English Assignment

Jalal Mehmood
(BBA) 2nd Semester
ID (13871)
 Terrorism in Pakistan

Abstract
Terrorism is often construed as a well-thought-out, extreme form of violence to
perceived injustices. The after effects of terrorism are usually reported without
understanding the underlying psychological and social determinants of the terrorist act.
Since ‘9/11’ Pakistan has been at the epicentre of both terrorism and the war against it.
This special paper helps to explain the psychosocial perspective of terrorism in Pakistan
that leads to violent radicalisation. It identifies the terrorist acts in the background of
Pakistan's history, current geopolitical and social scenario. The findings may also act as
a guide on addressing this core issue.

Most nations are unable to reach a consensus on a legally binding definition of

‘terrorism.’ The term seems emotionally charged and, as such, governments have been
devising their own definitions. So far the United Nations has been unable to devise an
internationally agreed-upon definition of terrorism. Terrorism is suggested to be ‘the use
of intimidation or fear for advancement of political objectives’ (Kruglanski &
Fishman, 2006). Since the ‘9/11’ incident, Muslim countries in particular feel emotionally
threatened with the word terrorism and perceive it as synonymous with the acts of terror
carried out by so-called Muslim extremist groups. This is further complemented in the
media by the unjust linking of such horrendous terror attacks to Islamic Jihad.
Terrorism has brought an enormous burden on South Asian countries through the
adverse impacts on their social, economic, political and physical infrastructure. Pakistan
has suffered particularly excessively from the social, economic and human costs due to
terrorism (Daraz et al, 2012). Surprisingly, Pakistan is portrayed as being on the front
line in the international war against terrorism and at the same time has been wrongly
labelled as a sponsor of international terrorism. Terrorism in Pakistan is a
multidimensional phenomenon and, among many precipitating factors, the psychosocial
factors play an important role. This paper attempts to address what we believe are
significant psychosocial determinants to terrorism in Pakistan.

Historical developments
Pakistan is a Muslim majority nation in South East Asia with India to its east, Iran and
Afghanistan to its west, China and the landlocked Asian countries to its north and the
Arabian Sea to its south. Pakistan gained independence from British colonial rule in
1947 and is the only Muslim country with nuclear weapons – a nuclear device was
detonated in 1998 – and is thus part of the informally named ‘nuclear club.’ Pakistan is a
federation of four provinces (Punjab, Sindh, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK) and
Balochistan), a capital territory (Islamabad) and a group of federally administered tribal
areas in the north west, along with the disputed area of Azad Jammu and Kashmir.
Pakistan is the world's sixth most populous country with an average population
density of 229 people per km2 (World Bank
indicators; [Link]
[Link]). Since independence in 1947, Pakistan has been challenged not
only by the trauma inflicted by its colonial occupiers but also by the mass murder of
people migrating to the ‘new’ country. Hundreds of thousands of people were killed,
looted, raped or burnt alive. At the same time, the stability of this fledgling country was
significantly hampered by the lack of resources. Just a few years later, due to political
instability and separatist movements and terrorism, the east wing of the country was
separated from Pakistan; this paved the way to the creation of a new country,
Bangladesh, in 1971 (Wadhwani, 2011).
The Soviet–Afghan war, which began in 1979, provided a breeding ground for
terrorism in the region. A fundamental change was witnessed that altered the very
character of the existing Pakistani society. Withdrawal of the Soviets revealed a
Pakistani society that had been forced into one of violence and weaponisation, plaguing
Pakistan with so-called ‘Kalashnikov culture’ and ‘Talibanisation’ (Wadhwani, 2011).
Pakistan's social landscape has for the most part been plagued with illiteracy,
disease, insecurity and injustice. Since the 9/11 incident, Pakistan has been intricately
linked with the many facets of the ‘war on terrorism.’ Some argue that Pakistan is a
breeding ground for terrorist outfits, but it is certain that all of this havoc has resulted in
the significant loss of innocent lives as well as loss of economic revenue. These fragile
conditions provide a fertile ground for terrorism to grow.

Psychological influence
The act of carrying out terrorist activity does not come from a single moment of
inspiration but rather from a complex process of cognitive accommodation and
assimilation over accumulating steps. It is wrongly reductionist to label the terrorists as
mad or psychopaths (Atran, 2003; Horgan, 2008). Terrorists’ motivation may involve a
deep, underlying quest for personal meaning and significance. Several analyses of such
motives have appeared in recent years. There are differences in these analyses
regarding the type and variety of motivational factors identified as critical to terrorism.
Some authors identified a singular motivation as crucial; others listed a ‘cocktail’ of
motives (Sageman, 2004; Bloom, 2005).
The socioeconomic adversity combined with political challenges were bound to
have a detrimental impact on the psyche of the average Pakistani. A terrorist adopts a
dichotomous way of identifying their victims, the black-and-white thought that ‘I am
good’ and ‘you are evil,’ with no intermediary shades of grey. This thinking leaves no
doubt in their minds and they find it easier to kill their opponents with little or no sense of
remorse or guilt.
The unmanned army drone strikes killed and maimed thousands of innocent
civilians in poor and difficult to access regions of Pakistan. This infuriated people,
leading them to take up arms against the perceived aggressors. This triggering of the
relatives of the deceased to engage in such activity is the culture of revenge in
Pakistan, which unfortunately can last for generations.
Self-sacrifice and martyrdom has been explicitly used in almost all religions and is
aggressively exploited by terrorist outfits who groom suicide bombers using the ideology
of Islamist martyrdom (Atran, 2003). Some have argued that suicide bombers may
actually be clinically suicidal and attempting to escape personal impasse
(Lankford, 2013). In grooming young impressionable adolescents, extremist
organisations brainwash these adolescents into believing that the ultimate self-sacrifice
by suicide bombing will elevate their stature in the eyes of God and send them straight
to heaven. This is associated with massive financial compensations to the deceased
family. Terrorist organisations in Pakistan, through this process of brainwashing, have
been able to convert young impressionable Muslim adolescents into a ‘suicide bomber
in six weeks’ (Nizami et al, 2014). In the current scenario of the existing war on terror,
this complex process of recruiting young adolescents as suicide bombers seems
irreversible.

The contribution of the religious schools

In the West, Madrassas (Islamic religious schools) have gained a reputation of being a
sinister influence on young impressionable Muslims. These institutions are not
completely regulated and can vary from a single room to large institutions offering
schooling and boarding to hundreds of students at a time. A survey of just over 50  000
households in Pakistan found that children in Urdu-medium government schools
and madrassas were from poorer households than those in English-medium private
schools. The primary reason for parents to send their children to madrassas as opposed
to mainstream schools was that these institutions provided a good Islamic education.
The second most common reason was that the madrassa provided education that is low
in cost along with the provision of food and clothing (Cockcroft et al, 2009).
Another survey indicated that in Pakistan only a minority of the religious schools
promoted an extremist view of Islam (Bano, 2007). An interrogation of 79 terrorists
involved in anti-Western attacks found that very few had attended a madrassa. This
suggests that terrorist groups may selectively recruit better qualified people for
technically demanding tasks (Bergen & Pandey, 2006). However, the religious
seminaries have been implicated as playing the role of recruitment centres for the
suicide bombers (Nizami et al, 2014).
In an effort to break this incorrect perception the Darul Uloom Deoband, the largest
Islamic seminary in the world, hosted an anti-terrorist conference in 2008. This was
attended by 6000 Imams declaring that ‘Islam is a religion of mercy for all humanity.
Islam sternly condemns all kinds of oppression, violence and terrorism. It has regarded
oppression, mischief, rioting and murder among sins and crimes’ (Press Trust of
India, 2008). However, it is yet to be ascertained how many religious schools in Pakistan
adopted this school of thought. With the revolution in the world of information
technology, experts agree that the internet played an important role in the radicalisation
and self-recruitment process into terrorist groups. Messages and videos on jihadi
websites target the ‘soft spots’ of potential recruits and inflame their imagination
(Kruglanski & Fishman, 2009).

Conclusion
By understanding, appreciating and addressing the psychosocial factors contributing to
terrorism in Pakistan, one may find long-lasting solutions to the fall out on Pakistan's
war against terror. This war has led to a loss of innocent human lives, compounded by
the deep psychological scars for survivors which will undoubtedly persist for generations
to come. An ongoing, concerted effort to gain peace and security in the region is
essential and is the only way to counteract the revenge attacks and further
brainwashing of young impressionable youths. These psychological determinants,
however, are markedly different than terrorist activities in Western countries, where it
seems that a different set of psychological rules apply.