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edu

THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE of THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO

STUDIES IN ANCIENT ORIENTAL CIVILIZATION, NO. 15

THE KURRAH PAPYRI

FROM APHRODITO IN THE
ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

By
NABIA A B B O T T

THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS

CHICAGO, ILLINOIS
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THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

of
THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO

STUDIES IN ANCIENT ORIENTAL

CIVILIZATION

JOHN ALBERT WILSON

and
THOMAS GEORGE ALLEN
Editors
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THE KURRAH PAPYRI

FROM APHRODITO IN THE
ORIENTAL INSTITUTE
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THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS

CHICAGO, ILLINOIS

THE BAKER & TAYLOR COMPANY

NEW YORK

THE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS

LONDON

THE MARUZEN-KABUSHIKI-KAISHA
TOKYO, OSAKA, KYOTO, FUKUOKA, SENDAI

THE COMMERCIAL PRESS, LIMITED

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THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE of THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO

STUDIES IN ANCIENT ORIENTAL CIVILIZATION, NO. 15

THE KURRAH PAPYRI

*

FROM APHRODITO IN THE

ORIENTAL INSTITUTE
By
NABIA ABBOTT

THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS

CHICAGO, ILLINOIS
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COPYRIGHT 1938 BY THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. PUBLISHED DECEMBER 1938

PRINTED IN THE C.S,A.

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T A B L E OF C O N T E N T S
PAGE

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS ix

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS xi

BIBLIOGRAPHY xiii
I. INTRODUCTION 1
Historical Sketch 1
The Aphrodito Papyri 5
State Bureaus 10
Writing Materials 16
The Pen 24
The Ink 26
The Seal 27
The Script 33
Form, Style, and Diction 39
II. T H E IJURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE 42

III. BIOGRAPHY OF I£URRAH IBN SHARIK, GOVERNOR OF EGYPT . . 57

IV. HISTORICAL STUDY AND INTERPRETATION 70

Byzantine Egypt 70
The Arab Conquest of Egypt and the Settlement of c Amr ibn al-
C
MI 80
Early Arab Administration 89

vii
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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
PLATES
I. ORIENTAL INSTITUTE PAPYRUS N O . 13757
II. ORIENTAL INSTITUTE PAPYRUS N O . 13755
III. ORIENTAL INSTITUTE PAPYRUS N O . 13756

IV. ORIENTAL INSTITUTE PAPYRI N O S . 13758 AND 13759

TEXT FIGURES
PAGE

1. METHODS OF FOLDING AND TYING PAPYRI 14

2. SEALS OF KURRAH PAPYRI 31

IX
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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
AJSL American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures
(Chicago etc., 1884 ).
AMJRL John Rylands Library, Manchester. Catalogue of the
Arabic Manuscripts.... by A. Mingana (Man-
chester, 1934).
APELl Cairo. Egyptian Library. Arabic Papyri in the Egyp-
tian Library, [ed.] by Adolf Grohmann (Cairo, 1934).
APJRL John Rylands Library, Manchester. Catalogue of Arabic
P a p y r i . . . . by D. S. Margoliouth (Manchester,
1933).
Ar. Kg. Wellhausen, Julius. The Arab Kingdom and Its Fall,
tr. by Margaret Graham Weir ([Calcutta,] 1927).
Ar. Pal. Moritz, B. Arabic Palaeography (Cairo, 1905).
Ar. Papier Karabacek, Josef von. Das arabische Papier (Wien,
1887).
Beitrage Becker, Carl H. Beitrage zur Geschichte Agyptens
unter dem Islam (Heft 1-2; Strassburg, 1902-3).
BGA Bibliotheca geographorum Arabicorum, ed. M. J. de
Goeje . . . . (Lugduni Batavorum, 1879-1927).
BIFAO Cairo. Institut frangais d'archeologie orientale. Bulle-
tin (Le Caire, 1901 ).
CMHll The Cambridge Medieval History II (New York, 1913).
CPR III Corpus papyrorum Raineri archiducis Austriae. III.
Series Arabica, ed. Adolphus Grohmann, Bd. I, Teil 1.
Allgemeine Einfuhrung in die arabischen Papyri, von
Dr. Adolf Grohmann (Wien, 1924). Bd. I, Teil 2-3.
Protokolle, bearb. und hrsg. von Dr. Adolf Groh-
mann (Text und Tafeln; Wien, 1924, '23).
EI Encyclopaedia of Islam (Leyden, 1913 ).
Encyc. Brit. Encyclopaedia Britannica (14th ed.; New York, 1929).
Flor. de Vogue Florilegium ou recueil de travaux d'erudition dedies a
M. ... de Vogue (Paris, 1909).
xi
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Xll LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

JEA Journal of Egyptian Archaeology (London, 1914 ).

JHS Journal of Hellenic Studies (London, 1880 ).
JOHN OF N I K I U John, bishop of Nikiu. The Chronicle . . . . (London,
1916).
MIFAO Cairo. Institut frangais d'archeologie orientale. M6-
moires (Le Caire, 1902 ).
MPER Vienna. Nationalbibliothek. Mittheilungen aus der
Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer (Wien,
1887-97).
NPAF I, II, etc. Papyri in Becker, Carl H. Neue arabische Papyri des
Aphroditofundes (Der Islam II [1911] 245-68).
PAF I, II, etc. Papyri in Becker, Carl H. Arabische Papyri des Aphro-
ditofundes (ZA XX).
PERF Vienna. Nationalbibliothek. Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer.
Fuhrer durch die Ausstellung (Wien, 1894).
P . Lond. IV British Museum. Greek Papyri IV. The Aphrodito
Papyri, ed. by H. I. Bell (London, 1910).
PO Patrologia orientalis (Paris, 1907——).
P . Ross.-Georg. IV Jernstedt, Peter. Die Kome-Aphrodito Papyri der
Sammlung Lichacov ("Papyri russischer und geor-
gischer Samrnlungen [P. Ross.-Georg.]" [Tiflis,
1927]).
PSR Becker, Carl H. Papyri Schott-Reinhardt . . . . I
(Heidelberg, 1906).
PSR I, II, etc. Individual papyri in the foregoing volume.
Statthalter Wustenfeld, H. F. Die Statthalter von Agypten zur
Zeit der Chalifen (Gottingen, 1875-76).
ZA Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete
(Leipzig, 1886 ).
ZDMG Deutsche morgenlandische Gesellschaft. Zeitschrift
(Leipzig, 1847 ).
A.H. and A.D. indicate years of the Muslim and the Christian era respectively.
Within the text proper double datings are commonly expressed merely by
use of / between the year numbers; e.g., 1274/1857 means A.H. 1274, i.e.
A.D. 1857.
The system of transliteration used is that of A. Brux (see Bibliography).
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B I B L I O G R A P H Y

Abbott, Nabia. The Rise of the North Arabic Script and Its
^ur* anic Development, with a Pull Description of the ^ur*an
Manuscripts in the Oriental Institute (Chicago. University.
The Oriental Institute, "Oriental Institute Publications" L
[Chicago, 1939]).
Abu Salih a1-Armani. The Churches and Monasteries of Egypt ....,
tr.*.... by B. T. A. Evetts (Oxford, I895).
Aghnides, Nicolas P. Mohammedan Theories of Finance (New York,
1916).
Amelineau, E. La geographle de I'Egypte a I'epoque copte (Paris,
1893).
Baladhuri, Ahmad ibn Yahya al-. Futufr al-buldan (Liber expug-
nationis regionum), 'ed. M. J. de Goeje (Lugduni Batavorum,
1866).
Becker, Carl H. Arabische Papyri des Aphrodit of undes (ZA XX [I907]
68-104).
Beitrage zur Geschichte Xgyptens unter dem Islam (Heft
1-2; Strassburg, 1902-3).
E g y p t (EI 11 4-23).

Historlsche Studien iiber das Londoner Aphroditowerk

(Per Islam II [1911] 359-71)-
Joseph von Karabacek (Per Islam X [1920] 233-38).
Neue arablsche Papyri des Aphroditofundes (Per Islam
II [1911] 245-68).
Papyri Schott-Reinhardt I ("Veroffentlichungen aus der
Heidelberger Papyrussammlung,, III [Heidelberg, I9O6]).
Papyrusstudien (ZA XXII [1909] 137-54).
Yom Werden und Wesen der islamischen Welt. Islam-
studien. I (Leipzig, 1924).
Bell, H. I. The administration of Egypt under the Umayyad
khalifs (Byzantinische Zeitschrift XXVIII [1928] 278-86).
The Aphrodito papyri (JHS XXVIII [1908] 97-120).
Translations of the Greek Aphrodito papyri in the Brit-
ish Museum (Der Islam II [1911] 269-83 and 372-84,- III [1912]
132-40 and 369-73; IV [1913] 87-96;and XVII [1928] 4-8).
xiii
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xiv BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bell, H. I. Two official letters of the Arab period (JEA XII
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p # Jernstedt, Die Kome-Aphrodito Papyri der Sammlung
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Bjorkman, WaltherA Beitrage zur Geschichte der Staatskanzlei Im
islamischen ftgypten (Hamburg, I928).

British Museum. Greek Papyri IV. The Aphrodito Papyri, ed.

by H. I. Bell (London, 1910).
Brux, Adolph A. Arabic-English transliteration for library pur-
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Butler, Alfred J. The Arab Conquest of Egypt and the Last Thirty
Years of the Roman Dominion (Oxford, 1902).
Caetani, Leone. Annali dell'Islam (10 vols.; Milano, I9O5-26).

Cairo. Egyptian Library. Arabic Papyri in the Egyptian Library,

[ed.] by Adolf Grohmann (Cairo, 1934 ).

The Cambridge Medieval History, .... ed. by H. M. Gwatkin, J. P.

Whitney II (New York, 1915).
Carter, Thomas F. The Invention of Printing in China and Its
Spread Westward (New York, 1925).
DIehl, Charles. Justinian. The Imperial restoration In the West and
Justinian's government In the East (CMH II 1-2^ and 25-52).

Encyclopaedia Brltannica (14th ed.; New York, 1929).

Encyclopaedia of Islam (Leyden, I913 ).

Eutychius, patriarch of Alexandria. Nazm al-.iauhar. Contextio

gemmarum sive Eutychii ..* annales ... interprete Edwardo
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Florilegium ou recueil de travaux d'erudition dedies a M. le
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Gauthier, Henri. Les nomes d'figypte depuis Herodote jusqu'a la

conquSte arabe (Institut d'Egypte, Memoires XXV [1935]).

Gelzer. Matthias. Studien zur byzantinischen Verwaltung 'Agyptens

( 'Leipziger historische Abhandlungen," hrsg. von E. Branden-
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Gesenius, Wilhelm. Hebraisches und aramaisches Handworterbuch

liber das Alte Testament ...., bearbeitet von Dr. Frants Buhl
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Goldziher, Ignacz. Muhammedanische Studien (2 vols.; Halle a. S.,

1888-90).

Grohmann, Adolf. Apergu de papyrologie arabe (Socie'te royale

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23-95).
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BIBLIOGRAPHY xv
Grohmann, Adolf. ed. Series Arabica ("Corpus papyrorum Raineri
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Hammer-Purgstall, Joseph. Abhandlung uber die Siegel der Araber,

Perser und Turken (Wlen, 1849; reprint from K. Akademie der
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Hardy, Edward Rochie, Jr. The Large Estates of Byzantine Egypt
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Heffening, Willi. Das islamische Fremdenrecht ("Beitrage zum
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Henning, W.- Arablsch harag (Orientalia, nova series, IV [1935]

291-93). "
Herodotus. Herodotus with an English translation by A. D. Godley
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Horn, Paul. Grundriss der neupersisohen Etymologie (Strassburg,

1893) •
Howorth, Sir Henry Hoyle. History of the Mongols from the 9th to
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Hiibschmann, H. Persische Studien (Strassburg, 1895).

Hunt, Arthur S. Papyrology (Encyc. Brit. XVII 243-46).

Ibn Abd al-Hakam, (Abd al-Rahman Ibn cAbd Allah. Futub misr wa-
c

akhbaruha (The history *of the conquest of Egypt, North

Africa and Spain), ed by Charles C. Torrey ("Yale
Oriental Series—Researches" III [New Haven, 1922]).

Ibn <Abd Rabbihi, Ahmad ibn Muhammad. Kitab al-cikd al-farid (3

vols.; Bulak, A.H. 1293-1305/[A.D.l'876-87])-
Ibn al-Athlr^ cIzz al-Din cAli ibn Muhammad. Kitab al-kamll fi
al-taj rikh (Chronicon) ed. C. J. Tornberg (14 vols.;
Upsaliae et Lugduni Batavorum, 1851-76).
Ibn al-Mukaffac, see Severus, Ibn al-Mukaffac.

Ibn al-Tiktaka, Muhammad ibn C A11. Al-Fakhr:L Histoire. du

khalifat et du'vizirat ..., nouv. ed. du texte arabe, par H.
Derenbourg (Paris, I895).

Ibn Duraid, Muhammad ibn al-Has an. Kitab al-ishtlkak (Genealogisch-

etymologisches Handbuch), ed. F. Wustenfeld (Gottingen, 1854).
Ibn Durustuyah, cAbd Allah ibn Jacfar. Kitab al-kuttab, ed. L.
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Ibn Khalllkan, Ahmad ibn Muhammad. Wafayat al-acyan wa-anba^
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W. M. de Slane (4 vols.; Paris, 1843-71)*

Ibn TaghribirdI, Abu al-Mahasin Yusuf. Al-nu.jum al-zahirah fl

'muluk mlsr wa-al-kahirah (Annales), ed. T. G. J. Juynboll et
B. P. Matthes (Lugduni Batavorum, I852-6I).
Ibscher, Hugo. Beobachtungen bei der Papyrusaufrollung (Archiv
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Jahshiyarl, Muhammad ibn ^Abdus al-. Kitab al-wuzara° wa-al-
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und Geographen1' I [Leipzig, 1926]).

Jernstedt, Peter. Die Kome-Aphrodito Papyri der Sammlung Lichacov

("Papyri russischer und georgischer Sammlungen [P. Ross.-
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John, bishop of Nikiu. The Chronicle ...., tr. from Zotenberg's

Ethiopic text by R. H. Charles (London, 1916).
John Rylands Library, Manchester. Catalogue of Arabic Papyri ....
by D. S. Margoliouth (Manchester, 1933).
Kalkashandi, Ahmad ibn c Ali al-. Kitab subh al-a(sha (14 vols.;
al-Kahirah, 1913-19).
Karabacek, Josef von. Das arabische Papier (reprint, separately
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Kenyon, Frederic G. Ancient' Books and Modern Discoveries (Chi-

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I N T R O D U C T I O N

HISTORICAL SKETCH

The foundations for the modern study of papyrology began to

be laid about the middle of the 18th century. Before that time
the only papyrus documents existing in the western world were some
Latin manuscripts of the 6th and 7th centuries and a considerable
number of Latin legal documents from the 5th to the 10th century,
the latter chiefly In Italy. In I752 a library of charred papy-
rus rolls was discovered In Hereulaneum; these were published four
decades later In Naples. In the meantime a group of Egyptians had
made a find of about fifty rolls in 1778, all but one of which were
ignorantly burned, supposedly for their aromatic odor; the one
remaining papyrus was published in 1788 and proved to be a list
of laborers engaged in Irrigation embankment work in a village of
the Fayyum in A.D. I9I. 2
Then came a lull which lasted till 1820, when the Memphis
find was added, consisting of documents of the 2d century B.C.
Parts of these were published at Turin in 1826, at London in I839,
and at Leyden In 1843- Interest In papyri seems to have been by
then actively aroused. Other finds followed, England being most
fortunate in these.
But It was not till 1877 that the "age of papyrus" really
began with the magnificent Arsinoe find, more generally known as
the first Fayyum find, which was followed by several other Fayyum
discoveries. In 1896/97 the Egypt Exploration Society, under
B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt, discovered at Bahnasa (Oxyrhynchus)

1
Cf. E. M. Thompson In Encyc. Brit. XVII 248.
2
These and the following statements on papyrology in general
are based on Arthur S. Hunt's article on "Papyrology In Encyc.
Brit. XVII 24^ and on Kenyon, Ancient Books and Modern Discoveries,
PP. 43-52.

1
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2 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

the greatest site so far for papyri. The next significant dis-
covery was that of the Aphrodito papyri in 1902, with which we
shall deal more fully below. Small scattered finds have continued.
The papyri of the older finds, In hiding with the natives or in
waiting in some European and, more recently, in some American mu-
seums and libraries, are more and more becoming available for pub-
lication. The first professorship of papyrology was established
in 1908 at Oxford. Surveys of the whole field of papyrology are
to be found from time to time In Archiv fur Papyrusforschung und
verwandte Gebiete, Bulletin papyrologlque, and Journal of Egyptian
Archaeology.
The contribution which papyrology is making to our knowledge
of the past is immense, though as yet its significance has dawned
mainly on the few who have labored painstakingly In that field.
According to Kenyon, the papyri have ushered In an age comparable
to that of the Renaissance, and he declares: "Fortunate indeed
are those who have been privileged to see and take part in It."
The term "papyrology" technically Includes the study of
papyri of all languages; but owing to the great number of Greek
papyri from the Greco-Roman period of Egyptian history, when
Greek was the official language of Egypt, this term has been used
chiefly with reference to them. Though literary and religious
documents have not been wanting, the nonliterary far exceed the
former and contribute richly to our knowledge of history, society,
law, philology, and paleography.
After this brief historical survey of papyrology in general
we shall now turn our attention to that branch of It which inter-
ests us most in this thesis—Arabic papyrology.
It is natural to expect the main steps in the progress of
Arabic papyrology to follow closely those of papyrology in gen-
eral; and this they do, though they start somewhat later and at-
"5 4
tract less attention. C. H. Becker-' and A. Grohmann have given
a complete and detailed historical survey of Arabic papyrology up
to the years I9O6 and 1924 respectively. It is our purpose not
to repeat all of the details here, but to give only a sketch that
will serve as background for the discussion of the greatest find
of Arabic papyri—the Kum Aphrodito papyri.
5
PSR> PP. 1-6-
4
CPR III, Bd. I, Teil 1, pp. 1-17.
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INTRODUCTION 3
Silvestre de Sacy was the first to draw attention to Arabic
papyri, publishing two in the August number, 1825, of the Journal
de3 savans under the title of "Memoire sur quelques papyrus ecrits
en arabe et recemment decouverts en figypte."-5 These two papyri,
which were supposed to have been found at Memphis, proved to be
passport letters of A.H. 133 and were written in cursive. Two
years later de Sacy published In the Journal asiatique X (1827)
two other Arabic papyri, one a passport similar to the first two
and the other a letter to Usamah ibn Zaid, whom Becker would iden-
tify as the governor Usamah ibn Zaid al-Tariukhl.
Then followed half a century of silence until the Arsinoe or
first Fayyum discovery was made in 1877. Three Arabic pieces
were acquired by 0. Loth in 1879, while many were destroyed by
fire in Cairo. In the meantime Josef von Karabacek had got wind
of the find and readily interested Theodor Graf, a great business
man and collector of orientalia, in the acquisition of the find.
By 1882 Graf had secured this magnificent treasure of about 10,000
pieces, written in six different languages and including over
3,000 Arabic pieces, for Vienna.' The next decade was Indeed an
active and fruitful one in the history of Arabic papyrology.
Through the magnificent generosity of Archduke Rainer, the patron
of the Vienna academy of sciences, the bulk of this collection
and of the second Fayyum find of 1884, as well as pieces from the
finds of 1886 and I89I from Ashmunain and Dimah, were acquired for
Vienna, where they formed the collection known as "Papyrus
Erzherzog Rainer." Under the leadership of Karabacek work on
their publication was immediately begun.
The variety, quantity, and speed of Karabacek1s productions
are amazing. In 1882 appeared Der Papyrus fund von El-Fai.jum,
which may have hastened Archduke Rainer1s gift in 1884, which in
turn led to the six volumes of the Mitthellungen aus der Sammlung
der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer in the period from 1886 to 1897. Among
the products of Karabacek1s labor of a dozen years was also the
Fuhrer durch die Ausstellung, which appeared in 1894. Yet as
Becker rightly remarks: "So nutzlich dieser Fuhrer, so wichtig

5
PSR, p. 2.
6
Ibid.
7
CPR III, Bd. I, Teil 1, pp. 3-5; In the Berlin collection
8 languages were represented (ibid. p. 7 ) .
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4 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

die In ihm niedergelegten Resultate sind, Ersatz fur eine Publi-
co
kation bietet er nicht.1'
But Karabacek's labors did not cease with this. In 1899 we
find him appointed director of the court library of Emperor
Francis Joseph just two days before Archduke Rainer gave his papy-
rus collection as a birthday gift to the Emperor. Here we find
him continuing his contributions till the time of his death In
1918.10
But Vienna was not alone and unchallenged in the field. The
Berlin museum also acquired some of the ^ayyum papyri and made Its
contribution to Arabic papyrology through L. Abel's two instalments
of Arablsche Urkunden in 1896 and 1900, which presented twenty-two
public and private pieces ranging from A.H.143-4 58. During the
next few years several Arablsts, among whom were Margoliouth,
Merx, Moritz, and Becker, gave us additional publications. Among
these were the Aphrodito papyri, which we shall consider In the
next section of this chapter.
An Idea of the rapidity with which Arabic papyri were accumu-
lated in large collections and of the size of some of these collec-
tions Is gained from Grohmannfs data on the collections in Berlin
12
and Vienna. While in 1885 Vienna possessed but 4,000 pieces, in
1922 it could boast no less than 18,274. Unfortunately, publica-
tion has not kept pace with collection, and that for various gen-
eral and a few particular reasons. Papyrologists are scarce,
papyrology Is a slow and exacting science, and it is an expensive
science, demanding a large outlay and promising no financial re-
turns. Arabic papyrology has shared and still shares these dis-
advantages, but they are not its worst enemies. It has suffered,
and still suffers, from a lack of proper scholarly interest in
Arabic texts. Loth, de Sacy, Wright, Merx, Moritz, and Caetani
have primarily a paleographic objective for their Arabic publica-
tions; and Kenyon, Krall, Crum, and Bell touch on Arabic only in

8
PSR, pp. 3 f.
9
CPR III, Bd. I, Tell 1, p..7.

Ibid, p. 13; for a frank estimate of Karabacek as a

scholar see C. H. Becker in Per Islam'X 233*38.
11
CPR III, Bd. I, Tell 1, p. 15.
12
Ibid, p. 10.
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INTRODUCTION 5
connection with their Greek and Coptic pieces. ^ It is workers
like Becker and Grohmann that Arabic papyri need, nay challenge,

THE APHRODITO PAPYRI

These papyri are named after the ancient town of Aphrodito,
the modern Kum Ishkaw, which is situated in Upper Egypt, between
the left bank of the Nile and the desert, some seven kilometers
- 14 The town has seen many ups and downs in its
southwest of Tima.
recorded history—a romantic story of alternate achievements and
failures. Settled first by the ancient Egyptians, under the
patronage of the goddess Hathor, the place was renamed Aphrodito
by the Greeks, who identified the Greek goddess Aphrodite with
the Egyptian Hathor. Greek papyri of the Roman and Byzantine
periods have yielded to patient scholars the broad outlines of its
history. Its high rank as capital of the tenth nome of Upper
Egypt in Roman times was lost when this nome was absorbed by the
neighboring nome of Antaeopolis, which must have occurred between
A.D.307 and 310, at which time the term "nome" for an administra-
tive district was abandoned. ^
Just what official relations Aphrodito had with Antaeopolis
at that time is difficult to decide; yet it is natural to expect
that the former metropolis would seek and avail Itself of any
possible privilege. And It did just that; for we find it claim-
ing to have enjoyed the right of autopragia since the time of
Emperor Leo I (A.D. 457-74). l 6 When Justinian in 538 officially
recognized the institution of pagarchies, Aphrodito seems to
have been left an autopract unit within the Antaeopolite pagarchy. '
It is In this period that we find it jealously guarding its

15
Ibid, p. 16.
14 * n
Egypt. Service des antiquites, Annales III 85; cf. also
ZA XX 68.
15
P. Lond. IV xli.
Hardy, The Large Estates of Byzantine Egypt, p. 55.
' P. Lond. IV xiii. Gauthier, Les nomes d'ffgypte, p. 195,
points out that the term "nome," however, continued to be used,
though it no longer corresponded to anything real. Cf. also
Rouillard, L1administration civile de l'figypte byzantine, pp.
49-60, andGelzer, Studien zur byzantinischen Verwaltung Kgyptens,
p. 62.
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6 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

rights against the encroachments of Menas, the pagarch of
Antaeopolis.
Greek papyri of the Byzantine period add no further Informa-
tion respecting the status of Aphrodito, but Greek and Arabic pa-
pyri of the early Arab period make up for this silence. In these
we find Aphrodito again playing an important role, that of capital
of an Arab administrative unit; and since it Is generally con-
ceded that the Arabs took over almost entirely the Byzantine sys-
tem, Aphrodito must in later Byzantine times have risen once
again to the position of capital of an Independent "nome" of the
same name. In fact, Bell's exhaustive study of this problem leaves
little room for doubt on this question. -*
How long Aphrodito enjoyed this privilege in Arab times it
is hard to tell. So far as we now know, it seems to have had
another change of fortune, for we do not hear of it in the works
of Arab geographers of the Middle Ages. In all probability It
continued as a "nome" capital until these administrative units
were abolished by the Arabs in A.D.IO58. The eagerly awaited
continuation of Toussoun's valuable vork will doubtless throw
further light on its history.
At the beginning of our century Kum Ishkaw was an agricul-
tural town of some 4,000 inhabitants, leading a peaceful and
somewhat Isolated existence, ignorant of and indifferent to its
past history, to which It nevertheless held the key. In the
spring of 1901 native villagers, digging on the edge of the
Muslim cemetery, came upon a large papyrus heap. Ignorant of
both the historical and the monetary value of papyri, they paid
little heed at first to their precious find. But the brother of
c
the village chief ( umdah) knew its worth and took the greater
part of what was found for himself, whereupon others helped them-
selves to the rest. Dealers were informed and came to purchase
some. Apprised of what was going on, the government stepped in
and tried to seize the papyri. But the enterprising villagers
hid their treasures while the timid ones, to avoid trouble with
the government, burned theirs. Those which had been kept in

18
Hardy, p. 55; P. Lond. IV xii f., nn. 4 and 5.
19
JHS XXVIII 100-6 and P. Lond. IV xlil and xxi-xxiv.
Toussoun, La geographie de 1'lSgypte I xiv.
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INTRODUCTION 7
hiding later found their way into the hands of dealers in Cairo,
through whom they eventually reached various European countries
21
and the United States.
Since then Aphrodito has had a double resurrection, a mate-
rial and an intellectual one; the former in the condition of Its
inhabitants, the latter in the minds of scholars scattered the
world over. But the latter was not conceded It without a contest;
for In the extremely difficult problem of the identification of
old place-names with modern sites Aphrodito has been at least
twice misidentified, first with Idfa (Edfa), and then with
2"5
Atfih. ^ But thanks to the contents of the Aphrodito papyri and
to the work of Bell and Crum on the Greek and Coptic ones respec-
tively, Greek Aphrodito (*A(j){>0 6 t TOJ) was paralleled with Coptic
Jkow (-arKtuoy), thus linking Greek Aphrodito to Arabic Ashkauh
or Ishkauh (o^iil) , the modern Kum Ishkaw (jUil f^T) .
The Aphrodito papyri consist of Greek, Arabic, and Coptic
official correspondence and tax registers, almost all of them from
the time of the governorship of Kurrah ibn Sharik (A.H.9O-96/A.D.
709-14). The letters are of two main categories: letters from
the governor to the administrator of the district of Ashkauh,
written in separate Greek and Arabic parallels but not as literal
translations or duplicates one of the other; and bilingual Arabic -
Greek notifications of tax assessments to the inhabitants of the
towns, villages, and religious settlements in the district. ^ In-
dividual tax registers and security documents, mostly In Coptic,
are also found in the group. So far, the Greek letters are in
the majority, though on account of their being, together with the
Arabic, so widely scattered (some published, some yet unpublished),
it is difficult to tell if we have as yet all the Greek-Arabic
21 *
Egypt. Service des antiquites, Annales III 85 f.; cf.
also ZA XX 68 f.
22
P. Lond. IV xi.
25
PSR, p. 24.
2if
P. Lond. IV xi; Per Islam II 245 f.
25
JHS XXVIII 98 f. and P. Lond. IV xlii and n. 2. Several
of the Arabic letters are In the Russian Lichacov collection; cf.
P. Ross.-Georg. IV v. These, so far as we know, are still un-
published. A request for further information brought no results.
26
P. Lond. IV xlvi f. and 468 f.
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8 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

parallels. Again, It Is difficult to tell to what extent these

papyri represent the actual volume of correspondence between the
central government and the district of Ashkauh, since not only
Arabic parallels are missing, but also Greek parallels to some of
the Arabic ones. Interesting in this connection is the fact that
so far less than half a dozen pairs have been identified and these
not positively.
The largest part of the Aphrodito papyri found its way to the
British Museum, a goodly part to Heidelberg and to Strassburg,
some to Russia, while not a small portion of the Arabic papyri was
retained in Cairo. Within a decade of the discovery several im-
portant publications appeared: in 1905 B. Moritz' Arabic Palaeog-
raphy , which Included three, possibly five, of the Kurrah papyri
(Pis. 100-5); 2 7 in 1906 Becker's Papyri Schott-Relnhardt I, which
Included both the Heidelberg and the Strassburg Arabic and Arabic-
Greek Kurrah documents; in I907 Becker's "Arabische Papyri des
Aphrodltofundes," Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie XX, which contrib-
uted mainly some Arabic pieces from the British Museum; in I908
Bell's article "The Aphrodito Papyri," Journal of Hellenic Studies
XXVIII, which was followed In 19IO by his publication of the
Aphrodito Papyri, being volume IV of the "Greek Papyri in the
British Museum1';- and in 1911 Becker's "Neue arabische Papyri des
Aphrodltofundes," Per Islam II t which presented pieces from the
Egyptian Library In Cairo and one from the Ottoman Museum in
Constantinople. In the same volume of Per Islam appeared the first
two instalments of Bell's translation of the British Museum Greek
Aphrodito papyri.
Thus the first decade of our century saw the awakening of
considerable interest in Arabic papyri, In the texts themselves
and in their historical significance. For although Karabacek had
sought from the start to Interpret his documents from a historical
point of view and in so doing rendered a great service In spite of
his method, It was not till Becker and Bell worked in co-operation,
the one on the Arabic, the other on the Greek texts of the Aphro-
dito papyri, that these documents were made to yield abundant

* r ZA XX 94-102.

Per Islam II 269-83 and 372-84; others appeared ibid. Ill

132-40 and 369-75 and IV 87-96.
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INTRODUCTION 9
29y
results for the history of Egypt under Arab rule.
Then came a pause for Arabic papyrology which lasted well-
nigh through the World War; it was broken in 1918 when Karabacek
published another papyrus shortly before his death. Since then
Grohmann has added numerous contributions, outstanding among them
his extensive studies on Arabic papyrology and Arabic protocols
contained in the "Corpus Papyrorum Raineri." III. Series Arabica,
which was published at Vienna in 1924. Two years later Bell's
"Two official letters of the Arab period" appeared, and his
translation of the Aphrodito papyri was resumed. ^ In 1927 came
the publication in Tiflis of Die Kome-Aphrodito Papyri der Sammlung
Licha^ov by Peter Jernstedt, this being volume IV of the "Papyri
russischer und georgischer Sammlungen" by Gregor Zereteli. Bell's
letters and Jernstedt's papyri are Greek, but being Aphrodito
Kurrah papyri, they are of great interest to us. In 1929, owing
to Dr. Breasted's and Dr. Sprengling's appreciation of the signif-
icance of Arabic papyri for both Arabist and general historian,
the Oriental Institute acquired the B. Moritz collection, in which
are the five Kurrah papyri here presented. In' 1931 the Institute
acquired some seventy Arabic papyri through Professor Bonner of
34
the University of Michigan. These papyri form at present the
nucleus of a collection that promises to grow.

29
In addition to the publications already referred to see
also Bell's "Two official letters of the Arab period," JEA XII
265-81, and Becker, "Papyrusstudien," ZA XXII 137-54, also his
"Historlsche Studien liber das Londoner Aphroditowerk," Der Islam
II 359-71.
50
CPR III, Bd. I, Tell 1, p. 16.

^ Of more recent years Professor Grohmann's valuable con-

tributions to Arabic papyrology have been too numerous to mention;
one of these, his "Apercu de papyrologie arabe" (I932) will be
referred to later.

^ 2 JEA XII 265-81.

55
Der Islam XVII 4-8.

34
On the University of Michigan collection of papyri see
Aegyptus IV (1923) 38-40. Its present collection contains a fair
number of Arabic papyri.
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10 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

STATE BUREAUS

There is no question of the antiquity and prestige of writing

among the Arabs. Their literature is full of the highest praise
not only of writing, but of Its chief tool—the pen. ^ As an ex-
ample we may quote the words of Abu Hafs lbn Burd al-Andalusl:
\jj JiiUj U& <->j^i • (Wl O ^ *r**-\ \* • "How marvelous is the pen!
It drinks darkness and utters light."
Baladhurl's account of the very limited spread of the art of
37
writing among the Arabs of Muhammad*s time^' has perhaps led to an
unwarranted underestimation of the spread of writing among the
Arabs in general. Moritz, among others, sees in the fact that
Makkah was a commercial city and therefore needed writing and did
use a variety Of writing materials, and also In the fact that
Muhammad himself had from five to ten secretaries, room for as-
suming a wider spread of the art of writing than was formerly
38
conceded. In any case, Arabic schools of penmanship and large
establishments with written records, commercial or political, are
hardly to be expected before the establishment of the Umayyad
dynasty; for though writing was known and may even be conceded to
have been widely known, the uses to which it was put were limited.
But the Arab proved an adept at learning new uses as soon as his
enlarged influence and outlook demanded them. As teachers he
deliberately took his experienced neighbors, the Persians, the
Syrians, and the Egyptians.
The need for drawing on the larger experiences of the neigh-
bors arose fast enough. We find cUmar ibn al-Khattab, when he
was disturbed about properly dividing and recording the spoils of
war and the returns of state among the faithful, seeking advice
of his fellow Muslims on the question of devising a means to solve
his problem, whereupon it was suggested to him that they copy the
Persian and Syrian method of keeping a register (dlwan) of the
troops. The advice was accepted and a committee of three was

55
Suli, pp. 66-86; Kalkashandi II 43^-39-
36 Kalkashandi II 436.
37 Baladhuri, pp. 471-7^.
38 El I 382 f.; cf. also Abbott, The Rise of the North Arabic
Script, pp. 14 f. and 48.
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INTRODUCTION 11
appointed to draw up a divan of state pensions, which was done In
Muharram, A.H.20 (December 21, 640-January 19, 641). ^ A popular
etymology makes the Persian word diwan mean either "mad" or
"devils." It Is said that when Chosroes one day entered the bureau
of his scribes and saw them count aloud to themselves he said they
were diwanah, "mad," "crazy," and that the name was thenceforward
applied to the bureau, the last syllable being sloughed off through
constant use. Again it is said these writers were called diwan,
"devils" or "satans," because of their expertness, intelligence,
and knowledge. 40
Thus a beginning was made, and though we have not the details
of the succeeding development, we assume that the development pro-
ceeded through various stages toward that bureau differentiation
which we find as early as the reign of Mucawiyah, when there cer-
tainly was enough official correspondence to require a bureau of
41 42 r
posts and a bureau of seals. A study of Mucawiyah!g imperial
abilities together with those of his great viceroy in cIrak, Ziyad
ibn Abihi, makes it rather probable that the establishment of var-
ious bureaus goes back to MucawiyahTs time; but even if one should
hesitate to credit him with this, the reign of the next great
Umayyad, ^Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan (65-86/685-705), is certainly a
landmark in this direction, although the full development of bureau
c - 4^
differentiation had to await Abbasid times. ^
Each province of the Empire had its own diwan. In the begin-
ning each had been allowed to carry on its work in the language of
the people or of the previous rulers. But cAbd al-Malik and his
great viceroy, Hajjaj ibn Yusuf , carried by the wave of Arabic
nationalism, made Arabic the official imperial language. Thus in
c
Irak, Hajjaj accomplished the change from Persian to Arabic in
59
Baladhuri, pp. 449 f.j §uli, pg. I87-9I; Makrizi I 91 f.;
Ibn Khaldun I 202-5; according to Kalbi the year is*A.H.15.
Cf. Suli, p. 188, and Makrizi I 91. Actually the Persian
diwan has nothing to do with dev, "demon"; cf. Paul Horn, Grund-
riss der neupersischen Etymologie, p. 119 (No. 540), and H.
Hiibschmann, Perslsche Studien, p. 60 (No. 540).
211
Kalkashandi XIV 567 f.
42 - -
Jahshiyari, p. 21; Kremer (tr. Bukhsh), pp. 193 f. and
236; Ibn Khaldun I 221.
4^
^ Bjorkman, pp. 5 f.
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12 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

A.H.78, and at Damascus Greek yielded to Arabic in 8l, ^ the
faithful Christian secretary Sergius making way for Sulaiman ibn
Sa<d. In Egypt the change from the Greek and Coptic did not take
place till the year 87, under the governorship of cAbd Allah ibn
^Abd al-Malik. It was impossible that such a change should be
accomplished thoroughly in a short time, and in fact it was not,
for throughout the Umayyad rule we find the non-Arabic languages
persisting in all the three provinces mentioned, thus giving room
for doubt as to the date of the intended change, some writers even
placing the change of language In the dlwan of Damascus in the
reign of Hisham (105-25/724-43)^
Becker, In handling this question of the change of language,
suggested that the variation in the order of Greek and Arabic in
the bilingual texts might indicate the order of transition from
one language to the other, that is, Greek, Greek-Arabic, Arabic-
hQ
Greek, Arabic. Karabacek's studies tended to fix the date A.H.
40
111-14 as the time of the use of Arabic alone. y However, more
recent scholars, with more papyrus material at their disposal, ac-
cept no such order or such date limit, but point to haphazard and
irregular use of these languages side by side far into the 2d
SO
century after the Hijrah. Furthermore, the use of Arabic had
started if not with, then soon after, the conquest, that is,
about fifty years before the attempted general official change;
for PERF, No. 558, the oldest Greek-Arabic papyrus yet known, is
a receipt dated A.H.22.^ 1
Whatever the official language of a province and the nation-
ality of the writers, the dlwan and Its officers played an important

44 - - -
Ibid, p. 33; Baladhuri, pp. 300 f.; Suli, pp. 192 f.
45 - - -
^ Jahshiyari, p. 35; Baladhuri, p. I93.
46 c
Ibn Abd al-Hakam, p. 122; Kindi, pp. 58 f.; Makrizi I 98.
^ 7 Makrizi I 98.
48
PSR* PP* 28 f.
49
PERF, Nos. 77-85; cf. PSR, P. 29.
5 Cf. P. Lond. IV 417 and Grohmann in fitudes de papyrologie
I 77-79-
5 1 Grohmann, op. cit. pp. 40-44; cf. Abbott, The Rise of the
North Arabic Script, p. 15.
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INTRODUCTION 13
role in the imperial and provincial spheres, and the Arab was not
slow to recognize that the sword and the pen are together the
instruments of empire, the sword to win, the pen to organize and
administer in order to reap the fruits. Secretaries and scribes
were therefore generally chosen from the best class of people, the
62
learned, broadminded, and just. Yet there were writers and
writers; the responsible heads received as much as 300 dirhams a
month under Hajjaj, while a minor scribe received but 10 dirhams P**
In fact, in the imperial chancellery the office of chief secretary
(katib) of the Umayyads became, under the cAbbasids, the office
of the wazTr (cf. p. 58); and In the provincial bureaus the chief
secretaries must have held a similar position of responsibility
and Influence in their relationship to the governors.
The Egyptian central bureau, organized during the governor-
ship of cAbd Allah Ibn Sa<d (ca. 24-36/645-57 ), 55 was naturally
and largely a take-over from the Byzantine administrative system.
The papyri so far discovered, especially the Aphrodlto papyri,
show many unmistakable marks of Byzantine practice. Not only were
Greek and Coptic used, but even the method of dating by indictlons
of fifteen-year cycles was kept. Furthermore, the Copts were re-
tained as secretaries and as such continued their method of book-
keeping and recording of state correspondence, and, when required,
they freely stamped the latter with their Byzantine seals.^' With
the reform of A.H.87 a change that had already begun was acceler-
ated: Greek and Coptic, as mentioned above, made way for Arabic
at Pustat and Babylon, though they held on in the districts; the
solar indiction year was adjusted to the Muslim lunar year;^ Arab
scribes replaced Copts, but not entirely, for the latter, both

52
Ibn Khaldun I 214.

" Jahshiyarl, pp. 38 and 149; cf. Bjorkman, p. 4, n. 4.

64
^ Cf. Bjorkman, p. 6, and Zambaur, p. 6.
55 Severus, P0 I 501. Kind! does not mention this fact. On
the dates of cAbd Allah ibn Sacd see EI I 30 and Butler, pp. 469
f *, nn. 2 and 3.
56
CPR III, Bd. I, Tell 1, pp. 19 f.
57
FERF, Nos. 556, 559. 566, 571> 586, and 587.
58
Ibid* No. 593 and Karabacek'a note on p. 150.
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14 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

,59
Christians and Muslim converts, * are still represented; and Arab
f\C\
seals are more in evidence, while Byzantine protocols take on
Arabic form, and Christian formulas yield to kur^anic verses.
In the divan's then the documents were drawn. The original
was checked, sealed, and sent on Its way, while an exact copy of
It was made for the office records. Details with respect to these
matters as well as to the stylistic form of official documents of
the 1st century have been fully described by Grohmann. Becker's
briefer description ** covers the Kurrah papyri. It Is remarkable
to what extent these accounts, based on information yielded by the
papyri, fit in with what is recorded on stylistic form by way of
64
tradition in the works of Arab historians.
The legal drawing and authentication of the document over,
the papyrus was folded In one of the following methods illustrated
below: -^

Fig. 1.—Methods of folding and tying papyri

59 Our Nos. II and III; Tritton, chap. ii.

60 PERF, Nos. 572, 589, and 601; cf. also our pp. 27-30.
61 PERF, pp. 17 f.; CPR III, Bd. I, Teil 2, pp. c-ci; CPR
III, Bd. I, Tell 1, p. 87; P. Lond. IV xxxvii.
62
CPR III, Bd. I, Tell 1, pp. 17-6
65 PSR, pp. 24-30.
64 Cf. Suli, pp. 36-40 and 225; Ibn Durustuyah, pp. 76 f.j
Kalkashandi VI 327"33 and 383-91.
^ Reproduced from PERF, pp. 4 and 145.
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INTRODUCTION 15
f)f>
According to Bell, and also to judge by the condition of our
Kurrah papyri, Figure 1 b_illustrates the roll form of most, if not
all, of the letters of our documents. Some of these rolls, in
their long period of precarious hiding, must have come under some
heavy pressure which flattened them out, giving us numerous narrow,
breadthwise strips such as are seen in our Nos. IV and V. The
roll was then tied with a papyrus cord and the knot sealed some-
what as in Figure 1 h. On the outside were written the names of
addresser and addressee, one on each side of the binding cord,
and sometimes a notation was made of the subject treated. ' The
roll was now ready for the "post."
The postal system (barid) of the Umayyads, adopted and a-
/TO

dapted from the Byzantines and the Persians, was a combination

of governmental postal system and secret service, ^ as is illus-
trated in Ar. Pal. Plate 104 in the case of the postmaster Walid
ibn cAbbad;' that is, among the duties of the postmaster (sahib
al-barid) was that of acting as the "eyes and ears of the king."
Specially authorized carriers, on mules, on horses, or on boats,
brought the official mail to its destination.' Extensive postal

66
P. Lond. IV xli.
7
P. Lond. IV xlii; cf. our Nos. I and II; NPAF V; PSR II,
XII, XIV, and XV.

galkashandi XIV 367 f. Not only the system but also the
name barid appears to have been taken over; for barid is obviously
merely the Arabicized form of the Latin veredus, Greek j3e£>e(<?])6os,
meaning "post horse"; cf. EI. I 658. The origin of the Latin
veredus and the G r e e k j S e ^ e S o s is, however, another matter. These
are possibly connected with Assyrian puridu, "courier"; cf. Paul
Horn, op. cit. p. 29* note, and Gesenius, Handworterbuch, p. 657.
The attempts of Arab etymologists to derive barid from either the
Arabic root barada or the Persian ba(u)ridah dum, "with cropped
tail," therefore probably reflect mere folk etymologies.
69
Kalkashandi XIV 371 f.; Kremer (tr. Bukhsh),op. 194, 200,
and 229-35.*
70
Per Islam II 258 f.; ZA XX 96.
71 -
' If the derivation of barld from the Persian baridah dum
may be taken as witness to a common .fact, the mules and horses
must have been distinguished by docked or cut tails; cf. Kalka-
shandi XIV 367. Probably the couriers too carried some identifi-
cation mark, though what it may have been is as yet unknown. In
Mameluke times they were provided with an inscribed silver plaque
or tablet (laub) hung round the neck by means of two bands ending
in a yellow silk tassel. The plate Itself was worn on the chest
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16 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

roads connected the different parts of the Empire, and In Egypt
there were postal stations all along the Nile and across the
Delta. Still there seems to have been no special haste In letter
transportation. B. 1346 shows that over five weeks elapsed be-
tween date of issue and date of receipt; in the case of B. 1353,
72
however, the time was but ten days. Since both came from Fustat
to Ashkauh, the delay in the first case could have been occasioned
- 73
either in Fustat or through a round-about postal trlp.'^ It is
interesting to note in this connection that Ashkauh does not seem
to have had its own postal station, for in B. 1347 It is called
on to defray part of the cost of post horses stationed in a
74
neighboring pagarchy.f When the mail reached its destination,
each roll was marked with date of receipt, name of courier, and
purpose of communication. Thus labeled, it was pigeonholed to be
preserved in good condition for reference.'^

WRITING MATERIALS

Most of the writing materials known to the ancient and medi-

eval world were known also to the Arabs. Among those chiefly used
by them may be mentioned stones, wood, metals, bones, ostraca,
linen, silk, leather, parchment, papyrus, and paper. Grohmann has

under the clothes, but the tassel was worn on the back and was
visible for ready Identification of the courier; cf. Kalkashandl
XIV 371* The use of a metal plate for couriers was current among
the Mongol ilkhan's of Persia; cf. Howorth, History of the Mongols
III 509. Their custom is believed to have been borrowed from the
Chinese (ibid. I 271 f.). Professor Herrlee G. Creel has kindly
supplied the following note on the use of identifying credentials
in early China: "The use of identifying credentials of various
sorts, sometimes made of metal, in very early China is well at-
tested. The Ti Kuan section of the Chou LI (Shih San Ching Chu
Su, Kianghsi ed. of 1815, Chou Li I5.I3 b) says: »A11 who travel
through the empire must nave credentials to secure free passage
and assistance. Those who lack credentials, once they have been
questioned, are not able to pass.' The Chou Li was edited not
later than the Former Han Dynasty (221 B.C.-A.D.25); this passage
may be much older."
72
P. Lond. IV 11 f.
75
P. Lond. IV xxiv f.
7lf
Ibid. p. 20.

'-^ Ibid, p. xlii. How paper documents of a later period

were preserved and filed is described by Kal.kashandi VI 363 f.
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INTRODUCTION 17
dealt fully with these writing materials among the Arabs,' citing
numerous Arabic sources which prove that Arabic literature abounds
in references to the papyrus plant, its different parts, and its
77
rich and varied uses. ' Grohmann points out that while It Is in
itself not Impossible that the papyrus plant grew or still grows
In parts of Arabia, its presence there has to date not been
proved. The Egyptians had early found some uses for every part
of the plant: the bloom was used for garlands and shrine offer-
ings; the root for utensils and fuel; the pith for food, both
cooked and raw; the stem for boats, sails, cloth, cord, sandals,
and for writing materials.'^ The manufacture of papyrus for
writing material was a slow but Interesting process. This as well
as the question of size, form, and quality of the finished product
80
has engaged the minds of many scholars, among them Thompson,
Q-i op a-x pii

Kenyon, Lucas, Ibscher, ? and Grohmann. The first two draw

chiefly on the natural histories of Theophrastus (4th-3d century
B.C.) and Pliny (1st century B.C.); Lucas adds the results of ex-
periments by himself and others; Ibscher states his observations
made during many years of work on the papyri in Berlin; and
Grohmann adds the results of microscopic investigations as well as
the account of Abu al-cAbbas al-Nabati (13th century after Christ).
Thompson, following Theophrastus, describes the papyrus plant as
a reed growing in shallows of about three feet or less, its main
horizontal root being as thick as a man's wrist and about fifteen
feet in length. From this root smaller ones extended Into the
mud, while the stem of the plant rose to a height of about six
76
CPR III, Bd. I, Tell 1, pp. 21-64.
77
Ibid, pp. 22-32.
78 Ibid, p. 25.
79
Herodotus ii. 37 f-# 92, and 96; Encyc. Brit. XVII 246 f.
80 Encyc. Brit. XVII 247-
8l
Ancient Books and Modern D i s c o v e r i e s , pp. 28-32.
8P
Ancient Egyptian Materials and Industries, pp. 136-38.
Q-Z
p
"Beobachtungen bei der Papyrusaufrollung," Archiv fur Pa-
pyrusforschung und verwandte Gebiete V (1913) 191-94.
84
CPR III, Bd. I, Tell 1, pp. 35-51; Etudes de panyrologle I
30-32.
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18 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

8s
feet. ^ Lucas measured specimens of papyrus from the Sudan and
86
found the stems varying from seven to ten feet in length. The
stem, which is triangular in shape and tapers toward the flowering
top, consists of a thin tough outer rind and an inner cellular
pith. According to Pliny the stem was sliced into thin strips of
the greatest possible width. These strips were laid side by side
upon a table, and across them at right angles another series of
similar strips was placed. After having been moistened with Nile
water (which, when in a muddy state, was supposed to have the pe-
culiar qualities of glue) they were pressed down and dried in the
sun. ' Modern research, including microscopic examination of
different samples of Arabic papyri, has shown that the method of
cutting the strips for these papyri was not, as hitherto generally
believed, by longitudinal section through the center of the stem
peeled of its rind, but rather by tangential section, the stem of
pith being apparently pressed against a long blade and rotated
QQ
while the strip was being cut. Grohmann has pointed out that
8Q
Pliny's account should probably be understood in this way. p
Microscopic examination has further revealed that no glue or paste
was employed to cause the strips of papyrus pith to adhere one to
another to form a sheet, but that this was effected by the Inherent
QO
qualities of fresh pith under pressure.^ Paste was, however, used
for sizing the sheets and also for pasting sheets end to end to
form a roll. 91 Modern experiments in the making of papyrus have
shown that good papyrus sheets can be made also by slicing the
pith longitudinally through the center, as Abu al-cAbbas al-Nabati
92
says it was done.^

85
Encyc. Brit. XVII 246.
Lucas, p. 136.
87
Ibid, p. 1^7; cf. CPR III, Bd. I, Tell 1, p. 35-
88
CPR III, Bd. I, Tell 1, pp. 36-39; Etudes de papyrologle
I 30-32.
89
CPR III, Bd. I, Tell 1, p. 38.
90 Ibid, pp. 38 f.
91
Ibid, p. 39*
92
Lucas, pp. 137 f.; cf. CPR III, Bd. I, Tell 1, pp. 35 f.
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INTRODUCTION 19
Drawing on the classical and Arab sources as well as on mod-
ern research and experimentation, one may conceive the process of
the manufacture of papyrus to have been somewhat as follows: The
fresh stem was first cut into sections of a desired length—usually
the desired height of a sheet. The rind was then peeled off and
thin strips were cut either by rotating the entire length of each
piece of stem against a sharp knife, or by slicing it longitudi-
nally through the center. The thin strips were then laid verti-
cally over a moist piece of cloth on a table and arranged so as
to be parallel and slightly overlapping. Across these strips and
at right angles to them were laid similar strips, again parallel
and slightly overlapping. The two layers thus "woven" together
were now covered with a thin absorbent cloth, hammered down, and
pressed together. The fresh papyrus contained some natural ad-
hesive matter sufficient to cause the strips to become welded to-
gether and form a homogeneous sheet. The sheet was finally dried
in the sun, smoothed with pumice stone, and polished with ivory
or a smooth shell."^ Defects sometimes occurred in the making
through retention of moisture between the layers or through use
of spongy strips which would cause ink to run; such flaws neces-
sitated the remaking of a sheet.
In the under layer of a sheet of papyrus the fibers lay ver-
tically, and this was the side of the sheet meant for writing. The
top layer, in which the fibers lay horizontally, was used for
writing only occasionally. These two sides of a papyrus sheet are
called "recto" and "verso" respectively.9^ j ^ ^ s w e il to note
here that the rule of writing on recto in preference to verso held
for the Arabs as well as for the Byzantines. Though the Arabs
quite frequently wrote on both sides of the sheet, this was not
considered proper.9 A new sheet was light-colored, almost white,
being a pale yellow or a straw tint, which darkened with age to
various shades of brown.
The size of sheets varied from 5 to 15 inches in width and
from 9 to 19 inches in length, the larger sizes being the rarer

9*3
^ Kenyon, p. 29, n. 1 , and Thompson in Encvc. Brit. XVII 2^7.
94
Encyc. Brit. XVII 247.

^ Cf. Grohmann in Etudes de papyrologie I 31.

96
Cf. CPR III, Bd. I, Tell 1, pp. 33 f.; Suli, p. 149.
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20 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

and of better quality. These sheets were glued together, with

the best sheets on the outer part of the roll. Usually twenty
sheets formed a roll."' Under the Byzantines the first or outer
sheet (TTptoroKoAXor) bore the name of the official under whose
jurisdiction the factory was as well as the date and place of
manufacture. Usually this marked portion of the sheet was cut
away, but Justinian forbade this in case of legal documents. The
Arabs continued the use of protocols. Grohmann believes that the
protocol texts indicate a state control of the manufacture of pa-
Q8
pyrus rather than a state monopoly.^
Among the Romans and Greeks there were several standard vari-
eties of papyrus manufactured. The best qualities were dignified
with the names of the emperor Augustus and his wife Livia and
called "Augusta" and "Livia" respectively. The finest qualities
ran usually in the larger sizes and sold by measure or sheet,
QQ
whereas coarser qualities were small and sometimes sold by weight. ^
The various qualities of papyri were well recognized by the Arabs,
to judge both by references to them and by the different
grades of papyri found in any fair-sized collection.
It is generally conceded that Egypt was the home not only of
the papyrus plant but also of the manufactured product, both In
ancient and in medieval times. The manufacture was a state
102
monopoly till the time of Alexander, but after that private
manufacture with some state control seems to have been the prac-
tice, which continued to about the middle of the 10th century,
103
when use and manufacture began to cease.
Though known to the Arabs of the Jahiliyyah. papyrus did not
become the main carrier of Arab thought and history till the rise
of Islam, and until it was replaced by paper in the 9th-10th century

97
CPR III, Bd. I, Tell 1, pp. 40-46; Kenyon, pp. 29 f. ;
Encyc. Brit. XVII 247-
Etudes de papyrologie I 32-35.
99
Encyc. Brit. XVII 247.
100
Cf. CPR III, Bd. I, Tell 1, p. 46.
101
Ibid, pp. 22-32.
102
Encyc. Brit. XVII 248.
105
CPR III, Bd. I, Teil 1, p. 32; Etudes de papyrologie 1
29 f.
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INTRODUCTION 21
it continued its important function of preserving records of world
civilization by taking those of the youngest—Islam—under its
frail but effective protection.
Always expensive, papyrus could have been used but rarely in
Muhammad's time, notwithstanding the fact that Muslim tradition
alleges that the angel Gabriel brought down portions of the Kurgan
104
written on papyrus. With the conquest of Egypt papyrus became
more available and was eventually adopted by the caliphs for of-
ficial use, and this for more than one good reason; for aside
from its ready availability and convenient form It had the added
advantage of betraying any tampering with the text once written,
since an attempt to remove or change the writing results only In
10S
destroying, or at least marring, the writing material.
The diwan of cUmar I in Madlnah very likely used leather and
parchment, at least predominantly so, and perhaps some papyrus;
the Egyptian diwan took over from the Byzantines the use of papy-
rus, and the Syrian used it freely If not exclusively. The
Colt Expedition of the British School of Archaeology in Jerusalem
recently found at ^Auja3 al-Hafir a large number of papyri, among
them five Arabic-Greek tax documents from the province of Gaza In
southern Palestine dated 54 and 55/673"74 and 674-75.1C^ ™ey thus
fall within the last decade of Mu'awiyah's-reign. In all proba-
bility, then, this first organizer of the Arab kingdom used papyrus
for (all?) official purposes. Arabic sources state that his im-
mediate successor, ^\bd al-Malik (65-86/685-705), was the first
caliph to use papyrus with Islamic formulae or phrases at the head
of the first sheet or protocol, while hitherto papyrus with Chris -
-1 f\0

tian formulae had been In use. The papyrus supply in the time of
Walld ibn'Abd al-Malik (86-96/705-I5), vho is erroneously credited

1 Oh -
CPR III, Bd. I, Tell 1, p. 27; Suli, p. 105; Abbott, The
Rise of the North Arabic Script, p. 52-
105
Kalkashandi II 476; cf. CPR III, Bd. I, Tell 1, p. 27,
and, for the practice of washing off writing In order to re-use
the papyrus, Kenyon, p. 57.
106
Baladhuri, p. 465-
107
' See Palestine Exploration Fund, Quarterly Statement.
1936, pp. 216-20; American Journal of Archaeology XLI 149; . JEA
XXII 214.
1
B a l a d h u r i , p . 240; fltudes de papyrologie I 32.
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22 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

10Q
with the first official use of papyrus, y seems to have been of
the finest quality and plentiful, as the documents of his reign—
among which are the Kurrah papyri—show no stint of material either
in size of writing or in line-spacing and allowance for margins.
But we find his second successor, cUmar ibn cAbd al-Aziz (91-101/
717-20), urging his scribes to economy In this respect.
The cAbbasid Mansur (136-58/754-75) seriously considered
disposing of his excessive papyrus stock at a nominal price. On
second thought he changed his mind, not knowing but that Egyptian
disturbances might any day cut off the court supply and force the
scribes to use something to which they were not accustomed.
And so papyrus continued to hold the first place in the cAbbasid
diwan's of cIrak until Its first serious rival—paper—appeared
112
some time after A.D.75I. The first paper factory was estab-
lished at Baghdad between the years 793 and 795. ^ But the ap-
pearance of paper did not at once put a stop to the use of papyrus,
for in cIrak we find the two used side by side up to the end of
the 10th century, the papyri however growing by that time fewer
In number and coarser In quality. 114 In Egypt papyrus naturally
held its own better, and an Arabic writer of the 9th century
could state that the papyrus of Egypt was at that time for the
IIS
West what the paper of Samarkand was for the East. J But eventu-
ally even here—in the very home of papyrus—the overwhelming ad-
vantages of paper won out in the 10th century, though sporadic use

109 Jahshiyari, p. 43; cf. also CPR III, Bd. I, Tell 1, p. 28.
110
Jahshiyari, pp. 48 f.; CPR III, Bd. I, Tell 1, p. 28.
However, this caliph was thrifty on general principles!
111
Jahshiyari, p. 158; Grohmann, CPR III, Bd. I, Tell 1,
p. 29, has misread th£ last two sentences in the original, which
are: ^J>\ CJ>"S aJl *jj *\^\>- J* ljl|fc>l U~±\JJ\ £JJ . "Let the
papyri be while seeking to overcome their situation. And for this
reason the Persians used to write on leather and parchment ana to
say: 'One does not write on anything that Is not of our country.'"
112
Ar. Papier, pp. 22-28.
115
Ibid, pp. 33"35; cf. also Carter, p. 98; CPR III, Bd. I,
Teil 1, p. 30; McMurtrie, p. 27.
114
CPR III, Bd. I, Teil 1, pp. 29~32; Ar. Papier, p. 14.
1
Ar. Papier, p. 13; Suyutl II 238 uses klrta3 for both
papyrus and paper.
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INTRODUCTION 2>
11 f\
of papyrus continued for some time. The latest definitely
dated Arabic papyrus has the date of Dhu al-Kacdah 370/May-June
981; another papyrus, the date of which Is partly lost, can he
reasonably assigned to 480/1087.1
Papyrus was always a comparatively expensive material; "
yet its use was not limited to governmental circles, unless per-
haps in its finer qualities, which could not be afforded by many
outside that circle. Papyrus collections usually contain commer-
cial, literary, and private pieces, some of which are double and
triple palimpsests, no doubt for reasons of economy. For the
common man the price of papyrus must have been well-nigh prohib-
itive. This may explain In part the great value placed on stray
pieces of papyrus, especially when they contained one of the names
of Allah or a Kur 3 an verse, for this made them almost objects of
veneration. Grohmann draws attention to the story of Abu Nasr
Bishr Ibn al-Harith, who, having found in Baghdad a piece of papy-
rus on the ground with the word "Allah" on it, picked it up and
spent his last penny in buying rose water and musk, with which he
120
perfumed his find. This man's sacrifice can be better under-
stood when one reads in Kalkashandl that "he who picks up from
the ground a papyrus on which is written: 'In the name of God,
the Merciful, the Compassionate,' by way of honoring it so that
it be not trodden under foot, God will cause him to enter paradise
and will accept his intercession for twenty of his household,
though all of them be worthy of hell-fire." Arabic literary
sources are thus very complimentary to this useful article. It
is interesting to note, however, by way of contrast, that with
the victory of paper the once so highly praised material lost
caste to such an extent that one had to apologize for its use, not
1 1 £> — —
Ar. Papier, pp. 10-15; cf. also Carter, p. 98; Makrizi
I 91.
117
Margoliouth, APJRL, p. l8l (No. 63).
118
Ibid. pp. 115 f. (No. 10). Margoliouth dates No. 12 on
p. 117 in the year 402; cf. his p. 229. This date Is question-
able, for ••••]jb J^\ can be read also as "two and forty," a date
hardly likely here, or as "two and forty and ? hundred."
119
CPR III, Bd. I, Teil 1, pp. 33 and 51.
120
Ibid, p. 31.
1 Pl —
Kalkashandl VI 363.
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24 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

only because it had been previously used, but simply because it

was papyrus. 122

THE PEN

The Arab scribes used then, as they did in the Middle Ages
and In a measure still do today, a reed pen. The swamps of Lower
Egypt and sections of cIrak and Persia produced a variety of reeds
suitable for this purpose. Reeds of different lengths and thick-
nesses are used for different styles of writing, though It was,
of course, not so much the thickness of the reed as the width and
form of the pen point that was of prime importance.
It Is sometimes difficult to tell from the early papyri them-
selves what type of pen point was used. The old Egyptians cut the
end of a thin rush slantingly and frayed Its fibres by bruising
the cut end between the teeth, thus giving to the pen a brushlike
appearance. ^ The remarkably even strokes of the early Arabic
papyri and the writing of all vertical strokes downward may point
to the use of such a brushlike pen. But the use of such a pen is
124
not conceded by all scholars. Schubart holds that a thin rush
pen, shaped more like a modern nib but without a silt, was em-
ployed. ^ It is possible by using such a tool to produce even
strokes, though one would need to be frequently turning the pen,
thus making pen-holding and pen-directing a very complicated mat-
ter. Official scribes could hardly be expected to continue the
use of such a tool when a better one was at hand, namely the split
reed pen, which had come Into use in the 4th century when the
Greek alphabet was adopted for writing the Egyptian language and
-J p/T

which continued In use thereafter.

Though the Arabs were familiar with the use of the reed pen
and their early writers associated good quality In reeds and reed

- ^ CPR III, Bd. I, Tell 1,. pp. 33 f -; cf. also Carter, p.

99; McMurtrie, p. 29.
1
^ Lucas, p. 133.
12
^ Cf. CPR III, Bd. I, Tell 1, p. 64, and fitudes de papyro-
logie I 32 and 39 f.
-> Einfuhrung in die Papyruskunde, p. 43-
126
Lucas, p. 134; cf. MItteis and Wilcken I 1, pp. xxxii f.
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INTRODUCTION 25
pens with Egypt, ' yet the date of their adoption of the split
reed pen Is not clear. They certainly became acquainted with It
at the time of the conquest of Egypt, and there Is every chance
that they knew It and used it even before the rise of Islam, since
It had been introduced in Egypt in the 4th century, was used In
128
the Christian monasteries of Egypt, and through monks undoubt-
edly soon became known In the monasteries and Christian communities
of Palestine, Syria, and cIrak, perhaps even in Najran. But as yet
definite data are not available. It seems safe, however, to assume
that our Kurrah papyri were written with a split reed pen. Grohmann
favors the view that most of the protocol texts also were written
with split reed pens. ^ Muslim Ibn al-Walid al-Ansarl, a scribe
and poet of Rashid's and Ma^mun's reigns, -* gives directions for
131 — —
making the s p l i t In the head of the pen. ^ Ibrahim ibn a l - c A b b a s ,
another scribe of Ma^mun's reign, ^ likewise refers to this
split.«'
Pen-sharpening is an art, and instruction in it from acknowl-
edged masters was eagerly sought. In the time of Rashid we find
the Barmecide Jacfar ibn Yahya writing to Muhammad Ibn al-Laith
for Instruction in penmanship and receiving the following reply:
"Let your pen (tolam) be from Lower Egypt (bafrrj)3 neither thick
nor thin, somewhere between thinness and thickness, with a narrow
bore; then sharpen It to an even point like the bill of a dove,
slant Its cavity (batn), and thin Its two lips " ** Arab
127
Mufcaddasi, p . 203-
128
Lucas, p . 134.
CPR III, Bd. I, Teil 1, p. 6 4 , and Etudes de papyrologie
I 32 and 40.
150
Ibn Khallikan I 23 and 2 5 , n. 3; Kalkashandi II 446 and
448. " *
§uli, p. 86. Other comparatively early references to
either the split or the "teeth" of the pen are to be found in
§ull, pp. 72 and 8 8 , and in Ibn Durustuyah, p. 93; cf. also
Kalkashandi II 450 f.
152
Tabarl III IO38 and 1066.
1:55
Kalkashandi II 440.
"^ Ibn c Abd Rabblhi II 221. For Muhammad Ibn Laith see
Tabari III 668 f.
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26 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

13S
authors ^ tell us that the art of penmanship is all in the pen
and that the art of cutting the point Is the secret of the pen.
The slit, the slant, and the width of the pen point are the three
factors to be considered which together make pen-sharpening an
Intricate and a delicate a r t , prized and guarded "by those who have
mastered it. It is reported of several scribes and master-penmen
that they cut off their pen points whenever they left the diwan,
so that none could see and copy them. ** It Is evident that the
slit in the reed pen serves the same purpose as the slit in our
steel nibs does, namely that of flexibility and ready guidance by
the hand. However, the slant of the writing point itself appears
to be a later development.

THE INK

The Ink of our Kurrah papyri is mostly a deep black showing

little signs of fading. Grohmann mentions a variety of colors
found in his Arabic documents, deep black and reddish brown being
the ones most frequently used in earlier times, whereas with the
introduction of diacritical points and vowel signs and Illumina-
tions red, green, and blue also were employed, both usefully and
1*57
aesthetically. yx
The main ingredient for the dark inks was lampblack. Kalka-
shandl gives an account of the Ingredients and the manufacture of
inks, both in powder and in solution, and indicates that there
were several different processes and that some of these were kept
138
secret. ^ The following Is one of his recipes, attributed by
him to Ibn Muklah: ^ "The best ink is that which is made from
lampblack of asphalt, and in this wise that there Is taken of It
3 artal, well sifted and strained, and placed In a saucepan; to
this there is added 3 times as much water, 1 rati honey, 15

• ^ Suli, pp. 86-89; Ibn Durustuyah, p. 93; Kalkashandl II

440-55.
156
Kalkashandl II 446 and 4 4 8 .
157
CPR III, Bd. I, Tell 1, p . 6 5 ; Tell 2, p. x v i ; cf. Tell
3, Pis. 27-28, 31-33, and 36 for reproductions In color.
158
Kalkashandl II 461-66.
159
Ibid, p. 465-
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INTRODUCTION 27
darahim salt, 15 darahim powdered gum, and 10 darahim gallnuts.
This should be stirred constantly over a slow fire till its body
thickens and its consistency becomes like clay. Then it should
be left in a vessel and taken when needed There should be
added to it some camphor for pleasant odor and some aloes to pre-
vent flies from settling on it." In this form inks seem to have
had good keeping qualities until needed, when small quantities
were dissolved in water that was frequently perfumed.
Other kinds of lampblack were also used, and Karabacek
mentions the use of ashes of slowly burnt papyrus. The ink
on written documents was either allowed to dry by evaporation or
else sprinkled with red sand which acted as a blotter.1

THE SEAL

The time when seals were Introduced among the Arabs is un-
known. With ancient nations known to have used the seal centuries
before the birth of Islam surrounding them, It is difficult to
determine whence the borrowing came. It is not impossible that
the loan was made several times in different localities, each in-
dependently of the other. Grohmann points out that the Arabic
words tab c and khatm may both have been borrowed from the ancient
143
Egyptians. ^ This may have occurred in the better days of the
kingdoms of south Arabia. Arab accounts acknowledge Persian in-
fluence here in pre-Islamlc days.
Closer to our period we find simultaneous Byzantine and Per-
sian influences. The story that Muhammad decided to adopt the
practice of sealing so that the Byzantine officials would honor
his letter is repeated by a number of authors. ^ H i g s e a x V as
alike treasured and used by his successors till It was accidentally

l4o
"^u Ibid, pp. 465 f.
141
- ^ MPER IV 79; cf. CPR III, Bd. I, Tell 1, p. 65, n. 1.
14? -
Kalkashandi I I 468 f.
1115
CPR I I I , Bd. I , T e l l 1 , p . 7 8 .
144
^ Kalkashandi VI 355.
liiC _ _
' J Baladhuri, p. 461; 9uli, pp. Ijg f.; Ibn Khaldun I 220;
Kalkashandi VI 353; cf. also CPR III, Bd. I, Tell 1, pp. 82 f.
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28 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

dropped into a well by cUthman. But the use of the seal does
not seem to have been regular and obligatory until more persons
147
had begun to copy the Persian custom, f and until falsification
of documents and figures had led that constructive Umayyad,
Mucawiyah, to take over the system completely, to organize a bu-
reau of seals, and to put a special officer in charge of it.
The seal was adopted for more than one reason and put to more
than one use. In the first place it was equivalent to the signa-
l49
ture of the writer and, in some cases, of the witnesses. ^ In
official documents It served for authentication and legalization;
ISO
for without it a document was Incomplete and invalid. J The seal
of the caliph, the state seal, was used to protect state interests,
including the treasury, as the case of the counterfeiter Ma c an ibn
Za^idah clearly reveals. ^ A saying is reported that to seal is
to be safe (akhtim taslam). ^ Use of a seal lent prestige to
its owner and honored the recipient. -^ Sealing was not limited
to correspondence and documents, but was used with any precious
1S4
or valuable object for protection in keeping and in transit. ^
Seals were mainly of two kinds, stamps and rings; the former
were strung and hung around the neck or carried in a purse, the
latter were worn on the finger. -^ Various metals and precious
stones were favored for this purpose, ^ but there seems to have

1 6
^ Suli, p. 139; Ibn Khaldun I 220; Kalkashandi VI 353 f.
l2f7
Baladhurl, p. 464.
8
j ^ TabariII205 f. ; Suli, p. 143; Ibn Khaldun I 221; Kalka-
shandi VI*355 reports an account which credits c Umar with the or-
ganization of the bureau, but his editor doubts this (cf. p. 357*
n. 2 ) .
l k 9
CPR III, Bd. I, Teil 1, pp. 83 f.
150
Ibn Khaldun I 221; CPR III, Bd. I, Teil 1, p. 83, n, 9.
151
Cf. Baladhurl, pp. 462 f., and CPR III, Bd. I, Teil 1,
85.
152
Kalkashandi VI 353-
155
CPR III, Bd. I, Teil 1, p. 84; Kalkashandi VI 353-
154
CPR III, Bd. I, Tell 1, p. 85.
155
Ibid, pp. 78 and 82.
156
Ibid, p. 78.
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INTRODUCTION 2y
been a prejudice against gold because, so we are told, o£ Its
free use by women, boys, and slaves. In fact, Muhammad is said to
have forbidden gold seals, exchanging his own for one of silver. 157
In form seals seem to have had as much variety as in material,
the circular, oval, and square being however the most frequent
shapes. 1S8
-* In size they varied little, the majority averaging one
centimeter square or in diameter.
Clay and wax were used for sealing, the former much more com-
monly, in both the eastern and the western provinces. -^ The clay
used was of the finest texture and varied in shade from reddish to
dull brown. Frequently it was perfumed. The figures and leg-
ends on these seals are In some cases in Intaglio, in others they
are in relief. 1 6 1
When we come to consider the clay seals found on Arabic pa-
pyri, we are faced with a variety of seal figures and legends.
The former were in use both among the North and South Arab groups,
while Muhammad himself Is said to have had a seal with either the
figure of a lion or that of a human being. Nevertheless we find
that when Muhammad was important enough to use seals for diplomatic
16"5
correspondence he preferred a legend, ^ thereby setting the fash-
ion for Muslim seals. The legends found on these seals fall into
164 _
four main types. First there is the pious phrase or Kurgan
verse, for example bism Allah, amni bl-Allah, or the longer la
ilah ilia Allah al-frakk al-mubin. which is reported to have been
16S
the legend on Hasan's seal. ^ Oriental Institute papyrus No.

157
CPR III, Bd. I, Teil l,_j>. 78; cf. also Baladhuri, pp.
461 f.; Sull, p. 139; Kalkashandi VI 353-
158
CPR III, Bd. I, Teil 1, p. 79; cf. PERF, Nos. 556, 589,
668, and 670, also PI. XIV.
159
_CPR III, Bd. I, Teil 1, p. 79.
160
PERF, Nos. 668, 670, and Plate XIV; our Nos. II and III;
P. Lond. IV 432.
161
CPR III, Bd. I, Teil 1, pp. 79 f.
162
M d . p. 80.
165
Baladhuri, pp. 46l f.; CPR III, Bd. I, Teil 1, pp. 82 f.
xu
^ CPR III, Bd. I, Teil 1, pp. 80-82.
16S
J
Hammer-Purgstall, p. 8.
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30 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

13983> an Egyptian receipt dated 241/855, has this same legend
stamped In small but clear Kufic on a well preserved clay seal.
The second type of legend consists of a moral motto or maxim, ex-
amples of which have not yet been found on papyri, but Kalkashandi
supplies many an example from the seals of the caliphs. The
legend on Mucawiyah*s seal Is given by this author as li-kull camal
thawab, "to each deed a reward"; that on cUthman's as la-tasbiran-
na au la-tandamanna, "be patient or suffer regret." The third type
presented the name of the owner, as, for example, PERF, Nos. 699
and 757; and the fourth was a combination of name of owner and
pious formula, illustrated in PERF, No. 577, "Rashld trusts in
God," and PERF, No. 595, ' K Abd al-Wahid believes In God and trusts
in Him."
We have already seen that Greek and Coptic secretaries con-
tinued to use their Byzantine seals, one of these appearing on
In tnese one
paper as late as 329/941. would expect the pre-
dominance of human and animal figures. But it is a little sur-
prising that their use was adopted by Muslims also*. Whereas In
the East pious and moral maxims were used more and more, in Egypt,
as late as Kurrah's governorship, figures—though mostly of ani-
mals—still predominated.
Of the approximately fifty seals found on the Kurrah papyri,
one belongs to PERF, No. 593; three to PSR III, IV, and XI; several
to PSR a-1; three to P. Ross.-GeorR. IV, Nos. 2, 4, and 11; two
to our Nos. II and III; four to NPAF I, XII, XIII, and XIV; and
at least twenty-eight to the British Museum Aphrodito papyri. "
Only two of these show human figures; one has two women(?) facing
each other with arms uplifted, the other bears a figure that looks
like a helmeted negro(?). ' A third has an Arabic legend which has
not as yet been deciphered. ' The rest have an animal figure,

166
VI 35^ f-; cf. also Hammer-Purgstall, pp. 8-12.
167
CPR III, Bd. I, Tell 1, p. 80 (PERF, No. 959).
168
PSR, pp. 24, 79. and 105 f.
169
B. 1346, 137^, 1385, 1363. and 1492, the last consisting
of twenty-four detached seals.
170
P- Lond. IV 432.
171
Ibid.
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INTRODUCTION 31
in some cases alone, in others with a star either in front 172 or
173
above ' the creature.
There are very few definite and unchallenged suggestions as
to what this animal figure really represents. Karabacek was the
first to associate it with a wolf. ' Becker describes it as "eine
aufrecht schreitende Gestaltmit Vogelfussen und Sternen vor sich"
and as "tierkbpfig." '-> Bell seems to accept tentatively the wolf
is "t
idea. 176 Jernstedt, however, asserts that the figure Is not that
of a wolf at all 177 On the basis of the specimen on our No. Ill
(Fig. 2 ) , which Is almost identical with Jernstedt's, ' we are led
to agree with him. But there our agreement ends. Jernstedt goes
on to say that according to Professor Maximova it is an Asiatic
composite animal, a panther with a griffin head 179 That it is a

Pig. 2.—Seals of Kurrah papyri: a, seal of P. Ross.-Georg.

IV, No. 2; b, seal of our No. III. Scale, 6:1.

172 B. 1346; P. Ross.-Georg. IV, No. 11 and pp. vli f. and 44.

173 B. 1363; P. Ross.-Georg. IV, Nos. 2 and 4 and pp.- vii f. ,

9, and
id 117; our No. III.
17
^ PERF, No. 593.
175
PSR, pp. 24 f. and 106.
176
P. Lond. IV 19, 38, 47, 59, and 432.
177 P. Ross.-Georg. IV vii f.
178
The claws in P. Ross.-Georg. IV, Nos. 2 and 4, are clear;
those In our No. Ill are visible in the forefeet only.
179
* Op. cit. p. viii.
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32 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

composite creature we concede, but hardly that it is a panther.
It certainly has no griffin head, for there are no signs of an
eagle beak; neither has it wings. The clawed feet and the tail
make it possible that the body is meant to be that of a lion, but
the height of the legs and the size and shape of the body, neck,
and head remind one rather of a horse.
At first glance the representation of the seal of our No. Ill
also suggests a horse, so far as the general body proportions and
the pose of the animal are concerned. But the trace of the claws
of the left front foot ends that idea. Of course, with Its re-
semblance to the horse it may be that other fabled animal—the
unicorn—but just where one would look for the characteristic horn
projecting from the forehead the clay Is broken off; and, besides,
there are still the claws. A comparison with some South Arabic
and ancient oriental seals led to no identification, though the
possibilities for further comparisons with similar materials have
by no means been exhausted. Were it possible to get all the
Aphrodito papyri seals together, or at least goc I photographic re-
productions of them, then some more definite and satisfactory re-
sults in this connection might be hoped" for.
We come now to a more detailed treatment of the use of the
seal on government documents. The seal affixed at the foot or
end of a written document seems to have served the same purpose
as a signature, that is,the user acknowledged the text as his and
therefore genuine and legally binding. But a seal-signed document
was also "sealed up," and this was done to guard the secret of Its
contents. Kalkashandi describes three ways in which this was
done. One was to apply an adhesive, usually starch paste, to
the head of the letter before rolling or folding i t — a practice
current In Egypt from antiquity to this day—and then to add the
customary clay seal. This apparently left, through the open sides,
the contents of the document open to the inquisitive eye, and even
when the seal had been added It was easy enough to tamper with the
contents. Such tampering with official correspondence is reported
to have taken place in Mucawiyah's time, which led that prac-
tical ruler to the adoption of the second and more efficient method

180
VI 356-58; cf. CPR III, Bd. I, Teil 1, pp. 77 and QK.
181
Tabarl II 205 f.; ?ull, p. 143; Ibn Khaldun I 221; Kalka-
shandi VI'355 f-
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INTRODUCTION 33

of protection mentioned by Kalkashandi, that of khazm, which con-

sisted in threading a cord through the folded or rolled letter,
1 Op
tying the cord, and then usually sealing the knot. Sometimes
these outer clay seals were without any impressions. ^ The third
method was merely to tie a cord of papyrus round the roll and, in
addition, usually to paste the ends down. When the outer seal
was the only one applied, it performed the double function of
authenticating and protecting the document. Documents were valid
only when this seal was unbroken, hence the importance of the of-
l8n
fice of opener of seals. ^ The fact that most of the Aphrodito
papyri seals are alike—the few exceptions may belong to other
than Kurrah's official letters—may point to the conclusion that
the seal on the Kurrah papyri was Kurrah's own seal. But how then
account for the different positions of the star? Could this have
anything to do with whether the seal was an inner or an outer seal?
Here again only further careful study of all the seals available
can give the answer.

THE SCRIPT

Although the problem of the origin of the Arabic alphabet

and of Arabic writing as well as that of the development and inter-
relation of the more important early scripts are not themes within
the scope of this thesis, it Is necessary that mention be made
here of some of the results of a study undertaken recently which
deals particularly with these problems. These, in so far as
they have a significant bearing on the script of the Kurrah papyri,
may be briefly summarized as follows: The North Arabic alphabet
developed directly from the Nabataean. By the end of the 7th cen-
tury after Christ two major varieties of Arabic script had evolved
and become established in the Hijaz and in Mesopotamia respec-
tively. The course of development can be best and most easily
seen from the accompanying diagram.

182
CPR III, Bd. I, Teil 1, p. 77.
183
Ibid, p. 84.
184 -
±u
^ Ibid. p. 77; cf. Kalkashandi VI 357*
185
CPR III, Bd. I, Teil 1, p. 83.
100
Abbott, The Rise of the North Arabic Script.
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34 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

Nabataean
I
North Arabic
r_ zr\
Hijazi Hiran
Makkan TiMadinan Kufic-Basran
U J
i ' 1 i — i
Monumental Manuscript Monumental Manuscript
hand hand hand hand

The essential difference between these two major types lies

not so much in the actual shapes and forms of the individual let-
ters as In the general appearance of the script as a whole. The
Makkan-Madlnan is a lighter and more graceful script, with the
"vertical" strokes long and slanting downward slightly to the
left, while Kufic-Basran is a heavier, straight, and comparatively
stumpy script. The difference in the letter forms Is that in the
early Makkan-Madinan the lower end of the alif turns to the right,
while in the Kufic-Basran the alif tends to be a plain and com-
paratively vertical stroke; and even this slight difference is not
always consistently maintained. Usually the length of the verti-
cal stroke of the lam and of the ^a? is, like that of the alif,
shorter in the Kufic-Basran than in the Makkan-Madlnan. Further,
the direction of the vertical stroke of lam is in each type similar
to that of alif in that type, that is, it slants downward slightly
to the left in the Makkan-Madlnan and is straight in the Kufic-
Basran. Again, the difference between the monumental hand (used
chiefly for inscriptions, coins, and Kur^ans) and that of the
manuscript hand (used for state, literary, and private purposes)
is likewise at this period one of general appearance. Thus the
former is clear-cut, stiff, and, by comparison, decidedly angular,
while the latter is frequently smaller, not so clear-cut, and
tends to be cursive and so to round out.
The script of the Kurrah papyri is both a proof and an illus-
tration of these conclusions. Karabacek early recognized the
Makkan features here referred to and accordingly named the script
"Makkan." ' Becker accepted the name, though he pointed also to
the fact that the script both resembled and differed from

WZKM V 322-25; cf. also PERP, No. 592.

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INTRODUCTION 35
— 1 88
the supposedly later script, the so-called naskhi. Grohmann,
leaving names apart, drew attention to the unmistakable unity of
the script, particular characteristics due to the individuality
of the writers notwithstanding. ^ All three then recognized an
essential underlying unity. But this unity must be limited in
the sense that it is a unity of a comparatively cursive manuscript
hand as against a generally angular, monumental script. This u-
nity granted, the Kurrah papyri present us with two varieties of
the manuscript hand. The Makkan variety is for example clearly
seen in our No. II, in PSR III, and in Ar. Pal. Plate 104; the
Kufic in PSR V-VI and VIII. The majority of the remaining num-
bers can be best described as having a composite script, combining
In its vertical strokes the perpendicularity of the Kufic with the
long, graceful strokes of the Makkan.
Both the Makkan and the Kufic samples cited above are not as
true to type as their corresponding monumental varieties used In
kur^anic manuscripts. This is not surprising since, as secular
documents, they could not be expected to receive the painstaking
attention of the Kur 5 an copyist, who, among other things, con-
sidered it a pious virtue to keep his script true to type and up
to the best standards. With the Kufic and Makkan manuscript
varieties in use and no special reason or care to keep them apart,
It is but natural to expect a merging of the two, especially since
the character forms are essentially the same. Hence the composite
script was developed by the same scribes who wrote In one or the
other or perhaps even in both types, as for Instance the scribe
Muslim, who used the Makkan in Ar. Pal. Plate 104 and the composite
in our No. Ill and in PSR X. Under such conditions it is not sur-
prising to find that the composite script was the one most widely
used in these papyri and that, in the course of the next century,
it gave up some of its features and acquired others, thus losing
its original identity in the period which saw the appearance of
some two dozen different "pens," with specific ones assigned to
specific purposes. 9
Minor differences in the scripts found in the Kurrah papyri
can be accounted for when one takes into consideration the many
188 pgR.pp. 25 f.
189
CPR III, Bd. I, Teil 1, p. 66.
190
Nadlm, Fihrist, pp. 6 f.
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36 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

factors which influence the general appearance of handwriting. As
191
Grohmann has pointed out, •* the width of the pen point, the thick-
ness of the ink, and the kinds of material written on all play a
part. Again, the nature of the manuscripts, whether they are of-
ficial, commercial, or private documents, must be allowed for.
Even the personality of the writer cannot be ignored. His pre-
vious training or lack of it, his age, the time at his disposal,
and his psychological moods are all reflected in the script he
produces.
Although Becker 9 and Grohmann, 9 ^ especially the latter,
have given us fairly detailed accounts of the Arabic scripts of
their papyri, it will not be out of place to give similar details
here of the script of the Oriental Institute Kurrah papyri.
The Kurrah papyri of the Oriental Institute are all written
in a large, beautiful, and well executed hand. The strokes are
firm and usually evenly inked; the heaviest writing is seen In
No. II, the lightest in No. IV. Nos. I-III are very similar,
being in a heavy hand, whereas Nos. IV and V are lighter, more
rounded, and more fully pointed. Ar. Pal. Plate 106, which is
dated A.H.112, that is, less than a decade later than our Kurrah
papyri, shows certain resemblances to each of these two groups,
but more so to the second group. Letter extension and spacing be-
tween letters, words, and lines are, as is usual in early papyri,
very generous. The division of words at the ends of lines Is
haphazard, and frequently the spacing between separate letters or
groups of letters takes little account of word unity. Pointing
is used but sparingly in Nos. IV and .V; I and II are entirely un-
dotted. That is as we should expect; for though some dots were
used even In pre-Islamic days, the present system of pointing was
not as yet fully evolved. y None of the Kurrah Aphrodito papyri
have any vowel signs; for though such signs were used in some
early Kur^ans, "^ they do not appear in secular documents before

191
CPR III, Bd. I, Tell 1, pp. 66 f.
192
PSR, pp. 25-27.
195
CPR III, Bd. I, Tell 1, pp. 65~75, and, for the script
of the protocols, Tell 2, pp. xx~xxvli.
19
^ EI I 383 f•
195
Abbott, The Rise of the North Arabic Script, pp. 39-41.
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INTRODUCTION 57
the latter part of the 2d century after the Hijrah. 9
Alif. The alif in the Makkan and composite pieces measures
from 1.4 cm. (in No. I 1) to 2.7 cm. (in I 8 and III 11). But in
PSR V 6, a Kufic (?) type, it measures only 0.8 cm. Its perpen-
dicular form, both with and without the turn to the right, Is
found in our No. I, while its slanting form, both with and without
this bend, appears in No. III. In some Instances the slanting
stroke and the bend to the right have merged to form a small arc,
as in No. IV. In all five documents joined alif, regardless of
where It occurs In a word, is written from top downward, fre-
quently making a clumsy connection with the preceding letter. The
vertical strokes of ta* » kaf, lam, and lam-alif also share this
peculiarity.
Ba 3 , ta •*, tha^. These three letters are formed alike in each
of the three positions. In some cases they show a tendency to
curve up in the final position. Dotted ba^ is seen in V 9 and 17;
dotted ta^ in IV 4 and I7,and dotted ta^ or tha 3 in V 21 (see pp.
55 f . ) _
Jim,fra?, kni? . The heads of these letters are formed alike
in each of the three positions. Sometimes they start with a slight
upper curve to the left and thus are liable to be confused with
c
ain or ghaln. In our pieces they show a tendency to lose the
upper curve, appearing more like a wedge. flap sometimes has a
form peculiar to itself, "the frsP with a beam," which Is illus-
trated in II 18 in the word al-muqarram. Jim is dotted in V 9.
Dal, dhal, ra> , zay. Becker's distinction of the first two
as being above and the second two below the line holds only when
these letters are connected with preceding ones; otherwise they
are very much alike and easily confused, as in II 10 and 14. Dal
has a variety of sizes and in Its final connected form is sometimes
preceded by a long extended stroke, as in PSR II 28. At times its
two parts are almost at a horizontal-vertical right angle, In which
case It might be confused with kaf. More frequently It Is an in-
clined right angle or an acute angle. Not only in the Aphrodito
papyri, but In documents of different styles and dates dal has nu-
merous variations. "' In V 21 we may have a dotted zay.

196
EI I 384.
197
CPR III, Bd. I, Teil 2, p. xxvli.
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38 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

STn, shXn. The three "teeth" of these letters are frequently
shown, in some cases not as marked as in others. Our pieces show
no dots for the shin. Other Aphrodito papyri, however, show three
dots in a line, for example Ar. Pal. Plate 105, line 13. In still
others shin has a line over it, and this mark is sometimes used
also for sin, as in I 1 1 . ^
Sad, dad* In the final form the first and second parts of
these letters are closely joined together; depth and extension of
the final curve vary, hut the curve shows no tendency to turn up-
ward to form a semicircle.
TaV, ga° . These letters are always distinguished from the
preceding two by the stroke above, which is never omitted. The
direction of this stroke varies from a left incline, as in Nos.
I h and III 15, to a perpendicular, as in PSR III 78 and 82. While
in our papyri the stroke appears to have been added to the loop,
PSR II 33 clearly shows that some writers made the stroke first
and joined the loop directly.
c
Ain, Rhain. In the initial and final unconnected positions
these letters have the upper left curve; in some cases this is
not so marked, as in No. II, In others it is decided and unmistak-
able, as in No. IV. In the medial and final connected forms they
have the triangular head seen in all our pieces.
Fa 0 and kaf. In initial and medial forms these two are alike,
but they have distinct forms when alone or final, fa 7 being on the
line while kaf falls below it, grading off like nun. Eaf usually
has one dot above, as In IV 4, and fa J one below. In V 17, however,
we seem to have an exception In the word kablaka, where kaf appears
with one dot below, the other dot visible apparently belonging to biP.
Kaf. Our pieces show a considerable variety for this letter.
Alone or final, the upper stroke varies from near vertical, as In
III 10 and 13, to an almost horizontal position, as in II 2; It
is frequently apt to be mistaken for a dal. Initial forms vary
from hairpin form, as In I 14 and II 2, to an acute angle of about
45°, as in Nos. III-V.
Lam. This is the tallest letter. In III 7 it measures 3.3
cm. Final lam always extends below the line, with its foot curved
to the left.
Mim. The loop of initial and medial mTm is generally half

Cf. CPR III, Bd. I, Tell 1, pp. 71 f.

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INTRODUCTION 39
above, half below the line, meeting above, though sometimes the
ends barely touch, as in IV 17. Initial mlm is occasionally found
entirely below the line, as in IV 32. In final or separate mim
the loop is closed, with a tail stroke downward* The latter varies
in length from a bare hint of a stroke, as In II 18, to the fair
length frequently found in all the papyri, and in direction from
a slight incline to the right, as in I 14, to a slight one to the
left, as in II 7.
Nun. This Is a somewhat difficult letter, especially in its
small final form where it is likely to be confused with ra P . Many
times the only difference between these two Is that of size, nun
being the larger. It is occasionally dotted in Nos. III-V, the
dot being placed sometimes above the initial stroke and sometimes
within the curve. In V 17 and 27 this letter is large and looks
like an Inclined semicircle.
Ha 3 . Little difficulty is experienced with this letter in
any of its forms. Its final form was used then as now to repre-
sent feminine tfP (ha^ al-ta 3 nith).
Waw. This letter is usually small, with a marked head or
loop.
Lam-alif. The form of this combination Is almost uniformly
y, not only when it stands alone, but also when it is attached
to another letter, as in I 13. It was always made in two down-
ward strokes, the one for slanting alif with lower bend to the
right, the other for oppositely slanting lam.
Ya 3 . Separate and final yiP frequently turn to the right,
but final ya 3 is also seen In Its modern form, as in IV 18, where
at first glance it looks like nun. When Initial or medial, ya J
is either not dotted at all, as in Nos. I-III, or it has two dots
below, as in IV 28 and V 6 and 21. Becker has drawn attention to
the loss this letter suffers in combination with lam, ba > , ta p ,
tha3 t and shin, so that cf ^ appears as J^ . "" Our pieces show the
same peculiarity, for example in ^ in I 14, II 17, and else-
where, and In J' in III 2, IV 17, and elsewhere.

FORM, STYLE, AND DICTION

The official documents are remarkable for their adherence to

a definite form and usually also for their directness In style.

PSR, p. 27.
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40 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

The religious formula over, the main subject of the document is
usually introduced with a simple amma bacd "and now further."
Having stated the object, frequently briefly and to the point,201
the document concludes, when addressed to a non-Muslim, with
"peace be on those who follow the guidance," followed by the
name of the writer, that of the copyist, and by the date. Some
documents, however, are neither brief nor direct. It seems that
when a letter dealt with a routine matter, brevity and directness
were employed; but in documents referring to gross neglect of
duty or to its dire results on entire districts or perhaps the
whole country, threats and repetitions and detailed Instructions
lengthened and complicated the letter.20"3 ^ The diction
cti is good
204
classical Arabic, as Becker has already pointed out
Two dissimilar attitudes and corresponding phraseologies meet
us throughout these documents. The one is a strict and severe
attitude expressed in the language of threats, censure, and well-
nigh abuse;205^ the other Is a moral-religious attitude expressed
in frank admonition and the use of pious phrases. A few examples
of each will suffice here. For the first see IV 11 and 27-31 and
compare also PSR I 5 f., NPAP III, and PSR III 48-62; for the
second see II 15 and compare also PSR I 18-20, III 16-18, IV 2,
and NPAF I 28-30. The phrase in sha^a Allah occurs eight times in
the Kurrah papyri, and in PSR I 25 we have an example of how me-
chanically It was used. The first attitude reflects the Arab,
especially the "classical" Arab, not long and not far removed from
the desert. He Is quick to call a spade a spade, unrestrained in
his superlatives, both good and bad. The second reflects the same
Arab, clothed with the cloak of Islam. As such he is not so es-
sentially different from his non-Arab neighbors wearing the cloak

For the grammar and usage of this phrase see Suli, pp.
37 f >> and Ibn Durustuyah, pp. 76 f.
201
Cf. PSR X and XI; PAF IX.
POP — —
u
* * Cf. Suli, p. 225, and Kalkashandi VI 366.
2
°3 Cf. PSR III and NPAF II.
204
ZSR, P. 30.
205 -—
Cf. Suli, p. 227, for a few such phrases generally cur-
rent in correspondence.
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INTRODUCTION hi
of Christianity, orthodox or otherwise. For both he and his
neighbor, motivated by practical economic reasons, surrounded
their deeds, consciously or unconsciously, with a moral and re-
ligious halo.
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II

T H E K U R R A H P A P Y R I I N T H E

O R I E N T A L I N S T I T U T E

SYMBOLS

Words within square brackets are restorations.

Dots within square brackets indicate traces of writing
that are Insufficient for restoration.
[ ] Vacant space within square brackets indicates that the
writing is completely lost.
Arabic letters and words supplied or identified by
B. Moritz are underlined.

ORIENTAL INSTITUTE NO. 15757

Date: Rabic I, A.H.90/January 18 - February 16, A.D.709.

Description: Medium brown, very fine papyrus, the finest in
the group, 35 by 20 cm. Slightly worm-eaten; right half much
broken, but fortunately mostly between the lines. The entire
document is preserved and consists of three pieces put together
between lines 2-3 and I5-I6. The small writing on verso has suf-
fered more damage than the writing on recto.

TEXT
Recto

|> VI] °
& ^ JUi J& [i]i J^> ui ^
42
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THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE 43

j£ u&*\ J>[*~] ^ [ o ]V
4jtfr U**J9 UJ» SJ A

JUUil JUP ^ [<i)]l JUfr *

<u J**i J3V' jJfi] l *
V^ J > - [ j ] i J j - ' j c* 1 1
jj>-j? V i *-**-' \r
Vi >Ui UJi viUr j * \r
^ ^LJlj l ^ T M

* ^ " ^ [ ( j ] ^ [o]* y©
J n
M ^ </ ^
ut**-*" ^ if [^]iV \v
(Seal)

Verso

V A.L^>t) o ^ 1 [official m a r k ? ] ^i-V 1 J* 1 [ * • * • ] ^

1 1 1 r

TRANSLATION

Recto
1 In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate.
2 From Kurrah ibn Sharik to
3 the sahib of Ashkauh. I
4 praise God, than whom there is
5 no other God.
6 Now to proceed: Look up the balance due
7 from the bishop of your district
8 of the amount imposed on him by
c
9 Abd Allah ibn cAbd al-Malik
10 and collect the first (amount) and rush it to me
11 by my messenger and the messenger of the
12 bishop; and do not delay
13 any of that balance, be it little or
14 much. Peace be with
15 those who follow the guidance.
16 Written in the month of Rabic
17 I of the year ninety.
(Seal)
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44 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

Verso
1 . . . . the bishop's people . . . . Ashkauh regarding
his account (?)
2 II!
NOTES
Recto
2. The restoration of this line is given on the grounds that
the piece, externally and internally, belongs to the Kurrah group.
Since Kurrah is said to have entered Fustat on the 13th of Rabic I
of A.H.90 (cf. Kindl, pp. 63 f., and Statthalter, 1. Abt.-, p. 3 9 ) ,
this document must be among the very first of his orders.
3. Moritz has supplied v.fo* . It Is evident, however, that
the extended stroke is that of the final ba D of w^L* ; for from
what follows It is clear that the bishop is not the person ad-
dressed and that the addressee can be none other than the local
governor or sabib of Ashkauh. The governor at the time was In all
probability Basil, who is mentioned as such in our No. Ill verso
and in PSR I-III, XII, XIV-XV; PAF I-II; NPAF V.
7. For treatment of balances and arrears see below, pages 95
f.; for taxation of the clergy see page 98.
9. c Abd Allah ibn c Abd al-Malik is mentioned, aside from the
protocols (cf. CPR III, Bd. I, Teil 1, pp. 24-36), in two other
Arabic papyri, our No. V 2-3, 18-19, 27-28, and NPAF XII 3. In
all three cases the reference is to the payment of taxes and to
arrears dating back to the time of his governorship over Egypt.
11. J^-o Is evidently an error for J^JS * The sin in this
word is the only letter in the piece to have a diacritical m a r k —
a stroke over It. On the use of this stroke cf. page 38 and n.
198, likewise PSR, p. 27.
13. For similar phraseology cf. PAF III 13-14.
14-15. On the use of this formula for non-Muslims cf. page 40.
16. The use of the word "month" (shahr) in the date is In
keeping with the rules of dating, which require its use with the
months Ramadan and Rabic I and II only; cf. Suli, pp. 181 and 183.

Verso
1. The "official mark" may be an ornament like those dis-
cussed by Grohmann In CPR III, Bd. I, Teil 1, p. 77.
2. These may be official marks, as Margoliouth suggests in
Flor. de Vogue, p. 409.
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THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE 45

II
ORIENTAL INSTITUTE NO. 13755

Date: Muharram, A.H.91/November 9 - December 8, A.D.709.

Description: Medium brown, fine papyrus, 46 by 21.6 cm.
The beginning is broken off and missing; part of the upper left
section is also lost; the right margin is clipped at the "fold,"
but the writing is not much affected. Otherwise the papyrus Is
in good condition though it consists of some seventeen strips
readily put together.
Seal: Dark clay, partly broken off, with no writing, but
with evidences of an animal figure. For a discussion of seals see
pages 27-33.

TEXT

[' 1

[o]] ^ J U .y KA ^M u r

Oj*^ C^jj }i\ Jo £ j J 1 •

Vi dUi ^^ufU •j^!i )r

^bj 01* *J dj>yi ir

j ~gi l^^frj <dl I j*l a * l o

J^3 c£^l o
(Seal) J* H
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46 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

TRANSLATION

1 Praise (be) I The irrigation by the

2 Nile this year has been even with the best
3 irrigation ever. Therefore I hope that
4 this year will be, God
5 willing, a blessed year. Hence order the people of
6 your land to undertake cultivation and urge them zealously
7 and secure a contract from them to that effect. Then send out
8 for this purpose one who will carry out your or-
der concerning it, and do not entrust
9 this to 3uch as will hinder you from (carrying) it (out). For
10 when the land is cultivated, it prospers,
11 God causing it to bring forth its due
12 yield. Satisfy me in this, and I will not
13 blame you in the matter. For cultivation
14 by the people of the land is their chief duty,
15 after their duty to God, and (constitutes) their prosperity and
16 their welfare.
17 Peace be with those who follow the guidance.
18 Written by Basil in Muharram
19 of the year one and ninety.
(Seal)

NOTES

2-3- The Nile rose to 16 cubits and 17 fingerbreadths, a

record which was exceeded both in the preceding and in the follow-
ing year; cf. TaghribirdI I 246-51 and FSR, p. 16.
4-5. For the religious expressions and general pious tone
of the Kurrah papyri see pages 40 f.
6. It Is interesting to note that here and in line 13, as
also in PSR I 17, the word £ljj , formed in the measure of one of
the two verbal nouns of the third form of the regular triliteral
verb, is not used, as one would expect, in the sense of AC-J'J* , but
of f&ljj . The Arabic dictionaries throw no light on the word.
However, the phrase p4*bj J* '.**v» -* in PSR I 17 seems to be used
in the same sense as the phrase * j*A\ J* t^fr^i JS in NPAF II 15.
15. Bell's translation of the equivalent phrase in B. 1356
(Per Islam II 28l) Is "next after the service of God."
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THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE 47

18. Here the Arabs have added a final ha^ to the name Basil,
in which form It occurs also in B. 1^75 (P. Lond. IV 48) and
PSR XIV.

Ill

ORIENTAL INSTITUTE NO. 13756

Date: Safar, A.H.gi/December 9, A.D.709 - January 6, 710.

Description: Medium fine papyrus, light brown, the lightest
In the group, 53.7 by 20 cm. The entire length of the piece
is preserved, but It is considerably damaged by worms, especially
line 14. Much of the right half Is broken off and lost; the left
side is likewise broken, but to a lesser degree.
Seal.' Dark clay, in perfect condition, showing the figure
of a four-footed animal with a star above its back. For a dis-
cussion of seals see pages 27~33-

TEXT
Recto

^J\ j^J\ [411 ^ ] 1

J\ ^_> a [•>] r

[<U>]I j . o b i j l i | \ J A ] *
A
(^>» t > o - r ^ [ ]

1J* ^ JU [lib] 1 •
U ^te c J I fV5lj U
A] E > ^ l i [ ^ ^ ] U

^ p tftu* j i [ y i ] u
[ ^ 1 ] ^ U dJi 10

CJ-A!I £~0 (j-^i 1A

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48 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

**•! *~ -*[~] J ^

(Seal)

Verso

[Greek, illegible] r

TRANSLATION
Recto
1 In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate.
2 ^urrah ibn Sharik to
5 the sahib of Ashkauh. I praise
4 God, than whom there Is no other
5 God. Now, Ibshadah Ibn Abnilah
6 has Informed me that there are owed to him
7 by farmers of the people of your district
8 . . . . and ten dinars, and he claims
9 that they have denied him his right.
10 When this my letter has reached you
11 and he has established the proof of what
12 he has told me, then secure (It) for him,
13 and do not oppress your slave.
14 But should his case prove other than
15 that, then write me.
16 Peace be with those who follow
17 the guidance. Written by Muslim Ibn
18 Labnan and copied by al-Salt
19 in Safar of the year one
20 and ninety.
(Seal)

Verso
1 From Kurrah ibn Sharik to Basil
2 regarding Ibshadah ibn Abnilah about his farmers(?)
3
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THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE 49

NOTES
Recto
The theme and the style of this papyrus are very similar to
those of PAF I and PSR X and XI, with which It bears interesting
comparison.
5. The names here and In verso 2 are Coptic. For Ibshadah
as a personal name see APJRL, p. 96 (No. 9 ) ; for the same as a
place-name cf. Amelineau, p. 376. For Abnilah see APEL I, Nos.
54, 61, and 67.
7. Moritz had supplied the singular lu** , but It is clear from
the context that the plural is needed. This word, both in the
singular and In the plural form, occurs frequently in the papyri;
cf. PAF I 6; II 13; VIII 3 and 6; NPAF VIII 5, 8, and 9; IX 5;
X 4. In PAF I 6 Becker translates It as "die Eingeborenen," and
in ZA XX 74 he warns against reading kibti for it. Y^kut III 63^
states that every land-dweller who is neither a shepherd nor a
soldier is a nabati* According to Lane, s.v. nabat * the term was
used in c Irak also.
14. An alternative reading for ^U-j is *\>; this latter, how-
ever, Is not found in any of the other Kurrah papyri.
18. Becker in Per Islam II 262 has, on the authority of
Moritz, given the last name as "Lebnan" and holds that he was a
Coptic convert to Islam. Labnan seems to have been a busy scribe,
for he appears frequently in the documents as the original writer,
usually with al-Salt as copyist; cf. PSR X; PAF I; NPAF VIII and
IX.

Verso
3. The Greek line is much broken; its contents are doubtless
similar to those of lines 1-2. All three lines are faded.

IV

ORIENTAL INSTITUTE NO. 13758

Date: Missing, except for "Monday." In tone and, in part

at least, in contents this papyrus is similar to B. 1338 and
B. 1339 (P. Lond. IV 8-11), which are dated Thoth and Phaophi of
the 8th Indiction respectively, but there is not enough to consider
it the parallel of either, unless we assume that the lost part
completed the parallelism. If the word in line 1 is ^>U>. ,
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50 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

"accounts/' then this assumption may be justified and the piece
dated within September or October 709, that is, Dhu al-Kacdah or
Dhu al-Hljjah of A.H.90.
Description: Medium brown papyrus, 7^*7 by 21.5 cm. The
first part is lost; the rest is in very good condition, though con-
sisting of at least six strips put together, namely at lines 2,
8, 22, 23, 27, and at the end. In several other places the piece
seems to have been ready to fall apart before Moritz took good
care of It. The writing throughout Is clear and has suffered
hardly any loss at all.

TEXT

Jaz* ^JJI C*J^ Ja,$ i

< U | ^ili j^yi jbt A

£J o*j Js. pj&" $\ \
Li JUII j* *a^ \ •
* ^ <UA >** J^>V 1 1

^i[i] cU* ^ 1 ^>v; ^i rr

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THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE 51

V» J U i iJ* > i n

•Iijji c r r *. dJui u TA

3 J ^ Jj-a j^» r.
^ T b *W j-i*i y n
i ^ i ^ i ^* ^ r r

TRANSLATION

1 . . . . and . . . .
2 from your land, and I have found it.
J> You still owe a large amount of revenue.
4 You well know what time it has come to he;
5 so appear
6 before me now. By my life, if
7 any finance officer delays
8 beyond the term which I appointed,
9 or appears before me having left
10 behind him aught of the revenue,
11 truly, he is but a self-deceiving fool who has light regard for
12 his life. So when there has come to you
13 this my letter, collect what is due from
14 your land of gold tax and
15 Imposts and extraordinary taxes. Then come
16 to me with the revenue of your land, together with those
17 whom I had ordered you to bring with you
18 of the people of your land. Now, by my life,
19 I really used to think your'administration
20 more successful and better than what
21 I have seen. For you have Indeed done what not
?2 one of the finance officers has done
23 in the delaying of what is due from you and In
24 the incompetence of your administration. For indeed,
25 by God, there is in my service not one
26 who has delayed this revenue
27 without being disgraced. Let there be no
28 withholding of what is with you. And beware
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52 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

29 of excuses, for I am not
30 of those who believe in excuses
31 or accept them. Peace
32 be with those who follow the guidance.
33 Written by Khalifah on Monday.

NOTES

4-5. PSR I 5-6 has C-Jfr ji U j*J\ j * ^ i JS * . Other possible

readings are j*>- and s*>>.
11-12. A similar threat appears also in the Greek papyrus
B. 1334, translated by Bell In Per Islam II 270 f., where Basil
is cautioned against giving, through neglect of duty, "ground for
proceeding against your life." On the tone of language used in
addressing officials see pages 40 f.
14-15. The translation given here is confirmed by Greek
parallels, where Vp V<SL Kd Sq/ioeiu, eti^oi, and I KOT^ txopStra
are evidently used for .jizyah, abwab> and fuflul respectively; cf.
B. 1338 in P. Lond. IV 8-10 and Bell's remarks ibid, p. 168.
Bell's translation of these terms in Per Islam II 272 is "gold
public taxes," "imposts," and "extraordinary taxes." Becker (ibid,
p. 250) accepts abwab In the same sense in NPAF I 2.
25-27. That local governors were to be no less severe to
their subordinates is seen In PSR III 52-56.
28-29. jUlj JUlj . On the cardboard mounting of the original
(though not visible on the photograph) Moritz has drawn attention
to a use of the same phrase in Tabarl II 1004, lines 12 f.
33. This document and NPAF II, which has "Friday" and which
Becker includes in the group of Kurrah papyri, are the only two
pieces, to my knowledge, that are so indefinitely dated. The
reason that In these documents the day only Is mentioned may be
that they are urgent admonitions meant to be dispatched at once
by special messenger and delivered within a week so that results
might be obtained with the least possible delay.

ORIENTAL INSTITUTE NO. 13759

Pate: Lost, probably was A.H.90-or 9I/A.P.709 or 710.

Pescription: Medium brown, fine papyrus, 87.5 by 20-5 cm.
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THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE 53

Very poor, the worst of the group. The beginning and the left half
along almost the entire length are broken off and missing. Lines
1-25 are made up of seven pieces carefully held together, whereas
lines 26-33 consist of four separate strips, the text of which Is
so broken as to make it difficult to tell how many lines are lost
between them.

TEXT

[J^l],* J\Jl ol^.l i

]JI ^ o»tf v

]^ ^ "

[j, 4)1 JUP] J! dtjjT 1A

] *i*ji>Jb n
OH K U, cUi rr

U [^]* ^ ^ ro

j. [411 ^ ji> j\ rv
]l uiUUl J^ fA
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THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

]
] V <* JU*) I ri
]l r.
]
] VI IJ*IJ ri
]-ij *>\S rr
L~' if u^ p^Jb] rr

TRANSLATION

1 What he received . . . .
2 since cAbd Allah
5 ibn cAbd al-Malik was in it, of the gold tax and
4 the imposts and the extraordinary taxes
5 in that. If what . . . .
6 of the gold tax and . . . .
7 established in the . . . .
8 no secret in it . . . .
9 collected from the . . . .
10 the gold tax, for what . . . .
11 from Samak, the brother of F r . .
12 and from Salih . . . .
13 letter for that . . . .
14 Therefore, when this present letter reaches you,
15 then send me . . . .
16 every dinar which you have paid . . . .
17 or he who was before you over
18 your district, to cAbd Allah ibn
c
19 Abd al-Malik, of the gold tax and
20 the extraordinary taxes and the fines . . . .
21 and the mawarith(? ) (or mawazTt? )
22 That is what has written . . . . r Ibn
23 al- . . . . since he was in Egypt
2k to this my day. And that
25 is a clear document affirming
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THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE 55

26 the extraordinary taxes which you paid

27 into the treasuries of cAbd Allah ibn
c
28 Abd al-Malik ....

29 the finance officers. Then do not

30

31 one except ....

52 his letter and . . . . .
33 Peace be to those who follow
34 the guidance. Written by . .
35 in .4

NOTES

Although the papyrus is In poor condition, still enough of

the writing is preserved to give us a fair Idea of the general
purport of the letter. This seems to be an order to pay up tax
arrears carried over from the time of <Abd Allah's administration
and a demand for proof of the claim that the payments in question
had been, in part or in whole, paid in cAbd Allah's time.
2. The name c Abd Allah here and in line 18 was supplied not
only on the strength of the content and historical sequence, but
also on the evidence in line 27, where the first two letters of
j ^ are unmistakable. The reference of biha is probably to Egypt.
11-12. The names i)U- and ^L» need no comment. That of
the "brother" beginning with either a fa^ or a kaf has many pos-
sibilities, as a glance at any full list of Arabic names will
show. Arabic names occurring in these papyri give no help, un-
less we wish to read *j* . It is not clear why these three men are
mentioned here; from their names it is evident that they are Arabs
and therefore Muslims. They may have been Muslim taxpayers (see
below, pp. 90-95 ) whose accounts are to be investigated. I think,
however, that they are more likely to have been commissioners or
Inspectors of some kind who had either given Information regarding
the case or were being sent to do so (cf. P. Lond. IV xx).
21. Paleographically, the word in this line appears to be
mawarith, there being two dots for ya^ and three dots over the
tha^* Read thus, its obvious translation is "inheritances."
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56 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

However, the context is too broken to allow this as a positive
translation exclusive of any other; furthermore, the Kurrah papyri
give no other reference to inheritances. We read in Kindi, p. 69*
with reference to the replacement of Coptic local officials by
Muslims In the reign of ^Umar II, jyJ—Jl Jw^u^l^ LJiJI WJJI^» C^J*"J .
Becker has emended mawarith to mawazit (Per Islam II 363)* It is
possible that the word in this line may have been meant for
mawazit, one of the three dots appearing over the head of tha^
serving originally as dot for zay. The scribe of the document was
not very careful in the placement of the dots In general; for ex-
ample, those for ya? in the word under consideration and in
jizyah in line 6 are too low and too far to the right, while the
dot for biP in bi-misr in line 23 is too far to the left, being
in fact placed under mim. The reading mawazit (sing, mazut ,
Arabicized from M^etgoTefos, Per Islam II 363)- "local village
officials," could fit well into the context of the document.
Furthermore, according to Becker's readings It occurs in this same
form inNPAP III 28, while the singular mazut appears In PAF IX 3.
30 ff. There is no way of telling how many lines are really
missing here. The final formula and the date alone usually occupy
four to five lines. Since the document deals with arrears from
c
Abd Allah's time, it was probably among the first of Kurrah's
documents and so may be dated A.H.90 or, at the latest, 91.
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Ill

BIOGRAPHY OF KURRAH IBN SHARIK,

GOVERNOR OF EGYPT

Most of the sources of information for the Umayyads and

their regime are from camps hostile to them. By far the greater
number is from the hands of the orthodox traditionalists who
flourished in the days of the (Abbasids and who were hostile
either because they honestly differed from the principles espoused
by the fallen regime or because, as was most frequently the case,
they catered to the court opinion of the cAbbasids and to the
prejudices of religious sects. Others are from Christians, such
as Eutychius and Severus, in whose works we get to see the Umay-
yads through the eyes of some of their Christian subjects, both
Melkite and Coptic; and hostile and resentful as these conquered
non-Muslim subjects might be expected to be, yet they are hardly
any more severe, if as severe, on the Umayyads as their fellow
Muslims—the cAbbasids. But now we are fortunate enough, through
the Kurrah Aphrodito papyri at our disposal, to hear a typical
governor—Kurrah ibn Sharik—-speak for himself and, indirectly,
also for his Umayyad masters.
Kurrah ibn Sharik ibn Murthid ibn Hazim ibn al-Harith ibn
Habsh al- f Absi, a North Arab from the Syrian city of KInnasrin,
was a practical man, active in the service of the Caliph Walld
(86-96/7O5-I5). Until very recently it was unknown in what ca-
pacity he had served before his significant appointment to the
difficult office of governor of Egypt. Becker rightly surmised:
M
Er muss sich jedenfalls schon vorher in verantwortungsreicher

Cf. Goldziher II, chaps, ii and H i .

2
Kind!, pp. 63-66; cf. also Ibn Taghrlblrdi I 241 f.; Ibn
c
Abd al-Hakam, pp. 2^8 f.; Makrizi I 302; MIFAO LIII (1927) 85;
Statthalter. 1. Abt., pp. 39 f*; P3R, pp. 15-19- For protocols
from his period cf. CPR III, Bd. I, Teil 2, pp. 45~55 (Nos. 52-64),
and fitudes de t?at>yrologie I 33.

57
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58 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

Stellung bewahrt haben, sonst hatte Ihn nicht der Chalife el-Walid
unter so schwierigen Verhaltnlssen nach Agypten gesetzt. And
indeed he had held a responsible position in the Imperial adminis-
tration, for Bjbrkman's researches have shown Kurrah to have been
_ h '
one of Walid's katib's or state secretaries. Suyuti lists him
S -
as one of three katib's. The significance of the office of katib
in Umayyad times is well brought out by a passage from al-Fakhri,
where Ibn al-Tiktaka describes the pre*-cAbbasid caliphs as con-
sulting with the most sagacious and wise of their courtiers and
retainers, each of whom performed, in effect, the functions of a
wazir. He adds further that when the cAbbasids came to the throne
the laws of the wazirate were fixed, and the officer in question
was then called wazir, having hitherto been designated katib,
"secretary," or mushir, "counselor."
Such a secretary or counselor was Kurrah ibn Sharlk. One may
well Imagine the conquest-minded Walid as anxious to have Egypt
both quiet and regular in her tribute, so that her weight of grain
and gold might tell, and tell well, in the success of his imperial
policy. But the internal conditions of the Egypt of his day
promised the opposite results. Kurrah, the tried secretary-
counselor, must rise to the occasion and save the situation. And
the situation was serious. The 1st century of the Hijrah was a
century of stress and strain; a century of painful adjustments on
the part of the non-Muslim subject majority to the will of the
Muslim Arab minority; a century of transition., of rising arrogant
race consciousness, and of political and economic evolution that
taxed the ingenuity of the successive pilots that charted the
course of the Muslim ship of state.
The eschatological views of Muhammad, which had colored In a
measure the outlook of his first successors, had had their short
day, and Islam was now busier trying to conquer this world than
5
PSR, p. 15.
Beitr'age zur Geschichte der Staatskanzlei im lslamlschen
Agypten, p. 57-
Busn al-muhadarah II 1J2.
FakhrI, p. 206. Nicholson, Literary History of the Arabs,
pp. 256 f., especially in n. 2, points out that Arabic sources
refer to Ziyad ibn Abihi as the wazir of Mucawiyah, and Abu Bakr
as the wazir of Muhammad, and that the word wazir was used also
in pre-Islamic poetry.
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BIOGRAPHY OP KURRAH IBN SHARIK, GOVERNOR OF EGYPT 59

she was preparing to meet the day of judgment in the world to

come. Would-be-dynasts made a bid for power, and the century saw
the first two civil wars of Islam. With the final Marwanid-
Umayyad victory the die was cast for continued imperialism; and
imperial finance at first stood aghast, and then laughed, at the
naive "communism" of early Islam. The non-Muslims, the Imperial
camel, had to yield more milk, and the Muslim had to learn to give
as well as to receive. So on the back of the former was laid a
heavier tax burden, and from the land of the latter was required
a knar a .j. Furthermore, Umayyad imperialism had become race con-
scious to a high degree. To be an Arab was the height of distinc-
tion, comparable only to that of being a Roman In the days of St.
Paul. And so the second half of this century saw the minting of
Arab currency, the adoption of Arabic as the official language,
and the appearance of Arab civil officials, especially in the
higher positions. Again, at the imperial court differences of
policies were sharpened by Interdynastic rivalries and colored by
religious opinions. c Abd al-Malik and his brother cAbd al- c Aziz,
both men of ability and both ambitious for their children, never
c
lost sight of the question of succession. Abd al- c Azlz, the
acknowledged heir, refused, on his brother's request, to set aside
his claim in favor of his nephew Walid, replying to his brother,
"if you have a son, we have sons." According to him, his son al-
Asbagh was worthy to be caliph. But death took both father and
son within about six weeks of each other, thus enabling ^Abd al-
Mallk to have his heart's desire to see not one but two of his
sons, Walid and Sulaiman, in line for the succession. But there
was yet another son of cAbd al-cAzlz to reckon with— c Umar. In
spite of the high esteem that cAbd al-Malik had for this young man
whom he made his son-in-law and appointed governor of the Hijaz,
it Is evident that, personal affection aside, uncle and nephew
did not exactly see alike, for cUmar frowned on the deeds of
?ajjaj ibn Yusuf and inclined to the theological opposition at
Madlnah. Walid upheld the policies of Hajjaj against both brother

{
For details of this rivalry see Kind!, pp. 54 f.; Ma^rizl
I 210; Ibn Taghribirdi I 193; Yackubi II y^h f.; Ibn al-Athir IV
409 f.; Tabarl II 1164-71; on the death of al-Asbagh and cAbd
al-cAzTz see also Severus, PO V 52-54.
Q
Cf. Ar. Kg., pp. 267 f.
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60 THE KURRAH PAYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

Sulaiman and cousin cUmar,9 thus driving these two into the same
camp. Sulaiman set aside his own sons and his brother and gave
the throne to his cousin c Umar, who Is known in history as pious
c
Umar I I . 1 0
Such were the times in which the lot of Kurrah ibn Sharik was
cast, first as Valid's katib, then as his governor of Egypt. As
already Intimated, the situation In Egypt at that time was ex-
tremely grave. For after the death of the governor cAbd al-^Aziz,
f
Abd al-Malik had appointed his son cAbd Allah as governor, and
the latter*s rule was the severest and hardest that Egypt had yet
experienced under the Arabs. The master hand of cAbd al-cAz!z
had, Indeed, likewise lain heavily and firmly on the land of
Egypt, but that of young cAbd Allah promised to prove the neces-
sary straw to break the camel's back. His personal greediness
for graft proved to be his own undoing. Furthermore, the malad-
ministration of c Abd Allah was cruelly Intensified by the failure
of nature. In A.H.86 the Nile failed to rise to its customary
level, stopping at the low maximum of 13 cubits and 18 finger-
12
breadths. This meant failure of crops, which in turn meant
heavy speculation In the grain markets. Prices soared, ^ famine
14
and plague were doing their worst, but taxes were mercilessly
IS
demanded and even increased. J Not even death released a man from
them, for he remained unburied until his people or village paid
the taxes for him. Desperate, the peasants deserted their
c
holdings. But Abd Allah took severe measures against them. All
fugitives and strangers who had settled In a locality within the
past twenty years "were driven together, branded on hands and
forehead and sent to places they knew not. Thus there was trouble

9
Ibid, p. 257; Ibn Taghribirdi I 243.
10
fabari II 1340-44; Yactubl II 358-60; Ibn al-Athir V 27-
30; cf. also Ar. Kg. , pp. 264-66.
11
Ibn Taghribirdi I 233-
12
Ibid. P- 237-
15
Ibid. p. 233; cf. also Kind!, p. 59, and PSR, p. 16.
1
^ Ibn Taghribirdi I 235-
15
Severus, P0 V 55.
16
Ibid, p. 56.
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BIOGRAPHY OF KURRAH IBN SHARIK, GOVERNOR OF EGYPT 61

and confusion in the land."1? Neither did the Coptic church es-
cape his avarice. Throughout his administration his object seems
to have been to humiliate Its officials and to acquire their ac-
tual or supposed wealth, "so that many churches were ruined for
18
that cause."
But news of SAbd Allah's corruption and misappropriation of
the state revenue reached his brother Walid, who summoned him to
Damascus in A.H.88. But admonition was of no avail. Having re-
turned to Egypt, he persisted in his dissipation till he was sud-
19
denly deposed and called home.
It was at such a crucial moment that Kurrah was appointed to
the governorship of Egypt. Riding to office on an Imperial tidal
wave, he had to swim with the current, conscious at the same time
of undercurrents which might at any moment draw him under; for his
young royal master might at any time be Induced to change his mind.
To hold his own, Kurrah, like Hajjaj, had to show himself a posi-
tive imperial asset. He did this by supplying the sinews of em-
pire—money—money for use in Islam's second wave of conquest and
expansion Induced by Walid's Imperial ambition and pride.
Kurrah was appointed governor of Egypt in Rabic I, A.H.90/
January, A.D.709. He traveled with two companions by post and ar-
rived at Fustat unpretentiously and unexpectedly on the third or
thirteenth of that month. His first action was to go to the
governor's mosque and to offer prayer in the mifrrab. Guards would
have him move to some other spot, but he ordered them to summon
their chief instead. Quickly one of the guards left and informed
the chief of police, c Abd al-A c la, who, sensing that there was
something in the wind, had a horse saddled and rode to the mosque,
where he met Kurrah with a courteous greeting, only to be commanded
to go and seal the government offices and the treasury. No longer
in doubt that this Is some high official, cAbd al-Acla sent out a
feeler; "If you are in charge of the kharaj, this order is out of
your sphere." Thereupon Kurrah asked him:
"To what tribe do you belong?"
c
"To Fahm," said Abd al-Acla.

Ibid.; for a critical interpretation of this passage see

Bell In P. Lond. IV xl and Becker In Per Islam II 368 f.
18
Severus, PO V 55.
19
Ibn Taghrlbirdi I 233-
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62 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

"You will never," replied Kurrah, "find a Pahml [which word

may also mean 'a person endowed with intelligence or understand-
ing'] but that he guards his highest temper and recognizes the
truth." Shrewd c Abd al-Acla understood and saluted Kurrah as gov-
ernor.20
We have reported this incident in detail because It reveals
Kurrah's personality and character. It shows him endowed with
presence of mind, and to be shrewd, self-possessed, dignified, and
able to command.
In his brief six years of office (13th Rabic I, 90 - 24th
Rabi I, 96/January 30, 709 - December 7, 7 l 4 ) , 2 1 Kurrah accom-
c

22
pllshed the restoration of normal order in Egypt, a tax census,
an increase of tax returns, ^ the reclamation of waste lands for.
24
sugar plantation, and a building program (including the rebuild-
ing of the mosque of c Amr). ^ But beside his master Walid few
seem to have appreciated his accomplishments, for the simple
reason that Walid was the one to profit largely by them.
A Kharijlte plot was soon afoot against Kurrah's life.
— — Pf^ P7 * O^K
Taghribirdi, followed by Becker, ' gives the Azrakiyyah group
as the plotters; but Guest ^ draws our attention to a marginal
note to Kindi'3 account, attributed to Ibn Yunus, an early Egyptian
historian (d. 347/958)* naming the Ibadiyyah as the real plotters.
Kindi, pp. 62-f.; cf. also the variants in Ibn c Abd al-
Hakam, pp. 238 f.
21 —
Kindi, pp. 65 **•; for a discussion of Kurrah's dates see
PSR, p p . 17 f.
22
Kindi, p. 65.
2
^ Severus, P0 V 64.
pii - - _
Kindi, p. 65; Ibn Taghribirdi I 244; PSR, p. 18.
25
Kindi, p. 65; Ibn <\Abd al-Hakam, p. 131; Ibn Taghribirdi
I 242 and 244; PSR, pp. 18 f.
26
I 242.
27
PSR, p. 19.
pfl
Wellhausen, Die religlos-politischen Oppositionspartelen,
pp. 28-30.
29
Kindi, p. 64, n. 1.
50
Ibn Khallikan II 94.
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BIOGRAPHY OF KURRAH IBN SHARIK, GOVERNOR OF EGYPT 63

Known facts of the history of these two groups confirm neither

account. The Azrakiyyah operated chiefly in cIrak and farther
east and after the death of their latest acknowledged leader in
77/696 seem to have disappeared from history, while the Ibadiyyah
first appeared in Arabia In the reign of Marwan II (127-32/744-50),
whence they spread to all Muslim lands, forming a specially strong
party in North Africa and there playing a disturbing part in the
period of dynastic transition in the 8th century. Thus it was
too late for the Azrakiyyah and too early for the Ibadiyyah to
have instigated the plot. Kindi's text designates the plotters,
who were of Alexandria, as the shurat, a term meaning "the here-
tics or schismatics, commonly known by the name of khawarij."^
The plotters—about a hundred of them—were soon discovered, and
all were put to death. Thus Kurrah early taught his enemies a
lasting lesson.
The opposition party, if but for policy1s sake, condemned him
severely. In the oft reported statement of their leader cUmar Ibn
c
Abd al-cAziz all of Walid's governors came in for their share of
censure: "Al-Haj jaj in cIrak, al-Walid in Syria, Kurrah ibn Sharik
in Egypt, cUthman in Madinah, and Khalid in Makkah—oh God, the
world is full of oppression and violence; give deliverance to the
people! '-' Though the authenticity of this statement may be
doubted—something similar having been related with regard to
Ziyad Ibn Ablhi under Mucawiyah,^^ thus pointing to the fabrication
in both cases by later anti-Umayyad traditionists and historians —
it nevertheless serves as an index to the unpopularity of Kurrah.
We read further in these same and In other sources that Kurrah was
irreligious; that he defiled the mosque of cAmr with drunken
revelry and shamelessly alleged, "For them the day, for us the
night"j^ that he was, in fact, evil through and through, "the

51
El I 542; ShahrastanI, pp. 89-9I-
^ 2 gl I 3 f. and II 350 f.; Wellhausen, op. clt. pp. 52-55;
ShahrastanI, pp. 100 f.

" Lane, Arabic-English Lexicon IV 1546.

34
PSR, p. 17, and references given there.
^ 5 Ibn T a g h r l b i r d l I 243; Ibn a l - A t h l r IV 4 6 1 .
36
Kind!, p . 6 5 , n. 2; Ibn T a g h r l b i r d l I 242; PSR, p . 19;
S t a t t h a i t e r . 1. A b t . , p . 40.
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64 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

most wicked of God's creatures,"37 "a bad administrator, wicked

and unjust, tyrannical, immoral, and profligate."38
So much for the Muslim verdict on Kurrah. Let us now see
what the Coptic Christians have to say of him, taking Severus as
our main Informant. This writer, in the translation by B. Evetts,
relates:

And Kurrah brought down great trials upon the friends of Abd
Allah, both Christians and Muslims, and cast them Into prisons
where they remained for a year. And there was in his days a man
of the orthodox faith, named John, a native of Damlrah, who had
authority to command or forbid. But Kurrah caused trials among
the churches and the monks, as shall be described.39

Then follows the story of the visit of Patriarch Alexander II

to Kurrah to congratulate him on his appointment as governor; how
the Patriarch was arrested and, in the course of the conversation
with Kurrah, was told, "if thou must sell thine own flesh, thou
must pay me three thousand dinars"; how five pots of gold were
conveniently discovered by some hermit's sons; how four were
handed to Alexander's steward and scribe, who hid them dishonestly;
how news of the find reached Kurrah; and how Kurrah had the house
and the church searched and the pots, the vessels of the church,
and the gold and silver and cattle found in the patriarchal resi-
40
dence carried away. When, somewhat later, the rumor came out
that the Patriarch was minting dinars in his house, a second search
took place.
The people of the city of Alexandria with the town-clerk, by
the command of Kurrah,.... seized the patriarch and his compan-
ions; and they threw him to the ground, and beat his companions,
who were tortured till their blood flowed on the ground, and they
almost died by the "torture
And the Amir Kurrah was a great lover of money; and whenever
an official died, he seized all his goods ....; and tie even took
away the endowments of the bishops. By these means he added a
hundred thousand dinars to the established revenue of the country.
And men began to flee from place to place with their wives and
children, but no place would harbour them because of the troubles
and the exaction of taxes; and his tyranny was greater than that
of any of his predecessors.

57
Kindi, p. 64, n. 1.
38
Ibn Taghribirdi I 242.
59
£0 V 57.
40
Ibid, pp. 58-60.
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BIOGRAPHY OP KURRAH IBN SHARIK, GOVERNOR OF EGYPT 65

Then Kurrah appointed a man named Abd al- Aztz, of the city
of SakhS, who collected the fugitives from every place, and brought
them back and bound them and punished them, and sent every one to
his own place; and the people endured heavy trials.41
Quite in contrast to the foregoing picture drawn by the Mus-
lim and Christian writers referred to are the character traits of
Kurrah revealed in the papyri. J»SR III and NPAF I together give
us a fine insight Into Kurrah*s own attitude toward his office,
his subordinate officials, and the people at large. Using these
documents as a basis, and supplementing the Information derived
from them by details gleaned from other letters written by him,
we see that Kurrah has throughout the attitude of a shepherd who
feels responsible for his sheep (though not too much must be read
into this, for after all sheep must give wool). It is this atti-
tude that he Is constantly seeking to develop in his officials.
"If the people of the land suffer oppression and loss at the hands
of those who are appointed to rule over them, then that is their
ruin.11 Again, office is a. "trust and a religious duty,"" and
hence the officials are to see to the execution of orders In per-
il h
son and are not to delegate the responsibility to another. The
officials who will achieve improvement and show faithfulness will
be rewarded not only by God, -> but by £urrah also, who will do
good to them, extend his favors to them, and strengthen their
position In office. Those, however, who are found wanting will
47 48 4Q
be rewarded accordingly '—disgraced, fined, y or even be In
SO
danger of their lives. The higher officials are held responsible
41
Ibid, pp. 61 and 64.
42
PSR III 68-72-
43
Ibid, lines 63 f.
44
Ibid. 11. 72-74; cf. NPAF I 19-27 and our No. II 8-10.
45
NPAF I 28-30.
46
Ibid. 11. 4-6.
47 Ibid. 11. 8 f.
48
Ibid. 11. 14-16; cf. our No. IV 25-27.
49 NPAF III 1-3; cf. also PSR III 54-56.
50
Our No. IV 11 f.; cf. also our note to this passage on
52.
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66 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

for the just conduct of their subordinates,51 and the subordinates,
if caught oppressing the people, are to be punished severely.~>
These are not mere generalities; they are statements made in
connection with specific facts. Thus briefly the burden of PSR
III is to hasten the shipment of grain to the central treasury,
where it is needed for the army rations. Basil is to see that in
the collection of the grain the "people of the land" are not
coerced into paying more than their assessment and that not a
single extra ardabb Is taken from them; that trustworthy and ac-
ceptable local kabbal!s are employed, and that the standard and
just measure is used. On the other hand, the people should not
think that they can pay their taxes with poor grain; for the
treasury officials are commanded to accept nothing but good grain.
Furthermore, the collector-shipper must be held responsible for
delivering the full amount to the treasury. PSR III and NPAF IV
show the same concern and care for the people, though in these
cases they are the "people of the city." Anticipating a grain
famine in Fustat and therefore a "corner" by speculators, Kurrah
takes double measures to head it off, first by ordering the local
officials to regulate the trade in grain, and then by temporarily
suspending the custom duties at Fustat.
Furthermore, Kurrah is interested not only In the general
economic welfare and prosperity of the country; he is concerned
with the administration of justice as well, and any Individual
may receive justice at his hand. This is amply illustrated in the
many appeals that the documents refer to. For example, in PAF II
Dawud ibn Bada^ has complained of the local official's (mazut)
conduct In forcing his way Into his house and taking possession
of It; Basil is ordered to settle these matters justly and to keep
these officials from the people's houses. In PAF I and NPAF VIII
Markus ibn Jarlj (George?) is appealing two cases of debt; in our
No. Ill Ibshadah ibn Abnilah, and in NPAF IX Baktar (Victor) ibn
Jamul, are doing the same. In PSR X, which Is addressed to
Zakariyya^, safrib of Upper Ashmun, Yuhannas Shanudah has a similar
case. In each of these cases the local official is ordered to
investigate the claim and, if it is substantiated, to secure just
payment. On the other hand, Kurrah is to be Informed if the claim
51
PSR III 57-62.
52
Ibid. 11. 48-56.
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BIOGRAPHY OF KURRAH IBN SHARIK, GOVERNOR OF EGYPT 6j

c
is false. In NPAF V Hisham Ibn Umar is complaining that his
fugitives are harbored In Basil's district; Basil is ordered to
return them to Hisham and admonished not to expose himself to a
similar charge in the future. In B. 1356 Basil himself is taken
to task for not being more readily accessible to the representa-
tives of the people with regard to tax affairs. ^
In these documents, then, Kurrah speaks long enough and
forcefully enough to cause us to question seriously the verdict
of the Muslim and the Coptic sources regarding him. But this
leaves us with the problem of explaining the divergence of judg-
ment in our sources. .
We have already noted (cf. pp. 62-65) some of the motives for
Kurrah's unpopularity with the imperial opposition party at home
and have also pointed out that he punished the Khari.jite plotters
with death. Severus tells us that Kurrah deposed many officials
who were friends of his predecessor in office and confiscated the
property of officials who died. The plotters and many of th^
deposed officials were Muslims, all with an ax to grind and all
without question to be severely handled by a positive character
like Kurrah. But how are we to account for the discontent of the
general Muslim population? The answer is probably to be found in
the imposition of the land tax (khara.j) ^o j^ i s supposed that
Kurrah exacted this tax from the believers, degrading them, In
their eyes, to the level of the unbelievers. That Kurrah intro-
duced this tax on the Muslims is not sure; that he exacted it
S6
seems more certain. And in this one fact we see sufficient
cause for Kurrah's unpopularity with the average Muslim.
As for the unfavorable verdict on the part of Christian au-
thors, the following passage from Severus indicates likely reasons
in addition to those mentioned above.

There was a man named John, an official, to whom God gave

favour with the governors. So he went to Kurrah and said to him:
"it is right that thou shouldst know that the taxes weigh heavily

55
P. Lond. IV 31 f. and Per Islam II 28l f.
5
PO V 57 and 64.
S^ —
-'-' The word khara.j does not occur in the documents. On the
reasons for this and for introducing the land tax see our pages
90-94.
56
BeItrage, p. 100.
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68 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

upon the monks and bishops in every place. Here then Is an easy
matter, for some of them are rich; while others have not the means
of nourishment; .... if therefore thou thinkest fit to set me over
their affairs, I will collect the taxes." So he set him over the
bishops and monks. And when Kurrah gave him authority, he said
to him: "There are among them some who do not believe in the faith
of the Coptic Christians, and yet will not pray with the Muslims.
What then thinkest thou that I should do to them?" The governor
answered: "Do to them according to the law of the Christians, and
take a double poll-tax from them."57

Undoubtedly the repression and suppression of "heretical"

Christian minorities by the Coptic majority under the aegis of the
Muslim governor earned for the latter the hatred of all members of
the minority groups. Furthermore, the attempt to distinguish be-
tween the rich and the poor among the clerics was bound to lead
to cases of extortion; for with pots of gold conveniently dis-
covered by monks and hermits, how was Kurrah to know the poor
from the rich among them?
The common peasants, too, might well feel that they had a
grievance against Kurrah because of measures he had to adopt in
order to remedy conditions that resulted from the mismanagement
of his predecessor and from the failure of the Nile during the
latter*s tenure of office. Severus reports the condition of those
who fled from their land to evade the high taxes.-* The Arabic
documents known to us refer to one fugitive case only, though the
Greek Aphrodlto papyri have several references to fugitives and
fugitive commissioners who were to put a stop to the flight of the
peasants from the land. " The commissioners were Instructed to
do a thorough piece of work and to bring fugitives of long stand-
ing back to their lands, or assign them to new lands. According
to B. 13584, after issuance of the new regulations those who
sheltered fugitives were to be fined ten solidi; the fugitives
themselves were to be given forty lashes, fined five solidi, and
turned over to the governor; the local administrators and headmen
and the police of the place where a fugitive had found shelter
were also fined five solidi; anyone giving Information regarding
a fugitive was to be paid a reward of two solidi, this amount to

57
PO V 62.
58
Ibid, p. 64.
59
Cf. B. 1332, 1353. 1343, and 1384 (P. Lond. IV 1-3, 14-
16, and 57~59)> also P. Ross.-Georg. IV, Nos. 1 and 2.
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BIOGRAPHY OF JCURRAH IBN SHARIK, GOVERNOR OP EGYPT 69

be exacted from him who sheltered the fugitive.60 Considering
the time and the country, such treatment of the fugitives and
others concerned is, after all, not so severe. If P. Ross,-Georg.
IV, No. 16, belongs in this context, torture with lime and vinegar
was expressly forbidden because it left the tortured Impaired in
health and Incapable of work. This prohibition of a specific and
severe form of torture may imply connivance at, or even sanction
of, other but milder forms. It may imply, in addition, an oc-
casional occurrence of the prohibited form itself, but it cannot
be made to imply a general policy of torture.
Thus at last Kurrah appears, as it were, in person. We see
in him an efficient statesman of the practical Umayyad regime. He
had an essential and definite object before him—satisfactory fi-
nance based on good government. He set out to accomplish It
thoroughly and with a minimum of injustice to the taxpayer. His
Increased returns were rather the result of good administration
than of heavier taxation. In the words of Bell, who, through his
great work on the Greek Aphrodito papyri, is in a position to
judge, "his (Kurrah*s) cruelty and Impiety may well be an entire
fiction It is possible .... that he came to be regarded by
the Copts themselves as an oppressor, not because he was guilty
of misgovernment, but because he so efficiently discharged the
duties entrusted to him."

P- Lond. IV 57-59 and Per Islam II 579 f-

For the significance of the fugitive question on the
state economics see pages 97 f. Kurrah's humane attitude Is re-
flected also in the one tradition that is reported of him (Ibn
TaghrTbirdl I 244), according to which he Is said to have held
that It is not permissible to separate a married slave couple.
62
P. Lond. IV xxxvi.
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IV

H I S T O R I C A L S T U D Y A N D
I N T E R P R E T A T I O N

BYZANTINE EGYPT

That the Arabs took over the Byzantine system of local gov-
ernment and taxation is the general verdict of historians and
scholars dealing with Egypt under Arab rule. Like most general-
ized assertions, however, this statement needs to be modified In
s.everal important items. It is the purpose of this study to point
out these particulars, namely those Byzantine factors which the
Arabs discarded and those peculiarly Arab ones which they intro-
duced; for it Is in this double set of factors that Egypt under
early Arab rule is to be distinguished from the periods before and
after.
It is obvious that our first task Is to know what the Byzan-
tine system was. We are fortunate In the possession of a wealth
of Greek papyri of the Byzantine period. These together with the
works of Greek historians form the basis of all modern studies of
that period. However, these source materials are by no means so
complete and self-explanatory as to eliminate all uncertainties,
and hence we find differences in the conclusions of such modern
writers as Milne, Maspero, Gelzer, Roulllard, Bell, Hardy, and
others.
For the period of Justinian's outstanding reign (527-65)
Edict XIII is our most valuable single document reflecting the
then existing administrative and economic conditions of Egypt.
Setting aside the moot question of the date of this edict, whether
It was 538/39 or a whole indiction later (553/5^h 1 it is evident
that economic decay and economic reform were the cause and the

Roulllard, pp. 15-24; Gelzer, pp. 21-28; cf. Hardy, pp.

17 f. and 31, who favors the date 538.

70
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HISTORICAL STUDY AND INTERPRETATION 71

2
object of the edict respectively. Whereas in the history of any
country economics play an important part, in the history of Egypt
they have played the major role, and that especially during per-
iods of foreign domination and occupation when the masters of the
land left nothing undone to make themselves the ultimate recipients
of the bountiful gifts of the Nile. The Roman-Byzantine period
was no exception to this rule. Milne remarks that "for the most
part, events in Egypt were too monotonously uninteresting for
historians of the Roman Empire to pay any attention to them.
Egypt supplied corn, not men, to Rome."^ And so long as this corn
came, the welfare of Egypt and the Egyptians troubled their Roman
masters but little. But should the corn fail to come, then inter-
est was immediately roused and action quickly taken. At the time
of Justinian's accession the "corn" of Egypt (using the term here
to include all of Egypt's taxes and revenues) was declining woe-
fully. Justinian, partial to ideas of absolutism, could have
attempted a colossal armed robbery, taking a chance on getting or
losing all. If successful, he would enjoy his corn cakes; but,
once eaten, that would be the end of them. Being also a states-
man and a good administrator, Justinian thought of a better plan
by which he hoped to be able both to eat and still to have his
cake. Egyptian civil and military administration must be reformed
and made to serve the economic end in view, and the Egyptians must
receive a degree of paternal care that would insure the continuance
of their immense contributions. The goose that was laying the
golden egg must be both guarded and cared for, if she was to con-
tinue her profitable activity. Her cackling, though annoying,
must not be taken too seriously. If Justinian's plans did not
endure, it Is because he himself expected too much of this goose
at the same time that his keepers half starved her, stole her
eggs, and left the gates wide open for highway robbers.
According to Edict XIII, Justinian's reforms for Egypt em-
braced the following: (1) great decentralization In provincial
government by division of the diocese Into five Independent ter-
ritories; (2) union of military and civil powers; (3) maintenance
of a balance of power between local and provincial authorities
through a certain measure of control of both from Constantinople.

2
Rouillard, p. 163; cf. also Dieftl in CMH II 37 f-
' History of Egypt (I898), p. v.
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72 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

For details of the Byzantine civil administration of Egypt

during this period Rouillard's thesis has not been surpassed. He
presents the whole of Egypt as divided into five provinces, at the
head of each of which was a governor with civil and military
powers. Three of these provinces ("Egypt" In the narrower sense,
u
covering the western Delta and the city of Alexandria; Libya; and
the Thebaid) were definitely duchies; the remaining two (Arcadia
and Augustamnica) were In all probability likewise headed by
dukes.^ With the exception of Arcadia and Libya, the duchies were
in turn divided into two eparchies, each under a praeses, and
these again divided into pagarchies, cities, villages, and large
private estates. The administration of each of the five divi-
sions was independent of the others and subject to the direction
of the Prefect of the Praetorium of the Orient.' The duke, whose
military and civil powers in his province were very extensive,
including control of finance, justice, and public works, was ap-
pointed by the emperor from among the nobility and received high
titles and a handsome salary. In every sense he acted in a vice-
regal capacity; yet counterchecks to his great power were not
lacking, since both details of administration and the appointment
of the subordinate officers of the duke were to be controlled by
Q
Constantinople. The subordinate officers appear In a civil ca-
pacity only. Thus the praeses is primarily a collector of taxes
and a local judge for the eparchy, while the pagarch's3 functions
fI
are of a similar nature within his administrative unit. 11
The office of the pagarch interests us especially since most
of our Arabic papyri are addressed to pagarchs. Though pagarchies
are known to have existed prior to Justinian's edict, it is hard
to fix the date of their origin, though the last part of the 5th

11
Rouillard, p. 27.

Ibid, p. 33; cf. also Gelzer, p. 29.

6
Rouillard, p. 53.
7
Ibid. p. 40; Gelzer, p. 29*
8
Rouillard, pp. 3^-39•
9
Ibid, p. 40.
10
Ibid, pp. 45 f.
11
Ibid, p. 52.
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HISTORICAL STUDY AND INTERPRETATION 73

century is generally accepted as such, that being the time when
increase of landlordism on the one hand and of autopragia on the
other pointed to the glaring need of a representative of the cen-
12
tral government. The pagarchs, appointed directly by the emperor
and subject to punishment and removal by him only, ** evidently
answered the need of the hour.
It is not easy to decide what actually constituted the pa-
garchy as an administrative unit. Two much contested theories
have been advanced. According to the one, sponsored by Bell and
Maspero, the pagarchy corresponded to the ancient nome and com-
prised both the city and the villages in the district, thus giving
14
the pagarch authority in both places; according to the other,
accepted by Gelzer, the pagarchy corresponded to the earlier
pagus, thus leaving the pagarch without powers In the city and
restricting his authority to the surrounding villages only. ^
Rouillard throws his weight on the side of the former, presenting,
with reserve, the hypothesis that there Is nothing inherently Im-
possible in the existence of a municipal curia alongside a pa-
garch' s authority, the one being a popular body, the other an
imperial representative. And he adds that although the cities
appear in Edict XIII to be directly subject to the duke, this
need not Imply, as Gelzer seems to conclude, the exclusion of all
17
the phases of the pagarch*s authority from the city. '
When we turn to the judicial functions of the pagarch, we
face a similar indefiniteness with regard to the extent of his
jurisdiction; for though he possesses his own tribunal In the
pagarchy, there appears also a "civic defensor," and the relation-
ship between the two Is obscure, giving room for the question: Is
It that the pagarch's tribunal handled cases arising in the vll-
lages only, while the defensor administered justice in the city?

12
Ibid, pp. 50 f.
15
Ibid. p. 51.
llf
Ibid, p. 54-
15
Ibid.
16
Ibid, pp. 55-60.
17
Ibid, p. 57-
18
Ibid, pp. 149-51.
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74 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

In both these important functions, the financial arid the judicial,

the pagarch's powers were merely administrative, never legisla-
tive. He collected but did not assess the taxes; he administered
the law In minor cases, subject to appeal to the dukefs tribunal,
and then he executed the sentences of that body when called upon
to do so. "
The judicial system Illustrates Justinian*s Ideal of a strong
provincial government, checked and controlled by Constantinople,
the provincials having the right of appeal to the imperial court.20
To prevent too much litigation from reaching Constantinople, an
intermediary tribunal between that of the duke and the imperial
court was established and authorized to try cases involving values
21
less than 500 solid!. Within the province the governor or duke
had full charge of both civil and penal cases, especially when
they involved the civil service and military personnel. His court
was the court of appeal for all of the provincial subdivisions,
and it is interesting to note the variety of cases that came to
It, especially those of complaints against the pagarch and other
PP
civil officials.
Special military and ecclesiastic tribunals also existed, the
latter exerting a great influence both because of their powers in
their own clerical courts and through their acting In conjunction
23
with the civil judges in some cases. ** Not only the patriarchal
24
court but also the bishops' court was one of appeal.
In the financial administration Justinian's object was two-
fold. The taxes must be secured, but no extortion or undue op-
pression was to be imposed on the people. ^ His officers were to
govern "paternally11 and keep their "hands clean.11 To secure
the first object a host of imperial, provincial, and local officers

19
Ibid, pp. 52 f. and 155.
u
^ ibid, p. 153.
21
Ibid, p. 156; cf. Diehl in CMH II 59.
pp
Rouillard, pp. 145 f- and 155.
25
Ibid, p. 154.
24
H
Ibid, p. 157.
25
Ibid. p. 69.
26
Diehl In CMH II 38.
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HISTORICAL STUDY AND INTERPRETATION 75

were set on the job with instructions to tolerate no tax evasion
of any kind, even to the extent of using police and military force
to aid in the collection. ' To insure the second, the assessment
of taxes was highly centralized. The assessment itself was to be
made in careful consideration of the ability of the taxpayer and
of his land to pay it, and the quotas varied in different districts
pO
according to the nature of the soil and the product yielded, and
also from year to year according to the rise of the Nile and Ir-
rigation facilities. " Taking these factors into consideration,
the imperial government, acting through the praetorian prefect
and the annual imperial delegations, Indicated not only the quota
for each province and its subdivisions, but also stated the amount
to be paid in kind and in specie. These assessments were made
public In the autumn, each unit being Informed of Its quota In a
series of notices from governor to praeses, to pagarch, to local
officers. The final assessment on the individual taxpayer ap-
pears to have been left to the various city and village authori-
ties, who must therefore have been held responsible for delivering
the whole quota assigned to their unit. 3
There is considerable dispute over the question whether the
assessments In specie comprised also a capitation or poll tax.
That a poll tax existed in the early Arab period Is clear3 (see
pp. 9^ ! * • ) • Since the Arabs had taken over the Byzantine system
of taxation, the existence of a corresponding tax in the late
Byzantine period Is very likely. Besides, as Bell has shown, 33
the term diagraphe, found in the tax receipts of the late Byzantine
period, probably corresponds to the term diagraphon mentioned in
papyri of the Arab period. This makes the existence of a capita-

27
Rouillard, pp. 86-100.
28
Ibid, pp. 82 f. and P. Lond. IV 170 f.
29
Milne, p. 152.
30
Rouillard, pp. 80-82.
31
Ibid, pp. 83~85; Milne, p. 149; cf. Gelzer, pp. 61 f., for
similar practices In the 4th century.
32
P. Lond. IV 168.
33
Ibid, pp. 168 f.
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76 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

34
tion tax in the late Byzantine period at least highly probable-^
3S
if not quite certain. J
Though anxious not to introduce any new taxes, Justinian was
nevertheless determined to secure all of the existing ones. The
number and the variety of these--5' bewilder the reader, who can
thus well imagine the burden of their weight on the unfortunate
taxpayer. Directly and indirectly the inhabitants were made to
give, give, give to the state; give in gold, in produce, in serv-
ice; give for existing (the poll tax), for possessing (land tax),
for working (trade and professional taxes), for traveling, trans-
porting, and Importing (tolls and duty). Extraordinary taxes, in-
cluding requisitions for public works, for the navy, and for the
army were also levied, and personal service was required for dykes,
canals, etc., and, on the part of the more well-to-do, for litur-
gies, which, at times, demanded also one's private means, since
frequently the expenses of the offices exceeded the salary paid,
if paid at all. It is not surprising that the burden of taxation
and of liturgies frequently drove men to the desperate measure of
38
deserting their property to escape taxation.
All of Justinian's good Intentions could not put the fallen
financial Humpty-Dumpty back on the wall. And the fault was not
entirely with the King's horses and the King's men, but largely
with the King himself. Justinian's ambitious aims for both halves
of his empire were Incompatible with speedy, sound, and lasting
financial reorganization, and his system woefully miscarried even
in his own time. He needed more and more money for his conquests
in the West and ruinous treaties In the East; more and more money
for his orientally dazzling and sumptuous court; more and more
money for his pretentious buildings; until, in his last years,
instead of being paternal, he turned a deaf ear and a blind eye
to the cries and misery of the people, Introduced new dues,

34 Ibid, pp. 169 f. and Rouillard, p. 77.

35 Mitteis and Wilcken I 1, p. 221.

56
Rouillard, p. 69.

^ Gelzer, pp. 37-39; Rouillard, pp. 69-80 and 117-43; cf-

Milne, pp. 151-70, for the late Roman practices which largely
carried over to the Byzantine period.

^ In Roman times a charitable trust had been founded for

the relief of victims of liturgies; cf. Milne, pp. 165 f»
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HISTORICAL STUDY AND INTERPRETATION 77

tolerated exactions and extortions in high places, asking no ques-

tions so long as the money came into the treasury, until such a
pitch of financial tyranny was reached that a contemporary wrote
that "a foreign Invasion seemed less formidable to the taxpayers
than the arrival of the officials of the flsc."^9
So far the political and economic situations have engaged
our attention. We will turn now to the social and religious con-
ditions which likewise played an Important role In the decline of
Byzantium in general and in the loss of Egypt to the Arabs in par-
ticular. The degeneration and decline of the old Roman nobility,
the depression of the serf, and the rise of a powerful class of
native owners of large landholdings—the new nobility—are the
outstanding factors in the society of the late Byzantine empire.
In Egypt these factors are readily seen at work. Hardy's mono-
graph, The Large Estates of Byzantine Egypt, gives a vivid picture
of these social conditions. The history of the Apion family,
running unbroken from A.D.497-625, Illustrates the establishment
of large hereditary estates, the proprietors of which, in this
case at least, took a hand in both the political and the religious
questions of the day. It was owing to the zeal of a member of
this family, Strategius III, that a sort of union was brought
about between the Syrian and the Coptic Monophysite churches In
A.D.616. Evidence of other large proprietors is not wanting.
In addition to these large private land owners there were
the large "public proprietors"—the state and the church. The
public lands of the state consisted of the imperial family's pri-
vate estates and of such autopract communities as the village of
Aphrodito, which, by placing themselves under the imperial patron-
age, became, technically at least, part of the Imperial domain. '
The public lands of the church, acquired by pious donations, both
private and imperial, were even more extensive and very wealthy.

^ 9 Diehl In CMH II 42.

HU
Hardy, pp. 25-58; Gelzer, pp. 83-99-
41
Hardy, pp. 35 f.; Severus, PO I 480-83.
h2
Hardy, pp. 39-^3-
^ Ibid, pp. 43 f.

** Ibid, pp. 44-47.

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78 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

Large tracts of church lands were frequently rented on hereditary

leases. -)' Monasteries take a high rank among ecclesiastical pro-
prietors, and of these the Monastery of Metanoia at Canopus near
Alexandria vas the richest, reaping from Imperial grants assigned
to it in near and distant parts of Egypt a rich harvest of taxes;
for example, the village of Aphrodito alone sent in 5759 ardabb's
of grain.2*6
Toward the end of the 4th century, as governmental ineffi-
ciency and laxity prevailed, the large landowners or patrons grad-
ually began to assume governmental functions by collecting the
taxes of their colon!, and by A.D.366 they were by law made re-
sponsible for this task. ' Their next step was to obtain the
privilege of autopragla, the right to make payments directly to
the central government.48 A futile attempt was made to limit and
then to abolish the right of autopragia; by 429 it received partial
recognition, and in the 6th century we find it as a thoroughly
recognized Institution, " The privilege of autopragia was granted
to large landowners, sometimes for the whole of their estates,
sometimes for part of them only. It was but natural for all
landowners to seek the privilege, and Gelzer makes all landowners
autopracts, but Hardy thinks he goes too far in this.-5
Next, the privilege of autopragia was granted to certain vil-
lages. The basis on which these grants were made is not clear,
unless one is to conjecture that for some reason or other the cen-
tral government expected better results In each case than through
CI
the regular channels of tax collection. The most famous and Il-
lustrative case of autopract villages is our village of Aphrodito
(see pp. 5 - 7 ) - 5 2
45
Ibid, p. 45-
46
Ibid, pp. 46 f.
Ihid, PP. 50 f.; cf. also his pp. 22-24 and Roulllard, pp.
10-13, for the institution of patronage.
48
Gelzer, p. 89.
49
Ibid.
50
Hardy, p. 58.
5 Cf. for instance Hardy, pp. 22 f., for such reasons in
connection with patronage.
52
Rouillard, pp. 13 f.
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HISTORICAL STUDY AND INTERPRETATION 79

That the growth of a large land-owning class encouraged
feudalistic tendencies is not surprising. The creation of the
office of pagarch, who was frequently a local landowner, meant
the partial abandonment of local self-government in favor of feu-
dalism. -^ Though individual ownership and free tenancy existed
side by side In the 4th century, by the 5th century the entire
peasant population (colon!) was bound to the land.-^ The coloni
fell into two distinct legal categories: the free coloni, who
might settle where they wished but had to remain farmers, and the
adscripticii (enapographoi), who were serfs or slaves of their
56
masters. Like serfs in any period of history, these were eager
for freedom and took their chances at desertion and flight, while
landowners used both persuasion and force to bring them back and
usually required surety for their stay and good conduct.-5' When
one considers the wide range of activities—political, economic,
and social-^ —engaged in by the landed nobility, one Is Indeed
tempted to accept the existence of a feudalistic regime where each
estate was practically a self-sufficient, self-directed feudal
tributary state of the empire; but when one remembers the ever
present officials of the imperial fisc and imperial army, both In
and about such estates, one will readily agree to Hardy's conclu-
sions that many features of the feudal and manorial system were
present in Byzantine Egypt, but not in their full development. ^
Coming finally to the religious situation in Byzantine Egypt,
we find that there too the situation was far from being peaceful.
Although Justinian himself, thanks to the advice of Empress Theo-
dora, abandoned his missionary aim and in a manner calmed the
troubled religious waters, It turned out to be a surface calm only,
while the undercurrents were gaining momentum. It would be a mis-
take to consider the religious question as purely a religious one

55
Milne, p. 149-

^ Gelzer, pp. 64-69-

55
Ibid, pp. 70-72; Rouillard, pp. 10-12.
56
Gelzer, pp. 70 f.
57
Hardy, pp. 76 f.
58
Ibid, pp. 113-44.
59
Ibid, p. 79.
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80 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

or even as primarily religious. Like all major questions, it had
many sides. The Byzantine imperial Orthodox Church hurled its
forces against the Egyptian Monophysite Church and vice versa,
that is, three powerful human factors were at work simultaneously
— t h e force of racial prejudice, the lure of liberty and self-
government, and the existence of differences In religious dogma—
each one of which was enough to cause serious trouble by Itself
under favorable conditions. Neither should we forget the economic
factor which entered from time to time, for intolerance was ac-
companied by fines and confiscation of property, whereas favor
brought with it fat appointments and generous grants.
Thus in every phase of the administration the road, even In
Justinian1s time, was leading to ruin. Under his successors
conditions grew worse. Local officials did as they pleased while
Constantinople vacillated. Anarchy and revolt broke out in dif-
ferent parts of Egypt under Tiberius II (A.D.578-82) and Phocas
(602-10), the latter continuing to amass personal treasure while
the empire was collapsing over his head and the heads of his self-
seeking army and corrupt nobility. The energetic but spasmodic
and short-lived efforts of Heraclius (609-42) gave only relative
relief, for no sooner had the Phocas cloud been removed than a
more ominous one appeared from the east, whence Persia's great
king reached out powerful hands to grasp the Empire's choicest
provinces—Syria, Palestine, and Egypt. Slowly but surely this
cloud too rolled away, but not before it had done its share to
flood the country with want and misery, with political anarchy and
spiritual demoralization, making way for a greater deluge—the
Arab conquest—in whose wake came at last a cloud with some silver
lining.

THE ARAB CONQUEST OF EGYPT

AND
THE SETTLEMENT OF CAMR IBN AL-CASI

c
Amr ibn al-cAsi was an alert and shrewd man of action. It
was he who not only conceived the idea of the Arab conquest of
Egypt9 but actually accomplished it. His political and military
60
Diehl in CJVffl II 42 f.
61
Milne, pp. 112-14.
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HISTORICAL STUDY AND INTERPRETATION 8l

qualities were early recognized by Muhammad, Abu Bakr, and cUmar
ibn al-Khattab. Butler, who has presented so far the best
English account of the Arab conquest of Egypt, ^ sees in the con-
queror a man who combined great power of brain and body with great
enthusiasm and an iron will; who was devout and high principled,
clever and accomplished, at once soldier, saint, adventurer, and
64
poet; frank, heroic, and charming.
In pre-Islamic days c Amr had made a visit across the Delta
to Alexandria. ^ He was then but a small trader, and the wealth
and luxury he saw in Alexandria caused him to marvel and wonder.
The Impression made on him proved lasting and alluring; for years
afterward, as an experienced commander of Muslim troops eager for
adventure, his mind turned to Egypt.
In a conference with c Umar Ibn al-Khattab at JabIan in Syria,
c
Amr requested permission to advance on Egypt, because Egypt was
a country at once rich and defenseless and hence Its conquest would
be of tremendous advantage to the Muslims. The reluctance of
c
Umar ibn al-Khattab to give his permission, his half-hearted
support at first of the entire enterprise, and his belated attempt
to call it off before the expeditionary force reached al-cArish
are reported by most Arabic sources. ' However, modern historians
do not see alike with regard to the respective parts played by
c
Amr Ibn al- r AsI and the Caliph In Initiating and following up the
policy of the conquest of Egypt. Wellhausen and Becker ^ are
of the opinion that Amr did not act contrary to cUmar's wishes,
c

62
BaladhurT, pp. 76, 107 f., 116 f., and 140; cf. Butler,
pp. 202 f.

Butler's account has been fully supplemented by Caetani in

his critical and detailed treatment of the conquest in Annali IV.
64
°^ Butler, pp. 205 f.
65
Ibn cAbd al-^akam, pp. 53~55; Klndi, pp. 6-8. The details
of this story may be questioned, but not so the fact of c Amr f s
visit.
66 c
Ibn Abd al-Hakam, p. 56; Makrlzi I 288; Butler, pp. 194 f.
67 c
Ibn Abd al-Hakam, pp. 56-58; Baladhuri, p. 212.
68 Skizzen und Vorarbeiten VI 93.
69
El II 5.
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82 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

and Butler' believes cUmar to have been anxious for the eventual
conquest, but hesitant as to the opportune moment for undertaking
It. Caetani, however, considers it highly probable that cAmr
acted onhis own initiative in disregard of the Caliphf3 wishes.'
The conquest began in Dhu al-Hijjah, A.H.l8/December, A.D.6J9,
with an army of some 3*500 strong. The march to al-Parama
(Pelusium) was unopposed; the city Itself was besieged, and after
about one month it was captured and the fortress razed." Bilbais
seems to have been c Amr , s next objective, and In a month's time
It too succumbed.' Thence he marched to Umm Dunain,'^ north of
Babylon. Meanwhile Cyrus, the Imperial patriarch and viceroy, and
Theodore, the commander-in-chief of all the Byzantine forces in
Egypt, were collecting their forces at Babylon. cAmr spied out
the situation. With his diminished band of warriors he could not
hope to storm the fortress of Babylon. At the same time the fight-
ing at Umm Dunain was dragging on indecisively. So cAmr decided
to make a dash for the Payyum with a part of his forces while
awaiting the expected reinforcements. Having done all the damage
he could in the Payyum during the limited time at his disposal, he
recrossed the Nile and joined the new Arab forces at cAin Shams
(Heliopolis). At last Theodore decided to take the offensive,
but c Amr , s strategy of disposing two detachments in the rear of
the enemy told, and the battle (Rajab, 19/July, 640) was his.
Some of the Byzantines retreated to Babylon, others lost heart
completely and fled down the river to Nikiu, an important fortified
town which seems to have been situated on the Rosetta branch of
the Nile northwest of Minuf. Their example was followed by the

70
O P . clt. pp. 194-97.
71
AnnaII IV 319-23.
72
Ibn cAbd al-^akam, p. 56; Kindi, p. 8; Baladhuri, p. 212;
Butler, p. I95. Cf. Caetani, Annali IV xxxiv, for a brief chronol-
ogy of the conquest.
7
^ Ibn cAbd al-Hakam, p. 58; KIndi> p. 8; Baladhuri, p. 212;
Butler, pp. 210-12.
7 c
^ Ibn Abd al-Hakam, p. 59; Kindi, p. 8.
75
Ibid.
76
Butler, 216-27; cf. John of NIklu, pp. 179-81, and Caetani,
Annali IV I70 f.
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HISTORICAL STUDY AND INTERPRETATION 83

forces in surrounding territories, and Nikiu became the objective

of all* It was then no task to capture the undefended cities.''
c
Amr now had to choose between following the road to Nikiu
and thence to Alexandria or staying south and reducing the fortress
of Babylon, and he wisely chose the latter. The siege of Babylon
began in September, 640. The situation looked ominous for the
Byzantines; yet there were some among them who wished to fight It
out. But Cyrus held a secret council to consider negotiations
with the Arabs, and cAmr was asked for his terms. These are said
to have been given as follows: (l) Islam with brotherhood and
equality; or (2) payment of tribute and protection with inferior
status; or (3) war till death*would decide between them. These
terms are evidently too typical of a later period to be taken at
face value here. Cyrus' counterterms were: (l) payment of two
dinars per man in ^Amr's army, 100 dinars for cAmr, and 1000 di-
nars for the Caliph; (2) evacuation of the country by the Arab
army. In the three days' truce for negotiations the Byzantine
fight-to-death party took matters into its own hands and surprised
the Arab army, but only to be defeated. Cyrus then accepted fAmr's
second alternative, that of tribute and protection with inferior
status, subject to the Emperor's ratification. But Heraclius re-
fused to ratify the treaty and recalled Cyrus to Constantinople,
where he was disgraced and sent into exile. At the same time
•Heraclius failed to send reinforcements to Egypt. His failure to
ratify the treaty resulted in continuance of the siege and In re-
sumption of hostilities. Then came the news of Heraclius' death,
which paralyzed the besieged and heartened the besiegers. The
fortress however, still held out, though only to surrender even-
tually on terms of safety of life. On Easter Monday, April 9,
641, the unfortunate army evacuated. Thus did Babylon pass into
the hands of the Arabs.'
c
Amr next marched on Nikiu, whose commander cowardly deserted
and took flight to Alexandria. The garrison was thrown into a

{(
Butler, pp. 230-37; of. John of Nikiu, p. 181. On the
location of Nikiu see Butler's n. 1 on pp. 16 f.
' On the siege and capture of Babylon see Butler, pp. 249-
74 and 300; cf. also John of Nikiu, pp. 186 f.; Ibn cAbd al-Hakam,
pp. 64-76; Ma^rizI I 163 f. and 290-93; Baladhurl, pp. 214 f.;
Severus, P0 I 494.
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84 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

panic, and the town fell without opposition on May 13, 641.™ The
road to Alexandria was now clear. Theodore decided to make a last
stand at Karyun. Being at last awake to their danger, the Byzan-
tine forces resisted the enemy for ten days, and though the battle
appears to have been a draw, Karyun was taken, and Theodore re-
treated to Alexandria, where he was followed by c Amr. The latter
soon realized that with his inferior numbers, with no fleet and
no artillery, he was not yet ready for Alexandria. So he turned
his attention to weakening other points and beating down resistance
in the Delta. This did not prove so easy; he suffered many re-
verses and finally returned to Babylon. These events disprove the
common beliefs that Egypt fell without striking a blow and that
Q-i

the Egyptians hailed the invaders as deliverers.

It Is time to seek a satisfactory explanation of ^Arnr's easy
victories. This is to be found in the following factors, all at
work simultaneously: (l) the weakness of the Byzantine Empire
and the inaction of the despondent Heraclius; (2) the long-standing
religious animosity between the Melkite and the Coptic churches
and the great persecution of the Copts by Cyrus; (3) the lack of
real patriotism on the part of the Byzantine forces, above all
the cowardice and treachery of their leaders; (4) the incapacity
of the Copts to offer any organized and effective resistance;
(5) the moral strength of young and vigorous Islam in general and
the leadership of cAmr In particular.
Throughout his masterly work Butler strikes repeatedly, in
different keys and with different accents, a triple motif: The
Mukaukas of the Arab authorities is none other than the Cyrus of
the Byzantines; ^ this Cyrus was Interested in the victory of the
Chalcedonian Melkite church more than in the political fortunes
of the Byzantine Empire, had a personal ax to grind, was a fence-

79
Butler, pp. 281-85; John of Niklu, p. 188.
80 —
ou
Butler, pp. 287-91; cf. John of NIkiu, p. 189; Baladhurl,
p. 220.
81
Butler, pp. 290-98.
Op _
Cf. for instance the case of Kalaji reported by John of
Niklu, p. 183.
° 5 Butler, pp. 174-76, esp. 508-26; cf. Severus, P0 I 491,
note ; also EI III 712-15. article "al-Mukawkas."
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HISTORICAL STUDY AND INTERPRETATION 85

sitter and In the end a traitor;84 the mass of the Copts had
neither the desire nor the ability to be "uncovenanted allies" of
the invaders, first of the Persians ^ and then of the Arabs.
Butler's conclusions as to the Identity, motives, and character of
Cyrus are not shared by Caetani, who believes the title "al-
Mukaukas" was borne by at least two other distinct persons, one
the Greek military commander of Babylon and the other the Coptic
bishop Menas of that same city. ' Again, Caetani does not see the
patriarch Cyrus in the black colors in which Butler has painted
him. In Caetani's opinion Cyrus was a practical man who, con-
vinced of the futility of prolonging the struggle against the
Arabs, concluded the Treaty of Alexandria which surrendered Egypt
to the Arabs. Becker, like Butler, allows for the probability
that Cyrus wished to establish an Egyptian primacy under Arab
89
suzerainty. Furthermore, Caetani, though he considers the
military incapacity of the Byzantines to have been the major
QO
cause of their defeat, nevertheless stresses the co-operation
91
of the Copts^ and points specifically to the action of Menas,
the Coptic bishop of Babylon already referred to, who, he claims,
obtained an accord with the Arabs for the protection of the
Copts. 92
Apart from Caetani, the identification of al-Mukaukas with
Cyrus now seems to be accepted generally. Cyrus, already a key
figure without this identification, with it becomes the central
figure In the Byzantine camp. He was appointed In 631 by Heraclius
to the supreme religious and civil power in Egypt, with orders to

84
Butler, pp. 213 and 3O5-7.
85
Ibid, pp. 76 and 81-85.
86
Ibid, pp. 298, 357, and 472.
87
Annali IV 3^2 and 180 f.; cf. EI III 714.
88
Annali IV 3^7.
89
EI II 6.
90
Annali IV I69 f.
91
Ibid, p. 341.
92
Ibid, p. 3^2; cf. pp. 180 f.
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86 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

bring about the union of the church in that country.^ He took

up his task with a relish that must have exceeded his master's
anticipation and desire. To him the union of the church could
mean nothing but extermination, if necessary, of the Coptic
"heresy," and that could be done, if at all, only through severe
persecution.9 The objective once fixed, Cyrus had really no
choice of method; his method was the one used before and after
him, and used by both church parties whenever either had the upper
hand. ^ It was not for the method but for the rigor and the time
of its exercise that Cyrus is answerable. In the face of foreign
invasion, when Internal union should have been a main objective,
disunion was Increased. It is for this that history has condemned
the religious policy of Cyrus and of his master Heracllus.
With the flight of Benjamin, the Coptic patriarch of Alex-
Q6
andria, on the arrival of Cyrus,-7 most of the Copts were left
practically like sheep without a shepherd. Their very pitiful
condition, the repeated statements of the confused Arab records
Q7
that the Copts aided the Muslims, and the record of instances
of the conversion of Copts to Islam, Instances loudly bewailed and
98
largely magnified by church historians, make it easy for one to
slip Into thinking that the Copts hailed the invaders as deliverers
and aided them to achieve victory. However, their past experience
and present misfortunes at the hands of Cyrus and cAmr alike point
in the opposite direction. The horrors of the Persian conquest
were hardly forgotten. What the Copts wanted was not a change of
masters, but deliverance from them. But being unable to deliver
themselves because they were barred from military service, they
had no choice at first but to be unwilling neutrals. As such they
were suspected by, and at the mercy of, the Arabs as well as the
Byzantines. In the "massacres" by the Arab army no distinction
seems to have been drawn between "Roman" and Copt; in the negotia-

93 Butler, p. 137; Severus, PO I 489.

9
^ Butler, pp. 168-93; of. John of Nikiu, pp. 184 and 186.
95 Cf. Severus, PO V 62 f.; Eutychius II 386.
96
Severus, PO I 490 f.; John of Nikiu, pp. 14 and 200.
91 E.g. Ibn cAbd al-Hakam, pp. 71 and 73 f.
98
E.g. John of Nikiu, pp. l8l f. and 201.
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HISTORICAL STUDY AND INTERPRETATION 87

c
tions between Cyrus and Amr their fate received no special at-
tention, and in the hour of defeat no less than in the hour of
victory the "Romans" gave vent to their wrath on the unfortunate
Copts, for Instance, when at the evacuation of Babylon the Byzan-
QQ
tine commander had the hands of the Coptic prisoners cut o f f "
despite Its being the Easter season when clemency might have been
expected. We have already seen that the Copts, despairing of
Byzantine protection, resisted, with whatever arms they could
secure, the Arab troops in the Delta before *Amr returned to
Babylon.
In the meanwhile Empress Martina's peace party had come into
power at Constantinople. Cyrus was reinstated and sent back to
Alexandria, where by now a state of civil war existed between
the Greens and the Blues. Cyrus was received with great joy ^
and hastened on to Babylon to treat with rAmr. Here, on November 8,
641, the second Treaty of Babylon, or, as It is also called,
the Treaty of Alexandria, was signed. 104 The question raised by
Arab authorities as to whether Misr (I.e. Babylon), Alexandria,
or even all of Egypt was taken by force or by capitulation on
treaty terms, and what these terms were if by treaty, ^ has
arisen out of the confusion of events connected with both the
capitulation of Babylon and the second Treaty of Babylon which
involved the surrender of Alexandria, as well as with the second
conquest of Alexandria by force of arms after Its revolt under
1 r\fi
Manuel In 645, when, of course, no treaty was given. For an
understanding of the settlement which cAmr gave Egypt a study must

99 Ibid, p. 187.
100
Butler, pp. 302-6; John of Nikiu, p. 191.
101
Butler, p. 305; John of Nikiu, p. 191.
102
Butler, pp. 307-13; cf. John of Nikiu, pp. 189 f-
105
Butler, pp. 313 f-j cf. John of Nikiu, pp. 192 f.
10
^ Butler, pp. 318-22,- cf. John of Nikiu, pp. I93 f.
105
_Butler, pp. 322-27_; cf. Ibn fAbd al-Hakam, pp. 82-9O;
Baladhurl, pp. 214-16; Makrizi I 294 f.
106
Butler,_pp. 464-83; of. Ibn fAbd al-Hakam, pp. 80 and
175-77; Baladhurl, pp. 221 f. On the first surrender of Alexandria
see Kindl, p. 9.
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88 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

be made of the two treaties of Babylon. The terms of the first

we have already given. Those of the second have been listed by
107
Butler, ' whom we follow> though never losing sight of the
sources themselves. They were: (l) payment of a fixed tribute
by all who came under the treaty; (2) an armistice of eleven
months to end in September, 642; (3) maintenance by the Arabs of
their position and cessation of all acts of hostility by the
Byzantines; (4) departure by sea of the garrison of Alexandria and
of all troops, with their possessions and treasures, but payment
of a monthly tribute by Byzantine soldiers leaving by land as long
as they were in Muslim territory; (5) no return of a Byzantine
army to Alexandria and no attempt to recover Egypt; (6) desistance
by the Muslims from seizing churches and from interfering with
Christians; (7) concession to Jews to remain at Alexandria;
(8) giving of hostages by the Byzantines, namely 150 military men
and 50 civilians, pending the execution of the treaty. The Arabic
authorities supplement the terms with some details. Thus the fixed
tribute was to be an average of two dinars per head, excluding
women and children and the poor. In addition to this there was
to be a tribute in kind, to be collected from landowners and
stored for the use of Muslims. ^ There was also the obligation
to give free food and lodging for three days to Muslim contingents
on the march, as well as to provide each Muslim annually with
a set of clothing. The treaty terms show that the Copts were
assured of life, property, protection, and freedom of religion.
We have gone into the details of this treaty because, though
at the time it was negotiated it did not cover all of Egypt, it
eventually served as the model for future terms of capitulation,
for many of the coast towns were yet to submit or be taken by
112
force. Outside of the three basic principles of the treaty—

107
Op. clt. pp. 320-22; cf. also John of Nikiu, pp. 193 f-,
and Caetanl, Annali IV 345.
108
Baladhurl, pp. 214 f. and 218; Ibn ^Abd al-Hakam, p. 84.
On the data given in later papyri cf. our pp. 9^ f.
109
Baladhurl, p. 215.
110 c
Ibn Abd al-Hakam, p. 152; cf. Beltrage, pp. 83-85.
111
Baladhurl, p. 215.
112
Butler, pp. 348-57.
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HISTORICAL STUDY AND INTERPRETATION 89

safety of life, possession of land, and payment of tribute—the

"protected peoples" were subjected to various burdens, varying in
different provinces and localities.
The year 642 saw the last of Byzantine rule in Egypt. The
coast towns had been reduced, and the pathetic but dramatic evacu-
ation of the Delta had been accomplished. The Arabs entered
Alexandria in September 642. ^ Cyrus, who had plotted and
schemed, fought and persuaded, did not live to see this event,
having died, we are told, of "excessive grief" on March 21, 642.

EARLY ARAB ADMINISTRATION

Arab administration of Egypt began with cAmr ibn al- c AsT in

supreme military and civil command. His rule, judged by the
standards of his time, proves him to have been a good statesman.
For war, pillage, and plunder he substituted as soon as possible
lis
order and safety and attended to the restoration of the land, -'
116
using the existing government machinery he found at hand. His
former distrust and harsh treatment of the Copts yielded to a more
117
lenient policy in supposed remembrance of Muhammad's commands. '
He recalled their patriarch, Benjamin, and set him in authority
lift
over them. In one thing only did he disappoint Egypt: there
was no definite limit to the total tribute demands; " and ap-
parently this was the case in sections that had a treaty as well
as In those that had none. It is probable, as Ibn ^Abd al-Hakam
120
reports, that this had something to do with the revolt of
Alexandria, though it could not have been Its only reason. At
any rate, we see that from the start finances began to play their

115
Ibid, pp. 365-67.
llif
John of Nikiu, pp. 195 f. and I99; cf. Butler, pp. 359-62.
115 c
Ibn Abd al-Hakam, pp. I5I-56.
116
Ibid, pp. 152 f.
117
Ibid, p. 153; Baladhuri, pp. 218 f.; Suyuti I 5-9;
MakrizI I~2T~f.; cf. John of Nikiu, p. 200.
lift
John of N i k i u , p . 200; Severus, P0 I 495-97.
119
Ibn cAbd al-Hakam, pp. I76 f.; John of Nikiu, pp. 200 f.
IPO
^^ Op. c i t . pp. 176 f.
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90 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

part under the Arabs as they had done under their predecessors.
c
Amr wanted good returns both for himself and to satisfy the
121
demands of his master. The situation could hardly have been
expected to change In favor of the Copts during the administration
of his successors, for the latter were becoming more acquainted
with the tax possibilities of Egypt at the same time that their
needs were becoming greater and their tastes more expensive. Add
to this the fact that the Muslim population was constantly in™
122
creasing both by new Arab settlements and by the conversion of
some Copts, and it becomes clear that there was no way out of the
difficulty except by increased taxation or, worse still, by exac-
tions and confiscations. When these failed to supply all that was
needed, a new source of revenue became necessary to balance the
state budget. This was found in the Muslim landowners, who were
thenceforward made to pay, as It were, the deficit by a land tax.
At this point it is proper to survey the system of Muslim
state finances, especially as it applies to Egypt. So much has
been written on this subject in general and with reference to
Egypt in particular ^ that a lengthy account here is not neces-
sary. Our object Is only to sum up the main steps in the develop-
ment of the system during the 1st century of Islam.
The simple practice of early Islam of giving one-fifth of
all booty of war to the state and dividing the rest among the
124
troops worked just as long as booty was the main object sought.
With permanent conquest the problem became more complicated. The
general policy was to allow conquered land to remain with its
12*5
former owners on fixed conditions of tribute and taxation, J such
land being considered state land (fai5) and, according to later
theory, leased to non-Muslims, since Muslims were supposed to
form a military and not a land-owning class. However, such

121
Ibid. pp..158-61 and Baladhuri, p. 219.
122
Makrizi I 80 and 82; Beitrage, pp. 121-35.
' Cf. Becker, Beitrage, pp. 81-112, and in Per Islam II
361-71; Bell, P. Lond. IV xvii-xli, 81-87, and 166-77, and in
Byzantinlsche Zeitschrift XXVIII 278-86; Trltton, pp. 197-228;
Grohmann in Etudes de papyrologie I 57-90.
124
EI II 140 f.
125
Ibn cAbd al-^akam, p. 82; Baladhuri; pp. 214 and 447;
Mawardi, pp. 121 f.; Ar. Kg. pp. 273 f.
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HISTORICAL STUDY AND INTERPRETATION 91

regulations as may have existed to this effect were largely ig-

nored, in spite of the few recorded cases of early enforce-
ment. Since at first no Muslim was expected or required to
pay more than the pious poor tax (zakat or sadakah) } all land
acquired by the Muslims spelled a considerable loss of revenue to
the state, that is, the collective Muslim community. As long as
there were more countries to conquer and more tribute to demand,
the evils of the early financial system did not make themselves
felt; but as settlement and administration followed upon conquests
and as conquests gradually decreased, the system of c Umar I — i f one
may call it a system—failed to meet the situation, since in all
provinces of the Empire more and more land passed into the hands
of Muslims and was thus withdrawn from taxation except for payment
of the zakat. It was then that Hajjaj, realizing the inevitable
results of tax-exempt landlordism among the Muslims, extended the
12Q
land tax to their holdings. J This raised a storm of opposition
against him, but, supported by Caliph cAbd al-Malik, he held his
c
ground on the question In his own province of Irak and thus opened
the way for its adoption later in other parts of the Empire. In
Egypt the Introduction of this system was considered during the
governorship of cAbd al-cAzTz but was abandoned. ^ We do not
know definitely whether his successor cAbd Allah Introduced it,
but It must have been in force in Kurrah's time, since c Umar II is
131
said to have condemned it. At the same time cUmar II worked
for a solution of the Muslim land-tax problem. Since the Muslims
based their opposition to the new measure on religious-political
grounds, claiming that taxing them for land like the unbelievers
degraded them to the level of non-Muslim subject peoples,cUmar II
soothed their politico-religious pride by agreeing that a Muslim

126
Ar, Kg. pp. 275 f.; Kremer (tr. Bukhsh) p. 125; Makrizl
I 96.
12
^ Ibn cAbd al-Hakam, p. 162; Kremer (tr. Bukhsh) pp. 85-88.
128
MawardI, pp. 108; Kremer (tr. Bukhsh) pp. 56-58.
129
Baladhurl, p. 368; Ar. Kg., pp. 279 f.; Makrizi I 77 f.
c
^ Ibn Abd al-gakam, p. 156; it is interesting to note here
that in the correspondence between cAbd al-Malik and rAbd al-cAziz
the word used is .jizyah and not khara.j.
151
MakrizI I 77 f. ; cf. Be it rage, p. 100.
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92 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

should pay neither the poll tax nor the land tax. But in order
to prevent a decrease In revenue, he argued that all of the knaraj
land, that is, conquered land left in the hands of its owners on
condition of tribute, belonged to the believers as a community,
and that the khara.j or revenue derived from this land, though
going to the state treasury, was eventually divided among the
members of the community through the system of state pensions.
Therefore, if Individual Muslims acquire sections of this land
without at the same time assuming the responsibility of its normal
revenue yield, those particular individuals in reality rob the
Muslim community of that revenue, for they gain a personal privi-
lege at the expense of their fellow Muslims. Moreover, the non-
Muslim holders of the land need the land in order to meet their
tribute payments; to take it away from them without assuming the
revenue responsibility Is therefore an Injustice to them also. He
therefore decreed the following: (l) the sale of khara.1 lands to
Muslims (Arabs or mawali) Is to be prohibited from A.H.100 (A.D.
718) forward, but this prohibition is not to be retroactive;
(2) on conversion to Islam a mawla must yield up his land to the
tributary community, but if he wishes he might lease it back for
an amount presumably equivalent to the khara.j; (5) new converts
1~52 c
may settle In the towns. ^ Thus did pious Umar II, with aims
identical with those of Hajjaj, seek to guard the state revenue
from land against ruinous diminution.
c
Umar t s plan failed. As Wellhausen has put it: "The princi-
ple of the inalienability of the tribute land could not be carried
through, and the change of property was no more put a stop to
than the change of faith." -^ So under his later successors the
method of Hajjaj, namely that of imposing a land tax on all land-
owners alike, Muslim as well as non-Muslim, was reverted to,
though with this difference, that a distinction was now drawn be-
tween .jizyah and khara.j. Jizyah, it was said, rests on the per-
sons and Is a sign of their subjection; khara.j, however, rests on
the land and does not degrade the person. Since the land tax was
by far the more Important, its payment by all Muslim landowners
more than offset the loss of poll tax from converts to Islam.
Thus a clever bit of legal finesse saved the exchequer from
152
Ar. Kg., pp. 280 f.; cf. also P. Lond. IV 167 f-
155
A r . Kg., p. 282.
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HISTORICAL STUDY AND INTERPRETATION 93

1^4
Inevitable ruin. ^ But even these measures failed ultimately to
solve the problems of Muslim state finances, and under the
c
Abbasids it became necessary to abolish even the state pensions,
the pride and joy of early Islam.
The history of the words jizyah and knar a .i is difficult but
interesting. The traditional Muslim view traces the later dis-
tinction between .jizyah and kharaj back to the time of cUmar I.
Wellhausen and Becker have, however, shown conclusively that at
that early time the terms .jizyah and kharaj were used synonymously
in the sense of "tribute paid to the Muslims." ^ The term .jizyah
is used in Surah 9:29 to mean the tribute of the subject people,
paid as a sign of their subjugation and Inferior status. In the
Kurrah papyri it is used for the entire gold tax, which included
both a land and a capitation tax. The term khara.j was obviously
borrowed by the Arabs from the administrative language of their
predecessors. Juynboll associates it with the Byzantines and
derives it from the Greek X°Py)Tf ^ • More recently Henning
has traced its origin to the Aramaic word halak, which in Old
Persian became harak and appears as harag in a Manichean text of
the 3d century of our era. According to him halak = Akkadian ilku
and Neo^Babylonian ilki, which latter in Achaemenid times was
equivalent to land tax ("Lehen, Lehensleistung^>Lehensabgabe^>.
Grundsteuer"). ^' It appears, therefore, that the distinction
between these two terms was in the early Arab period a geographic
one. Both terms are used for the entire tribute of the subject
people, jizyah gaining currency In the western and kharaj in the
eastern provinces. ^ This would account for the absence o£ the
word kharaj In the Kurrah and other early Arabic papyri from
Egypt. ^ Early Arabic documents dealing with the eastern
_ _ _

155
Ar. Kg., pp. 276 f.; Beitrage, pp. 83-87; PSR, pp. 37"40.
136 EI II 902 f.; cf. Per Islam VI 97-99-
137 Orlentalla IV 291-93.

^ Tritton, p. 197. Cf. Grohmann in Etudes de panyrologle

I 71, n. 1, for various instances of the interchangeability of
these two terms.
3* £ request for information with regard to the terms used
in the Colt papyri has hitherto brought no reply. Since these came
from southern Palestine, the probability Is that they follow Egyp-
tian usage and employ the word jizyah for gold tax or tribute.
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9^ THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

provinces may some day confirm the use of knar a .i in the general
sense of tribute.
The regular money taxes (-XOUG~IKX cJ-nM-oa-j^ ) consisted of a
land tax, a poll tax, and a trade tax, all payable in gold, the
first being the most important. These taxes were very dependable;
they were followed in importance by the regular corn tax, which
varied with the crops. In addition to the regular gold and grain
taxes there were several extraordinary taxes, raised regularly as
needed, both in money and In kind. These were usually requisitions
for provisions, for allowances to officials and Arab settlers, for
provisions for workmen and sailors, for naval constructions, for
public buildings, for transportation, in fact, for anything the
administration needed. There was furthermore the tax to be paid
in personal service, which service varied from minor temporary
demands to important and responsible liturgies. It is very evi-
dent that these four main divisions of taxes—the regular gold
taxes, the corn tax, the extraordinary requisitions, and the per-
sonal service tax—were indeed a hang-over from the Byzantine
system, though they do not exhaust the taxes of either period.
When we come to consider the assessment and collection of
taxes, the process seems identical with that of the late Byzantine
times. The amount of the tax was fixed at headquarters, and the
notification of the assessment was addressed to the people of the
villages in the districts, a total sum in gold (the .lizyah) and
in kind (darlbat al-ta c am) being mentioned. The collection
was left to the local officers', as Is seen In PSR III with respect
to the grain tax. Thus the principles of collective assessment
and local collection were In force. With regard to the poll t a x —
the .jizyah in its later and narrower sense—there seems to be some
doubt as to what extent the individual poll-tax payer was per-
sonally responsible for payment to the district treasury such as
that of Aphrodito, where the tax registers show amounts against
the name of each taxpayer. These same registers raise the question
of rate and uniformity of the poll tax. They bear out neither

On these various taxes cf. P. Lond. IV xxv f. and 167-74;

Byzantinlsche Zeitschrift XXVIII 282-84; Tritton, pp. 197-211.
141
See PSR a-1.
li|2
P. Lond. IV 169 f. and 171 f\; T r i t t o n , p . 198.
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HISTORICAL STUDY AND INTERPRETATION 95

the general rate of two dinars per head, ^ nor the rates of
four, two, and one dinar supposed to have been taken from the
rich, the middle class, and the poor respectively. Again, the
registers list fractions of a man, and the rates vary from two to
14<5
eight solldi. ^ The totals also give an average of varying
146
rates. Prom such data Bell is led to conclude that the poll
tax was not an individual tax as presented by Becker, ' but a
collective tax levied in a lump sum on the community, being a poll
tax only in the sense that It was based on the number of taxable
148
men in each community.
The yearly tax assessments were not made till the high level
of the Nile had been ascertained. Tax notifications stating the
full amount for the year followed soon after, but actual payments
had to await the results of the harvest and were generally made
149
In two instalments. y The question is: Were they paid when due?
B. 1420 records one instance of prompt payment, but even here it
is only the grain tax that was paid, whereas the gold taxes were
not paid till the second year after the indiction to which they
ISO
belonged. ^ The tax registers show frequent payments of various
sizes credited to the same account, though they were made by dif-
ferent individuals whose relationship to the actual landowner is
1S1
not always clear. -^ Unfortunately, though the date of payment
Is stated, the part payment ( K<*rra/loAT) ) on which they were to be
applied Is not indicated. ^ Hence it is difficult to tell def-
initely to what extent local taxpayers* accounts were allowed to

143 Ibn cAbd al-Hakam, p. 82; Baladhuri, p. 215.

144
MawardI, pp. 137 f-;
pp. 207-11. Butler, pp. 454 f.; cf. Tritton,

145
P. Lond. IV 172.
1 6
^ Tritton, p. 198.
U 7
Be it rage . p. 88.
T ]i Q
P. Lond. IV 169 f.; of. also Grohmann In Etudes de
papyrologle I 69.
1 9
P. Lond. IV xxvii and n. 4.
150
Ibid, p. 232, n. 5.
151
Ibid, pp. 174 f.
152
Ibid, p. 87.
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96 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

fall into arrears. However, we have indirect factors which should

throw some light on the question. On the one hand, the entire
machinery of the government was directed toward an efficient sys-
tem of taxation, a system in which punctuality of payment was of
prime Importance. -^ Instances are on record which show that in
case of partial failure of crops or other natural calamities
grain taxes were in part computed in money at a reduced rate
1S4
rather than allowed to accumulate in large arrears. J Only when
even this computation worked an evident hardship were the taxes
temporarily remitted. -^ On the other hand, Kurrah's letters to
the sahib of Ashkauh abound in references to delays In making pay-
1R6
ments and to balances, -' but just at what point in the long road
of tax collection this delay first began is again hard to tell,
for It may have been the fault of the district officer himself or
of any of his agents for the smaller administrative units within
his kurah or district. In a centralized system this officer would
be held responsible for all delays, which again would make him
frown on arrears under all circunstances even though he himself,
to a certain extent, indulged in the forbidden practice. -^ Under
weak and corrupt governors this indulgence would assume larger
proportions, allowing tax arrears to accumulate in large sums.
Such seems to have been the case under Kurrah's predecessor, c Abd
Allah ibn cAbd al-Malik (see pp. 60 f . ) . 1 5 8
Taking all these facts into consideration, we may safely con-
clude that taxes in kind were paid promptly, whereas money taxes
came more slowly but were hardly allowed to be more than a year
overdue. ->9

153 Cf. e.g. our No. I; PSR I and III; PAF III; NPAP III.
154
P. Lond. IV xxvi, n. 2, and 173 f-j Per Islam II 271-
155 P. Lond. IV xxxvi and 29.
156
Our Nos. I and IV; PSR I and III; PAP III; NPAF I and III.
-)' NPAF III 6 f., where payment is more than two months
overdue.
158
Our Nos. I and V; NPAF XII.
J
- " The seeming discrepancy of three years in PSR a-1, which
are dated A.H.91 but are notifications of assessment for the year
88, is explained by the fact that the year of dating is the reg-
ular Muslim lunar year, while the fiscal year is a solar year;
cf. PERF, No. 593. and Tritton, p. 200.
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HISTORICAL STUDY AND INTERPRETATION 97

The total revenue, after deducting local expenditures, found

Its way either to the treasury in Alexandria or to that in Fustat.
The Alexandrian portion seems to have been used chiefly for naval
enterprises, which were conducted annually, at least during Kur-
rah's time. The portion sent to Fustat found its way eventu-
ally to Damascus, to Makkah, and to Madinah. What proportion of
the total was spent on local, provincial, and imperial purposes
there is no way of telling. It must have varied according to the
honesty of the local officers, the avarice of the governor, and
the insistent demands of the caliph.
Here we must stop to consider the question of the fugitives
(see also pp. 60 f., 64 f., and 68 f.) and that of the monks, for
both are vitally connected with taxation and revenue. We have
already stated that the land tax was the most Important of the
gold taxes, and the great bearing of land cultivation on the grain
tax is self-evident. Therefore land economics and agricultural
activities received by far the closest attention of the provincial
government. The flight of the farmer to town Is not a "modern"
evil; it is as old as the oldest cities. There are times and
conditions, however, which make this flight assume large propor-
tions. Such was the case in Egypt in the 1st century of Islam.
The civil war of Heraclius, the Persian conquest, and the religious
persecutions of Cyrus had started a movement of the population
within the land. Some people left the country, a goodly number
going to Nubia, a coreligionist land; others found new settle-
ments, and a few must have become habitual wanderers. At first
the movement went unnoticed by the authorities, but in the course
of the decades, with their famines and plagues, the population
needed to be watched more carefully. In the meanwhile conversions
to Islam increased, and Coptic mawalX were eager for the cities.
Diminished in numbers, the remaining Christian Copts had to meet
the heavy land tax, while their Muslim fellow landowners as yet
went untaxed except for the tithe (zakat or s_adaj^ah). This led
many to desert their holdings. In the governorship of cAbd Allah
ibn cAbd al-Malik and of Kurrah ibn Sharlk these tendencies

160
ZA XXII 150 f.; PAF IX; PSR XXII; P. Lond. IV 174.
161
P. Lond. IV xl f.; ZA XXII 139"46.
162
ZA XXII 141-44; cf. also Lane-Poole, pp. 21-2?.
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98 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

coincided with years of dearth, famine, and plague, ^ which re-

sulted in flight from the land on a larger scale than hitherto.
The fugitives naturally hoped to escape taxation; hut the adminis-
tration would not be so easily defeated, in fact, it could not
afford a defeat here, for that would have crippled the finances
seriously. Hence the fugitive commission and the definite orders
to trace every serf's movements and to get him back to the land,
preferably to his former land, but if that could not be done, to
assign him land elsewhere. Some of the fugitives were allowed to
stay where they themselves had settled, but were made to bear their
share of the taxes in the community they had adopted. 164
The question of the persecution of the monks and the limiting
of their numbers is linked with that of the fugitives; °5 for fre-
quently the desperate fugitives sought protection under a monk's
gown, since monks were not subject to the jizyah before the time
of cAbd al- c Aziz, when his son al-Asbagh laid a heavy hand on the
churches and monasteries, causing the monks to pay a jizyah of one
dinar per head, though It is not clear If this was specifically a
poll tax or a general tribute.
Religious persecution pure and simple is seldom met with In
the 1st century of Islam. What the Arab wanted was "Geld, noch-
mals Geld und immer wieder Geld." ' This naturally tempted some
Christians to adopt the new faith, since at first its adoption
released them from the taxes and gave them also other social and
economic privileges as mawall. Later, when Arabization as distinct
from Islamlzation gained sway, so that Arab Christians were privi-
leged above their fellow-Christians and Arabic was forbidden
to non-Muslims while the Arabs themselves were not to learn another
169
language, ^ when furthermore the honored and Influential civil

163
Ibn Taghribirdi I 233 and 235-
l6J+
P. Lond. IV 2, n. 10; PSR, p. 40.
165
Severus, P0 V 68.
166
Ibid, p. 51; Trltton, pp. 209 f. and 217 f.
167
Per Islam II 364 and 367. Tritton, pp. 127-35, shows that
the persecution of Christians was mostly for financial reasons.
168
BaladhurT, pp. 181-83; Tritton, p. 89.

9 Kremer (tr. Bukhsh) p. 118; fortunately this could not

be strictly enforced and was abandoned.
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HISTORICAL STUDY AND INTERPRETATION 99

service was gradually being closed to the Copts, ' these were ad-
ditional factors to hasten the spread of the Muslim faith.
To control effectively these movements of the fugitives a
rigid and expensive system of passports was introduced. Passports
were hard to secure and cost five dinars. If lost or damaged, the
passport could be replaced with another only by payment of another
fee of five dinars. The country and the seaports were well
policed. If a person was caught moving without a passport, im-
prisonment frequently resulted, heavy fines were Inflicted, and
harsh and cruel treatment was at times meted out. 7 This rigid
system naturally interfered with the business life also, for
products rotted since they could not be moved to market, and mer-
chants frequently suffered confiscation of their wares. '
So far as the judicial organization is concerned, our papyri
have as yet thrown little light on the system as a whole and on
its relationship to the imperial government. The office of judge
(kadi), according to the historian Kind! and the jurist Mawardi,
is partly religious, partly civic, the latter Including not only
law but maintenance of order as well. Still, our papyri give us
a glimpse into some civil cases of appeals where Muslims and
Christians alike appealed to the governor (see pp. 66 f.).
The papyri abundantly confirm the Inference that the Arabs
took over the Byzantine administrative units. Frequently the Greek
terminology was used for units and for officers. Bell has given
a full picture of the organization of Egypt as a province. '^ The
capital was changed from Alexandria to Fus^at (Babylon). From here
the governor (Greek, symboulos, Arabic, amir) directed the whole
administration when he had charge also of the finances, otherwise
his co-officer, the financial director, had most of the burden,
since Arab administration concerned itself chiefly with finances.
For financial and secretarial purposes the province was divided

170
Kind!, p. 69; of. Per Islam II ?63 f.
171
Ar. Pal. PI. 106; PERF, Nos. 601-2; PSR, pp. If. and 40;
Per Islam II 369 f.; Severus, P0 V 68-70, mentions as punishment
a fine of 10 dinars, imprisonment, mutilation, and even death; cf.
however our pages 68 f.
172
Severus, P0 V 69.
173
P« Lond* IV xvii-xxv; cf. also Byzantinische Zeitschrift
XXVIII 27'S:^B'.
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100 THE KURRAH PAPYRI IN THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

into Upper and Lower Egypt. From Severus we get the additional
information that each of these two subdivisions was under a sep-
arate governor (wall). ' At headquarters there were two separate
registers kept for the two divisions, though the secretaries in
charge of them, bearing the familiar Greek title of chartularios
and the Arabic title katlb, collaborated on both of them. '-*
Upper and Lower Egypt were again divided into eparchies, each
under a "duke," whose functions, though not entirely clear, seem
to have been predominantly financial. ' The eparchies were sub-
divided into pagarchies, which may have been coextensive in ter-
ritory with the former nomes. Aphrodito itself was such a pagarchy,
with the city of Aphrodito as the capital. The Greek papyri refer
to Aphrodito as a village (kome), but the Arabic papyri use the
term madinah and not karyah, '' showing that it was a good-sized
city worthy to be the capital of a pagarchy or kurah.
The pagarchies were In turn subdivided for tax collection into
the city, the villages, and the monastic settlements, the city of
Aphrodito forming a unit with no less than seven subdivisions. '
So far the similarity of the administrative units with those of
the Byzantines is striking; but here we meet a significant dif-
ference, for we find that the "city" has no special privileges,
but Is as fully under the pagarch's control as any other unit in
the pagarchy. We also find no traces of the institution of
autopragia. The landlord class is still there and the pagarchs
are usually of that class, but they are shorn of their powers and
Independence and appear to be closely supervised from head-
quarters. 179
'^
To sum up: Arab Egypt of the 1st century retained Byzantine
administrative units, Byzantine civil service, Byzantine taxes,
and Byzantine motives and methods of taxation. It reintroduced

17
^ Severus, P O V 52; Per Islam II 361; P. Lond. IV xxl and
365-
17
5 per Islam II 361; P. Lond. IV xxi; for the chartularioi
in Byzantine times see Hardy, pp. 9^ f-
176
P. Lond. IV xix f.
177
ZA XX 70; PSR, p. 22, n. 6.
178
P. Lond. IV xiv-xvii.
179
P. Lond. IV xxiii; Hardy, pp. 146 f-
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HISTORICAL STUDY AND INTERPRETATION 101

the practice of strong centralization and carried it to its logical
limits by abolishing the municipal curiales and the autopract com-
munities, and by limiting the power of the large landowners. It
introduced a new element into the religious situation by granting
religious tolerance with one hand and handicapping the non-Muslims
with economic and social drawbacks with the other, thus reducing
them to the status of an inferior though specially "protected
people" (ahl al-dhimmah). For the once privileged Greeks in
Egypt it substituted the privileged Arabs. In the cultural and
religious realms it made a good start toward replacing the Greek
language and the Christian religion by the Arabic tongue and the
faith of Islam.
Early Arab Egypt Is both familiar and strange. The Coptic
and the Arab historians have sketched for us the broad outlines
of the government of this province of the Umayyad caliphs, and
the Aphrodito Kurrah papyri have filled in the details. The pic-
ture Is at once old and new. It is the old Byzantine painting,
retouched here and there by the Arab painter. The new colors are
discernible, but they blend Into the picture; for Byzantines and
Arabs alike had the same ready and pliable materials to work with
—the comparatively refined and submissive Egyptians — a n d the
same prize to obtain—fertile and wealthy Egypt. Pair and
bounteous, tempting and unprotected, Egypt fell an easy prey to
her conquerors, who husbanded her resources when they could only
to revel in her forthcoming harvests.

Of. for instance SuyutI II 236 f.

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