PM Modi displaying his pragmatism.40 This was
reflected in his economic development plan as well, focusing on having
increased international trade and internal reforms to attract foreign direct
investment. Lowering of trade barriers, demonetization to control black
money, and tax reform have been enacted to make India a business
friendly economy.
Despite Modi’s non-impressive record of economic performance,
India emerged as the fastest growing economy under his leadership;
growth rate increased to around seven percent from that of four percent
per annum before 2014. Bureaucratic hurdles were also eradicated to
make India more business friendly, helping it to rise by 65 places in the
World Bank's ‘ease of doing business’ rankings.41 International trade ties

39 Kenchen Chandra, “Why Ethnic, Parties Succeed,” E-scholarship, December 20,

2003, https://escholarship.org/content/qt0vb620b2/qt0vb620b2.pdf.
40 Suresh Parabhu, “Indian Commerce Minister Defined This Policy as an Effort
to Increase India’s Commercial Ties with The Eastern Neighbours, while
Talking to Press in ASEAN-India Summit,” Youtube, January 26, 2018,
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8O5YurMaHzA.
41 “How has India's economy fared under PM Narendra Modi?” DW,
https://www.dw.com/en/how-has-indias-economy-fared-under-pm-
narendra-modi/a-48251747, accessed on February 10, 2020.
80 Journal of Contemporary Studies, Vol. VIII, No.2, Winter 2019

were improved not only for economic dividends but for maneuvering
against China. Also, India managed to develop good relations with Iran,
Saudi Arabia, and Israel at the same time, for both economic and political
gains. One more characteristic of Modi’s pragmatism is to attract Indian
diaspora by strengthening relations with non-resident Indians and Indian-
origin communities abroad.
Simultaneously, Modi administration is keen to promote India’s
religious and cultural identity, as it is a way of showing adherence to
Hindutva for the BJP. Though the direct impact of these religious and
cultural connections on Modi’s foreign policy may be subtle, but it is
important. Narendra Modi is personally known as taking Hindu beliefs and
traditions very seriously. His decision of contesting election for
parliamentary seat from Varanasi, a religious pilgrimage city about 800
miles from his native Gujarat where he has never lived, shows his
attachment with Hindutva ideology.42 The first post-election specific policy
announcement by PM Modi was to clean up the sacred, yet toxically
polluted, River Ganges.43 He thus has a direct appeal for those who
appreciate India’s Hindu identity in the comity of nations.

Modi’s Policy towards Pakistan

The shift in Indian foreign policy towards Pakistan became evident
soon after Modi’s election. Initially, there was a display of cordiality when
the Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif accepted the invitation to
participate in the new Indian Prime Minister’s oath-taking ceremony in
2014. However, later the Indian PM refused to participate in a foreign
secretary level dialogue scheduled to be held in Islamabad around that
time. Soon afterwards, Ajit Kumar Doval, former chief of the Intelligence
Bureau, was appointed as national security adviser to the Prime Minister
of India.44 No significant improvement in bilateral ties has been witnessed
since then.
Keeping in view the mutual hostility between India and Pakistan,
the future bilateral equation might see either a maintenance of status-quo,
or a further deterioration of ties. However, relations between the two
countries dipped after an exchange of air strikes in February 2019 and
India’s unilateral adventurism in Indian Occupied Kashmir in August 2019

42 In 2014 Modi contested elections from Vadodara in Gujarat, and Varanasi in

Uttar Pradesh. He won both but chose the Varanasi seat rather than the one
from his own state.
43 Archana Chaudhary, and Rakteem Katekey, “Modi Invokes Mahatma Gandhi to
Clean Mother Ganga,” Bloomberg, 28 May, 2014,
https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2014-05-27/india-s-new-
leader-channels-gandhi-to-clean-mother-ganga.
44 Doval is one of the founding members of the Vivekananda International
Foundation- a group of right-wing Hindu nationalists closely linked to RSS.
Hindutva and Pragmatism in Modi’s Foreign Policy 81

(revocation of article 370 of Indian constitution).45 Since India has not

reciprocated Pakistan’s peace gestures such as the safe return of Indian
Air force pilot and offering investigations and cooperation over all Indian
claims of Pakistan’s involvement in various incidents, the possibility for
Indo-Pak rapprochement under Modi regime appears meagre.
Unfortunately, recent and evolving trends reinforce the second
possibility, i.e. deterioration of ties. This time around, under the robust
influence of Hindutva ideology, the conflict situation has become far more
intense and protracted than Kargil or the 2001-2002 standoff. The Modi
government continues to adopt anti-Pakistan policies which include: non-
engagement with Pakistan at bilateral or multilateral levels, revoking the
MFN (Most Favoured Nation) status, boycotting the 19th SAARC summit
hosted by Pakistan, and abandoning of sports and cultural exchange
activities – all these contradict the essence of confidence building measure
(CBMs)46 agreed in the 1999 Lahore Agreement. Modi’s reference to
Balochistan in his speech on Independence Day in 2016, and blaming
Pakistan for the Uri attack in September 2016, all point towards Modi’s
extreme stance towards Pakistan. Similarly, India blamed Pakistan for
Pulwama attack on its para-military forces in Indian occupied Kashmir,
making it a justification for Balakot airstrikes in February 2019. Prior to
these, the arrest and trial of Indian spy Kalbhushan Jadhav complicated the
situation.47 All these manifest a constantly deteriorating relationship.
India’s strategy aims at developing bilateral relations with
extended neighbours like Iran and Afghanistan, so as to encircle Pakistan.
There are clear evidences of Indian interference in Balochistan using
Afghan soil, as mentioned in Modi’s speech.48 Projects like development of
the Chabahar Port in response to the Gwadar Port was an attempt to
increase India’s maritime navigation in international waters and to
counter Pakistan-China strategic cooperation.
There is least possibility of improving relations under PM Modi
unless third parties such as the United States or China offer help, and given

45 Modi government revoked Article 370 granting special status to Occupied

Kashmir and declared it a part of Indian union. To avoid Kashmiris’ reaction,
India imposed locked down on 8 million people, badly hampering their access
to food, medicines, education, telephone and internet services.
46 Naeem Ahmad Salik, “Confidence Building Measures between India and
Pakistan,” NDU Journal, 2010.
47 A. Ranjan, “Assessing Modi's Neighbours First Policy,” Daily Times, June 5,
2017, accessed on May 20, 2019. https://dailytimes.com.pk/8242/assessing-
modis-neighbours-first-policy.
48 Manu Balachandran, “Balochistan is now officially an Arrow in India’s Quiver
against Pakistan,” QZ, September 16, 2016, https://qz.com/india/782147/
narendra-modis-message-to-the-un-balochistan-is-now-officially-an-arrow-
in-indias-quiver-against-pakistan/.
82 Journal of Contemporary Studies, Vol. VIII, No.2, Winter 2019

that India accepts such an offer for mediation. As a matter of fact, the
Indian foreign policy towards Pakistan has not been friendly for the
greater part of history, but Modi’s approach towards Pakistan is ever-more
aggressive since his pragmatism is overridden by his Hindutva driven
beliefs in the case of Pakistan.

Conclusion
Modi’s obsessive adherence to Hindutva ideology since 2014 has
worsened India-Pakistan relations, cutting down any pathways for
improvement that could be found under Nehruvian idealism despite
recurring tensions. This study concludes that India has selectively
followed idealism and secularism in its external and internal policies. But
with the rise of BJP to power, its internal policies began to be directed by
religious elements to bolster its status as a Hindu state for the political
consumption of the domestic audience. Particularly under the Modi
regime, whereas in external relations Modi managed to appear pragmatic
in dealing with the rest of the world but in the case of Pakistan his
extremist Hindutva-inspired policies became quite evident. PM Modi in his
first term worked to strengthen India’s economy to attract FDI (Foreign
Direct Investment) and world-wide trading relations - significant not only
economically but also strategically- but consistently avoided mending ties
with Pakistan. It also improved relations with other South Asian states in
its effort to isolate Pakistan.
Confident of India’s reliable economic and political relations with
all these countries, Modi’s pragmatism found the right time to aggressively
impose Hindutva both domestically and in its relations with Pakistan after
2019. This is evident in Modi government’s move to annex Kashmir under
the Indian Union in sheer violation of both the Indian constitution and UN
Security Council resolutions. It is also extending its claim to Azad Kashmir
and Gilgit-Baltistan which is very provocative and India never did it
before. Extreme human rights violations have been committed in Occupied
Kashmir by locking down eight million Kashmiris, while the UN, the major
powers and the Muslim world have failed collectively to serve the cause of
humanity, as it might come at the cost of their vital economic relationship
with India. Modi’s government, being pragmatic, probably anticipated a
weak response – with only voices being raised from a few official forums
in solidarity with Pakistan. The evolving scenario is disconcerting as India
has suspended bilateral engagement with Pakistan. Hence, there is a rising
threat of war where an indefinite standoff may escalate into a nuclear
exchange – if this happens, it is not only South Asian peace but the entire
humanity that is at stake.