Constitution of Japan
Constitution of Japan
In addition, the document stated: "The occupying forces of the Allies shall be withdrawn from Japan as soon as these objectives
have been accomplished and there has been established in accordance with the freely expressed will of the Japanese people a
peacefully inclined and responsible government" (Section 12). The Allies sought not merely punishment or reparations from a
militaristic foe, but fundamental changes in the nature of its political system. In the words of political scientist Robert E. Ward:
"The occupation was perhaps the single most exhaustively planned operation of massive and externally directed political change
in world history."
Drafting process
The wording of the Potsdam Declaration—"The Japanese Government shall remove all obstacles ..."—and the initial post-
surrender measures taken by Douglas MacArthur, the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers (SCAP), suggest that neither
he nor his superiors in Washington intended to impose a new political system on Japan unilaterally. Instead, they wished to
encourage Japan's new leaders to initiate democratic reforms on their own. But by early 1946, MacArthur's staff and Japanese
officials were at odds over the most fundamental issue, the writing of a new Constitution. Emperor Hirohito, Prime Minister
Kijūrō Shidehara and most of the cabinet members were extremely reluctant to take the drastic step of replacing the 1889 Meiji
Constitution with a more liberal document.[7]
In late 1945, Shidehara appointed Jōji Matsumoto, state minister without
portfolio, head of a blue-ribbon committee of Constitutional scholars to suggest
revisions. The Matsumoto Commission's recommendations (ja:松本試案), made
public in February 1946, were quite conservative as "no more than a touching-up
of the Meiji Constitution"). MacArthur rejected them outright and ordered his
staff to draft a completely new document. An additional reason for this was that
on 24 January 1946, Prime Minister Shidehara had suggested to MacArthur that
the new Constitution should contain an article renouncing war.
Although the document's authors were American, they took into account the
Meiji Constitution, the demands of Japanese lawyers, the opinions of pacifist The constitution of Japan was largely
political leaders such as Shidehara and Shigeru Yoshida, and especially the draft drafted by US lawyers in the
presented by the Constitution Research Association (Kenpō Kenkyū-kai) under occupation authority. This image is of
a secret memo written by members
the chairmanship of Suzuki Yasuzō (鈴木安蔵) (1904–1983), which had been
of the authority on the subject of the
translated into English in its entirety already by the end of December 1945.
new constitution.
MacArthur gave the authors less than a week to complete the draft, which was
presented to surprised Japanese officials on 13 February 1946. On 6 March
1946, the government publicly disclosed an outline of the pending Constitution. On 10 April, elections were held for the House of
Representatives of the Ninetieth Imperial Diet, which would consider the proposed Constitution. The election law having been
changed, this was the first general election in Japan in which women were permitted to vote.
The MacArthur draft, which proposed a unicameral legislature, was changed at the insistence of the Japanese to allow a bicameral
one, with both houses being elected. In most other important respects, the government adopted the ideas embodied in the 13
February document in its own draft proposal of 6 March. These included the constitution's most distinctive features: the symbolic
role of the Emperor, the prominence of guarantees of civil and human rights, and the renunciation of war. The constitution
followed closely a 'model copy' prepared by McArthur's command.[10]
In 1946, criticism of or reference to SCAP's role in drafting the constitution could be made subject to Civil Censorship
Detachment (CCD) censorship (as was any reference to censorship itself).[11] Until late 1947, CCD exerted pre-publication
censorship over about 70 daily newspapers, all books and magazines and many other publications.[12]
Adoption
It was decided that in adopting the new document the Meiji Constitution would not be violated, but rather legal continuity would
be maintained. Thus the 1946 Constitution was adopted as an amendment to the Meiji Constitution in accordance with the
provisions of Article 73 of that document. Under Article 73 the new constitution was formally submitted to the Imperial Diet by
the Emperor, through an imperial rescript issued on 20 June. The draft constitution was submitted and deliberated upon as the Bill
for Revision of the Imperial Constitution.
The old constitution required that the bill receive the support of a two-thirds majority in both houses of the Diet to become law.
After both chambers had made amendments the House of Peers approved the document on 6 October; the House of
Representatives adopted it in the same form the following day, with only five members voting against, and became law when it
received the Emperor's assent on 3 November 1946. Under its own terms the
constitution came into effect on 3 May 1947.
After 1952 conservatives and nationalists attempted to revise the constitution to The Imperial Signature (upper right)
make it more "Japanese", but these attempts were frustrated for a number of and Seal
reasons. One was the extreme difficulty of amending it. Amendments require
approval by two-thirds of the members of both houses of the National Diet
before they can be presented to the people in a referendum (Article 96). Also, opposition parties, occupying more than one-third
of the Diet seats, were firm supporters of the constitutional status quo. Even for members of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party
(LDP), the constitution was advantageous. They had been able to fashion a policy-making process congenial to their interests
within its framework. Yasuhiro Nakasone, a strong advocate of constitutional revision during much of his political career, for
example, downplayed the issue while serving as prime minister between 1982 and 1987.
Provisions
The constitution has a length of approximately 5,000 words and consists of a preamble and 103 articles grouped into 11 chapters.
These are:
Edict
The constitution starts with an imperial edict made by the Emperor. It contains the Emperor's Privy Seal and signature, and is
countersigned by the Prime Minister and other Ministers of State as required by the previous constitution of the Empire of Japan.
The edict states:
I rejoice that the foundation for the construction of a new Japan has been laid according to the will of the Japanese
people, and hereby sanction and promulgate the amendments of the Imperial Japanese Constitution effected
following the consultation with the Privy Council and the decision of the Imperial Diet made in accordance with
Article 73 of the said Constitution.[14][15]
Preamble
The constitution contains a firm declaration of the principle of popular sovereignty in the preamble. This is proclaimed in the
name of the "Japanese people" and declares that "sovereign power resides with the people" and that:
Government is a sacred trust of the people, the authority for which is derived from the people, the powers of
which are exercised by the representatives of the people, and the benefits of which are enjoyed by the people.
Part of the purpose of this language is to refute the previous constitutional theory that sovereignty resided in the Emperor. The
constitution asserts that the Emperor is merely a symbol of the state, and that he derives "his position from the will of the people
with whom resides sovereign power" (Article 1). The text of the constitution also asserts the liberal doctrine of fundamental
human rights. In particular Article 97 states that:
the fundamental human rights by this constitution guaranteed to the people of Japan are fruits of the age-old
struggle of man to be free; they have survived the many exacting tests for durability and are conferred upon this
and future generations in trust, to be held for all time inviolate.
In contrast with the Meiji Constitution, the Emperor's role is almost entirely ceremonial, and he does not have powers related to
government. Unlike other constitutional monarchies, he is not even the nominal chief executive or even the nominal commander-
in-chief of the Japan Self-Defense Forces (JSDF). The constitution explicitly limits the Emperor's role to matters of state
delineated in the constitution. The constitution also states that these duties can be delegated by the Emperor as provided for by
law.
Succession to the Chrysanthemum Throne is regulated by the Imperial Household Law and is managed by a ten-member body
called the Imperial Household Council. The budget for the maintenance of the Imperial House is managed by resolution of the
Diet.
Individual rights under the Japanese constitution are rooted in Article 13 where the constitution asserts the right of the people "to
be respected as individuals" and, subject to "the public welfare", to "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness". This article's core
notion is jinkaku, which represents "the elements of character and personality that come together to define each person as an
individual", and which represents the aspects of each individual's life that the government is obligated to respect in the exercise of
its power.[16] Article 13 has been used as the basis to establish constitutional rights to privacy, self-determination and the control
of an individual's own image, rights which are not explicitly stated in the constitution.
Equality before the law: The constitution guarantees equality before the law and outlaws discrimination against
Japanese citizens based on "political, economic or social relations" or "race, creed, sex, social status or family
origin" (Article 14). The right to vote cannot be denied on the grounds of "race, creed, sex, social status, family
origin, education, property or income" (Article 44). Equality between the sexes is explicitly guaranteed in relation
to marriage (Article 24) and childhood education (Article 26).
Prohibition of peerage: Article 14 forbids the state from recognising peerage. Honours may be conferred but
they must not be hereditary or grant special privileges.
Democratic elections: Article 15 provides that "the people have the inalienable right to choose their public
officials and to dismiss them". It guarantees universal adult (in Japan, persons age 20 and older) suffrage and the
secret ballot.
Prohibition of slavery: Guaranteed by Article 18. Involuntary servitude is permitted only as punishment for a
crime.
Separation of Religion and State: The state is prohibited from granting privileges or political authority to a
religion, or conducting religious education (Article 20).
Freedom of assembly, association, speech, and secrecy of communications: All guaranteed without
qualification by Article 21, which forbids censorship.
Workers' rights: Work is declared both a right and obligation by Article 27 which also states that "standards for
wages, hours, rest and other working conditions shall be fixed by law" and that children shall not be exploited.
Workers have the right to participate in a trade union (Article 28).
Right to property: Guaranteed subject to the "public welfare". The state may take property for public use if it
pays just compensation (Article 29). The state also has the right to levy taxes (Article 30).
Right to due process: Article 31 provides that no one may be punished "except according to procedure
established by law". Article 32, which provides that "No person shall be denied the right of access to the courts",
originally drafted to recognize criminal due process rights, is now understood as source of due process rights for
civil and administrative law cases.[17]
Protection against unlawful detention: Article 33 provides that no one may be apprehended without an arrest
warrant, save where caught in flagrante delicto. Article 34 guarantees habeas corpus, right to counsel, and right
to be informed of charges. Article 40 enshrines the right to sue the state for wrongful detention.
Right to a fair trial: Article 37 guarantees the right to a public trial before an impartial tribunal with counsel for
one's defence and compulsory access to witnesses.
Protection against self-incrimination: Article 38 provides that no one may be compelled to testify against
themselves, that confessions obtained under duress are not admissible and that no one may be convicted solely
on the basis of their own confession.
Other guarantees:
Under Japanese case law, constitutional human rights apply to corporations to the extent possible given their corporate nature.
Constitutional human rights also apply to foreign nationals to the extent that such rights are not by their nature only applicable to
citizens (for example, foreigners have no right to enter Japan under Article 22 and no right to vote under Article 15, and their
other political rights may be restricted to the extent that they interfere with the state's decision making).
The judiciary consists of several lower courts headed by a Supreme Court. The Chief Justice of the Supreme Court is nominated
by the Cabinet and appointed by the Emperor, while other justices are nominated and appointed by the Cabinet and attested by the
Emperor. Lower court judges are nominated by the Supreme Court, appointed by the Cabinet and attested by the Emperor. All
courts have the power of judicial review and may interpret the constitution to overrule statutes and other government acts, but
only in the event that such interpretation is relevant to an actual dispute.
The constitution also provides a framework for local government, requiring that local entities have elected heads and assemblies,
and providing that government acts applicable to particular local areas must be approved by the residents of those areas. These
provisions formed the framework of the Local Autonomy Law of 1947, which established the modern system of prefectures,
municipalities and other local government entities.
The final four articles set forth a six-month transitional period between adoption and implementation of the Constitution. This
transitional period took place from 3 November 1946, to 3 May 1947. Pursuant to Article 100, the first House of Councillors
election was held during this period in April 1947, and pursuant to Article 102, half of the elected Councillors were given three-
year terms. A general election was also held during this period, as a result of which several former House of Peers members
moved to the House of Representatives. Article 103 provided that public officials currently in office would not be removed as a
direct result of the adoption or implementation of the new Constitution.
Some commentators have suggested that the Constitution's American authors favoured the difficulty of the amendment process
from a desire that the fundamentals of the regime they had imposed would be resistant to change. Among the Japanese
themselves, any change to the document and to the post-war settlement it embodies is highly controversial. From the 1960s to the
1980s, Constitutional revision was rarely debated.[18] In the 1990s, right-leaning and conservative voices broke some taboos,[18]
for example, when the newspaper Yomiuri Shimbun published a suggestion for Constitutional revision in 1994.[18] This period
saw a number of right-leaning groups pushing aggressively for Constitutional revision and a significant number of organizations
and individuals speaking out against revision[19] and in support of "the peace Constitution".
The debate has been highly polarised. The most controversial issues are proposed changes to Article 9—the "peace article"—and
provisions relating to the role of the Emperor. Progressive, left, centre-left and peace movement-related individuals and
organizations, as well as the opposition parties,[20] labor[21] and youth groups advocate keeping or strengthening the existing
Constitution in these areas, while right-leaning, nationalist and conservative groups and individuals advocate changes to increase
the prestige of the Emperor (though not granting him political powers) and to allow a more aggressive stance of the JSDF by
turning it officially into a military. Other areas of the Constitution and connected laws discussed for potential revision related to
the status of women, the education system and the system of public corporations (including social welfare, non-profit and
religious organizations as well as foundations), and structural reform of the election process, e.g. to allow for direct election of the
prime minister.[18] Numerous grassroots groups, associations, NGOs, think tanks, scholars, and politicians speak out on either
side of the issue.[22]
Although democracy and liberalism emphasized under the control of the Allied occupation should be respected
and upheld as a new principle for Japan, the initial objective of the occupying forces of the Allies was mainly to
demoralize the State; therefore, many of the reforms implemented by the forces including those of the
constitution, education and other governmental systems have been unjustly suppressing the notion of the State and
patriotism of the people and excessively disuniting the national sovereignty.
In recent years the LDP has committed itself more to constitutional revision, following its victory in the September 2005 general
election of the representatives. Currently, the party has released two versions of amendment drafts, one in 2005 and another in
2012.
2005 Draft
In August 2005, the then Japanese Prime Minister, Jun'ichirō Koizumi, proposed an amendment to the constitution to increase
Japan's Defence Forces' roles in international affairs. A draft of the proposed constitution was released by the LDP on 22
November 2005 as part of the fiftieth anniversary of the party's founding. The proposed changes included:
Koizumi's successor Shinzō Abe vowed to push aggressively for Constitutional revision. A major step toward this was getting
legislation passed to allow for a national referendum in April 2007.[24] By that time there was little public support for changing
the Constitution, with a survey showing 34.5% of Japanese not wanting any changes, 44.5% wanting no changes to Article 9, and
54.6% supporting the current interpretation on self-defense.[24] On the 60th anniversary of the Constitution, on 3 May 2007,
thousands took to the streets in support of Article 9.[24] The Chief Cabinet secretary and other top government officials
interpreted the survey to mean that the public wanted a pacifist Constitution that renounces war, and may need to be better
informed about the details of the revision debate.[25] The legislation passed by parliament specifies that a referendum on
Constitutional reform could take place at the earliest in 2010, and would need approval from a majority of voters.
2012 Draft
On 27 April 2012, the LDP drafted a new version of amendment[26] with an explanatory booklet[27] for general readers. The
booklet states that the spirit of the amendment is to "make the Constitution more suitable for Japan" by "drastically revising the
translationese wording and the provisions based on the theory of natural human rights currently adopted in the Constitution".[28]
The proposed changes includes:
Preamble: In the LDP draft, the Preamble declares that Japan is reigned by the Emperor and adopts the popular
sovereignty and trias politica principles. The current Preamble refers to the government as a trust of the people
(implying the "natural rights codified into the constitution by the social contract" model) and ensures people "the
right to live in peace, free from fear and want", but both mentions are deleted in the LDP draft.
Emperor: Overall, the LDP draft adopts a wording that sounds as though the Emperor has greater power than
under the current Constitution.[29] The draft defines him as "the head of the State" (Article 1).[30] Compared to
the current Constitution, he is exempted from "the obligation to respect and uphold this Constitution" (Article
102). The draft defines Nisshōki as the national flag and Kimigayo the national anthem (Article 3).
Human rights: The LDP draft, as the accompanying booklet states, revises many of the human right provisions
currently adopted in the Constitution. The booklet describes the reason of these changes as: "Human rights
should have ground on the State's history, culture and tradition" and "Several of the current Constitutional
provisions are based on the Western-European theory of natural human rights; such provisions therefore require
to be changed."[31] The draft lists every instance of the basic rights as something that is entitled by the State – as
opposed to something that human beings inherently possess – as seen in the draft provisions of "new human
rights" (see below).
The current Constitution has the phrase "public welfare" in four articles (Articles 12, 13, 22 and 29) and states that any human
right is subject to restriction when it "interferes with the public welfare". The majority of legal professionals argue that the spirit
of such restriction against rights based on "public welfare" is to protect other people's rights from infringement.[32] In the LDP
draft, every instance of the phrase "public welfare" is replaced with a new phrase: "public interest and public order". The booklet
describes the reason for this change as "to enable the State to restrict human rights for the sake of purposes other than protecting
people's rights from infringement",[31] but it remains unclear under what conditions the State can restrict human rights. It also
explains that what "public order" means is "order of society" and its intention is not to prohibit the people from making an
objection to the government,[33] but it explains nothing about "public interest".
Provisions regarding the people's rights modified or added in the LDP draft include:
[Individualism]: The LDP draft replaces the word "individuals" with "persons" (Article 13). This change reflects
the draft authors' view that "excessive individualism" is an ethically unacceptable thought.[34]
Human rights and the supremacy of the constitution: The current constitution has Article 97 at the beginning
of the "Supreme Law" chapter, which stipulates that the constitution guarantees the basic human rights to the
people. The current, prevalent interpretation of Article 97 is that this article describes the essential reason why
this constitution is the supreme law, which is the fact that the constitution's spirit is to guarantee human rights.[35]
In the LDP draft, this article is deleted and the booklet does not explain any reason for the deletion.
Freedom of assembly, association, speech and all other forms of expression: The LDP draft adds a new
paragraph on Article 21, which enables the State to prohibit the people from performing expressions "for the
purpose of interfering with public interest and public order". The LDP explain that this change makes it easy for
the State to take countermeasures against criminal organizations like Aum Shinrikyo.[36]
Right to property: The LDP draft adds a new paragraph stating that the State shall define intellectual property
rights "for the sake of promotion of the people's intellectual creativity" (Article 29).
Workers' rights: Workers have the right to participate in a labour union, but currently there is a dispute on
whether public officials should be entitled to this right. The LDP draft add a new paragraph to make it clear that
public officials shall not enjoy this right or part thereof (Article 28).
Freedom from torture and cruel punishments: Under the current constitution, torture and cruel punishments
are "absolutely forbidden", but the LDP draft deletes the word "absolutely" (Article 36). The reason for this
change is not presented in the booklet.
"New human rights": The LDP draft adds four provisions regarding the concept collectively called "new human
rights":[37] protection of privacy (Article 19-2), accountability of the State (Article 21-2), environmental protection
(Article 25-2), and rights of crime victims (Article 25-4). However, the draft only requires the State to make a good
faith effort to meet the stated goals and does not entitle the people to these "rights", as the booklet points out.[38]
Obligations of the people: The LDP draft can be characterized by its obligation clauses imposed on the people.
The current constitution lists three obligations: to work (Article 27), to pay taxes as provided for by law (Article
30), and to have all boys and girls under their protection receive ordinary education as provided for by law (Article
26). The LDP draft adds six more:
The people must respect the national anthem and flag (Article 3).
The people must be conscious of the fact that there are responsibilities and obligations in compensation for
freedom and rights (Article 12).
The people must comply with the public interest and public order (Article 12).
The people must help one another among the members of a household (Article 24).
The people must obey commands from the State or the subordinate offices thereof in a state of emergency
(Article 99).
The people must uphold the constitution (Article 102).
Additionally, although defence of the national territory (Article 9-3) and environmental protection (Article 25-2) are literally
listed under the LDP draft as obligations of the State, these provisions let the State call for the "cooperation with the people" to
meet the goals provided, effectively functioning as obligation clauses on the people's side.
Equality: The current constitution guarantees equality to citizens, prohibiting any discrimination based on "race,
creed, sex, social status or family origin". The LDP draft adds "handicaps" (Articles 14 and 44) between "sex" and
"social status", improving the equality under the law. On the other hand, the sentence "No privilege shall
accompany any award of honor, decoration or any distinction" in the current paragraph (2) of Article 14 is deleted
in the LDP draft, which means that the State shall be allowed to grant "privilege" as part of national awards. The
reason for this change is not presented in the booklet.
National security: The LDP draft deletes the current provision declaring that armed forces and other war
potential shall never be maintained, and adds new Articles 9-2 and 9-3 stating that the "National Defense Force"
shall be set up and the Prime Minister shall be its commander-in-chief. According to the paragraph (3) of the new
Article 9-2, the National Defense Force not only can defend the territory from a foreign attack and can participate
in international peacekeeping operations, but also can operate to either maintain domestic public order or to
protect individual rights.
State of emergency: The LDP draft grants the Prime Minister the authority to declare a "state of emergency" in
a national emergency including foreign invasions, domestic rebellions and natural disasters (Article 98). When in
a state of emergency, the Cabinet can enact orders that have the effect of the laws passed by the [National Diet]
(Article 99).
Relaxation of separation of religion and the State: The LDP draft deletes the current clause that prohibits the
State from granting "political authority" to a religious organization, and enables the State to perform religious acts
itself within the scope of "social protocol or ethno-cultural practices" (Article 20).
Political control over the courts: Unlike the current constitution, which guarantees that the Supreme court
judges shall not be dismissed unless the "review" procedure stipulated by the constitution, the LDP draft enables
the Diet to define this review procedure through a Diet-enacted law, not the constitution (Article 79). The draft
also states that salary of a judge – of both the Supreme Court and inferior courts – could be decreased in the
same manner as any other kinds of public officials (Articles 79 and 80) by the subordinate offices of the State
(namely, the National Personnel Authority).
Further amendments: The LDP draft states that a simple majority in the two Houses shall be adequate for a
motion for constitutional amendment (Article 96). An actual amendment shall still require a national referendum,
but a simple majority in "the number of valid votes actually cast", as opposed to "the number of a qualified voters"
or "the number of votes", shall enact the amendment (Article 96).
Controversy
On 15 August 2016, during his campaign rally speech for Hillary Clinton, U.S. Vice President Joe Biden remarked that America
had written Japan's Constitution following World War II. These comments were seen as insensitive and arrogant by a column in
Japan's Asahi newspaper.[4]
On 7 December 2016, a CNN article stated that the Japanese constitution was "imposed by the United States after World War
II".[39]
See also
Basic Law for the Federal Republic of Germany
Constitution Memorial Day
Constitution of Italy
Notes
1. Kristof, Nicholas D. (12 November 1995). "THE WORLD;Japan's State Symbols: Now You See Them . ." (https://
www.nytimes.com/1995/11/12/weekinreview/the-world-japan-s-state-symbols-now-you-see-them.html) The New
York Times. Retrieved 5 October 2019.
2. Kakinohana, Hōjun (23 September 2013). "個人の尊厳は憲法の基 ― 天皇の元首化は時代に逆行 ―" (http://www.j
icl.jp/old/hitokoto/backnumber/20130923.html). Japan Institute of Constitutional Law (in Japanese). Retrieved
25 October 2019.
3. Hunt, Michael (2013). The World Transformed:1945 to the Present. Oxford University Press. p. 86.
ISBN 9780199371020.
4. Moritsugu, Ken (18 August 2016). "Biden's remark on Japan Constitution raises eyebrows" (https://apnews.com/a
f44536131b34653a146b1b1807086d7). AP NEWS. Retrieved 10 August 2019.
5. "The Anomalous Life of the Japanese Constitution" (https://www.nippon.com/en/in-depth/a05602/the-anomalous-l
ife-of-the-japanese-constitution.html). Nippon.com. 15 August 2017. Archived (https://web.archive.org/web/20190
811213143/https://www.nippon.com/en/in-depth/a05602/the-anomalous-life-of-the-japanese-constitution.html)
from the original on 11 August 2019. Retrieved 11 August 2019.
6. Ito, Masami, "Constitution again faces calls for revision to meet reality (http://www.japantimes.co.jp/text/nn201205
01i1.html)", Japan Times, 1 May 2012, p. 3.
7. John Dower, Embracing Defeat, 1999, pp. 374, 375, 383, 384.
8. Dower, John W. (1999). Embracing defeat: Japan in the wake of World War II (https://archive.org/details/embraci
ngdefeatj00dowe) (1st ed.). New York: W.W. Norton & Co/New Press. pp. 365–367. ISBN 978-0393046861.
9. "Beate Gordon, a drafter of Japan's Constitution, dies at 89" (https://archive.is/20130218182511/http://mainichi.j
p/english/english/newsselect/news/20130101p2g00m0in045000c.html). The Mainichi. 1 January 2013. Archived
from the original (http://mainichi.jp/english/english/newsselect/news/20130101p2g00m0in045000c.html) on 18
February 2013. Retrieved 1 January 2013.
10. Takemae, Eiji 2002, p. xxxvii.
11. John Dower, Embracing Defeat, p.411: "categories of deletions and suppressions" in CCD's key log in June
1946.
12. Dower, p. 407
13. "Publication and Work of the Constitution Popularization Society" (http://www.ndl.go.jp/Constitution/e/shiryo/05/14
1shoshi.html). Birth of the Constitution of Japan. National Diet Library of Japan. Retrieved 24 May 2013.
14. "Constitution of Japan" (http://www.ndl.go.jp/constitution/e/etc/c01.html). Retrieved 8 June 2015.
15. "日本国憲法" (http://www.digital.archives.go.jp/gallery/view/detail/detailArchives/0000000006). National Archives
of Japan. Retrieved 8 June 2015.
16. Levin, Mark (2001). "Essential Commodities and Racial Justice: Using Constitutional Protection of Japan's
Indigenous Ainu People to Inform Understandings of the United States and Japan" (https://papers.ssrn.com/abstr
act=1635451). Rochester, NY.
17. Levin, Mark (5 August 2010). "Civil Justice and the Constitution: Limits on Instrumental Judicial Administration in
Japan" (https://papers.ssrn.com/abstract=1653992). Rochester, NY.
18. "Japanese Studies: Constitutional Revision Research Project" (https://web.archive.org/web/20070518104415/htt
p://www.fas.harvard.edu/~rijs/crrp/index.html). Reischauer Institute of Japanese Studies, Harvard University.
2007. Archived from the original (http://www.fas.harvard.edu/~rijs/crrp/index.html) on 18 May 2007.
19. "Citizens' Groups/NGOs" (https://web.archive.org/web/20070621185921/http://www.fas.harvard.edu/~rijs/crrp/we
b_archive/ngos.html). Reischauer Institute of Japanese Studies, Harvard University. 2007. Archived from the
original (http://www.fas.harvard.edu/~rijs/crrp/web_archive/ngos.html) on 21 June 2007.
20. "Political Parties" (https://web.archive.org/web/20100421111846/http://www.fas.harvard.edu/~rijs/crrp/web_archiv
e/political_parties.html). Reischauer Institute of Japanese Studies, Harvard University. 2010. Archived from the
original (http://www.fas.harvard.edu/~rijs/crrp/web_archive/political_parties.html) on 21 April 2010.
21. "Labor Groups" (https://web.archive.org/web/20100206034106/http://www.fas.harvard.edu/~rijs/crrp/web_archive/
labor.html). Reischauer Institute of Japanese Studies, Harvard University. 2007. Archived from the original (http://
www.fas.harvard.edu/~rijs/crrp/web_archive/labor.html) on 6 February 2010.
22. "Constitutional revision research project: Web archives" (https://web.archive.org/web/20100309151800/http://ww
w.fas.harvard.edu/~rijs/crrp/web_archive/index.html). Reischauer Institute of Japanese Studies, Harvard
University. 2007. Archived from the original (http://www.fas.harvard.edu/~rijs/crrp/web_archive/index.html) on 9
March 2010.
23. "Response to Abe's drive: Support falls for amending Constitution" (https://web.archive.org/web/2007081313575
9/http://search.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/nn20070417a2.html). Japan Times. 17 April 2007. Archived from the
original (http://search.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/nn20070417a2.html) on 13 August 2007.
24. "Japan approves Constitution steps" (http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/6652809.stm). BBC News. 14 May
2007. Retrieved 30 April 2010.
25. Support falls for amending Constitution | The Japan Times Online (http://search.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/nn20070
417a2.html)
26. Nihon-koku Kenpou Kaisei Souan, http://www.jimin.jp/policy/policy_topics/pdf/seisaku-109.pdf
27. Nihon-koku Kenpou Kaisei Souan Q & A, http://www.jimin.jp/policy/pamphlet/pdf/kenpou_qa.pdf
28. Nihon-koku Kenpou Kaisei Souan Q & A, p. 3.
29. For example, the paragraph (4) of Article 6 of the LDP draft requires that the Emperor should obtain the shingen
("advice", especially one given from a subordinate to his superior) from the Cabinet, as opposed to the jogen to
shōnin ("advice and approval") as stipulated in the current Constitution, for his all acts in matters of the State.
The booklet explains that the reason for this change is because the phrase jogen to shōnin sounds "offensive to
the Emperor" (Nihon-koku Kenpou Kaisei Souan Q & A, p. 8).
30. The LDP explains that the reason of this change is because the Emperor was formerly defined as "the head of
the Empire" in the Article 4 of the Constitution of the Empire of Japan (Nihon-koku Kenpou Kaisei Souan Q & A,
p. 7).
31. Nihon-koku Kenpou Kaisei Souan Q & A, p. 14.
32. For example, Ashibe, Nobuyoshi, Kenpou, fifth edition, edited by Takahashi, Kazuyuki, Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten
(2011), pp. 100–101.
33. Nihon-koku Kenpou Kaisei Souan Q & A, pp. 14–15.
34. "平成23年5月3日" (https://blogos.com/outline/38240/). BLOGOS (in Japanese). Retrieved 13 August 2019.
35. Ashibe-Takahashi (2011), p. 12.
36. Nihon-koku Kenpou Kaisei Souan Q & A, p. 17.
37. Ashibe-Takahashi (2011), pp. 118–124.
38. Nihon-koku Kenpou Kaisei Souan Q & A, p. 15.
39. "Resurgent Japan military 'can stand toe to toe with anybody" (http://edition.cnn.com/2016/12/06/asia/japan-milita
ry-pearl-harbor-anniversary/). CNN. 7 December 2016.
References
The Constitution of Japan Project 2004. Rethinking the Constitution: An Anthology of Japanese Opinion. Trans.
by F. Uleman. Kawasaki, Japan: Japan Research Inc., 2008. ISBN 1-4196-4165-4.
Kishimoto, Koichi. Politics in Modern Japan. Tokyo: Japan Echo, 1988. ISBN 4-915226-01-8. Pages 7–21.
Matsui, Shigenori. The Constitution of Japan: A Contextual Analysis. Oxford: Hart Publishing, 2011. ISBN 978-1-
84113-792-6.
Hook, edited by Glenn D. (2005). Contested governance in Japan : sites and issues (https://books.google.com/?i
d=cSiOHT0xf8kC). London: RoutledgeCurzon. ISBN 978-0415364980.
Moore, Ray A.; Robinson, Donald L. (2004). Partners for democracy : crafting the new Japanese state under
MacArthur (https://books.google.com/?id=Ku1iq--PxN4C). Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0195171761.
"Special Issue Constitutional Law in Japan and the United Kingdom" (http://www.tandfonline.com/toc/rklj20/26/2).
King's Law Journal. 2 (2). 2015.
This article incorporates public domain material from the Library of Congress Country Studies website
http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/ (http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/).
External links
Full text of Constitution (http://japan.kantei.go.jp/constitution_and_government_of_japan/constitution_e.html)
from the Cabinet (http://www.kantei.go.jp/foreign/index-e.html)
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