MEMOIRS

O F T H E

Late war in asia.

WITH A

NARRATIVE
OF THE
IMPRISONMENT and SUFFERINGS
Of OUR,

OFFICERS AND SOLDIERS:

^ Y

An Officer of Coxonel Baillie's Detachment.

V O L. I.

VMAKjM/iauAM

t O N D O Nj
Printed for the author j
AND SOLD BY J. MURRAY, FLE£T-STREET»
M.DQ.C.LXXX Vn|.,

7 7 4,5 : 1
 '973

iii
( )

TO THE READER,

X HE Relations already publifhed of the

iate Military Tranfadtions in India, compiled
.chiefly from Gazzettes, are too partial to give an
Adequate idea of the Ikill and exertions of our
opponents, and too general to record the merit
and the fate of individuals in our own fleets

and armies. It is the objed of thefe Memoirs,

at the fame time that they illufiirate the connec-
tion of Military Afi^airs with politics, the na-
ture and the relations of difl^erent adlions to one
another, and their influence on the general refult
of the war, to defcribe not only our own, but
the valour and addrefs of our eijemies, and to
particularife the merits and the hardlhips of our
countrymen and others in our fervice : for the

promotion of their interefl:, if they have furvived

their fufferings ; for perpetuating their names,

if they have not ; and, in both cafes, for the

fatisfadion or confolation of their anxious rel4-

jjons and friends.

a z Nor

^001
 ( iv )

Nor is it to thefe only that the fate of men

.diflingulfhc-d by merit, or llifFering, or both,
will be intcrefting. All mankind naturally enter,
JDy fy mphathy, into the fituation of one another;

but particularly into that of the generous, the

brave, and the unfortunate. The particulars
relating to our officers and foldiers, who fell at

different times into the hands of Hyder-Ally-?

Khan, and Tippoo-Sultan-Bahauder, communi-
cated by certain of thofe fuff^rers, and for the

moft part by one gentleman, who perfevered in

the midft of the utmoft danger, in keeping a

journal of what pafied from day to day in the
principal prifon of Seringapatam, imprefs the
mind v/ith all the force of a deep tragedy :
—
tragedy continued by too perfe6l an unity of
time and place, and oi Juffering^ if not of a^ion^
for the fpace of near four years ; while death, ac-
cording to the image of our great. clafUcal poet,
** fhook his dart over their heads, but delayed to
*^ flrike." — It is hoped that no reader of huma-
nity will be offended at the mention of m.any
fafls and circumftances, at firft fight, of no
Gonfideration. Though trivial in themfeives,
they derive an interelt from their relation to per-
fons in whom we are concerned, and to ^vhoni
|ihey were not indiiierent.

The
 ( V )

The Narrative of what happened to our. mea

under confinement with the Barbarians, is not
only afFe<5ting, but in fonie mealure inftruc-
tive. As natural conyulfions difcover the hid-
den fbrata of the earth and ocean, fo violent

Mioral fituatipns tear up and difplay the paffions

and powers of the hunnan foul. The feniibility

of our captive countrymen and friends was

powerfully excited, and the energy of their
minds called forth in moft ingenious contri-
vances to beguile the languor of total inoccu-
pation, to fupply conveniencies and comforts,
and, on fome occafions, to elude a fudden maf-
facre. The ftrength of their fympathy v/ith
one another ; the relief they found, under
ftrong agitation, in pouring forth, or in adopt-
ing ftrains of affeding though unpolilhed poe-
try ; the longing of circumcifed Europeans and
flave-boys, though in the enjoyment of uncon-
itrained exercife and air and all the neceflaries
of life, to join their countrymen in irons and ex-
pofed to affaflination and poifon ; that fudden
impatience under coniinement, and vehement
defire of liberty which feized on the minds of all

the prifoners on the certain and near profpe6t of

areleafe; the excitement of their joy incapable
of compofure, and carried to painful excefsSi their
burlts of gratitude to the man to whofe exer-
tions they, owed their deliverance from confine-
ment.
 ( vi )

rpcnt, and their chief confolation under itj their

anxiety to make fome pecuniary recompenfe to

fu«ch of the poor natives as had treated them

with kindnefs, Sec. Thefe are no unintereft-

ing fubjtds of qbfervation, nor lefs pleafing

that they exliibit human nature in an amiable

light.

Ifl the prifons on the coaft of Malabar, par-

ticularly that q{ Seringapatam, we fee the con.,

dition of human nature, as it were, inverted,

Man, with unbounded liberty, and the worl4
for materials, becomes acquainted with the qua-
lities and relations of things, and advances in
the arts by flow degrees. Our countrymen,
immured in a narrow prifon, with a very limited
comm.and of inftrumentality and matter, fup-
plied the deficiency of thefe by knowledge and
invention, —But that which to the contempla-
tive reader of the narrative will perhaps feem,
amidft a variety of incidents and fituations,

the moll worthy of attention, is, the imprefTion

that was made on the minds of the prifoners,

after fo long a confinement in the gloomy jail,

by external objeds, and the fair face of nature*

The Writer of the Memoirs has drawn his

materials either from the moft authentic written

memorials.
 { vii )

ih€tnorials, or from men of ftrl(5t honour, wKo

were fpeftators of the tranfadtions, or a6lors in

the fcenes defcribed. IG after every endeavour

to inveftigate, and with the finccreft defire to

ftate the truth, any error fliall have been in-

ferted prejudicial to any man, neither means nor

inclination is wanting to make due reparation- —
All reprefentations on this head, left for the

Writer of the Memoirs at the Publifher's,

fhall meet with proper attention. —For though

neither the compiler of thefe memorandums, nor
the gentlenwn who have furnifhed them, have

prefixed their names, it is not their wifh to Ihun

reafonable inquiry and explanation.
MEMOIRS
OF THE

LATE WAR IN ASIA.

X HE difficulties under which Great

Britain laboured at the commencement of
1780 in the weft, begun by the exercife of
power over a kindred nation, continued by
inteftine divifion, and prolonged by tlie in-
capacity of Cominanders in Chief, exciting
at once the hopes and the revenge of her
enemies in the eall:, united the difcordant
Marratta ftates, Hyder-AUy-Cawn, the
Sodbah of the Deccan, the Rajah of Berar^
and aimofl all the leiTer powers of Hindo-
flan, in a confederacy againft the Englifh.

This formidable aiTociation, which was en-

couraged by emilfaries from France, and
confirmed b}' military fuccours from the
Vol. I. A French
 MEMOIRS OF THE
French iflands of Mauritius and Bourbon,
was a fource of great danger iind" alarm to
our government in Afia, as well as of fuf-
fering to individual Britifli fubjedts : for
hence the devaluation of the Carnatic, the
excifi-on or capture of three armies, and the
imprifoninent, torture, and aiTaiTmation of
more of our officers and loldiers than had
ever before fallen into the hands of our ealt-
ern enemies. But the genius of one man,
contending againft flucfluating counfels at
hon.e, and the oppolition and errors of his
colleagues in office abroad, reftored peace
and profperity to the Britifli fettlcments in

India, end liberty to the numerous captives

difperfed in different jails on the coafi: of
Malabar, in conftant apprehenfion of thofe
murderous attacks that had been made from
time to time, by regular and fixed gradations,
on t'ieir unfortunate fellovv-prifoners and
country miCn.

The territories of the Marrattas, if we

except that which was lately ufurped by
Hydcr-Ally-Cawn, extend from Travan-
core, near Cape Comorin, at the fouthern

extremity of the peninfula of Hindoilan, to

the
 LATE WAR IN ASIA.

the river Paddar, which difcharges itfelf in

the Gulph of Scindy, and which divides

Guzzarat from the dominions of Perlia.

On the eaft, they are bounded by the Car-

natic, the Company's northern Circars, and

the dominions of the Nizam-ul-Muluck,

the Soubah of the Deccan-Bazalet Jung :

but the province of Catac flretches in a

winding courfe to the Bay of Bengal.

The Marratta flates in the Deccan are

the only people of Hindoftan who were

never effectually fubdued, and who never
unanimoufly acknowledged themfelves fiefs

to the throne of Delhi. The great Au-

rengzebe himfelf, unable to conquer the
Marrattas, found it prudent, for the fake of
peace, to yield to them the fovereignty of the
Deccan. They even carried the terror of

their arms into the heart of Delhi, whence

they carried off vaft treafuresj and they con-
tinued their depredations, firft in the coun-
try around that feat of empire, and then in
the kingdoms of Bengal, Bahar, and Orixa;
until, in confideration of the cellion of Ca-
tac, and an annual tribute of tv/elve lacks
of rupees, they concluded a treaty of peace

with
4 MEMOIRS OF THE
witli Alvcrdi Cawn, who had ufurped the
foubahfliip of Bengal, in 1750.

Their natural faftneiTes and inaccefiiblc

mountains, which confpired with their na-
tive bravery to preferve the Marrattas from
the Mogul yoke, account for their preda-
tory habits, their negle<5t of agriculture, and
invincible love of arms. Among this race

of warriors that generous hofpitalicy, both

towards flrangers and each other, which in
former time fo eminently characterized the
manners of the eaft, is ftill obferved with
facred, and even fuperftitious exadtnefs.

The Marrattas, like the other nations

of Hindoftan, were originally governed
by princes diftinguiflied by the title of
Rajah -, whofe throne was eftablifned

* The nominal Prince of the Marrattas, from the laft Kings

who adud y reigned, Sahooo or Sou, and Ram, is in

I

popular language fomctiines called among that nation Sou^

and fometimes Ram- raj ah. There were among the
Illadoos other titles of fcvereigncy ; as Ranah, Rajahs
Subordinate charafters were known by the names of
Pailhwa, Surdar, Zemindar, Polygar, &c. —The titles of
Vizier, Soubah, Nizam, Nabob, Omrah, &c. were intro-

duced by Mahomedans.

at
 LATE WAR IN ASIA.

at Setterrah. United under this head, they

>vere always powerful and invincible ; but,

in procefs of time, each fubordinate chief

affuming the prerogatives of an independent
prince, and one link of that cliain which
united them being broken, they v/ere fepa-

rated into a number of petty dates ; yet they

flill continued to yield a kind of tacit alle-

giance to the Ram-rajah, who had a power
of ailembling the chiefs, and ordering out
their troops as often as any public caufe re-

quired Jtheir fervicc.

The Marratta revenues were originally

very great. Before the ufurpations of
^yder Ally Cawn, in the kingdom of
Myfore and around it they amounted to
about feventeen millions of Britifh pounds.
It is computed, that their annual revenue
is equal flill to twelve millions.

Their military eflabhfhment, which is

ccmpofed of cavalry, is yet about three

hundred thoufand : but thpfe are not to be
conlidered as regulars, or permanent troops,
but as an eflablifhed militia. In judging
A 3
of
 MEMOIRS OF THB
of the Marratta force, we are alfo to ob-f

ferve, that it is an invariable cuflom among

the troops, when an expedition is conclud-
ed, to retire with what plunder they may
have feized to their refpedtive abodes, leav-
ing with the chiefs only what may be cal-

led their body-guards.

The Sou, or Ram-rajah, exifls now but

in name. The actual adminiflration of
government, as v/ell as the fovereign au-
thority, is pofTefTed by a family of the Bra-
min caft, under the title of Paifliwa, or
Chancellor : and, in cafe of infancy, the
ftate is governed by a Regent, who is ge-
nerally the neareft of blood. Nana-row
feized at the fame inftant the reins of go-
verment and the perfon of the Ram-rajah,
whom he confined in a fortrefs near the
metropolis, Setterah This ufurper dying,
left behind him two fons, Mada-row and
Narain-rov/ ; the firfl of whom, being the
eldeft, fucceeded him in the afiumed office
of Paiiliwa. lonogee-Boofla, or Bouncello,
the father or immediate predecellbr of Moo-
dage-Boolla, Rajah of Berar, was one of
the
 lATE WAR IN ASIA.

the pretenders to the throne of Setterah, as

neareil of kin to the confined Ram-rajah
at the fame time Roganaut-row, called

alfo Ragobah, was a pretender to the office

of prime minifter, even during the life-time

of his nephew ; for which Mada-row kept
him under confinement.

But the Paifliwa feeling in himfelf the

fymptoms of decay, and forfeeing his ap-
proaching diilblution, was moved with
fraternal tendernefs tovv'ards Narain-row,
his young brother and lineal fucceffor;

whofe youth and inexperience expofed him

to the machinations of his crafty and in -

triguing uncle, though in prifon.

Had Mada-row, on this occafion, ob-

ferved the cruel policy of the eaft, he might
by a hint or a nod have removed the caufe
of all his fears concerning his brother
but he was a man of a humane difpofition,

and his mind was purified from all ideas of

poifon or afiTaffination by the near approach
of death. Divided between humanity to-
wards -his uncle, and aftedion for his bro-
A 4 ther,
S MEMOIRSOFTH|I
ther, he embraced the generous refolution of
efFeding a reconciliation between the objects
of his tendernefs and that of his compaf-
fion. He caufed Roganaut-row to be releaf-

ed 'j and, having made fuch arrangements

as he thought the moit Hkely to remove all
uneafmefs or diflatisfadion from the minds
of both parties, he placed the hands of the
youth into thofe of his uncle, and, flied-

ding tears of joy, tenderly embraced them

'*
I intruft," faid he, " the young man to
" your care : I recommend him to your
•' prote(5tion. Give him your advice in
" the adminifteration of government guard ;

" him from the fnares and plots of his

" enemies. He never advifed your con-;
** finement ; he was always an advocate
" for your enlargement : let all remem-
*' brance of former grievances, on either
f' fide, die with me." The young man,
it is fiid, and even Roganaut-row, on this

occafion, diflblved in tears.

Mada-row died in November 1772 ; and

Narain-row in the September following,
when he v/as in the tv/enty- third year of

hi^
 LATE WAR IN ASIA.

^is age. The caufe and circumfhances of

this young man's death, were thele Go- :

pincabow, the mother of Madah and Na-

rain-row, had difgufled her eldeil fon by a
diffolute and vicious life-, in confequence of
which, flie withdrew to Benaras, in the

dominion of Oude, then hoftile to the Mar-

fatta government, and at a vaft diftance

from Poonah. Juft before his death, Ma-

dah- row expreffed a defire to fee her, which
fhe refufed with contempt ; therefore, dread-
ino- her influence over the unformed mind
of his brother Narain-row, he earneftly
cautioned him to beware of her artful
councils. Some circumfl:ances having ap-
peared in the condud of Roganaut-row,
creating fufpicions of a foul defign upon his

nephew, the rumour thereof reached Be-

naras, whence Gopincabow wrote to her
fon, cautioning him againft the arts of his

uncle, and even recommending to con-

fine him agajn^ as his brother Madah-row
had found it necelTary to do for his ov/n fe-
curity, if he fliould not chufe to anticipate

his defigns by an obvious flroke ftill more

decifive. This letter in its way fell into the

hands
10 MEMOIRS OF THE
hands of Roganaut-row's adopted fon, then
under the care of Moodajce Booila, in Berar,

which he conveyed to his father in Poonah.

Roganaut-rovv^ inilantly determined to fecure
his own freedom and IKe, together with
the adminiftration of the government,
without a competitor, by one blowj as

neither of the brothers had children, nor

was it then known that the wife of Narain-

!0W was pregnant. Two Soubadars of the

Durbar guard he made choice of for the
accomphfhment of his purpofe. Simmer-
fmg and Mahomet Iffouff were confulted
who, after fomc confideration, engaged,
for two lacks of rupees, and two flrong
forts for their future protedlion, to perform

the horrid deed. An occafion offered to at-

tach a third to their plot. Tulajee, a fa-

vourite fervant, had been raifed by Narain-
row to the command of a troop of horfe
near his ov/n perfon. That young man
havins: committed an ad: of violence on a
Soubadar of rank and condition, upon
complaint thereof, Narain found it necef-

fary to degrade and confine the favourite

however, upon application, he was not
onlv
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. II

only releafed, but reftored to rank and fa-

vour ; but the dilgrace funk into his fpirit,

and he fecretly menaced revenge. The

confpirators afTociated him in their defign,

and fixed the day, place, and manner of

carrying it into execution. On the i8th
of Auguft 1773, after the Paifhwa had
withdrawn to his retirement as ufual in the

evening, he was alarmed by an uproar and

information that a body of armed men were
forcing themfelves into the apartments. He
inftantly fufpeded that his uncle meditated

his death ; and he flew into the apartment

and arms of Roganaut-row, imploring him
to take the government and fpare his lite.
Ragobah was moved with great compaffion
and he fpoke to the Soubadars: but the
m.atter had gone too far to be receded fi'om
with fecurity, Tubjee feized Narain-rov/'s

legs, and a fepoy difengaged his arms which

embraced his uncle. Tulajee ilruck the firll

blow, which was follovvxd by Simmer-fmg

and Mahomet liTouiF,

The ofRce of paifhwa, which was not

only a tempting objed of ambition, but
v/hich.
:^^ MEMOIRS OF THE
which, to the unfortunate Ragobah feemed
necefTary to l:is liberty and perfonal fafety,

he did not long enjoy. During an expedi-

tion- which carried him to a diftance from
his capital, the council, which coniifted of

Bramins, formally depofed him, charging

him with the affafiination of his nephew,
and announcing the pregnancy of Narain's
widow, Vv'ho was foon after delivered of a
fon. In thefe circumflances Roganaut-row
fled to Bombay, where, in confideration of

certain territorial conceffions, he obtained

protedion, and a promife of fupport in his
pretenfions to the throne of Poonah. The
afylum thus granted to Roganaut-row, in-
cenfed the Marrattas on the one hand;
while, on the other, it amufed the Englifli

with a profpedt, not only of a valuable

acceffion of territoiy, but of the ufual fpoil^
which Indian revolutions prefent to the
views of faccefsful European allies.

Hollilities having quickly commenced,

the marine of Bombay fuftained, v/ith the

bravery of Britiili fcamen, the troops in the

reducftion
 LATE WAR IN ASIA, Ij

redu<5lion of the ifland of Salfette, which

was effedled not without conliderable lofs

to the afTailants j while that of Baroach coft

the hfe of General Wedderburn, one of the
befl and bravefl: officers that belonged either
to the Company's fervice or the Britifh ar-

my. The Company felt his lofs foon there-

after, in the defeat of the Bombay army

under Colonel Keating.

Such was the fituation of the Company 1774*

with regard to the Marratta ftate, when the
new government, compofed of Mr. Haftings,
General Clavering, Colonel Monfon, Mr,
Barwell, and Mr. Francis, commenced in
Odober 1774. The treaty with P^agobah
having been concluded, whether from in-
advertence or defign, without the fan<5tion
of the Governor-general and Council, was
difavowed. The newly arrived members.
General Clavering, Colonel Monfon, and
Mr. Francis, forming a majority in the fu-
preme council, availed themfelvcs of that
fuperiority which the ad of parliament gave
them, in certain cafes, over the other preii-

dcncies, and fent an officer of rank. Colonel

Upton,
H MEMOIRS OF THE 1i

Upton, to negotiate with the Marratta court

a peace on ahiioft any terms : which was at

leneth concluded and ratified,' on the firft of

1776. March 1776. This peace is known by the

title of the Poorunder Treaty, and fome-

times by that of the Treaty of Poonah. It

was figned, on the part of our government,

by Colonel Upton; and, on the fide of the
Marrattas, was authenticated by the feal
it

of the paiflwv'a, an infant of about two years

old, and by the fignature of his two mini-

ilers, Saccaram-bappoo and Nana-furneze,

By this treaty, Salfette, Baroach, and

other diftrid:s in the Guzzarat provinces,
were ceded to the Company: they were to
be paid twelve lacks of rupees at three fixed

terms, to defray the charges of the war ; as

a fecurity for which they got polleffion of
feveral pergunnahs in mortgage, and an ex-
tent of territory of the annual value of three
lacks, adjoining or near to Baroach.

On the other hand, it v/as ftipulated, that

Roganaut-row fhould be provided for ac-

cording to his rank in a private ftation; that
he
 LATE WAR IX ASIA. I
^

he fhould withdraw immediately from Bom-

bay; and that no protedion or affiilance
/liould be given to him, or any other fubjedl
or fervant of the Marratta ftate who might
excite any difturbance or rebelhon in that
country. But this provifion for Ragobah
was granted on the exprefs condition that
he fhould refide in the heart of the IVIarratta
dominions, with a guard appointed by the
Poonah minillers themfelves, for his ftate
and fafety. This claufe in the treaty,

which left Ragobah wholly at the mercy of

his enemies, having naturally alarmed his
fears, he tied a fecond time to the preliden-
cy of Bombay, and claimed the protedion
of that government for the fecurity of his
perfon.

While Roganaut-rcv/, under the protec- 1777.

tion of the government of Bombay, foment-
ed diifenlions in the government of Poonah,
and, deceived in all probability him.felf,
magnified both the numbers and the power
of his partizans among the Marrattas, the
enemies of that unfortunate chief gave open
countenance to agents from France and
Auftria.
l6 MEMOIRS OF THE
Auftria. Formal engagements, if common
report could be trufted, had palTed betweeii
a majority of the Marratta chiefs and the
French agent St. Lubin. The objea: of

thefe, it was evident, whatever it might be,

muft, if attained, prove deftrudive to the
trade of the Englifh Company, and to the

Britifli influence in India. Thus a foun-

dation was laid for jealoufies on both fides.

The Marrattas fufpeded that the Englifli
ftill entertained the defign of raifmg Rago-
bah to the adm.iniftration of Pconah j and
the Englifh, that the Poonah miniflers had
entered into an alliance with the French,
for the purpofe of fubverting the Britlili

power and authority in Afia.

1778. The fafpicions entertained of the mlni-

flers of Poonah were foon confirmed by
authorities of unqueilionable credit, and by
a feries of fads of public notoriety. The
Chevalier St. Lubin, who had made his ap-
pearance at Poonah, and vv^as received with
great honour, in the public character of a,

minifter from the court of France, folemn-

ly engaged to Nana-Furnefe, the grand
enemy
 iATE ^yAR IN A5IA. 17

enemy of Ragobah, to bring two regiments 1778.

and an hundred French officers, to be land-
ed at Choule, a Marratta Dort on the cojifl

of Malabar, the poffeflion of which would

enable his nation to foim an arfenal, and
colled: military flores. The date cf this
tranfadion was May 1777.

The Governor-general, who had uni-

formly been of opinion that the meafuie
now adopted was the only way by which
the French could ever hcpe to regain their
TtUthority and influence in India, or to di-

miniih ouri, never doubted but the Prefi-

dency of Bombay, v/ho were nearly concerned
in its immediate operation, would take fome
fteps in order to render it abortive. Nor
would this have been a difficult matter.—
The jarring members of the council at
Poonah, poliefTed little authority as a body,
and for whatever confequence they enjoy-
ed as individuals, they depended entirely
on their own valTals. The Prefidency of
Bombay had long difcovered an ardour to
revive the pretenfions of Ragobah : and the
fiighteft movements made by them in his

B favour
1 M E M O I R S O F THE
1778. favour would have fhaken and lubverted that
feeble power with which they had to con-
tend, and eftabhflied their own influence in

the Marratta ftate on its ruins. But Mr.

Haftings, reludtant to renew hoflilities with
the Marrattas, and anxious to unite the peace
of India with the fafety, the profperity, and
the honour of the Enghfh Eafl-India Com-
pany, formed a treaty for the purpofe of
counterading the French influence at Poo-
nah, and remedying all the defeds of that
concluded in 1776 by Colonel Upton ; of
which not fo much as one Article had beea
hitherto carried into execution.

This new treaty was laid before the board of

Calcutta, with a long explanatory minute,
on the 23d of January, 1778. Whilft this
minute lay for confederation on the table, a
letter was received from Bombay, dated the

I2th of Dscember, 1777, informing the Su-

preme Council that a propofal had been fe-
cretly made to the Governor and Council,
through their agent at Poonah, by a party
which had been formed a:5ainfl; Nana-Fur-
cefe, coiXfi.-i:g cf Saccaram Bappco, who
had
 LATE WAR IN ASIA, ig

had and other confiderable 177 §»

(igned the treaty,

men, with a powerful 'Rajah, Tuckajee

Holkar, to afnft them in the deiign of rein-
ftating Ragobah in the chief adminiftration

of the Marratta ftate 3 and that they had

agreed to join in it, requiring only, as a pre-
liminary condition, a written application to
the fame efFed:, under the hands and feals of
the confederates. On the receipt of this
letter, the Governor-general and Council
refolved to ratify what they had done, to

authorize them to proceed, and to fend them,

for the purpofe of carrying their pi^n intg
execution, an extraordinary fuppiy of ten
lacks of rupees. It was alfo refolved, to

affifl them with a military force.

The coniiderations that moved a majority

in the Supreme Council to form thefe refo-

lutions were as follow.

I ft. In the event of a rupture with France,

which was daily apprehended, the connec-
tion formed by Nana-Furnefe with St. Lu-
bin, and the en^^asjement which he had en-
teredinto, to land two regiments of Europeans
B 2 with
19 MEM O I R S OF T

1778. with military florcs at Poo ah, m^-fht/if

carried into e Ue c, he proda:LiVe of the rnoft

dangerous conf':quences to the Company's
iiidaence, and their po-Tiiiions in India.

This could be prevented only h/ the remo-

val of the party fo clofcly conn?.iied with
our natural enemy; and Rogonaut-rovV was
the i.ifliument for this aurpofe.

2dly, To authorize the gentlemen of Bom-

bay to take part with P^agobah, was a ftridt

compliance with the orders of the Court of

Diredors, who, in a letter dated the 5th of
^February,. 1 777, declare that Ragobah's pre-
tenfions to the fapreme authority, cither in
his own ri2:1it or as oruirdian to the infant,
Paifliwa, appear to them better founded than

thofe of his competitors : and therefore, if

the conditions of the treaty of Poonah have

not been ftridly fulifilled on the part of the
Marrattas, and if, from any circumftances,
the Governor and Council fliould deem It

expedient, they would have no obj;;clion to

an alliance with Ragobah, on the terms a-

greed upon between him and the Governor
and Council of Bombay.
3dly,
 LATE WAR IN A ? I A 31

"
^dly/The of Rojanaut-P.ow 1773.
refloration

v.'O'jld have been attended by an accciTion

of territory upon the MaLbar co-il to the

amount of the annual expences of the Prc-

fidency of Bombay ; by which rneans no
farther drains would have been made from
our treafary in Bengal.

4thly, The refloration of Ragobah was

not a breach of the treaty of Poonah,
becaufe that treaty was f g -.cd by Saccaram-
Bappoc and Nana-Fu'rnefe only: now Sac-
ciram, the fxrlt miniiler in rank, with the
principal omcers of the Marratta flate, join-
ed in the propofJ to the Prefidency of
B3mbay for his return to Poonah.

The plan then propciei by the oppo-

nents of Nana-Furnefefor the reiteration of
Ragobah, having received the fan<ftion of
the Govemor-geaeral and Council, it v/as

refolved to amfl the Prefidency of Bombay

both with money and a coniiderable rein-
forcement, in order to carry it e5e»fhially in-
to execution. On the 23d of February,
: --?,, or:iers v.ere iiTued for forming a de-
B 3 tichment
^Z Jvl E M O I R S OF T H 15

J778. tachment of fix batallions of Sepoys, one

company of native artillery, with a regu-^
lar proportion of field artillery, which were i
afterwards joined by the iirft regiment of
cavalry ani five hundred of the Vizier's
Candahar horfe. The whole of thefe
troops amounted only to fix thoufand feverj.

hundred and tv/enty-feven ; yet, fuch is the

influence of climate and cuftom ! this fmall

army, though und'^r the aufpices and direc-

tion of Europeans, was, of neceflity, ac-
companied by a fuit of thirty-one thoulund

jfeven hundred and twenty-nine fervants and

futtlers. This numerous body, under the
command of Colonel Matthew Lellie, in the
month of May began their march, acrofs a
country of immenfe extent ^, and very im-
perfedly explored, abounding in faflneffes,
interfered by defiles and navigable rivers,
and inhabited by numerous and hoflile na-
tives.

It was now the wet feafon, and torrents

pf rain overflowed the country, deftroyino-

* Firteen hundred miles.

the
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 2^

the roads, and rendering even fmall rivers 177 B.

and brooks fometimes impallable. On the
firft day's march from Culpee, the effect of
the heat was fatally experienced by the
troops and tiieir numerous atrendants : for

either throuo-h
o the if^norance
o of their con-
dudtors, or the obftinacy of the command-
er, they movedoutof their right courfe; and

throufrh fatigue and want of water, feveral

perfons died raving mad, and among thefe
Captain Crawford an amiable man, and
gallant officer. About ten fubalterns hap
pily recovered from dangerous
, illneffes. —
Our army, notwithllanding all their difficul-

ties, after a flight and ineffed;ual oppofition

from Ballajee Pundit, the chief of the Mar-
ratta territories dependant upon Calpee,'"crof-
fed the Jumna the latter end of May.

The orders given to Colonel Leflie, when

he was appointed to the command of this
force, were, to march directly to -Bombay,

by the (liorteft route he fhould judge moil:

prad:icable, and, in all his operations, to
obey the commands of the Prefident and
(Vol. I.) B .4 Council
2± MEMOIRS OF THE
177 S. Council of Bombay. The very report of

the deflination, anfwered in feme meafure

the end of this detachment. The parti-

zans of Roganaiit-rovv at the court of Poo-

nah, animated by the fpirited meafures of
the Governor- General and Council of Ben-
gal, fuddenly alTcmbling their forces, depri-

ved Nana-Furnefe of his authority, and

appointed Moraba-Furnefe in his ftead.
This eoify revolution, effected without
bloodilied or conteft, proved, at once, the

weaknefs of the Marratta Government, and

the facility with which the plan offered to
the Prefidency of Bombay might have
been executed, if there had been a coinci-

dence of movements between the Britifli

forces on the coaft of Malabar and thofe

under the coiirmand of Colonel Leflie, and
a perfe<5l correfpondence of fentiments and
inclinations between that officer and the
gentlemen of Bombay on the one hand, and
the Governor- General and Council on the
other. But neither were the counfels of
Bombay, nor the a6Uons of Colonel Leflie,
in unifon with thofe of Mr. Hiiflings. When-
the
 tATE WAR IN ASIA. 2^

tiie gentlemen of Bombay fiiil heard of tlic lyyS,

march of the Bengal detachment, they fent
orders to Leflie to halt. A few days aucr
this, they ordered him to piocfed on his
march, but without fpecifying any objedl,
or propoling any plan of operations. The
flud:uating councils, and indiftind: orders of
the Prefidency of Bombay, feemed to afford
fome pretext for the reniillnefs of Colonel

Lefiie, who had not advanced above an

hundred and twenty miles from Caloee,
\yhen he died at Chatterpcic, on the 3d of
Odober 1778,

Chatterpore, the capital of Bundlecund,

the country of diamonds, is fituated near

the weftern confines of that province. Its

diftance from Calcutta may be computed at

twenty days journey for a native courier.

Here Colonel Leflie had lain near three
months, committing, as has been faid by
fome, not a few depredations ; but, accor- -

ing to the more .favourable account of o-

thers, employing his time in fettling the
family difputes of the Bundella chiefs.

Whatever was the caufe of his delays in

Bundlecund, he was recalled from his com-
mand
26 MEMOIRS OF THE
1.778. mand on the 7th of O^.ober: but by his
death Colonel Goddiird had fucceeded to
the chief command of the army before the

letter containing the order for his recall

reached the Camp. The power that had

been delegated to the Prefidency of Bom-
bay, of commanding the movements of the
'
detachment v/as 1 evoked, and Colonel God-
daid was to be direded only by orders from
the Supreme Council.

Mr. Haflings, from the extreme fludua-

tion and irrefolution vifible in thje govern-
ment of Bombay, judging the caufe of Ra-
gobah to be defperate, in order to accom-
plish the end which the fupport of that
chief was intended to promote, had recourfe
to other means which were more within the
compafs of his own diredlion. When the
Supreme Council determined to fend a de-
tachmicnt to the other iide of India, the
Governor-general applied to the Rajah of
Berar to grant the Englifh troops a free
-march through his territories, with fuch
affiftance as they might require on their way.
This requeft v/as readily granted. The Ra-
jah fent an- intelligent and confidential agent
to
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 2/:

the banks of the Narbudda with a fupply ^77 8.

pf grain for the fubllftence of the detach-
ment, and orders to attend it through his^

country, of which he advifed Colonel Lellie,

inviting him to take that route, and ailui ing
him of a moft friendly reception. As ths
Rajah had in this manner manifefted a dif-
pofition to atl in concert v/ith the Englifh,

fo he poffeiTed power and pretenfions which,

if exerted in their caufe, mi^ht greatly pro-
mote their intercfl. The nominal foverei^^n
.of the Marrattailate, the Rajah Ram-Raj.ih,
after languHhing long in an honourable con^
finement at Setterah, died in December,
1777, without children. The prince who
had the faireft pretenfions to the office
of Pailliwa, as above wasmentioned,
Moodajee Booilah, Rajah of Berar, being
lineally defcended from the antient Ram-
Rajahs, and the adopted fon of Sahoo Ra-
jah, the predeceffoi of the late Raj.h
Ram -Raj ah, though deprived of his right
by the artifices of Bailajee, who was tiie

Paifhwa when Sahoo Pvaj ih died.

For thefe reafons, Mr. Hailinsfs judp-cd

iee
i8 MEMOIRS OF THE
1778. Moodajee Booilah to be a proper perfon to
fj-pply the place of Ragobah in the p'. .n

offered to the Supreme Council for ever-

turning the French influence with the Mar-
rattds. Ke poiielTed wealth,, rower, and
a territory extending from th^ borders of
Bengal alm.oft to Pconah, and from the
Naibudd., its northern boundary, to the
confines of the Decc n. Ragobc^h enjoy-
ed not the adv.ii ta e of either dominion or
treafjres, ana depended folely on t. e pre-

carious and fluctuitin o favour of the Pre-

>•

fxdency of Bombay. The Governor-ge-

reral, who wifhed ai.d exjeced the propo-
fal ol an allia.xe to come from Mood jee,
fent the RajJi's vakeel, Beneram Pundit,
an intelligent and well informed man, with
whom he had held frequent converfatix)ns on
this fubjed:, to Naigpore for that purpofe.
Thefe general and diftant motions had been
made by Mr. Haftings towards an alliance
with the Maha-rajah, when an event hap-
pened which determined him to prefs a ne-
gotion with that fovereign prince, and to
bring it, if pofTibie, to a fpeedy and happy
concliilion.
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. SJ

Oa the 7th of July, 1778, undoubted In- 1773.

tellip"ence was received from Cairo that war
had been declared between Great Britain and
France; at Paris on the i8th, and in Lon-
don on the 30th of March. A French
fleet, confifting of feven fail of the lin?,

with 4000 regular troops on board, befides

frigates, lay ready for failing in the harbour

of Breft, under the command of the Count

.D'Eftaign, deflination of which was na-
turally imagined to be Bombay: a fuppo-
fition which was flrongly conlirmed by the
firft advices thit were received from Eng-
land. The Chevalier St. Lubin v/as ftdl at
Poonah, .nd held frequent conferences with
the minifters of t!ie Pailhwa, who was
hoilile to Ra^obah and the Engliih; for

a fecond and unexpedled revolution had ta-

ken place at Poon.ih on the i6th of June,
and Moraba-Furnefe, with his principal ad-
Jierents, was imprifoned. In thefe circum-
flances, which demanded decifi ve counfcls and

prompt execution, the Supreme Council, re-

gardlefs of all perfonal confequences, in-

ftantly took pofTeiTion of all the French

iettlements in Bengal, and of their ihips in
the
^O MEMOIRS OF THE
j--3^ the river. They earneftly recommended to

the Prefidency of Fort St. George, imme-

diately to commence the fiege of Pondi-

cherry, and, if poffible, to fecure the

friendihip of Hyder Ally. It wa. alfo re-

folved to quicken the negotiation that had

been commenced, on the grounds already
mentioned, with the Rajah of Berar. The
whole fervice of the Company could not

have afforded a more proper agent than Mr.

Elliot, who was difpatched on an embalTy

for this purpofe to Naigpore the capital of

the Maha-Rajah : bat the Governor-gene-
ral's hopes v/ere fuddenly blafled by the un-
timely death of that young man j of whom
it is not too much to {jiy, that he was one
of the moil amiable charafters as vrell as

elevated fpirits that ever dignified human

nature. All who knew him were his
friends : even ftrangers, to whom repoi't

alone afforded an oppurtunity of admiringf»

his tvilents and virtues, mourned for the
death of Mr. Elliot. He fell a martyr to
genuine patriotJm and fidelity to the Eaft
India Company. Afiiid:ed with a diiorder
peculiar to the Eall, which orginates in

bilious
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 31

bilious obftrudion, and the cure of which 1778,

requires a copious application of mercury,

his duty prevailing over every other conli*

deration, he undertook a long and fatiguing
journey, in the rainy feafon, without any
profpe6l of enjoying fuch accommodations
as might be necelTary to his ftate of health.

After leaving the Company's territories,

he difcovered, that Governor Chevalier,

who had fecretly efcaped from Chanderna-

gore, was purfuing the fame route before
him. Knowing the political abilities and
addrefs of Chevalier, as well as the ambi-
tious defigns of the court by whom he w^as

employed, and the accurate knov/ledge he

had acquired of the politics of India, he
{trained every nerve to feizehisperfon, dread-

ing that his liberty and arrival in France

mi^^ht be attended with the worft confe-
quences to the Company's affairs, and the
viewsofGreatBritain. Hepufhed onwardby
forced journies, ftill tracing and approach-

ing M. Chevalier. Unfortunately, jufl

when he had the chace in view, his progrefs

Was obfliudted by a fudden overflow of tlie

waters
>2 MEMO r Tv 5 OF THE
tjjZ, "vvaters of one of the lirge rivers of C:itac.
Regardlefs of tlie flate of his heahh, and the
medicines he had taken, by an extraordinary
exertion of activity and ftrength, he encoun-
tered the rapid ftream, and fwam acrofs the
-
river with a few of his attendants and Sepoys,
He found M. Chevaher at the metropolis of
Catac ; and, although efcorted only by a few
Sepoys, he claimed the perfon of Governor
Chevalier with fuch fenfible arguments and
manly eloquence, that the Rajah fur rendered

him.

As Mr. Elliot had but a fmall efcort, and

-
the longefb and moft dangerous part of his
journey was yet to be performed, he could
not, without facrificing the objedt of his
commiflion, return a guard to conduct M.
Chevalier and his companion M. Moneroii
to Calcutta ; wherefore he engaged their pa-
roles in writing, to farrenJer themfelves pri-

soners of war, within a limited time, to the

Governor-general. M. Chevalier and M.
Moneron performed their engagements.
Mr. Elliot purfued his route toBcrar; but
died a few days thereafter.
The
 • LATE WAR IN ASIA. 33
The Governor General did not fuffer the 1778.
deep borrow which he felt at this fudden and
melancholy event to overcome the firmnefs
of his mind, but by me-ns of other agents,
and letters to Moodajee-Boo-lah himfelf as
well as to his prime minifi-er Dewagur Pun^
dit, continued to purfue his objed:.

The nature and end of the corrrefpon^

dence betv^een the Governor-general and the
Rajah of Berar, is clearly difcovered by the
following letter of the Rajah's to the Go*
vernor, dated the 5 th of December, i ']"]'^i and
received the 2d of January, 1779* which for
good fenfe, as well as delicacy of fentiment
and tafte, will bear to be compared with the
moil approved compofitions of the antients
or moderns.

•* Your friendly letter of the 19th Ram-

•* zam (nth Odlober), informing me of
** your having received advice of the death
•* of Mr. Elliot, in his way to Naigpore;
** your concern at that event, and at the
** unavoidable fufpenfions of the negocia-
** tions which that gentleman was to have
C conducted
 M"EM6IIIS OF THE
condu(5led with me on the part of youf
government; and the delay in the efta-

bUfliment of a ftrid and perpetual friend-

iliip between the Company's ftate and
mine, (concerning which you had exerted
yourlclf fo warmly), by reafon that the
prefent fituation of affairs would not ad-
mit of the delay which muft attend the
deputation of another perfon from thence
without injuring the defigns in hand ; but
that in your convid:ion of my favourable
difpofition, from the knowledge that my
iatercfts - and the Company's are infepa-
rabiy connesCled ; and in the zeal of Be-
neram Pundit, whom, during the long
period he refided with you, you found fo
dsfv:rvinp' of your confidence, &c. &c ;

That the plan propofed, and what you

have written, is to promote our common
advantage, not for the interellof one party
only, being convinced, that no public al-

liance or private friendihip can be firmly

eflabliihed without reciprocal advantages

That it, is on thefe principles you had

long ago planned an alliance with me,
tlae time for the accomplifhment of which
" is
 t AT E WAR IN. ASIA. ^j
f^
is now come; for you conceive it to be 1-7-73,

" equally for my intereft as for yours, our

«* countries boidering on each other, and
** our natural enemies being the fame : That,
**
in a word, you required nothing but the
** jundion of my forces with yours, by
" which, though each is iln /ly very power-
** fill, they will acquire a ten-fold propor-
*« tion of ftrength^: That the delay of the
" progrefs in the detachment intended fof
*' Bombay, had not arifen from the oppofi-
** -t^on of an enemy, bat from other caufes
*' improper to mention; but that it Vv'ill

'*
now Ihortly arrive in my territories, and
** its operation be detern.inded by my ad-
'* vice : That you have given directions to
'« Colonel Leflie, to co-operate with the
** forces which I fhall unite with his: That
" as you offer me the forces of your Circar
" to promote my views, you in return re-
** quire the ^ffiftance of mine to eifedt your
" purpofes with other particuhrs which
;

" I fully underftand, reached me on the

« 26th Shawand (i6th November), and
" afforded m^e great pleafure. I alfo re-
**
ceived duplicate and triplicate of this let*.

C z *' ter.
j6 MEMOIRS OF THS
1778,
*' tcr. — In the latter part of it you cxprefs,
** that as you have made me acquainted
** with your views, it is necefTary that I alfo
*' communicate to you, without referve, the
" ends which I look to for my advantage in
" this union : That the good faith of the
" Englifh to every engagement they con-
" tradt, fo long as it is obferved by others,
" is univerfally known; and that it has
" been the invariable rule of your condud:,
*' to fupport this character in all a(fls de-
** pending on you, and never to relinquifli
** any defign of importance formed on good
" and judicious grounds, but to perfevere
** fteadily to its completion : That having
*' thus explained to me your fentiments and
*' views, you wait only to know mine; and
*' on the knowledge of thefe, you fhall form
** your ultimate refclution.

" It is equally a maxim of fincere friend-

*' fhip and good government, fleadinefs,
** magnanimity, and foreftght, that a plan,
*' formed on good and judicious grounds,
** (hould be conduded in fuch a manner as
*• to end happily. You defire to learn my
*' fentiment*
 LATEvWAR IN J\.SIA. \f
« fentiments and views j and deferring to 1778.
" form your ultimate relblutions until you
*' had heard further from me, is the fame
" thing as if you had confLilted me primarily
**
OA your firft deligns.

** Since, after the ftri^left fcrutlny and

*' refearches into difpofitions and views of
** the multitud:;, it has been determined,
" on proofs of mutual lincerity and good
** faith, that a perpetual friendlliip and
•* union be eUabliihed, it will, like the
'* wall of Alexandsr,'^ for the happinefs of
'* manjiind, contiaue un^aken until the
-' end of time,

** The having caufed a tranilatlon to be

** made into Englifli of the Hindoo books,
** called the Shafter and Poran, and of th^
**
hiflory of former L. ings ; the ftudying thefe
" books, and keeping the pictures of the for-
'* mer kings and prefent rulers of Hind, Dec-

** can, &c. always before your eyes, and from

'* their lifelefs fimilitude to discover which
" of them were or are worthy of rule,
** and polTefTed of good faith j from which
C ^ "to

«-* «-* C- \J %J' JL

3$ MEMOIRS OF THE
1778. ** to determine with whom to contract en-
** gagements, and what condud; to obfervc
" to them refpediively ;•— alfo, the endea>
** vour to preferve the blefiing of peace, un-
•*^
til forced to rehnquifli it; — the fupporting
*' every one in his hereditary right ^ and re-
**
venging the breach of f^jth and engage-
*' ments -, bat on the fubmiffion of the of-
" fender?, the exercife of the virtues of cle-
** niency and generofity, by pardoning, and
''receiving hiih again into favour, and re-
** floring him to his pofTeflions — not ; the
'* fuffering the intoxication of power to re-
" duce you into a breach of — and
faith ; the
** giving fiipport to each illuftrious houfe in
** proportion to its refpective merits, and in
'* matters which required a long courfe of
*' years to bring to perfection 3-^ the form-
** ing your ccndid: on mature deliberation,
** and the advice of the Company and Coun-
** cil, — are the fuie means of exalting your
** greatnefs and profperit/ to the highell:
** pitch. The intention of all this is to
" recommend univerfal peace and friendfhip
" in the manner following The Almighty :

** difpofes of kingdoms, and places whom-

** fcwver
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 39

'Vfoever he chufes on the feats of power 177S.

*'
and rule ; but makes their {lability to dc-
" pend on their peaceable, juil, and fi-iend-

" ly condudt to others. — It is not every one

" who is equal to the tafk of government,
*'
on the plan defigned by the Almighty
" Ruler, and of enfuring his inability by
* a wife and jull condud:. Hind and —
*' Deccan polTefs, at prefent, very few en-

*' lightened, but a great multitude of weak

'*
and ignorant men : The Englifhchiefb,
" and you in a fuperior degree, pofTefs all

** the virtues above recited, who coming

" from dLftant iilands by a fix month's voy-
^' age on the great ocean, by their magnani-
*'
mity and fortitude, gained the admiration
**
of many Soubahs on this continent. It

" is eafy to acquire a kingdom ; but to be-

f cotne a king over kings, and chief of
'' chiefs, is a very difficult m^atter. The
*« attainment of this is only to be effedted
**
by the means of friendfhip, by which
f* the univerfemay be fubjeded. My con-
" du6l is fram.ed on thefe principles. The
** refidence of Beneram Pundit at Calcutta,
^' was folely to effed the eilabliilmient of

C4 ** the
 n
40 MEMOIRSOF THE
1778.
*' the moH: intimate friendfhip; and by the
** blefTing of God it has taken fuch deep
** root, that through your means it has
** reached the ears of the Company and.
** King of England : and our connexion
^* and correfpondence, carried on under the
<:* veil of the vicinity of our dominions,
** has been difcovered by the Pponah mi-
*' nifters, and by the Nabob Nizam-ul-
** Dowla ', yet, though they form various
** conjedlures and doubts, and have fent a
*' trufly Vakeel, and written repeated let-
** ters, to endeavour to find out the motives
*' of our union, yet they remain ^ myfleiy,
*' as I make the plea of our ancient ties, and
** jpndion of our territories,

*^ was impatiently expedling the arrival

I
" of Mr. Elliot, who being endowed with
** an enlightened underflanding, and in veil-
** ed with full powers from you to condud:
^' the negociations, and determine on the
*' meafiires to be purfued, would have efta-
** Wifhed the ties of a perpetual friendfhip,
" and have fettled every matter on the firm-
** eil bafis. It pleafed God that he fhould
*' die
 ^ATE WAR IN ASIA. J^f

^•^
die on the journey; and the grief I felt 1778,
*' at his unfortunate lofs, who would have
?' been the means of fettling all points be-
^* tween us, to our mutual content, and by
^* his negociation with me, giving fatif-
•« faction to the Paifliwa and Nabob Nizam-
** ul-Dowla ; all which have been by his
«* death thrown back many months ; my
•* grief is not to be defcribed, and only
<« ferves to add to your affli(ftion. I have
** which that
not yet recovered the fliock
•' event gave me, as you will learn more
*' fully from Beneram Pundit. There is no
* remedy for fuch misfortunes, and it is

** in vain to ftrive againft the decrees of

« Providence. Had Mr. Elliot arrived,
** fuch ftrokes of policy would have been
^' employed, that the Poonah minifters
** would have adhered more fcrupulouily
** than before to their engagements ; the
^* French, who are the natural enemies of
** the Englifh, would have been theirs
** likewife ; and their fufpicions from ap-
** heniions of fupport b;.4ng given to Roga-
?' naut-row, which never was, nor is de-
^* figned by the Englifli chiefs, as I learn
•* from
;^2 MEMOIRS OF THE
1778. " from Beneram, who had it from your own
*' mouth, and which has caufed them great

" uneafinefs, would have been entirely re-

*« moved by Mr. Elliot and my joint fe-
** curity.

" The Nabob Nizam-ul-Dowla —who

^' wrote you repeatedly on this fubjed:,
•'
and received for anfvver, that you had no
*' idea of aiding or j^upporting Roganaut-
** row ', that your enmity was folely pointed
^* againft the French ; and that whoever
*' affifted the French were your enem.ies —
** v/ould likewife by thefe means have been
" thoroughly fatisfied, and your detach-
** ment would have reached Bombay, ^vith-

** out meeting the fmalleil interruption 5

^' and had the Poonah minifters then adled

** a contraiy part, I fhould have withdrawn
" myfelf from their friendfhip. But by the
" death of Mr. Elliot, all thefe defigns have
** fallen to the ground, and muft be fufpen-
** ded until another opportunity, and the
" knowledge of your fentiments. It is a
*' proverb, * that whatever is deliberately
*
done, is well done.' In reply to what you
** write
 X A T E WAR IN ASIA. 4j
ff write refpedin-^ your framing your ulti- 2778,
^' mate ref©lutioiiS I have communicated to
'* Beneram Pundit v/hatever I judge proper
'* and eligible, and which may promote
** them in fuch a manner as may not be
** fubje6l to any change from the viciiii-
" tudes of fortune. For thofe points which I
^* fixed on, after minute deliberation, as the
*' mofl eligible that can be adopted, I reier
*'
you to the letters of Beneram Pundit.
f' If, notwithllanding, you have any plan
** to propofe for the reciprocal benefit of
** our ftatcs, be pleafed to con.municate it
.**
tome,

POSTSCRIPT.
** To your letter refpeding the fending of
f' an army to overawe the French, and to re-
*' inforce the govei nment of Bombay ; and
" fetting forth, that the Poonah miniilcis
** having broken the treaty with the Eng-
*' liili, and in oppofition to the rights of
^* friendship received an envoy o£_,the
^* French king, and granted the port of
** Choul to th^t nation, theicby enubimg
** ihenx
44 MEMOIRS OF THB
1778.
'* them to form an arfenal, and colled miii-
** tary ftores -, and of their hawing written
*' to their officers, to permit the French
*' (hips to enter their ports ; and that it

** being therefore incumbent on you to take

** meafures to contract their defigns, you
" had determined to fend a flrong detachment
** for the reinforcement of Bombay, by the
*' roufe of Berar; and that in confideration of
** our ancient friendship, and the vicinity of
** our dominions, you requefled, that on its

** arrival in my neighbourhood, I would

*' caufe it to be inflruded in the route, and,
" providing it with provifions and necef-
** faries, have it conduced in fafety through
*' my territories, and join a body of my forces
*' with which would increafe and cement
it,

** our friendfhip and that you have, at the

-,

** afiurance of Beneram, fixed on this route

'* for its march in preference to any other :

** In reply to this adluated by

letter, its die-
** tates of the fincereft friendfhip, 1 waited
*' not to take the advice of any one, but
** without hefitation wrote you. That where
" a fmcere friendfhip exifted, the paflage of
** troops through my country was a matter
«* of
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 4^
«* of no moT.cnt -,that they fliould proceed j^yg^
<* immediately through my country. I
** likewife informed Colonel Leflie of the
** difficulties and dangers he would meet
** with in the way, from dangerous moun-
** tains, extenfive rivers, &;c. and alfo dif-
** patched Lalla Jadda Roy, with a chief of
** note, to the banks of the Narbudda, to
** fupply the detachment with provifions as
" long as they were in my territory, and to
" treat them with all the duties of hofpitali-
** ty; where he waited in expedation of their
** arrival for jQx months to no purpofe.
" They loitered away their time in the Bun-
'^*
dlecund countries, contrary to every rule
*' of policy. At that time all the Poonah
*' miniflers were feparately employed in their
" own private affairs, or in the war with
" Hyder Naig, infomuch that they had no
**
time to turn their attention to the con-
** cerns of other parts, and the march to
'* Bombay might have been efFed:ed with
" the greatefl eafe. The time is now paffc.
** The arrow is fhot and cannot be recalled.

*' As I have repeatedly written to the Poo-

•* nah miniiler^ with whom' I keep up a

** corre-
^5 MEMOIRS OF THE
j,„„2. '' correfpondence on thefabjed: of their er!^'

*' coura^ing a French envoy, and breaking

" their faith with the Enghfh chiefs, ad:3
*' hio-hly inconfiftent with honour and po-^

" hey ; the anfwer 1 have received fioni

" them, I have communicated to you.
" The fubftance of what they fay in their
" own juftification is this : That the French
«* Vakeel came for the purpofe of traffic,

*' not to negociate ; yet, for the fatisfadion

** of the Enghfh, they gave him his difmif-^
*' fion : That the account of the grant of
*' the port of Choul, and an arfenal, is en-^

«• tirely without foundation ; and that they

*' have not the leaft indifpofition towards the
*' Enghfh : That I will therefore write to
" Calcutta, that you may be perfedly fatis-^

** fied refpe61:ing thei*- difpofition .

— My letters

" did not produce the effed of fatisfying you

*' on the fubjed of the Paifhwa, but your
" doubts flill remained. And, aduated by
" wifdom and prudence, you determined to
" fend Mr. Elliot to me ; and wrote to me,
*' that on his arrival atNaigpore, after he had
'* and interview with m", and learned my
** fentiments and views, he would, in con-
•* jundioii
 L AT E W AR I N A S I A. 47
^* with me, form a plan for our 1778,
juntSioii
* mutual honour and benefit, and give di-
*'
re(5tioas to Colonel Leflie in confequence,
'' who would be guided thereby. —The
" event of this gentleman's deputation is

** too well known ; and Colonel Leflie Jike-

*' wife, after engaging in hoftilities with
** the Paifhwa's officers and Zemindars of
'^^
thefe parts, and coUeding large fums
** of money, died. Colonel Goddard fuc-
*' ceeded to the command, and purfued the
** fame line of conduft, with refped: to the
*' Talookdars, as his predeceffor ; and ar-
" rivina: at Garav/ale and Garafur in the
** territory of the Afghans, whither he was
" obliged to march with the utmoft caution,
** being furroundded with a Marratta army,
** who conftantly feized every opportunity
" to attack him, v^Tote me from thence,
*' that he fhould iliortly reach the Narbud-
" da, where I would be pleafed to caufe
*' grain and other neceifaries to be prepared,
*' and a party of my forces to be ready to
** join him. — I wrote him in anfwer. That
" Lalla Jadda P..oy, and Shao Eaal Hazaile,
" were waiting on that fide the Nar-
((
budda
^g MFM0IR9 OF THE
1773.
" budia which is within my territories^

*' and that the Gaut where the troops

" fhould crofs was two cofs from hence^ !

«* under Haffingabad ; that Janojee BoojQah

*' forded it cvith his army at that place, on
*'
his expedition to Malawa, and that I did
«« not doubt but was now fordabk; that he
it

*' fhould therefore crofs his army there, and

'* repair to Haflingabad That Lalla Jadda
:
\

" Roy would exert his utmoft affiduity

**
in fupplying him with grain and other
** provifions, and treat them with every de-
" gree of hofpitality ; but that, as the road
•* forward was very difficult and dangerous,
" and thoufands of the Balha Cailes were
*' concealed in the holes in the mountains -,

*' who though not able to oppofe him open-

** ly, yet would do it by ambufcade and ftra-

" tagems, and cut off his fupplies of provi-

"fions;and that, beyond that he would
" enter the Soubahfhip of Barhampore, de-
** pendent on the Paiihwa: That near 4000
*'
of Scindiah's cavalry were waiting at the
*' fort of Affur, for the arrival of the Eng-
*' liih on the banks of the Ganges ; 10,000
* m,ore were under the command of Bagarut
** Sundiab
 lATE WAR IN ASIA. 4^
Sundiab ; Scindiah himfelf with the chiefs 1772.
•

in readinefs at Poonah, waiting to hear of

the approach of the EngHHi ; and more-,

over inBerar, in which the Nabob Nizam-
ul-Dowla polTcfTes a fliare with me, all

the Jaghirdars v/ere in readinefs with

powerful armies; and although the Eng-
lifh poffeiTed the greateft magnanimity in
battle, yet as every ftep they took would
be juft into the mouth of dangerj and all

the above-mentioned chiefs would fet

themfelves to cut off and deftroy his pro-

vifions, and take every opportunity of at-
tacking him when they faw an advantage,
and of harraffing him night and day, con-
flantly furrounding his army with their

numerous forces, the jundion of a body

of my forces with his would avail nothing
in the face of fuch large armies, but
would only involve me in the greateft lofTes
That it neither was advifeable for him to
return, which would diminifh the awe and
refpedt in which he was held ; that I

would therefore write the particulars ex-

plicitly to Calcutta, and that whatever you

j'hould think proper to intimate to him and
D ** me
rO MEMOIRS OF THE
1778. " nie in reply, it would be advifeable to

abide by, and a(5l accordingly. All which

time I would recommend that he conti-
nued at Hoffingur. —That I have received
letters from Calcutta, filled with the
warhieft friendihip and confidence, to the
following purport :
* That the detach-
ment (hould come into my neighbourhood,
and be guided in its operations by my ad-
vice: That it is incumbent on every chief
who enjoys the confidence of another, to
give fuch advice as may be mofl advan-
tageous to the party repofing trufl:, and
mofi: confident w4th the faith of engage-
ments 'y and that with fuch condu6l the
Almighty is well pleafed.' That I had
alfo written to the Poonah minifters my
advice on the fituation of affairs, to this
purport :
' That Mr. Elliot was deputed
hither to negociate with me, but dying
in the journey, all the negociations in-
truded to him were fufpended -, that had
he arrived at Naigpore, I had determined,
fl-om principles of attachment, to have re-
moved from the minds of the Englifli the
doubts and apprehenfions which had arifen
'' by
 tATE WAR IN ASIA. rf

«*
by reafon of the fuppofed encouragement 1778.
«' of the French envoy at Poonah, and the
** agreement to fupport that nation, who
«' were the inveterate enemies of the Eng-
" liih, which had given rife to the quarrel
'* between the two ftates, by proving to
" them under the fandion of folemn oaths,
** and becoming myfelf guarantee, that all
*^ thofe reports were groundlefs, and that the
" Poonah miniflers were fteady and zealous
** in their engagements with the Engliih,
" and on feveral accounts highly obliged to
" them. And I would have taken from Mr.
*' Elliot, engagements, that the Engliil^had
" no idea of affording fupport to Roganaut-
" row, but were refolved to maintain their
** and that
treaty inviolate ; their apprehen-
** fions related to the French ; and that
" when I o-ave the Endifh fatisfadiion re-
*' lating to the French, and became guaran-
** tee, all his doubts would be removed; and
" that if it was requifite, a frefh engagement
** fhould be executed, to which he would
** be a guarantee: That, in brief, each party
" entertained a reafonable doubt j the Eng-
** lifh, that the Poonah minifters would join
D 2 " with
^2 MEMOIRS OF THE
1778. *' with the French; and the Poonah mini-
*' flers, that the Enghfh fupport Roganaut-
*' row: That when thefe fufpicions no long-
" er remained, all caufes of difpleafure would
'' of courfe ceafe; and that they could have
" no objection to a detachment of Engli/h
** forces, fent for the reinforcement of Bom-
*' bay, and to overawe the French, not for
" the fupport of Roganaut-rov/, repairing
^* thither; and to oppofe them would in fuch

*' cafe have been highly improper." &c. &c.

Second Postscript.

*• Baboo-row, the Paifhwa's vakeel, has

obferved to me in the courfe of converfa-

tion, that his mafter has not the flighteft

idea of failing in his engagements with
the Englilh, or of contracfting any friend
fhip with the French _; but that the treaty
forbids the march of English forces
through the Paifliwa's dominions ; that
therefore the appearance of the detach-

ment now on its m.arch, is an infringe-

ment of the treaty."

Thirb
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 5^

1778.
Third Postscript.

** Although it may appear improper to

repeat the fame thing over again, yet the
importance of the fubjedt may ph..d in
my excufe. On either part, a doubt fab-
fifts. The Poonah minifters fufpedl that
the Enghfh forces on their march to Bom-
bay, though oflenfibly for the purpofe of
oppofing the French, are in reaUty in-
tended for the fupport of Roganaut-row;
and that the EngHfh at Bombay, \yho
were not included in the treary witji the
Paifhwa, which was concluded through
the government of Bengal, with the advice
of the chief at Calcutta, are defirous of
breaking with the Paifhwa, and fupport-
ing Roganaut-row; and that the detach-
ment had been fent at their requiiition.

They alledge, that the chief of Calcutta

writes to them, that he is firmly refolved

to adhere to the treaty v/ith the Paifhv/a;

and that the detachment he has fcnt to

Bombay, is folely to awe the French,
without the leaft defi^n to afliil Rosranau-
D 3
«*
rovvi
^^ MEMOIRS OF THE
lyyS. " row^ and that fmce it is forbidden in the
*' treaty to difpatch troops over land, the
** march of the troops is a breach of it

*' That if it is necelTary to fend troops to

" Bombay to awe the French, they ought to
*' be-fent by fca.

*' The Enghfh on their part fufped the

Poonah miniflers of joining the French,

in confequence of having received a French

vakeel. As the Paifhwa formerly w^rote

me, that he had no idea of failing in his

engagements with the Englifli, and that

he had given no encouragement to the
French vakeel, who came for the purpofe

of traffic, and that he had difmifled him,

therefore requeued that I would fatisfy

you in that refpeil; I, in confequence,

formerly wrote you all thefe particulars.

As I have a voucher in my hand from the

Paifhwa, that he has no connexion with
the French, and is fteady to his engage-
ments with the Englifh, I am able, by
this voucher, to give you complete fatis-

facflion on this headj but I have no

voucher, or intimation, from you, by
** which
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. ^^

" which I may be able to give fatisfadion 1778,

'* to him.

" As he pleads a prohibition in the treaty,

*'
to the march of forces over land, and like-
*' wife complains refpediing the money col-
*' lecfted by Colonel Leilie in his territories,
" what anfwer can be made thereto ?

" As the tirne requires that a reconcilia-

'*
tion take place with the Poonah m.iniilers,
*' you will confider and determine what re-
" ply fhall be given to thefe two points of
** which they complain; and by what means
** they may be fatisfied ; and communicate
*' your refolution to me, that I miay wTite
" conformably thereto, and remove all

«* doubts."

The obfervation made, in this letter, by

the Maha-Rajah, on the impolicy of our
army wafting their time in the Bundlecund
countries, at a time when the Poonah mi-
nifcers were feparately employed in their

own private affairs, or in the Vv'ar with

Hyder-Naig, a jundure whtn the march
D 4 of
t^ MEMOIRS OF THE
'7-^8. of the Bengal detachment to Bombay might
have been eifected with the greateft eafe,

while it vindicates the condud: of the Su-

preme Council, and arraigns, in all the fim-

ple feverity of com.mon fenfe, that of the

Prefidency of Bombay, ferves, in fome mea-

fure, to explain the Rajah's own views, and
to reconcile the readinefs with v/hich he af-
filed the Engliili at one period, and the
earneftnefs with which he vindicates the
Pailhwa from the charge brought againfl
him by the Cqm.pany's fervants, offering
his own mediation to bring about a perfedt
reconciliation between his own countrymen
and the Englifli, at another. For by this

time Morabah-Furnefe, with the other ad-

herents of Ragobah, were under confine-
ment in feparate prifons ; the intrigues and
affurances of aidfrom France had made an
impreffion on Hyder- Ally and the Marratta
adminiftration ; and a treaty, which was af-
terwards concluded at Poonah, had been fet

on foot by the Nizam, for an alHance be-

tween himfelf, the Marrattas, and Moodajee
Booflah.
 LATE WAR INASrA. 57
The Maha-Rajah was not drav/n into 177S.
this alliance by any hatred of the Englifli,

%o whom his profeffions of friendfliip, if we

may judge by his a^flions, were fincere and
cordial ; but by the neceffity cf the times,
and that of chufing a party : for in the
contefb that had arilen betv\'een his country-
men and the Eaft- India Company, a perfect

neutrality on the part of the R^jah was im-

pradlicable. Advanced in years, the fiifl:

wifli of his foul was peace; and to obtaiij

this he offered, as has been already men-

tioned, and warmly prefTed his mediation.

The int«gues of the French with the Mar-

ratta chiefs and Hyder-Ally-Cawn, their

reports of the general combination againfl:

the Britifh empire in Europe and in Ame-
rica, of the miisfortunes that had befallen,
and the calamities that affailed and threat-
ened to overwhelm us, joined to their af-

furance of pov/erful fuccours by fea and

land, fpread a general opinion throughout
India, that all the crowns that centered in
the King were now tottering on his head,
and that fome of them had already fallen.
The latent fparks of ambition and of re-
venge
58 MEMOIRS OF THE
177S. vengewhich the power and profperity of
Great Britain had fmothered, began now to
fmoke, and to threaten an eruption. For
a combination was formed among all the
other leading powers of H-indollian againfl
tlie Englifh.

The prince who took the lead in the for-

mation of this confederacy was Nizam-
Ally- Cawn, the Soubah of the Deccan,
reputed the mofl fubtle politician, after the
death of Nur.docomar, in India. The do-
minions of this prince are of fmall extent,
his revenue is fcanty, his military flrength
infignificant, nor was he ever, at any period
of his life, diflinguiflied for perfonal cou-
rage, or the fpirit of enterprize. But he
was highly refpedtable on account of his
rank and defcent -, and this reverence for
his perfon confpired with a natural infmua-
tion and addrefs to gain an afcendant over
the minds of his countrymen. It feems to
have been his conftant and ruling maxim,
to foment the incentives of war among his
neighbours, to profit by their weaknefs and
embarraffments, but to avoid being a party
himfelf
 LATE V/ AR IN ASIA. 59

himfelf in any of their contefts, and rather 1778.

than expofe himfelf to the dangers of the
iield, to fubmit to humihating facrifices.

The Prefidency of Fort St. George hav-

ing concluded an alliance with his brother,
Bajalct Jung, by which they acquired pof-
feffion of the Guntoor Circar, the Nizam
was moved with a fpirit of revenue, and a
jealoufy was awakened in his breail of the
ambitious views of that and the other Eng-
lifh governments in Afia. Thefe fentiments
he alfo excited without difficulty in the mind
of Hyder-Ally, who felt difguft at our ac-
quilition of that Circar, and coniidered the
prefent juncture as a £t opportunity of reven-
ging the attacks that hid been made on his
country by the Englifli in the preceding war,
at the inftigation of the Nabob o f Arcott.
The Rajah of Berar, Ibllicited to join this
confederacy, and appreheniive of the dangers
which threatened liim, if, in the general
combination againft our countrymen in the
Eaft, he alone fhould fland forth in the
chara(fler of their avowed friend, adopted
that' plan of condud which was naturally
fuggefted
6o MEMOIRS OF THE
J 77 8. fuggefled to his imagination by his love of
peace, his apprehen^on of danger, his un-
willingnefs to break with the EngUih, and
the natural fubtlety and fimulation of Afia-
tic climates and forms of government. He
formally, and to appearance, acceded to this
grand alliance againfl: the influence and au-
thority of the Englifh nation in the Eaft,
while, at the fame time, he determined fe-
cretly to befriend them. Had the Prefi-
dency of Bombay, with that decifion of
counfel and promptitude of a<ftion which
are for the mofl: part necelTary to the execu-
tion of great deligns, feized the proper time
for raifmg Roganaut-row to the regency of
Poonah, by an armed force, their delign

would in all probability have fucceeded.

While the friends of that chief were in pof-
feffion of the fupreme authority of the Mar-
ratta ftate, Moraba having been veiled with
the dignity of Paifhwa, in the (lead of Na-
na-Furnefe; while the Marratta chiefs were
either taken up with their own private con-
cerns, or entangled in a war with Hyder-
Ally ; and a ilrong detachment from Ben-
gal had croiTed the Jumna, Vvith orders ta
march
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 6l

march dkcdily to Bombay by the fhorteft 177s,

route that was pradiicable ; had a vigorous
been made for the refloration of Ra-
effort

gobah, as it might have been, and the Go-

vernor-general intended, by a co-operation
and coincidence of movements between the
forces from Bombay and the detachment
under Colonel Leflie; Moodajee-Booflah
would not even have made a fliew of join-

ing the quadruple alliance above mentioned,

but have openly efpoufed the caufe of the
En<^lifh. But " the arrow was fliot, and
" could not be recalled." While Colonel
Ledie loitered away his time in Bundlecund,
t/je country of .diamonds y and the Prefidency

of Bombay feemed to hefitate concerning

the expediency of meafures on v/hich they
had appeared, before the march of the Ben-
gal army, to be bent and determined, a fe-
cond and unexpected revolution was, on the
1 6th of June, effeded at Poonah, by which

Morabah-Furnefe, with his principal ad-

herents, was imprifoned ; the intrigues of
St. Lubin at Poonah, Choul, and Manga-
lore, had prepared the minds of the Mar-
rattas and Hyder-i\lly to join in a project
for
62 MEMOIRS OF THE
1-7 S from India; and a
for expelling the EngliHi

confederacy had been formed by the Sou-

ban of the Deccan for that purpofe. To
make a fliew of joining the confederacy,

for thefe reafons, appeared to Moodajee

Eoollah die fafefl; courfe for himfelf ; and
he determined to unite, if poffible, as al-

ready mentioned, his own fecurity with that

of the Britiih in India. Whether w^e ought
to afcribe this refolution in favour of our
countrymen to a natural partiality or predi-

ledlion, to a regard to the political balance

in India, or, as the ifTue of the war was

doubtful, to the advantage of having fome
degree of merit to plead with whatever par-
ty fliould prove vidiorious ; or, in what-
ever manner and proportion thefe fentiments
'
and views were blended together, certain it

is, that this Marratta was dravrn into the

confederacy againfl the Eaft-India Company
with infinite reludtance, and that, although
the circumfiances of the times deterred him
from taking part with the Englilh, and even
conilrained himx to aiiiime the malk of hof-
tility, it was his purpofe to communicate
friendly intelligence to the Engliih, and to
abftain
 L Ate WAR IN ASIA. 63

abflain hofdle aftions, as long as 1778,

from all

he might do the former with fecrecy, and

the latter with fafety.

In this fituation of affairs, which appear-

ed fo little favourable to the caufe of Rago-
bah and of the Englifh, the Prefidency of
Bombay refolved to urge his preteniions to

the throne of Poonah by force of arms.

This chief, like other men of rank among
the Hindoos, as well as the Perfians, Tar-
tars, and other adjoining nations, who have
inhabited Hindoftan fmce it v/as conquered
by Timurbeg or Tamerlane, pofleiTed in an
eminent degree the qualities of politenefs
and addrefs, as well as the virtues of affabi-
lity, hcfpitality, and liberality of difpofition.
His enfjasino^ m.anners, with the remains of
his wealth, which he found means
it is faid,

to fave when he fled from Poonah, and

which he diftributed with a liberal hand,
procured him not a little favour among the

Grangers with whom he fojourned as a re-

fugee and exile. Ragobah, on field days,

and at reviews, ufed to walk in the front of

the lines,, on which occalions he received,

and
^A Memoirs of the
grace returned, the
j^^g^ and with inexprefTible
common military compliments. His per-
fon was tall and ilender^ his countenance
manly and expreffive. His turban and his
arms were always loaded with jewels ^
When he refided^ under the protedtion of
the Company, in the ifland of Bombay, he
had an adopted fon with him, a young man
about fourteen years of age, diftinguiilied
even among the noble youth of the Eall by
the comelinefs of his countenance and grace
fulnefs of his perfon. He was fond of this

lad, even to excefs ; for he has frequently

been heard to fay, that ** if his eyes could
" behold his fon in the poiicffion of the re-
*' gency to which he himfelf made preten-
*' lions, he would die in peace." Ragobah,
befides troops of his own. Sepoys, raifed

when he was at Bombay a company of Ar-

menians, Portuguefe, Germans, Danes,
Dutch, Englifh, and other nations. Thefe
he called his Chriftian company. He boafl-
ed much of their valour and difcipline, and
placed, or preter-ded to place, great confi-
dence in their attachment to his perfon.
He had an infiiate nuniber of attendants,
lived
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 65

lived in a magnificent ilyle, and was very 1778.

munificent to the officers of his Chriflian
company.

To place this prince at the head of the

adminiftration of Poonahj an army amount-
ing to three thoufand nine hundred and tem
men, moved from Bombay
officers included,

on the 2 2d of November, with a great

quantity of baggage, and a train of nine-
teen thoufand cattle. Here it may be ne-
cefiary to inform the European reader, that
in India draughts and carriages are perform-
ed, for the moft part, by bullocks : the
number of which creatures that is necefi^ary
to an army is incredible. The condud; of
this expedition was entruflied to a committee,
ccnfifting of Colonel Egerton, Mr. Carnac,
and Mr. Moftyn. The army marched in
three divifions. In Ragobah's divifion,

which formed the van, were a number of

huge elephants, with their caftles m.ounted
on their backs, for the ufe of liis wives and
his officers : and on one of the largefl rode
Ragobah himfelf. The caflles, which are
fixed on the backs of the elephants by a
E kind
66 MEMOIRS OF THE
lyyS. kind of harnefs under their belly like the
girth of a faddle, referable tents. Each of
thefe will contain eight or ten perfons. In
the time of battle they are thrown
open, by pulling afide the curtains, at four
different places, whence the people within

throw darts, flioot arrows, or ufe mufquetry.

In the mean time, the creature that fupports
them rages with the fury of war, and is

impatient to advance into the midll of the

enemy. If by chance the contending ar-
mies fhould clofe together, which feldom
happens, the elephant, by means of a chain
which he v/ields with his trunk, makes
dreadful havoc among his enemies with that
weapon. The elephants walk feemingly
with a flow pace; but neverthelefs they
make great progrefs, making very long fteps.
This circumilance of the length of their
flieps, accounts for that rolling motion of
which perfons mounted on their backs are
,
feniible, and which they compare to the
motion of a lliip. Thefe animals, for the
moil part, outwalked the infantry, and were
generally advanced to a confiderable diftance
before the reft of the army. Their enor-
mous

I
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 6/

tnous weight imprinted their footfleps fo 1778.

deeply in the wet and foft foil, that our fol-

diers were incommoded by them in a dif-

treffing manner; for the holes that were

made by their feet being prefently filled up
with water or mire, could not be readily
diftinguifhed from the furrounding furface.

Into thefe pits our men frequently plunged, ^

to the great entertainment of their compa-

nions, who foon afforded fimilar amufement
in their turn ; infomuch that, during the
whole march, while one half of our infan-
try was kept in a roar of laughter, the other

poured forth a never-ceafing volley of curfes

on Ragobah's elephants.

The report of this expedition excited fuch

an alarm among the minifters of Poonah,
that, by their agent, they offered frefh

terms to the Governor before the army had

moved far from Bombay. Thefe terms
being rejected, our troops proceeding on
their deftination, on the 23d of December
afcended the Gauts, and purfued their march
to Poonah. But, on the 9th of January it i779*

v/as determined by the Field-deputies that

E 2 the
6S MEMOIRS OF T H I

1779. the army fhould retreat, on account, as they

alledged, of a fcarcity of provifions, al-

though they had a fupply for eighteen days,

and that after a march of about fifty days,

without any hoilile obftrudlionin their pro-

grefs, they had advanced within one day's
march of Poonah. The commanding of-
ficer, Colonel Cockburn, when confulted in
this matter, faid, that he had not a doubt
of being able to co;idud: the expedition to

the place of its deftination, but that our

troops had not been ufed to retreat, and
that there was greater danger in returning,
in the prefent circumftances, to Bombay,
than in advancing to Poonah. The Poonah
Committee, however, (fo the Field-deputies

•were called) perfevered in their refolution to

retreat. The army, encumbered with bag-
gage, moved ofi:' by night. They were at-
tacked by numerous bodies of Marratta<?,
and defended themfelves not only with the
utmofi; bravery, but, for the length and heaf
of the fkirmiflies in which they had beei
engaged, and the numbers of the alTailantsj

with inconfidcrable lofs. In the evening- 01

the 1 6th of January, 1779, application waj

madi
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 69

made to Nana-Furnefe and Madajee Schin- 1779,

diah for an undiHurbed retreat to Bombay :

which \vas granted at Wargaum, on the

humiliating condition that Salfctte, and
every other acquifition of the Bombay go-
vernment, fince the time of Madah-row,
fhould be given up, and that orders Ihould
be fent to Colonel Goddard, to return with
his army to Bengal. It muil not be omit-
ted, that while the Poonah Com.mittee fub-
mitted to thefe humiliating terms, they gave
an exprefs declaration in writing, that the
terms to which they had acceded were not
obligatory on the Supreme CounciL

This mortifying intelligence was received

at Calcutta in the month of February, in a
literal tranilation of a letter to the Nabob
of Arcot from Row- Gee, his vakeel at the

court of Poonah, dated the i8th of January,

1779, of which the following is a copy.

** I have addrefled to your Highnefs

I.

" feveral letters of late, fome of which I

*' hope are arrived : I have accounts of
*' others having been intercepted on the
'' road.
£3^
70 MEMOIRS OF THE
*' ^'^^'^' ^"^ ^'^^^ therefore recapitulate
1779-
** fome of the moft important tranfadions
" here.

"2. The Englifh Surdars *, as I have

«« already wrort to your Highiiefs, marched
^' from Bombay to the pafles, and fortified

**
that of Kodtichully. Roganaut-row took
" pofleffion of two forts which were in the
" road, and joined the Englifh army, which
" I hear confilled of feven hundred Euro-
" peans, eight battalions of Sepoys, forty
** pieces of cannon, mortars, and a quantity
" of powder and military flores ; they had
** befides four lacks of rupees in money,

**
3. Siccaram Pundit and Nana-Furnefe,
" two Marratta Surdars, joined their forces,
" and fatisfied the difcontented chiefs Schin-
" diah and Holkar, by giving them money,
*' jaghires, and other prefents.

" 4. All the chiefs having met to con-

" fult 'vvhat was to be done in the prefent
^* ftate of affairs, they all with one voice
** agreed, that if Roganaut-row came with
** his
* Or chiefs.
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 7I

*^*
his own forces alone, they fhould receive 1779.
*' him, and give him a fhare of the power
" as' formerly ; but fince he came with an
*' army of Englifli, who /w ere of a diiferent
*' nation from them, and whofe conduct in
** Sujah Dowla's country, the Rohilla coun-
" try, Bengal, and the Carnatic, they were
^* well acquainted with, they unanimouily
*' determined not to receive Roginaut-row
** as other wife, in the end, they would be
** obliged to forfake their religion, and be-
*^ come the Haves of Europeans, Upon this
** they exchanged oaths; and Nehum-row,
" Apagee Pundit, and Schindiah, were fent

*' with an army of 15,000 horfe, beiides

** foot, to the Gaut of Tulicanoon, and were
" followed irnmedi^itely after by Siccaram
*' Pundit and Nana-Furnefe, with 40,000
'* horfe.

**
5. It has been for fome time the iixed
*' determination of the Englifh Surdars to
'* give their ailillance to Roganaut-rov.^, in
** replacing him at the head of the govern-
**
ment ; an army was fent from Calcutta,
'* who m.ade an alliance with Booflah (Ra-
E 4
**
jail
72 MEMOIRS OF THE
1779-
''
J^^^ °^ Berar), and they were greatly en-
" couraged by the news of the furreiider of
**'
Pondicherry.

*' Mr. Moflyn, who went from Poo-

6.
*' nah, made them beUeve, that many of
" the Marratta Surdars were in their inte-
*' reft, and that as foon as their army fhould
** arrive at the Gaut, Holkar would join
*' them with all his forces.

^*
7. The Englifli, trufting to this,
^* marched their army to the Gaut, and
.
** w^aited impatiently for a whole month,
*' but no one appeared to join their ftand-
*' ard. The Englifli army marched for-
** ward from the Gaut, and were fo much
*' harrafled by the Marrattas, as not to be
,

" able to proceed more than two cofs * a

" day, during which time they loft a great
" many of their men by the fire kept upon
" them by the Marrattas. When they came
" to Chockly, which is about fourteen cofs
'* from the pafs, they were obliged to halt;
" Captain Stewart, one of their Surdars,
'' was killed at this place,

" 8, On
* A cofs 15 five En<jlifli inil:s.
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 73
<* 8. On the 2 1 ft of January, the Euro- lyy^
^<pean army arrived at Tuhcanoon (feven-
" teen cofs from the pafs) Mr. Carnac,fe- 5

" cond of Bombay, was with them. Sic-

** caram fent a body of horfe to Tulicanoon
*«
to harrafs them ; twenty-five Europeans,
" amongft whom was an officer, and one
*' hundred Sepoys, were killed on the firil

*' day; the Marrattas had two hundred men

" killed.

**
9. On the fecond day the Engliili were
*' furrounded on all fides by the Marrattas,
" and all fupplies of provifions cut ofir^from
" them. Seeing themfelves in this fitua-
^' tion, they determined, if pofiible, to re-
*'
turn by the Gaut, and conlulted upon the
*' means to effed their retreat. Roganaut-
*'
row hearing this, fent privately to theMar-
**
rattachief, Sch ndiah, telling him, thatif
«'
he would attack the Engliili, he would
<* join him with his two battalions of Sepoys,
*' and fix hundred horfe. The Engiiili, it

^' would appear, had intelligence of this 3

" for, on the 1 3th of January, they fudden-

^' ly marched fecretly from Tulicanoon,
** taking
74 MEMOIRS OF THE
1779.
" taking Roganaut-row with them, and
** leaving their baggage and tents (landing,
** under the protedion of two hundred Eu-
** ropeans and one battahan of Sepoys, with
** eight pieces of cannon, to make the Mar-
** rattas beheve that their whole force was
'*
at Tulicanoon —Siccaram, however, got
** private intelligence of their retreat ; and,
" with Nana-Furnefe, Schindiah, and Hol-
** kar, v/tnt to cut off their march. At
'* the fame time he fent a body of horfe to
** Tulicanoon, where the reft of the Englifli
*' were encamped. The Marrattas as ufual
*' fell upon the plunder, and a fmart en-
** gagement enfued between them and the
" Englifh. The detachment, who had
" marched v/ith Roganaut-row, but had not
** proceeded far, returned to the affiftance
" of thofe in their camp. A heavy can-
** nonade was kept up by the Marrattas
** from midnight till four o'clock the next
**day ; the Engliih were not able to march
" one foot of way, and all their firing took no
" cffcQi; one hundred and fifty Europeans,
** with many of their officers, and eight hun-
" dred Sepoys, were killed. The Marrattas
" fur-
 LATE WAR IN ASIA, y5
^>'
furrounded them, and kept patroles going 1779.
*' all night, to prevent any from efcaping.

*^ On the 14th, the Marrattas commenced

" their cannonading again: Mij Europeans
" and four hundred Sepoys v/ere killed. The
*' Eno-lifJi ceafed firins;, feeino; that it had
" no effed:. In the evening of that day,
" the fervant of Roganaut-row, and that of
*' Mr. Carnac, brought a letter to Madah-

" row, acquainting him, that they would

*' fend a trufty perfon to confer with him
^' upon fome matters, if leave was given.
" The Surdars read the letter, and fent an
" anfwer by the fame perfon, that they were
** willing to ceafe hoflilities, until a perfon
^' was fent. They, however, took care to
^' keep a ftridt patrole round the Engliili
** camp all night. On the 1 5th, the Mar-.
** ratta Surdars v/ent to the trenches, and
^* began firing again ; but it was not an-
** fwered from the Engliih camp. Soon
" after, Mr. Farmer (a gentleman who was
** fome time ago at your Highnefs's court)
*' came from the Engliili camp, and the
" fire of the Marrattas immediately ceafed.
" The Marrattas fent for him into the pre-
" fence.

/
j^ MEMOIRS OF THE
'77^'
*' fence, and Mr. Farmer fciid to tliem,
' We are only merchants. — When difputesr
" prevailed with you, Roganaut-row came
*' to us, and demanded our protediion. We
*' thought he had a right to the govern-
** ment, and gave him our aififtance.No-
*' thing but ill fortune attends him, and we
** have been brought to this miferable ftate
*' by keeping him with us. You are mailers
** to keep him from us. We iliall hence-
'^ forth adhere to the treaties that have for-
** merly taken place between us. Be plea-
^* fed to forgive w^hat has happened.'

" The miniiler anfwered, * Roganaut-

** row is one of us. What right could you
** have to interfere in our concerns with him ?
*' We now delire you to give up Salfette and
*' Balleen, and what other countries you
^' havepolTeffedyourfelves of; as alfo the Cir-
*' cars, thofe of the Pergunnahs of Baroch,
** &c. which you have taken in Guzzarat :

" adhere to the treaty made in the time of

" Bajalee-rov/, and afk nothing clfe.'
** Mr. Fanner heard this anfwer, and re-
" turned to his camp. While this negoci-
** a.tioA
 L AT E WA U I N AS I A. fj
*< was carrying on, 15,000 Marratta 1779.
atlon
«< horfe were fent againft Ibme out-pofts
" where the Engllfli had entrenched them-
*^ felves, and fet fire to them, putting every
** one they met with to death. They did
*'
the fame at the fort of Choul, where the
" Enehfh had fortified themfelves. I heard
*'
all this from Nana-Furnefe ; whether it

'*
be true or falfe, I am not certain.

'^
On the 6th, at noon, Mr. Farmer rc-
^^ turned, and told Schindiah that he had
*'
brought a blank paper, figned and fealed,

" which the Marratta chiefs might fill up

" as they pleafed. Schindiah told the mi-
" niflers, that although they had it in their
** power to make any demands they pleafed,
" would not be advifeable to do it at tliis
it

'*
time. For our making large demands
'

" would only fow refentment in their hearts,

'* and we had better demand only what rs

'* neceifary. Let Roganaut-row be with us,

*'
and the treaty between us and the Engliili
" will be adhered to. Let Salfstte and th@
" Pergunnah in Guzzarat, 6«:c. be given
''
back to us. Let the Bengal army return
** back-
78 MEMOIRS OF THE
1779.
'* back. For the reft, let us ad: with them
** as is ftipulated in the treaty with Bajalee-
** row; let the jewels mortgaged by Roga-
** naut-row be reftored, and nothing de-
" manded for them. Let all thefe articles
** be wrote out on the paper which they
" have fent.' Which was accordingly done.
** It is likewife conditioned, that till this
" treaty is returned, ligned and fealed by
** the Governor of the Council and Seledl
" Committee, under the Company's Seal,
*' and till Salfette and the other countries be
*'
nephew of Captain Stewart,
given up, the
** and Mr. Farmer fhall remain in the Mar-
" ratta camp, as hoftages for the due perfor-
** mance of the articles of this treaty.'

*' The Englifh foldiers who have efcaped

** with their lives, fafted for three days, and
** are now in a miferable condition. The
** Europeans and Sepoys have all grounded
" their arms. — On the 17th the treaty was
" fent to the Marratta camp. The articles
" were written in Perfian, Marratta, and
** Englifli, fealed with the Company's Seal,
*' and figned by Mr. Carnac and feven offi-
*' eers.
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 79
*' cers. After this the Marratta Surdars fent 1779*
*< them vidluals, which they needed much.
<« The Englifh marched out, efcorted by two
*< thoufand Marratta horfe ; but Roganaut-
" row, not finding a lucky hour, did not
*«
go to the Marratta camp, but will go af-
** ter twelve o'clock to-morrow."

Whether the ad of perfidy imputed in

this letter to Roganaut-row was real or fic-

titious, may admit of feme doubt. It is

perfedlly confonant to the fubtlety and ar-

tifices of eaftern policy, to fuppofe that this
charge was artfully infinuated to the Nabob
of Arcot's vakeel with a viev/ of undermin-
ing Ragobah in the favour of the Englifli.
But the following particulars relating to

this Marratta have been admitted on autho-

rity that is unqueftionable. While our ar-
my lay encamped on the fields of Tulica-
noon, Roganaut-row, who had a camp of
his own feparate from ours, fent notice to

Mr. Carnac, the grand field-deputy, who

controlled all matters in this expedition,
that he had difcovered three men in his

camp, who, he had reafon to believe, had a

defign
So MEMOIRS OF THE
1779. (lefign on his life, and defired to know ho\7
he might be permitted to difpofe of them.
Mr. Carnac returned for anfwcr, that ]ie

was at hberty to difpofe of them as he

fliould think proper. Whereupon Ragobah
puniflied one of thefe miferable creatures

with the lofs of his eyes ; another, with

that of his tongue ; and the third he depri-

ved of both his legs by amputation. The
laft unhappy fufferer foon died through lofs

of blood. Ragobah affigned feme fanciful

reafons why one of thefe vidlims fhould be

deprived of the power of fpeech ; another,
of that of walking ; and a third, of the
fenfs of light.

The failure of this expedition may be

afcribed in general to that flu(5tuation and
indecifion which ufually chara(ftcrife thofe
counfels and meafures, which are dire*5ted
not by the energy of one preliding mind,
but by the jarring opinions and views of
different and unconnected individuals. Had
the Bombay army marched towards Poonah
either fooner or later, had they either ad-

vanced to that feat of o-overnment in the

favourable
 tATE WAR IN ASIA. 8l

favourable circumflances already defcribed, 1779,

or waited for the jund:ion of the army from
Bengal, fuccefs would have been certain, <

Even under all the diladvantages which

oppofed themfelves to the expedition from
Bombay in November ly/Sj there is reafon
to believe that the end for which it was
moved would have been completely anfwer-
ed, had not the Commander in chief been
circumfcribed in his defigns and operations
by the appointment of Field-deputies a :

meafure, the bad effects of v/hich have

been conftantly fhewn by experience.
Debate and execution are in their nature in-
compatible. The fuccefs of military ope-
rations depends very much upon unity of
command, without which there can neither
be decifion, nor prompt and timely exe-
cution.

Mr. Carnac and Colonel Egerton, for

Mr. Moflyn, the other member of the Poo-
nah Committee, died on the march, having
refolved that our forces Ihould be recon-
dudled to Bombay, fent a letter, bearing date
the nth of January, 1779, to Colonel
F Goddard,
§2 MEMOIRS OF THE
ijjQ Goddard, ordering him not to continue his
mai'ch to Poonah, but to return to Bengal,
OF to remain on the borders of Berar. In
this Tetter the intended retreat to Bombay
was not mentioned. The Colonel, after
mature reflexion, notwithftanding this or-

der, and that a vakeel from the Marratta

minifters had arrived in his camp with a
copy of the humihating convention of Wor-
gaum, determined to purfue his deftination.

He denied that the Poonah Committee had

any authority over him, and declared his
refolution to execute his o rders, from the
Supreme Council, to march to Bombay for
the fecurity of the Company's poffefTions
againll thedefigns of the French.

• When Colonel Goddard fucceeded to the

chief command of the Bengal detachment,
he received a char2:e to renew the newcia-
tion with Moodajee-Booflah, on the princi-
ples of Mr. Elliot's inftrudtions, with full

power to conclude a treaty. And the Go-

v-ej-nor-geaeral, in profecution of the fame
views, wrote the following letter to the
Maha-
 lAtE war in ASIA,
Maha-Rajah's prime minifler, dated at Cal- 1779,
cutta the 23d of November, 1778.

** In the whole of my condu<5l I have

departed from the common Hne of
poHcy, and have made advances when
others in my fituation would have waited
for folicitations J as the greatcft advan-
tages to which I can look, cannot in
their nature equal thofe to which the
proiperous ifiue of our meafures may
condud the ftate of the Maha-Rajah's
government. But I know the charac-
ters to which I addrefs myfelf, I trufl
to the approved bravery and fpirit of your
chief, that he will ardently catch at the

objects prefented to his ambition; and to

your wifdom, of which, if fame reports
truly, no minifler ever pofTefTed a larger

portion, that you will view their impor-

tance in too clear a light to hazard a
lofs of them, by attempting to take an
advantage of the defire which I have ex-
prefTed for their accomplifliment. This
intimation is not fo much intended for a
caution to ycu, as for an explanation of
F 2 ** my
$4* MEMOIRS OF THE
1779.
'*"
my conduit to thofe who may be lefs able
**
to penetrate the grounds of it."

Agreeably to the deiigns of the Gover-

nor-general, Colonel Goddard, with the
detachment under his command, in the be-

ginning of January 1779, crolTed the Nar-

buddah and encamped on the fouthern
banks of that river within the territory of
Berar, where he was furniilied with caili,

provifions, and draft-cattle for his artillery,

2.nd where he waited to be informed of the
final refolution of Moodajee-Booflah. He
deputed Lieutenant Weatherflone to Naig-
pore, in order to prefs the Rajah to con-
clude the propoled treaty and immediately
to enter on its execution. But that prince,
influenced by the confiderations above-men-
tioned, remained iniiexible : for v>'hich rea-
fon. Colonel Goddard, finding all his at-
tempts to draw the ilajah into an alliance
ineiFedual, advanced by quick marches to-
wards Poonah. But, on receiving the let-
ter above-mentioned from Mr. Carnac and
Colonel Egejtpn, he moved with his detach-
ment from Brahampore on the 6tlx of Fe-
bruary,
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 85

bruary, and, about the 20th of that months ill')*

he arrived at Surat, without having met
with any oppolition, or fo much as ever

feeing an enemy. For the Marrattas had

called in all their troops to oppofe the army
from Bombay, and the convention with
Mr. Carnac at Worgaum, until it was dif-
avowed in Bombay, had lulled them into an
opinion that they were now in the poiTef-
fion of fecure profperity.

An extreme flud:uation in the councils of

Bombay had induced Mr. Haftings to cqn-
fider the caufe of Roganaut-row as al-

mofl defperate. Th.it fome chief fliould

be placed at the head of the Marratta re-
gency, who fhould condud: the government
on the ground of alliance and friendfliip

with the Englifli, was a meafure which the

prefent juncture of affairs rendered highly
expedient; but that a military force fliould
be fent from Bengal to fupport the govern-
ment of Bombay, at all adventures, in op-
pofition to the power and machinations of

our enemies both in Europe and Afia, feem-

pd neceiTary to the prefervation of the
F 3 Britifli
86 MEMOIRS OF THE
3779. ^^i^i^ fettlements in India, An embaffy
was therefore fent to incline the Rajah of
Berar to unite his forces with ours, and to
become a candidate for the fovereignty of
the Marratta Empire. But, whether he
fhould accede to this propofal, or chufe to
remain inactive, the EngHfh commander
was ordered in general to march acrofs the
peninfula of Hindoflan, for the fupport of
our friends on its weilern fhores,in all events,
againft all their enemies. While the iflue of
the negociation entered into with the Ma-
hah-Rajah was uncertain, to have intrufted
the deiign in his favour to the Prefidency
of Bombay, could not have produced any
good effedls, but might have been attended
with bad ones. The perf@nal friends of
Ragobah would have been alarmed and dif-
gufted, and new occafions of doubt and de-
lay would have been prefented to men who
had already fhewn but too many fymptons of
irrefolution. If the Rajah of Berar fhould
grafp at the objeds prefented to his ambi-
tion, there was nothing at Poonah to oppofe
plaufibie and juft pretenfions, fupported by
the united power of the Rajah and the Eng-
lifh

i
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 5*7

iiih: if he fhould not, the of the 1779.

efforts

gentlemen of Bombay in favour of R.ago-

bah, however-defultory they might be, ill

timed, or unfuccefsful, would yet, in pro-

portion to their extent, occafion a diveriion

of the Marratta forces, and faciliate the ex- .

pedition under the command of Colonel

Goddard. It is in this manner that fupe-
riour acquire and maintain an afcendency
over inferior natures, and without even be-
ilowfng their confidence which migiit be
abufed, convert them into inilruments of
their defigns, merely by a fagacious antici-
pation of the courfe of condudl they will be
moft likely to purfue in given fituations.

The views of Mr. Haflings, in this com-

plicated affair were not more judicious and
manly than fortunate. If the expedition
from Bombay to Poonah tarnifhed, in feme
meafure, the honour of the Britilh name,
the fafe arrival of Colonel Goddard at Surat^
ferved to retrieve it.

The Governor-general, and Supreme

Council, which the arrival of Sir Eyre
Coote in Bengal on the 27 th of March had
F 4 made
88 MEMOIRS OF THE
1779. made complete, at the firft aiTembly of the
Board, refolved, if poflible, to conclude a
lafting peace with the Marrattas upon the
ground of the Poorunder treaty in 1776.—
The perfon who was judged the fitteil mi^
nifler on our part, in a negociation for this

purpofe, was Colonel Goddard, now raifed

to the rank as well as the command of a
General. Having received inftru^tions to

life his utmoft endeavours to effecfl a recon-

ciliation, and communicated the powers

with which he had been inverted to the
minifters of Poonah, they deputed a vakeel
to Surat with plenipotentiary powers for the
negociation of peace. In the mean time,
Ragobah, making his efcape from the of-
ficers of Scindiah, who had charge of his
perfon, and were conveying him to a place

of confinement, fled to Surat, v/here he ar-

rived before the vakeel from the Marrattas.
General Goddard, at the fame time that he
informed the Marratta government of this
unexped:ed event, agreed to afford this fu-
gitive prince perfonal protedion. The
Marratta meiTenger returned from Surat to
Poonah, and promifed to fend backacate:;;

goricai

I
 1 AT E W AR I N A SI A» gg

o-orieal anfwer to our propofals within the

ipsice of three weeks. This period being
elapfed, the return of the vakeel to Surat

made known the only terms on which the

Marratta chiefs would confent to conclude
a peace, namely, " That the Engliih fhould
*' deliver the perfon of Roganaut-row into
*' the hands of their vakeel, and make
" imrnediate reflitution of the liland of
*' Salfette."

The negotiation for peace was now at an

end : and General Goddard immediately
prepared for the profecution of war.

The ancient kingdom of Guzzarat is

bounded on the north by the river Paddar,

which divides it from the the dominions of

Perfia. It extends from the ocean on the
weft, and where the land is indented by the
Gulphs of Cambait and Scindy, eallward to
the confines of Malva and Chandeifh. It is

watered by three large rivers which receive

many tributary (treams, the Mahi, the Nar-
buddah and the Tapti. On the iirft of thefe,
where it falls into the Sea, ftands the city of
Cambait,
go MEMOIRS OP THE
177 5» Cambait;, on the fecond Baroach, and on
the third Surat : but the two laft, at the
diftance of a few leagues from the ocean.
This fertile province, fo admirably fitted

for commerce, and efpecially the town of

Surat, has, from the earlieil times, carried
on a mofl advantageous as well as extenfive
trade in cotton, indigo, wheat and other
grain, and alfo various manufactures

Guzzarat had been governed for ages by

a fucceffion of native princes, when, in the
reign of Acbar, it was reduced into the
form of a province of the Mogul Empire,
The Mahom.medan capital of Guzzarat is

Ammedabad, the work of Achmed and his

fuccefTors, who enlarged, beautified, and
raifed it to fplendour out of the ruins of the
antient Hindoo cities, Chappaneer and Nar-
valla. Ammedabad we fee, at
In this day,

the Mofque and tomb of Achmed its foun-

der, built entirely of ilone and marble, and
of fuch exquifite workmanihip as to remain
uninjured by the hand of time, although it

has ilcod for four centuries. Ammedabad

is fituated upon the eaft bank of a flream,

though
 LATE WAR IN ASIA, ^X

though fmall, yet pleafant, wholefome, and 1779,

conftant. The walls, which' ilill remain,
are about fix miles in circumference, anci
there is a very wide and deep ditch carried
all around them. Befides this ditch, new
works have been fiiice confl:ru6ted, where
the original defences, either from decay or
fituation, were judged infufficient. There
are twelve gateways, by which you pafs in
and out of the city. Thefe gateways, and
other parts of the walls, appear to have been
adorned, at regular diftances, with towers
and cupolas, which in the days of its fplen-

dour muft have equally contributed to

ftrength and magnificient appearance. —
Within the city, and upon the banks of the
river, which is called the Sabremetty Nuddy,
there is an extenfive enclofure diftinguiilied
by the name of the Budder, which was
formerly the royal relidence. This place
Jias in former times been ftrongly fortified

and its lituation was fuch as to command

the principal Buzars or market places, courts
of Juftice, and the ftreets including tlie pa^
laces of the chief nobles. But at this day,

fp greatly has Ammedabad declined from

its
g2 MEM O I R S O F T HE

i*-y^. its original fpjendour, that not more than a

quarter of the fpacs within the v/alls is:

inhabited. Without the walls, the fab-

urbs, as is evident from infallible vefti-

ges, mud: have extended to the diflance of

three miles round. Such was the flourifli-

ing condition of the capital and whole pro-

vince of Guzzarat under Mahommedan
princes, fo kte as the reign cf the great
Aurengzebe, who, towards the end of the
lail century, extended his dominion over
the whole peninfula of India v/ithin the
Gan2:es.

The influence of climate and foil, with

other phyfical caufes, have a more ileady and
fixed influence on the charafters of nations,
than forms of government, laws, religion,
or any thing that depends for its efficacy
on a mere appeal to our moral nature. In
two or three generations, it is obferved, the
progeny of the Tartarian and Perfian con-
querors of the plains of Hindoftan, are fub-
dued by an enervating climate, and fmk
down with the elieminate aborigines of the
country into iloth and fenfuality. The
vigour
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 93
vigour of Aureiigzebe faipendcd for a fpace inv^,
of thirty years, the fatal eifeds of luxury

on the name and power of the Mahonime-

dan conquerors of Hindoftan. But the
imbecillity of his fucceiibrs, confpiracies and
civil wars in the centre of the empire, and
a total relaxation of go v-ernment in all its

remote and extended provinces, univerfally

encouraged the fubordinate and tributary
princes to aiTert their independence on the
Emperor; norwas the Soubah of Guzzarat
found more loyally attached to the Sove-
reign Lord of India within the Ganges than
xhe other chiefs, who in the time of x^urens:-

-zebe had exercifed only delegated power.

The ftrength o{ the Mogul Empire being

broken by difmemberment and feparation,
and habits of indolence having taken place
of that vigour of ch'aradier which had efta-
bliflied the power and domination of diiterent
Mahommedan leaders, the Marrattas, under
the condud: of Rajah Sahoo-row, ilTuingfrom
the mountains of the Deccan, and fpreading
flaughter and defolation wherever they di-
reded their deilrudive fteps, revenged on
the
94*
MEMOIRS OF THE
1779, the eiFeminate fons the calamities inflidecf

by their v/ariike fathers. Some, unable to

flem the torrent, abandoned all to its refift-

lefs fury. Others fought to purchafe pre-

fent relief, and a precarious refpite from ut-
ter ruin, by pecuniary tribute and territori-

al conceffion. In the province of Guz^

zarat, which fell at this time under the
power of the Marrattas, we find, accord-

ingly, fome veftiges of the Mahommedan

dominion at Surat and Cambait. Thefe places
are ftill under the government of Mahomme-
dan princes, who flyle themfelves Nawabs ;

but their authority is confined within the

walls of the cities, and even the fcanty
revenue of this limited domain, they are
obliged to iliare liberally with the Marrat-
tas. The lofs of the capital Ammedabad,
which, after a vigorous refiftance v/as be-
trayed into the hands of the Marrattas, was
followed by an inftant and complete dif-
folution of the Mogul authority.

The defcendants of the Nawab Cum-

maul-ul-dien, the family which was then
difpoffelied of the government, now refide in

obfeurity.
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. g :}

obfcurity, upon allowed them i^y^,

a fmali efl^^te

in the neighourhood of Pattan, under the

protedion and vigilant jealoufy of Futty
Sing, reprefentative of the family of Gui-
cowar, to whom the greater part of Guzzarat
was tranfmitted by hereditary fucceiHon from
Pillajee their original founder. This chief,

the grandfather of Futty Sing Guicowar,

the prefent reigning Prince, was eminently
didinguiilied by his political as well as

by his military talents. His important

fervices in the field to Sahoo-row, Rajah
of Setterah, were rewarded with the rich
and extenfive kingdom of Guzzarat, the
greateft part of which he had himfelf con-

quered from the Mahommedan princes who

at that time governed it in the name of the
Mogul Emperors or Kings of Delhi. But
after the death of Pillajee, his fon and fuc-
cefTor Damajee, having repaired, for ths
purpofe of accommodating certain dif-

ferences with the Marratta government, to

Poonah, was treacherouily confined, com-
pelled to make a partition of his province

with the reigning Pai£hwa,and to enter into

fiich other engagements as tliat Prince

chofc
g5' MEMOIRS OF THE
1279. chofe to prefcribe, before he could obtain
his freedom.

General Goddard, who was happily en-

trufled with the whole conducL of the war,
in the formation of plans as well as in
their execution, refolved to commence
the campaign by the fettlement of fuch

an order of affairs in Guzzarat, as ihould

fecure on our fide its importance to

the general ilme of the contejfl:. Such

an arrangement it was. particularly ne-
celfary to make, previoufly to the ap-
proach of the Marratta forces, left their

prefence fhould intimidate and draw over

to the fide of the Paifhwa, the Prince
Futty Sing Row Guicowar, whofe incli-

nation at the beft could only be fuppofed

to be wavering between the two parties, in

the caufe of one or other of wdiich lie

mull:, of neceffit}', be involved. This ob-

ject was to be accomplilhed only by one or
other of the following modes : Either to
make an union of interefts with Futt}' Sing,
or to reduce him under our power by the
force of arms. To have adopted the laft

of
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 97

of thefe meafures would have combined 1779.

the prince in a common caufe with the
Marratta government, and their united

ilrength, prefenting full fcope to all our

exertions, would h^ve fo confined our
operations, and exhaufted our refources, as

to render all hopes of any acquifition of

revenue, or other public advantages, abor-
tive. No prefent provifion could have
been made for the future profecution of the
war : the Province of Guzzarat mufl have
been laid wafte and deflroyed -, or, if we
Ihould have been able to protect any part
of it from utter defolation, it muil have
been expofed to the conftant inroads of a
predator)' enemy. On the eve of engaging

m a v:ar with the moil powerful flats

in Hindoftan, unfupported by any friend

or ally, and uncertain of the real defigns

of thofe powers that then profelTed them-

felves neutral, to conciliate and attach to
our caufe fo powerful a chief as Futty
Sing, was an obiect of the tirll: importance,
and abfolutely necellary for enabling us to
commence hoflilities with any probably
profpe(fl of fuccefs.
Vol. I. G Th5
9S MEMOIRS OF THE
jy79. The General, influenced and aduated by
thefe views, determined, if poffible, to ad-

juft the fettlement of Guzzarat with Futty

Sing in an amicable manner, although
certain unpromifmg circumflances naturally
excited in his mind an apprehenlion that
but little confidence was to be placed in

any promifes or declarations that the Ra-

jah, in the prefent juncture, might be in-
duced to make, however friendly and fpe-
cious in appearance. That Prince was
reprefented, by fome individuals at Bombay,
as a character naturally infincere and per-
fidious : and he, on his part, had but too
jufl: caufe of retorting the charge of perfidy
on the Englifh. In the year 1775, v^hen
the forces from Bombay were in the field
in fupport of the pretenfions of Roganaut-
row, the Rajah, after a long negociation,
carried on through the mediation of the
Englifh commander, and under the faith
of the Company, was prevailed upon to
rifque an interview, when he was forcibly
made prifoner by Ragobah, compelled to
agree to the payment of a large fum of
money, and not fuffered to return to his
capital
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 99
capital untilhe had fent for his daugh- 1779,
ter, a child of fix or feven years of age,
and delivered her up as a fecurity for the
performance of his engagement. The
fear of meeting with a treatment fimilar to
what he had before experienced, might well
excite a doubt on the part of Futty Sing
of our proffered friendfliip. Thefe con-
fiderations, joined to that dread which the
Rajah mlifl naturally be fuppofed to enter-
tain of the power and vengeance of the
Marrattas, prefented fuch difficulties as
would have diverted a fpirit lefs vigorous
and ardent than General Goddard, from
the purfuit of his objecft. To this, how-
ever, the General continued to bend all

his efforts with an addrefs, as vv'ell as an

ailiduous zeal, which fully proved the
difinterefled views which governed his con-
dud.

The exclufive conqueft of Guzzarat,

and the ruin of Futty Sing, were tempting
objefts to private rapacity and ambition :

General Goddard preferred to both, the

fatisfadlion of procuring a folid and per-
G 2 manerjit
JOO MEMOIRS OF TH»
1779. manent advantage to the patriotic. The
General, to patriotic virtue, added great po-
litical addrefs as v^^ell as military ikill and
prowefs. Senfible of the good efFeds

which the rapid movements and approach

of the army vt'ould produce on the coun-
fels of Futty Sing, he carried on the nego-
ciation w^ith that prince, without inter-
rupting the progrefs of the march. Vakeels
conftantly pafled between the Englifh ar-
my and Barodah, the capital of Futty Sing,
a city recently founded upon the banks of
the Bifwamuntiy Nuddy, and fituated be-
twixt the Mahi and the Narbuddah, about
twelve miles fouth of the former. The
Rajah was at length gained over to our
views, and agreed to an alliance with the
Company on the terms propofed to hirn.
It was itipulated, that Futty Sing fhould
be put in poffeflion of a country to be con-
quered from the Marrattas, northward of
the river Mahi, in exchange for an equai
portion of lands to the fouthward : an ar-
rangement by which the territories of the
Rajah, as well as our own, would be ren-^
^ered compadt, and united in one regular
chaii^
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. lot

tliain of contiguous trads of land, towns, 178a.

and garrifons. This treaty was finally

concluded on the 26th of January 1780,

at a village called Condeala, about four
miles from Barodah, and half v.^ay between
that capital and our encampment. By
this compact the peace of Guzzarat was
fecured on the moil folid foundations -, an
immediate refource of revenue was pro-
vided, and leifure was afforded to turn our

arms to new and more neceffary, though,

perhaps, to lefs beneficial conquefts. The
General, then, who had been ftrengthened
by a fmall detachment of troops from
Bombay, and taken the field in December
1779, having in his route to Guzzarat
concluded a treaty with Futty Sing-row
Guicowar, by v/hich that extenfive pro-
vince was equally divided between him
and the Eafl India Company, in conformity

to his engagements to put that prince in

polTefTion of the Marratta territories to the

north of the Mahi, marched from the

neighbourhood of Barodah, and advanced
towards Ammedabad, the capital of that
'

part of Guzzarat which was in the pof-

G3 felTion.
102 MEMOIRS OF THE
1780. feffion of the Marrattas. This place,

which was garrifoiied by fix thoufand Arab

and Sindia foot, and two thoufand horfe, was
carried by a llorm after a gallant and defperate
refifcance, in the morning of the 15 th day
of February. Four hundred of the befieged
w§re killed in the allault. The greateft

part of thefe loft their lives in the ditch and

one of the gateways. The prefTure and
confufion of the diftraded multitude fliut

the gate againft themfelves, and drove them

in heaps upon one another. In that helplefs
iituation, their amunition being blown up
in their cartouche boxes, all of them perifh-
ed. No a6l of mercy which difciplined hu-
manity could extend to the unarmed and
unrefifting was omitted. The prifoners,
among whom were fome Arab officers,

were treated with the utmoft clemency and

indulgence. The wounded were received
into our hofpitals, ufcd with all poiTible

tendernefs and care, and, afterwards in due

time releafed. The found policy, as well as
humanity of this indulgence to the conquer-
ed in war, was exemplified, foon after this,
by the adive gratitude of an Arabian Jem
mada
 I AT E WAR IN ASIA. 102J

madar in the ferviceof the Marrattas. An 1780,

officer of the Bombay eftablifhment, be-
longing to a fmall party of Sepoys employed
in the Concan, having fallen into the hands
of the enemy, was fet at liberty through the
interceffion of this Arab, who declared thai:

he had no other motive of mediation than a

grateful fenfe of the humane treatment
his countrymen had met with from the
Englifh commander at the fiege of Amme-
dabad.

On the 26th of February, Ammedabad^

with its dependencies, was formally tranf-
ferred to Futty Sing, That this place
might appear as important an acquihtion in .

the eyes of the Rajah as poffible, every

precaution was ufed to prevent a general
pillage; although the valour, and indeed the
difciplined moderation of our men, was re-
Warded by a prize that fell into their hands

without the knowledge of the General.

But indeed the greatefl part of the property

b'rlon8;ino; to the inhabitants had been con-

veycd to places of fecurity previoully to the
ilege : and almoft the whole of what remain-
G 4 ed
104 MEMOIRS OF THE
1780. ed was the property of people conneded
with the new fovereign.

The General, leaving a garrlfon for the

fapport of Futty Sing, advanced on the
2d of March to meet the forces of the
Marrattas, aflembled to the number of
forty thoufand, for the moft part horfe-

men, who, being ignorant of what had hap-

pened, were on their march to the relief of
Ammedabad under the condu(5l of Scindiah
and Holkar. The Englifh army crofled the

Mahi on the 6th of March, and on the 8th

encampedonthe Bifwamuntry Neddy, about
two miles from Barodah. The Marrat-
tas, who had defcended from the Gauts and
were advancing to that capital, moved off to
the eaftward, about fourteen miles from this
place, and nearly the fame difliance from
Powan-Ghurr, a very ftrong fortrefs belong-
ing to the Maha Rajah Scindiah, the moil
powerful of the Marratta chiefs, fituated
upon a lofty and almofl inacceffible moun-
tain, which feparates the province of Guz-
zarat from that of Mai va.While the op-
polite armies were encamped at thefe dif-
ferent
 LATE WAR IN ASIA, IO5

fbrent flations, MefTrs. Farmer and Stewart, .i7So»

who had been left v/ith Madajee Sciandiah,

as hoflages for the faithful performance of
the convention ofWorgaum, arrived on the
9th of March in our camp with letters from
that chief and Holkar, containing general
expreflions of their friendly feiitiments,

and of their inclination to live on terms

of amity with the Englifh. As a proof

of the fmcerity of their profeiTions they

had liberated the Englifh hoftages, and
conjoined thofe gentlemen in a commiffion
with Abajee Shabajee, to make fuch a re-

prefentation of affairs to General Goddard

as might prepare the way for the re-eftablifli-

ment of peace. The General, on his part,

endeavoured by every alTurance and argu-
ment in his power, to imprefs the mind of
Scindiah with a jufi: conviction of the fni-

cere defire of the Englifh for peace, repre-

fenting at the fame time the fentiments of
particular and perfonal regard which his na-

tion entertained for Scindiah himfelf, of which

they were ready to give him the ftrongefl

and mofl convincing teflimonies. He fug-

gelled fome conditions of mutual advantage,

on
jo6 MEMOIRS OF THE
17 80. on which the EngUfli were defirous of unit^
ing with that chief in fettUng the adminiftra-
tion of the Marratta empire on a bafis that
fhould be foUd and permanent. But fhould
his attempts to efhabUih an union between
his nation and Scindiah, which feemed to

him not more defirable to both parties than

natural and eafy, prove abortive, he alfo ex-
prefTed an inchnation to enter into alHance

with the prefent government upon fuch terms

as the Enghfh had a right to expecl, and
to which they were ready to accede.

While the General indulged the hopes that

naturally arofe out of thefe friendly andpro-
mifing appearances, Abajee Shabajee return-
ed with propofals from his mafter, more hu-
miliating to the Englilh than thofe that had
been made before by the minifter himfelf Na-
na-Furneze. He required not only that Ra-
gobah's perfon fhould be delivered into his
hands but alfo that of Badje-row his adopted
fon. Ragobah was torefide atjancy, on the
allowance which Scindiah had before fettled
for his fubfiftance, in a private flation. The
adminiflration v/as in future to be conducted
by Scindiah in the name of Badje-row, who
was
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. JO/

was to be veiled with the dignity of Dewan 178a.

to Madah-rowthePaifhwa an infant. There
was not, in return for thefe conceflions,

any mention made of the fmalleft advantage

to the Englifh. On the contrary, the inten-
tions of Sclndiah were, that we fhould ad-
here to the convention of Worgaum.

Terms that were judged diflionourabfe

previouily to the campaign, in the midft of
our prefent fucceiles would have been juillj
deemed difgraceful. Pacific meafures were
of courfe interrupted, and mihtary opera-
tions renewed. Thefe, on the part of the
Marratta chief, confifted in endeavours to
avoid, and on that of the Engliili in exer-

tions to bring on an engagement. General

Goddard, having twice advanced with the
whole army, and encamped on the ground
from v/hich the enemy had precipitately re-
treated, dn the 2d of April, left his main
army in camp, and, at the head of two hun-
dred European infantry, ten companies of
grenadier Sepoys, three battalions of Sepoys,
two twelve and ten fix-pounder pieces of
artillery, and the firfl regiment of cavalry,
with
loS MEMOIRS OF THE
1780. with the CaPxdahar horfe, amounting to-
gether to about feven or eight hundred,
formed and atttempted a plan to ftorm the
Marratta camp. With this fmall force he
advanced with great rapidity, yet in good
order, and having palTed their principal

guard, which confifted of fix thoufand men,

he immediately fell on their main army,
drawn up to receive him in order of battle.

The effed: of our artillery amongfh their nu-

merous cavalry was prodigious. Within
an hour after the commencement of the ac-
tion they retreated with confiderable lofs :

and fo completely were they routed, and fo

great the conflernation that had feized them,
that not a fingle horfeman appeared to mo-
left our little detachment in their return to

the camp.

The fuccefs of this party, fo greatly infe-

riour in numbers to the troops that retreated

before the Marratta army the preceeding
year, proved how much difciplinc and mu-
tual confidence excel the defultory and ill di-
rected force of the moft numerous battal-
lions of untrained barbarians, and how much
the
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. IO9

the fate of armies and nations fometimes 1780.

depends on a lingle mind. The calm and
well-dire<5ted courage of General Goddard
was diffufed throughout the whole of the
officers and foldiers under his command,
and every a(5lion of this campaign was glo-
rious to the Britifh arms. It is impoffible,

without fwelling thefe memoirs beyond the

limits propofed, to do juftice to the gallan-

try of every individual who iignalized his

valour in this expedition. Many and va-

rious are the brave adlions that might be re-
corded, butafeledlionis neceffarily to be made
of fuch as are not only meritorous in refpedt
of the fpirit from which they flowed, but im-
portant in the effeds which they produ-
ced. Captain John Campbell, of the Ben-
gal eftablifhment, who had been detached
with a foraging party to a confiderable dif-

tance from our camp, on his return with a

large convoy of provifions, was attacked by
Madajee Scindiah, at the head of tv^enty

thoufand men, the flower of the Marratta

army. This officer immediately drew up
his fmall force, which confifted of two bat-
tallions of Sepoys, and four field pieces, in

the
no MEMOIRS OF THE
1780. the befl form that the time, the place, and
difpofition of the enemy would admit. The
Marrattas were repulfed with the lofs of
near fix hundred men, a great part of whom
were killed by the fire of the companies
which flanked our line. Captain Camp-
bell, after this remarkable adlion, joined Ge-
neral Goddard, with his convoy perfectly
entire, and without the lofs of a fingle
man.

Lieutenant V/elfli, of the Bengal efta-

blifhment, at the head Jof the firfl: regiment
of cavalry and a battalion of Sepoys, was
detached, on the 3d of May, to furprize a

body of Marrattas fix thoufand ftrong. —

The Lieutenant, when he had performed
half his march, found, by calculating the
time, that if he waited for the arrival of hi&
infantry, he would not be able to reach the
enemies camp before break of day. He
therefore adopted the fpirited refolution of
advancing with the cavalry only. With
this force he entered the Marratta camp,
feized the enemies cannon, which he turned
upon them in their flight, and put them to a
complete
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. Ill

complete and general route. In this 1780.

encounter the commanding officer and a
great number of the Marrattas were ilain.

The conquerors became mailers of the

flying army's artillery, ammunition, and
provilions. The vidory was decifive :

and the reduction of two forts by the fame

party, foon after, with the defeat of {Gvtn
thoufand Marrattas by Major Forbes at the
head of two battalions of Sepoys, completed
the conqueft of Guzzarat. The two
armies continued on the confines of Guz-

zarat and Malva until the month of May,

when they feparated, on account of the ap-
proaching monfoon . The Marrattas march-
ed off to Ugein, the capital of the territories

of Scindiah, fituated in the high lands ^ of

Malva on the river Zepra, which falls,
about two leagues from Mandoo, into the
Narbuddah. The Englifn army returned to
Surat, where they arrived in the beginning of
June. Thus terminated the firil campaign
of what has been called the fecond Marratta
war, in which General Goddard, having
fucceeded in every attempt, reduced mider
the power of the Bafk India Company a
territory
112 MEMOIRS OF THE
1780. territory yielding an annual revenue of thirty
lacks of rupees.

The brilHant fuccefTes of this campaign

difplayed, in the moft ftricking manner, the
fuperiority of our arms over thofe of our
enemies in the eafl, and effedually effaced
the ftain they had contraded from the

late dhailer at Worgaum. Thefe, indeed,

were the only advantages that could poiTibly
be gained over an enemy that would not
hazard an engagement, and who, there is

leafon to believe, had nothing more in view

than to draw our force from the defence of
our new conqueils, and to exhaufl our
flrength in an unprofitable purfuit of the
Marratta army in the hilly regions of Mal-
va. This fyflemof military operations, an in-
fbnce of that prudence and fagacity which,
in the affairs of both war and peace, mark
the character of Madajee Scindiah among
the Marratta chiefs and the other princes of
India, and which, expanded and direcfled

according to circumftances, is one day to

fubvert the domination of Europeans in
Afia, would not only have laid open our
late
 y. AT E WAR I N A S T A I I
3

late acquifitions in Guzzarat to hoftile inva- lySo*

lion, but even endangered the fafety of the
preiidency of Bombay itfelf, which, at this

time, was threatened with an attack f:'om

France. And, even on a fuppofition that,

our arms had penetrated to the very centre

of Malva, and reduced under our povv^er

Scindiah's capital, Ugein, they could not

have obtained any advantage that might
compenfate the rifque incurred by fo bold
an attempt, nor have produced any event
that might decide the general iilue of the
war.

The defence of Guzzarat was committed

to a detachment of our own troops, and a pro-
portionable number of cavalry to be fur-
niflied by our ally Futty-Sing. The rainy
feafon being over, hoililities with the Mar-
rattas v/ere renewed. And the reduction
"©f the iiland and fort of Baffeen, with that
of Tarrapore, Danow, and other places of
ftrength, htuated on the (hores of the Con-
can, fecurcd to the Englifli, at the ciofe of

1780, an extent of fea-coaft from Cambait

to themouth of the river Pen, which dif-

VoL. I. II charges
114 MEMOIRSOF THE
1780. cbciirgcs itfelf into the harbour of Bombay,
a fpace upwards of three hundred miles.

The fpirited exertions of General God-

dard, were, in the mean time, feconded

with alacrity and with vigour, by the Go-

vernor--general of Bengal, who, finding it

impradlicable to reconcile the Marrattas, on

proper terms, to peace, continued to pur -

fue their humiliation by policy and by arms.

The principal revenues of the Marrattas a-

rife from the annual tribute paid by the
Rajahs of Oudepore, Joudpore, Zeynagur,
Bopaul, Narva, Bundlecund, and other
Hindoo princes interfperfed through the
province of Ajmeer, and to the northward
of Malva. Thefe chiefs, who embrace
every opportunity of evading their pay-
ments, had now a favourable opportunity
of averting their independence. And, ac-
cordingly, the Governor-general endeavour-
ed tc unite them, under the aufpices of
England, into a combination againfl their
oppreiibrs. This plan, which was founded
on common fenfe, and ieemed the m.ore fo-
lid that it had nothing in it complicated or
refined,
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. II^

refined, nevei'thelefs faikd of fuGcefs. Had 17804

this failure been confined to one or two- of
thefe chiefs, the difappointment of the Go-
vernor-general's hopes might be afcribed to
fome of thofe iecret motives which influ-

ence the minds and hearts of men, and

which are not fo much objed:s of conclu-
five reafoning, as of fpeculation and con-
jedure. The extent of the eifed: prompts
an inquiry into an adequate caufe.

Unity and confiilency, in almoft any fyf-

tern of operation, whether miHtary or poli-
tical, are preferable to the moft artful fiira-

tagems and profound views, now adopted

and now abandoned. On this ground it

will readily be admitted, that in the fludiua-

tion of the Britifli councils, in the feparate
views of our different prefidencies in India,
in the difcordant intereils and paflions of
the individuals of which thefe were compof-
ed, and that want of due fubordination and
lyflem which might be expedted in a poli-
tical corporation fo new in its origin as the
Eaft- India Company, and formed into its
prefent complexion and appearance by fo
H2 many
I 1 MEMOIRS OF THE
1780. many lingular accidents and wonderful e-
vents j the man to whofe lot it fell to take

the lead in the condudl of affairs in Afia,

while his nation was engaged in a general
and complicated war, had to contend with
difficulties of unufual magnitude. The
meafures of the Governor-general were em-
barraffed by the miniflry at home, and by
his colleagues in office abroad. Exagge-
rated reports of our diftrefTes in America
and Europe, diffenfions in our councils in
Alia, which loft the feafon of acflion by of-
ficial contefts, and an opinion, indulLriouf-
iy fpread over all India *, of the inftability

of the Britifh adminifbration in the eafl:,

while they prepared a train for every fpark

of ambition and difcontent, had a dired:
tendency to damp every attempt to fecure
die public intereft, by alliances as well as

* Ever fmce the eftablifhment of the Supreme Council m

1774, at Calcutta, the native princes of India pay the ut-
moft attention to the politic?,] changes in great Britain, fo
far as thefe may be fuppcfed to afFeft the politics of that
coqntry : and their Vakeels at the different Prcfidencies
have orders to fend tliem all the nev,s, from time to time,
en that fubjeft.

by
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 1\J

by arms. It is in thefe circumfrances that 1780.

we are to fearch for a folution of the pro-

blem here ftated. Under an immediate ex-

pedtatioii of a change of men and meafures
in our councils, and of fortune in our aitairs,

the Pvajahs dependent on the Marrattas de-

clined the opportunity which was fo well
fitted to operate on a fenfe of iniury, as

well as on ambition : and the military and

political operations of our countrymen, in
this part of the country, were confined to
an alliance with the Ranah of Gohud, and
the recovery of his territories from the do-
mination of the Marrattas.

The firft of thefe cbjed:s being eafily ef-

fedied. Major Popham, in order to accom-

pliih the laft, was fent to the alHilance of
the Ranah at the head of two thoufand Se-
poys, forty European artillery, a body of
one hundred and twenty horfe, and four
field -pieces. With this fmall force, the
Major, in the fpace of a few months, drove
the enemy, to the number of fifteen thou-
fimd, out of the Ranah's country, purfjcd
this advantage, and com.pleated, by the rc-
H 3
du(51:ion
I 1 MEMOIRS OF THE
dudion of feveral forts, the conqueft of one
J -,80.

of their- provinces, producing an annual re-

venue of fix lacks of rupees. Nor v^^as this

tlie only, or the chief fervice, performed on

this occafion, by this enterprifing and brave
officer.

The fortrefs of Gualior, in the dominions

of Gohud, had been for ages deemed im-
pregnable, and here, as in a fecure and in-
acceffible-afvlum, the Mahommedan con-
querors of Hindoftan, in the days of their
magnificence and power, had confined, as
prifoners of ftate, the vanquiflied rivals of
their greatnefs. In a country where the
authority of Great Britain depends upon
the opinion entertained by the natives, not
only of the fupericr genius of our country-
men for war, but alfo of their good fortune,
the conqueft of Gualior, it was evident,
would be equal ^o the moft decifive vidlory
in the field. This place, which was io ftrong

both by nature and by art, could not be

taken but by regular approaches : but the
profound fecurity derived from this circum-
ftance, might expofe the garrifon to fur-

prize.
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. II9

prize. It was thus that Gibraltar fell into 1780.

the hands of our nation ; and thus, too, it

is poilible to be taken out of them. Never

was there a conjuncture in which the re-

dudlion of fuch a fortrefs as Gualior could

be of more advantage to the conquerors,
nor any in which a fitter infbrument was
prefented to a mind that could make a dif-
tin(5lion between difficulties and impoffibi-
lities, of attempting it.

Major Popham, after his detachment

had gone into cantonements on account of
the rain, in compliance with the repeated
folicitations of Mr. Haftings, prepared for
an attack on Gualior with equal judgement
and fecrecy two perfons only beiaig privy
;

to his defign. Having received fome im-

portant information from a fmall party
who found means to enter the place, one
by one, at different times, by night, he
wrote to the Governor-general, informing
him that the attack was to be made early
the next morning, and expreffing his hopes
that, in cafe of failure, Mr. Haftings would
do him the juftice to declare, that it was

H 4 at
120 MEMOIRS OP THE
176c. at his defire he had undertaken an enter-
prife, which, if it lliould mifcarry, would
be denominated rafli and imprad:icable
but which, if it fliould be crowned with
fliccefs, wculd redound as much to the
honour of the Governor-general, by whofe
advice it was undertaken, as of thofe by
whom it was carried into execution. Gualior

was taken by furprife on the 4th of Auguft,

1780, with the inconfiderable lofs of twen-
ty Sepoys wounded. The Britifh colours

planted on the w?dls of this fortrefs, figna-

lized the prudence and the fpirit of Major
Popham, and rendered the Engliili name an
objed: of refpeft and of dread throughout
Hindoflan. The whole country adjoining
to Gualior was immediately evacuated by
the Marrattas. Had a detachment been
formed in Gohud, previoufly to the reduc-
tion of this fortrefs, as General Goddard
had repeatedly advifcd, and Mr. Ilaftings
had propofed in the Supreme Council, a di-
verfion of the troops under Scindiah from
Guzzarat might have beeil effeded by an
invaficn of the province of Malva ; and the
chiefs with whom we contended, reduced to
the
 LATE W,AR IN ASIA. 121

the neceffity of accepting terms ofaccom- 1780.

modation. But, this opportunity of hum-

bling the Marrattas beiTig loft, their hofti-
lity to our countrymen was confirmed by
the fucceiles of Hyder- Ally's arms in the
Carnatic y and the exertions of Mr. Haf-
tings were called from fucceffes which he
had not been permitted to improve, to the

reparation of misfortunes which he had not

occalioned.

Hyder- Ally- Cawn was regent of the

kingdom of Myfore, a dignity to which he
had raifed himfelf by abilities and by crimes
by valour and policy in arms, by intrigue,
by treachery, and by blood. He was the
fon of a Mahommedan foldier of fortune,
who commanded a fort on the confines of
Myfore, and followed, of courfe, the pro-
feffion of arms. When lie firft entered in-
to the Rajah of Myfore's fervice he was
diftinguiihed by the name of Hyder Naig,
or Corporal Hyder, He rofe by degrees to

the command of the Rajah's army; and, on

the death of that Prince, he fcized the reins
of government, under the title of Guardian
to
222 MEMOIRS OF THE
1780. to the young prince, whom he confined in
Seringapatam, together with the whole
royal family ; exhibiting them only at cer-

tain ftated feafons, in order to foothe and

pleafe the people. He poiTefTed great vi-

gour of body and mind : but his manners

were favage and cruel ; and he frequently
inflamed the natural ferocity of his temper
by intoxication. Like many other chiefs
in India, with whom it is not accounted
any difgracc to be ignorant of letters, he
could not either read or write ; fo that he
w^as obliged to make ufe of interpreters and

fecretaries. The method he cpntrvied for

afcertaining whether his interpreters made
faithful reports of the letters they read, and
if his fecretaries cxprefled in writing the

full and the precife meaning of what he

communicated, difplays, at once, that fuf-

picion which was natural to his lituation,

and that fubtlety which belonged to his na-

ture. He confined three different interpre-

ters in feparate apartments, who made their

refpedtive reports in their turns. If all the

make different reports, then he

three fliould
would puniih them by a cruel death. If
two
 LATE W A R I N A S I A. 1
23

two fliould coincide in their report, and 1780.

one differ from theie two, then th.>t cne
v/ould fuffer death. But the interpreters,

knowing their fate if they Ihould depart in

one lingle inflance fiom the truth, explain-

ed, as might be expelled, the letters com-
mitted to their infoedion with the utmofl
fidelity. As to the method by which he
difcovered whether his amanuenfes were
faithful or no, he placed three of them, in
like manner, in tliree feparate places of con-
finement, and to each of them apart he dic-
tated liis orders. Their manufcripts he put
into the hands of any of thofe that were
about him who could read, from whom he
learned whether his clerks had faithfully
exprefled his meaning. When he palled
fentence of death, he was on fome occa-
fions, like the Dey of Algiers and other
barbarian defpots, himfelf the executioner :

for though he affefled to conlider his army

as his guards, he well knew that he reigned
in their hearts not from love, but fear,

mixed indeed with an admiration of his

lingular addrefs and- intrepidity. The force
of this man's mind, fuch is the advantage of
(Vol. I.) nature
T -, f M EMOIRS OF THE
1780. nature over art ! burfl through the preju--

dices of education and the reflraints of habit,

and extended his views to whatever Euro-
pean improvements he deemed the mofi:
fitted to fecure his government, to extend
his emoire, and to render his name immor-
taL He invited and encouraged every ufe-
fal and ihr^enious manufadlurer "and artifan
to fettle in his dominions, he introduced
the European difcipline in his army, and
laboured, not altogether without faccefs, for
the formation of dock-yards, and the efl:a-

bhlhment of a navy.

At the fame time that he was fublime in

his vic'vs, he Vv''as capable of all that mi-
nute attention which was neceflary for their
accOmpliihment. His ends were great;
his means prudent. A regular ceconomy
fupplied a fource of liberality, which he
never failed to exercife, v^'henever an objcd-,
which he could render in any fliape fublcr-

vient to his ambition, Iblicited his bounty.

He rewarded merit of every kind, but he
was particularly munificent to all who could
bring important intelligence. Ele had his
eyes
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 1 2.5

eyes Open on the movements of his neigh- 1780,

hours, as well as on every part, and ahnoil
on every perfon w^ithin his dominions. —
Hence he knew v^here to anticipate hoflile
deligns, and where to take advantages ;

where to impofc contributions v/ithout

drying up the iprings of induflryi and where,
to find the moft proper inftruments for his

purpofes, whether of poHcy or war. He

infped:ed, in perfon, every hbrfeman or Se-
poy that offered himfelf to his fervice : but
v/ith every ofiicer of any note, he was in-
timately acquainted. He made a regular
diflribution of his time : and, although he
facrificed to the pleafures of life, as v/ell as

to the pomp of ilate, in bufinefs he was

equally decifive and perfevering.

With regard to the perfon of Hyder-i\lly,

for every circumflance relating to fo diflin-

guiflied a charader becomes intereiling, he

was of a middling feature, inclining to cor-
pulency, his vifage quite black, the traits of
his countenance manly, bold, and expref-
five : and, as he looked himfelf with a
keen and piercing eye into every human
face
125 MEMOIRS OF THE
1780. face that approached him, fo he judged of
men very much from their phyfiognomyy
connecting in his imagination a bafhful,

timid, and wandering eye, with internal con-

fcioufnefs of guilty adions, or pravity of
intention ; but a bold and undaunted look,
on the other hand, with confeious innocence
and integrity.

With fuch qualities, and by iiich arts as

thefe, Hyder-Ally-Cawn raifed a fmail flate

into a powerful empire -, and converted into

a race of warriors, an obfcure, peaceable,
and timid people. By alluring to his flan-
dard military adventurers, of all nations
and tribes, but chiefly Europeans, when-
ever it was in his power, and by training
through their means his Myforean fubje(fls

to the ufe of arms. He extended his domi-

nions, which were bounded on the caft and
the fouth by the Carnatic, and the plains
of Combitore, and on the wefl and north,
by the Malabar regions, and the country of
Ghutta and Bednore, acrofs the peninfula
to the territories of Palnaud and Ganjam,
on
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 12/

on the coail of Coromandel, and, on the 17^0.

Malabar fea, as far north as Goa.

The population of Hyder's dominioriS

has not been calculated on any principles,
by which it could be afcertained with any
tolerable precifion. It is computed, that
he could raife an army of three hundred
thoufind men, and that his annual revenue
was not lefs than five millions of Britifh
pounds. Emboldened by internal profpe-

rity, as well as continued fuccelTes in the

field, Hyder ventured to encounter not only

the Marrattas, but the Englifli. His wars

with whom, though not fo produdive of ad-
vantage and triumph as his contefls with
other Indian powers of inferior confequence,
yet improved him in the art of war, and nou-
rifhed in his breafl a palTion for conqueft.

The court of France very naturally con-

fidering the year 1778 as a fit crifis for re-

covering their influence, and extending their

commerce in India, difpatched M. St. Lu-
bin, as has been already mentioned, on an
embaiTy to Hyder-Ally, with an offer of
the
f >S MEMO I ?. 5 C F T K ^

I-7SO. tlie alliance cf the French nation, and their

co-opers-tion with hiin agaiiiil the Engliih.
This Lubin was a perfon without ary
St.

viable fortune, who, by a long unffctded

reiideace m India, had acquired an uncom-
mon knowledge of the culloms, manners,
policy, trade, langtiages, iituations, and
dilpoiitions of the feveral powers of that
country, both native and European. From
the itation of a private foidier in the iiland
cf ^fauritius, by genius, adiiri ty, addrefs,

fluency of Ipeech, and a necelFary fhare of

sdTurance, he rofe to the confidence and fa-
vour of the French miniiler, M. de Sar-
tine, through whole influence he was dig-
nified with a military order, and in ve fled
with the ible diredion of two large tradin^^

£hips on the coaft of Malabar : a flution

'which afibrded a plaufible pretext for in-
tercourfe with Hyder ; the cilenfible obicft
of which was commerce.

The Chevalier carried out fome mer-

chandize ^dth him, as well to ferve for a
blind, as to fiipply immediate necelTaries.
But the bulk of his lading condfted in
arms
 LATE WAR I!: ASIA. 1
29

s.rms and ammunition of all kinds, proper 17SC.

both for the field and fortifications. In
one of his vefleh, named the Sartine, of
eight hundred tons, mounting thirty guns,
and which was more elegant, and had more
accommodations than any fliip, perhaps,
that was ever built, the Chevalier St. Lu-
bin frequently entertained Hyder-AUy,
fome of the principal Marratta Chiefs, and
certain Malabar Princes, in {late ; exhi-
biting, on thofe cccafions, the colours of
the Marrattas, and other povrerful nations in
India, provided for this purpofe in the city
of Bourdeaux.

The maflers of the Hiips under the di-

redion of St. Lubin had orders to pay im-
plicit obedience to all his commands.—
And fo much was this adventurer in the good
graces of Hyder, that this prince fometimes
difplayed the French fiag, m return to the
compliment of St. Lubin, on the walls of
Mangalore, his principal fortrefs. Hyder,
influenced by the reprefentations, and en-
couraged by the hopes of military fuccours
from the French, was not unwilling to avail
Vol. I. I himielf
130 MEMOIRS OF THE
1780. himfelf of the fcattered ftateof the Compa-
ny's troops, the redudion of the Nabob of
Arcot's army, and the impoverifhed fliate of
his finances and country, in order to gratify

his inveterate refentment againfl: the nabob,

revenge former hoftihties and infractions of

treaties, and recent injuries as well as ads
of contempt on the part of the Prefidency
of Madras *, But fliill there was room for

hefitation.

The Englifh government in India, in-

ftead of Ihrinking from the dangers of war,
had attacked the French among their other

enemies in that quarter, even before hofli-

lities, though announced, had adtually com-
menced in Europe. Chandernagore had
yielded to the Englifli arms in Bengal;
and Mahee on the coaft of Malabar ; Pon-
dicherry, notwithftanding the exertions

* In addition to the feizure of the Guntoor Circar, al-

ready mentioned, and the detaching of a force to\\ards
Adoni, the capital of Bajalet Jung, for the defence of thai

chief againft the refentment of his brother, the Nizani;

and Hyder-Ally, that force was diredled to inarch througi
a territory belonging to Hyder, although by a fmail cir-

cuit his country might have been entirely avoided.

 LATE WAR IN ASIA. I^I

of Mr. Bellecombe in the Carnatic. The 17 So,

fliips of the French were felzed, and their

fleet, under Monfieur de Tronjolly, put to
flight by the Britifli fquadron commanded
by Sir Edward Vernon *. The difgrace at
Worgaum

* On the 8th of Auguft, 1778, the Madras army, under

General Munro, encamped on the red hills, a league dif-
tant from the back of Pondicherry. On the morning of the
9th General Munro fummoned General Bellecombe to fur-

render the town and fortrefs of Pondicherry to the troops

which he commanded. Upon this, Monfieur Bellecombe
immediately fent orders to Monf. Tronjolly to \veigh,

and attack the Britifli fquadron, an order which was forth-

with obeyed with great alacrity. The Englifh fquadron,
confifting of five fail, including the Cormorant SloiDp of
War, appeared working up from the northward : that of

the French, confilting of an equal number of fhlps^ but

larger, having a fuperiority of thirty-fix gUns, and fevea
hundred men. Hood to the fouthward in order to preferve the
weather-gage, and anchored at the diftance of two leagues
from the fhore. An aftion commenced on the 10th, which
was continued, with great heat, for feventy-four minutes.
Three of the French fquadron, bawling their wind, ran to
the fouthward, full fifteen minutes before the aftion ceafed
between the capital fhips. After the whole French fquadron
had, with all their fails fet, quitted the field. Sir Edward
Vernon's fquadron remained fifteen minutes on the fpot
where they had engaged, as if deliberating whether to pur-
fue the enemy, or bear away in order to refit. They chofe

the latter alternative, liaving firll fpliced their cordage and

I 2 mended
132 MEMOIRS OF THE
1780. Worgaum had been effaced by fubfequent
fuccefles, and the Englifh name was yet an
objed of dread to moil nations in India.

In fuch circumftances as thefe, Hyder

Ally, whofe charaderiftical caution, it may
reafonably be prefumed, was not diminifhed

mended their fails. In this aSion there happened a very

remarkable incident : one broadfide from the Rippon,
pierced the hull of the BriiTon in thirteen places with heavy
metal.

It is a commonly received opinion, that the Englifh mode

of firing at the hull is the heft principle of conducting a

naval engagement. It is in order that this opinion may

be examined without prejudice, by our naval officers, that

this intelligence refpedling the engagement between Vernon

and TronjoU) , and particularly what follows, is inferted.

The French fquadron, flying to the windward, carried every

fail and rope with which they entered into aftion. The
Englifh kept the fea as viftors, but fo mauled in their

fails and rigging, that for a confiderable time, they were

unable to purfue, or even to fail before the wind. Had
only the quarter-deck, and fome of the upper guns been
levelled againfl the rigging of the enemy's Ihips in the ac-

tion, they could not have efcaped. This intelligence was

communicated, and obfervation made, by an Englifh gen-
tleman who happened to be a paflenger on board the Eriflbn,
a French fhip bound from Point L 'Orient to Pondicherry,

which had caft anchor in the road of Pondicherry when the

at^on above defcribed commenced.
by
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. I33

by his advancement was divided be- 178a.

in years,

tween doubt and inclination. But in this ftate

of mind he liflened with fond partiality and
pride to the conflant fuggeftions of his eldeft
fon Tippoo, into whofe breaft Hyder had
infpired an early love of glory, and hatred
of the Englilh. The ardour of this youth,
who had affumed the title of Warrior*,
re-adted with energy and with fuccefs on
the foil from whence it originally fprung,
and reftored the vigour of fading n-^ture,

Prudence was quickened by courage, and

courage was tempered with prudence.
Whether the quadruple alliance, mentioned
above, was iirfl propofed by Nizam-Ally-
Cawn, Soubah of the Deccan, as has been here
ftated, on that prince's own authority, or
that it originated, as has been affirmed by
others, in the court of Hyder- Ally; certain

it is, that a negotiation for that purpofe be-

gan to be carried on fo early as the liege of
Pondicherry. At this time it was general-
ly believed throughout India, that Hyder
meditated an attack on the Carnatic. But
that political warrior fufpended the execu*-

* Bahauder.
I tion
3
134 MEMOIRS OF THE
1780. tlon of his deiign until a treaty was framed
and ratined, by which, at the fame time
that he fhould invade the Carnatic, the
Nizam fhould attack the northern Circars ;

Moodajee Booflah, Bengal ; and the Mar-

rattas, commanded by Madajee Scindiah and
Tukajee Kolkar, continue the war againft
the Englilh.

In the month of May, 1779, an invafion

of the Carnatic was determined, and, at
Hyder's Durbar, became thefubjeA of com-
mon converfation. An army was affembled
in June, 1780, horfe and foot, to the num-
ber, as has been computed, of an hundred
thoufand. Hyder now made no fecret of
their deftination, but endeavouring to in-
fpire into his officers and foldiers the fame
vengeance which fired his own breaft, he
talked of the pride and the perfidy of the
Englifh, expatiated on the difienfions by
which they were torn, and the dangers with
which they were threatened, and vowed that
againft the next monfoon there fhould not
-be a white face in the Carnatic. Breath-
ing fuch fentiments, and ufing fuch expref-
fions
 I. ATE WAR IN ASIA. 135

fions as thefe, he moved onward, with his lygo.

; troops, to the Ghauts, or Pafies *, that

It is, perhaps, a lingular appearance, in the natural

hiftory of tlje wcrld, that the vail ridge of mountains,
which, extending from Cape Comcria to the Eaft-India
.Company's Northern Circars, feparate the Coromandel
coaft from that of Malabar, do not gradually culminate,
'^s they recede from the level of the ocean, but rife on ci-

ther coaft abruptly to their greateft height, and form a ftu-

pendous bafis to a vaft plain ftretching along their top.

They do not, like moft other ranges of hills, referable the

roof of one of our houfes, but rather that of an eafteni

palace; and form a natural terrace, undoubtedly the no-
bleft in the world. It is not here intended to fpeak with
geometrical exaflnefs. In that immenfe plain fupported by
the chain of mountains which divide Hindoflan, beautiful
eminences every wliere arife, covered' with Mango and
other trees, which are green all the year round : but ftill

thefe bear no proportion to the level fpace which they di-

verfify. On this plain, the Marrattas, the Myforeans, and

other nations, that may be, not improperly, termed the
Highlanders of Hindoftan, breed and train up their horfes.
In the northern countries of Europe, the foil is commonly
the more fertile the lower its utuation ; becaufe, in elevat-
ed fituations, the air becomes too cold for vegetation. But
in this climate, elevated fituation is rather favourable to
vegetation, at leaft to moft vegetable produftions : and the
plains here defcribed are for the moft part as fruitful and
verdant as any in the kingdom of Bengal. It is in thofe
high lands that we meet with the moft warlike tribes in In-
dia. Here, as in other countries, if we confine our ob-
fervations to the native powers, the Gods of the hills have
generally prevailed, in all contefts, over the Gods of the
plains.

I 4 open
1^6 MEMOIRSOF THE
1780. open a communication, on either hand, be-

tween the high lands that divide the penin-

fula of Hindoftan, and the Low Countries,

here and there indenting the hills on the

courfes of great rivers, and expanded and
united in vafh plains towards the ocean.
The boundaiy by which nature had mark-
ed the land, recalled to the mind of Hyder
all the dangers attending an expedition into
the country of fuch an enemy as the Eng-
lifli. He halted for feveral days, and held
frequent councils with his chiefs, or cawns
in which he deliberated whether he {liould

enter the Carnatic now, or wait till another

feafon, when he fhouid be ftrengthened by
additional forces from France. The chiefs

attempted to diffuade him from war at that

time, mixing with the conclufions of reafon;

many fentiments of fuperftition. But Tip-
poo Saib conflantly urged, in this military

fenate, the fpirit of the troops, the courage;

that animates offenfive operations, the ad-
vantages of furprize, the defencelefs ftate o
the Carnatic, the difficulties which th
Englifli would find in affembling their ar

my, the power of the Marrattas and theii

other
 LATE WAR IN ASIA, 1 37

Other allies, and the obligation of a facred 1780.

treaty. With regard to the fuccours pro-
mifed and expedied from France, that adt
vantage would, in all probability, be balan-
ced by fuccours fent from Great Britain to
the Englifli. That there was difficulty and
danger in the paths they were about to tread
he readily allowed ;
** But when," he afk-
ed, ** were they to wage war with their
" enemies if they avoided danger?" At
this fentiment, exprelTed by Tippoo with a
noble and fafcinating air, which touched
every heart, and transfufed his ardent zeal in-
to the minds of all who faw and heard him,
Hyder embraced his fon with tears of joy,
in the prefence of the whole alfembly. He
now ordered the laft letters which he had
received from his Vakeel at Madras to be
read aloud in the hearing of his chiefs and
principal officers, in which he confirmed,
with, many additional circumfliances, what
he had before reported : the difcordant icn^
timents that prevailed among the Engliih,
the rapacity of their difpofitions, the fdf-
iilmefs of their views, their unconcern about
the public welfare, their difregard to mili-

tary
1 3$ MEMOIRS F T H E '

1780. tary preparation, and their boafts that Hy-

der-Ally durft not lo much as meditate an
invafion of the Carnatic. All were unani-
mous that the troops (hould proceed ; and,
accordingly, this vail body poured down into
the Carnatic about the middle of July, 1780.
After laying wafte the open country, plun-
dering fcveral towns, among which were
Conjev^eram and Porto Novo, and reducing
feveral forts without reiillance, he laid liege

to the town and fortrefs of Arcot.

The Britilli fubjetfls in Madras, as well as the

reft of their countrymen in India, had long
waited in anxious fufpenfe for the approach
of that ftorm which had broken on the
heads of their countrymen in America and in
Europe; and the man whom they had def-
tined in their imaginations to direft the firfl

efforts of its fury, was Ilyder-Ally. But

week having elapfed after week, and month
after month, without any appearance of
hoftilities, a fupine liftlefTnefs and uncon-
cern appeared to have fallen on all orders of
men, even thofe not excepted whofe office

it was to be vigilant for the public fafety :

when.
 LATE WAR IN ASIA, 2
39

when, on Sunday the 24th of July, 1780, 1780,

late in the evening, an alarm was given

throughout Choultry Plain, that Hyder-

Ally's horfe were at the Mount *. AlmoU
all the families in the fuburbs and neigh-
bourhood of Madras moved that night into
the fort ; and, in the courfe of a few days,
not an houfe was inhabited beyond the
Ifland, Government Garden-
except the
houfe, which the Governor gave up to the
General, who had it guarded by two field-

pieces, v/ith artillery,

. and a company of
Sepoys. Frefli alarms were received every
day, and although the Governor, as well as
others, endeavoured to conceal the intelli-

gence by which thefe had been occalioned,

the public had good ground of apprehen-
fion ; which was not a little heightened by
the fupinenefs of the Governor, and the in-
difference and contempt which was enter-
tained by thofe in power, of Hyder, and all

his The burning of all the villages

army. .

between the Mount and Madras, and the

* An hill, on the fummit of which {lands a Portugueze

church, about nine miles from Madras.

de-
140 MEMOIRS OF THE
1780. depredations committed at St. Thomas, did
not excite thofe public exertions which
men, anxious for the prefervation of all
that is dear to them naturally expelled.
It was the fafhion to treat the name of
Hyder with fcorn j and many affedted to
look on thofe parties of horfe as mere ban-
ditti.

In the mean time, Hyder- Ally- Cawn,

at the head of about one hundred thoufand
men, having entered the Carnatic and re-
duced feveral inferior forts, had begun to lay
fiege to that which was not only the ca-
pital of the province juft mentioned, but
one of the moft convenient pofts that could
be imagined for carrying on various military
operations againfl the Englifh.

The troops which the Prefidency of

Madras had to oppofe to this force, which
did not amount to fix thoufand, happen-
ed, at this critical jundure, to be diflribut-
ed in the following manner : —At Fort St.
George, one regiment of Europeans, two
battalions of Sepoys, and one company of
markfmen ;
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 141

markfmenj at the Mount, the artillery, 1780.

commanded by Colonel James, confifting

of three hundred and fifty men with offi-

cers, forty-two field-pieces, five cohorns,

and four battering cannon: in the fort of
Poonah-Mallee, his Majefty's 73d regiment
of foot, nearly feven hundred flrong, under
the command of Lord Macleod : at Pondi-
cherry, under the command of Colonel
Braithwaite, one regiment of Europeans,
and one of native cavalry, four battalions of
Sepoys, and ten field pieces : under Colonel
Baillie to the northward at Ell ore, two com-
panies of European infantry, three batta-
lions and fix companies of Sepoys, with ten
field-pieces ; and a detachment command-
ed by Colonel Coiby towards the fouth,
confining of five hundred cavalry, and
fifteen hundred Sepoys with four field-

pieces.

The artillery, with a detachment fi'om

Madras of one company of European grena-
diers, and one battalion of Sepoys, one com-
pany of markfmen, were ordered to join the

troops at Poonah-Mallee,. and an encamp-

ment
I42 M E M 6 I R S O F T HE

1780. ment to be formed there, under the com-

mand of Lord Macleod. Thefe troops
were then ordered to march to St. Tho-
mas's Mount, and there to be joined by the
detachment under Colonel Braithwaite.
The drawn together at the Mount,
forces

and compofmg the main army, were to be

put under the command of General Sir
Hedor Monro, and to march to . Conjeve-
ram, where they were to be joined by the
detachments under tlie orders of Colonels
Baillie and Colby.

In purfuance of this plan. Sir Hedlor

Monro, being informed that Lord Macleod
had reached the Mount with the troops
under his command, and that Colonel
Braithwaite had arrived with his detach-
ment from Pondicherry, fent an exprefs to
Colonel Baillie, at this time at Gamero-
ponda, about twenty- eight miles N. N. W.
of Madras, to proceed from thence diredlly

to Conjeveram, and not to the Mount as

was at firil intended ; and, on the 25th of

Auguft, in the afternoon, accompanied by
Mr. Whitehill, the Governor, Mr. David-
fon.
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. I43

fon, a member of the Council of Madras, 1780,

and the fecond fon of the Nabob of Arcot,

joined the army, which was ordered to
march towards Conjeveram at two the next

morning.

But when the troops were under march-

ing orders, the fir ft regiment of cavahy pe-
remptorily refufed to move without money.
On this, Captain Dugald Campbell receiv-
ed, for the payment of this regiment, two
bonds from the Seled; Committee, one pay-,

able in one month, and the other in two.

But thefe written obligations did not fatisfy

a body of men, who, at the time they w^ere

about to rifque their lives in the public fer-

vice, had, many of them, large families,

which they muft leave behind them unpro-

vided with the neceliaries of life, and who
were not lefs than fourteen months in ar-
rear. They demanded fom.e ready mo-
ney, with intimation that they would not
march without it. The iirll: regiment of
cavalry, therefore, with the exception of the

commiiPioned and non-commiirioned na-

tive
I ^.«
^
- M E xM O I R S OF THE
1780. tive officers, were made prifoners, and fent
under a guard to Madras.

The main army, then, confifling of fif-

teen hundred Europeans, and four thoufand

two hundred Sepoys, with the train of ar-

tillery already fpecified, proceeded from the
Mount towards Conjevcram, early in the
morning of the 26th of Augufl:.

In this march, two hundred men belong-

ing to his Majefty's feventy-third regiment

of foot, overcome by fatigue and the heat

of the day, were left lying on the road. On
the arrival of our men at Conjeveram, on the
29th, we found the whole town in flames,

which had been raifed before our arrival

by the enemy's cavalry, great bodies of
which, advancing towards the town ftill

appeared on both their flanks. It was a fe-

vere mortification to the whole of our lit-

tle army, to find no appearance, at this

place, of Colonel Baillie's detachment from

the northward, which, as afterwards ap-
peared, had been detained on the northern
banks
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. I45

banks of a fmall river, by an accidental fall 1780.

of heavy rains. In this incident we have a
mofi: remarkable proof and example of the
danger of procraftination, and on what mi-
nute eircumftances and fudderi fprings of
the mind, the fortune and the general ilTue
of war may depend. Had Colonel Baillie
paiTed over the TripaiTore, without halting,
as fome advifed, and encamped on its

fouthern, inftead of its northern banks, the

difafter that foon followed would have been
prevented, and an order of affairs, wholly
different from that which in fad took place,
would have fucceeded.

Hyder-Ally, informed of the movements

of the Englilh army, raifed the fiege of Ar-
cot, marched towards Conjeveram, in the
neighbourhood of which he encamped, and,
in the courfe of feveral days, at different
times offered battle.

On the 6th of September, he detached

the flower of his army under the command
of his fon Tippoo, a manoeuvre thr.t did not
efcape the obfervation of the Englifli army.
Vol. I. K to
146 MEMOIRS OF THE
1780. to cut off the detachment under Colonel
Baillie, who v/as now encamped at Peram-
baukum, a fmall village, dlflant from the
main army about fifteen miles, remaining
himfelf in the neighbourhood of Conjeve-
ram, in order to watch the motions of Sir

Hed:or Munro. The detachment under

Tippoo confifted of thirty thoufand liorfe,

eight thoufand foot, and twelve pieces of

artillery.

About ten in the morning a general can-

nonade v/as heard from the quarter of Co-
lonel Baillie's encampment, which left not
a doubt that the Colonel's detachment v»-as

attacked by Tippoo Saib. Upon this, the

General inftantly ordered the troops under
arms, and marched them on the Perambau-
kum road, about two miles to the north-
ward of the Conjeveram Pagodas. In the
mean time. Colonel Baillie, with his ufual
•

bravery, repulfed the numerous body that

had been fent againd him for feveral times,
in an adion that lafted for feveral hour'
with very great flaughter. They flill, how-
ever, hung upon his party, with an evident
intention
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 1 47

intention to renew their attacks whenever 1780.

they fliould find a favourable opportunity :

Co that he judged it neceffary to advife the

General of his fituation, and to inform him

that he had been fo harraffed, and was flill

{o clofely prelTed by the enemy, and fo much

in want of provifions and ammunition, as
to have doubts of his being able to effect a

jun(5lion.

Sir Hedtor Munro, having received this.

intelligence on the 6th inftant, ordered, on

the 8th, the following detachment to the
relief of Colonel Baillie, under the com-
mand of Lieutenant- Colonel Fletcher One :

grenadier company, commanded by Lieute-

nant Lindfey ; one company of light infan-
try, by Captain Baird of the 73d regiment ;

tVN^o European companies of grenadiers, the

one commanded by Captain Philhps, the
other by Captain Ferrieri the native markf-
men, amounting to the number of fixty,

under Lieutenant Muat ; five companies of

Sepoy grenadiers, under Captain Rumley^
and five under Captain Gowdie; and nine ca-
mels laden v/ith ammunition, together with
K 2 the
1^.S MEMOIRS OF THE
1780. the doolies of the army. At half pall eight
in the afternoon, this detachment, leaving
the grand army, proceeded on their defti-
nation. On the 9th, at one o'clock in the
morning, they halted for half an hour in
order to rcfrefli the men with a dram and
bifcuit.

At this time they were informed by the

Hircarrah, or meflenger, who had come
from Colonel Baillie, that fome of Tippoo
Saib's parties were not at a greater diftance
from them than from two to three miles.

The gallant Colonel Fletcher, who, to the

utmofl perfonal intrepidity added the found-

eft judgment, and quick, as well as profound
difcernment and penetration, could not help
exprefiing a dciire of making a diverlion in
favour of Colonel Baillie on that quarter :

but his orders were fo pointed, that he could

not deviate from them.

And here it is natural to refied: on the

inconveniences that frequently attend precife
and peremptory orders, in the complicated
and fiuduating fcenes of military operation.
Con-
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 1 49

Conjunctures may arife in which the tranf- 1780.

grefiion of orders may lead to certain fuccefs
and vid:ory, and in which a rigid adherence to
them, on the other hand, Vv-ould invoh'e cer-

tain defeat and ruin. Kence the great advan-

tage of perfect concord and confidence among
the principal officers of an army, and the pro-
priety of allowing to the leaders of parties a la-

titude of adting according to circumftances ^'.

* In the Introdudlion to Cunningham's Hiftory of

Great Britain lately publiihed, which abounds with new
and curious anecdotes, we meet with the following. In
the hattle of Malplaquct, Colonel James Campbell,
Lieutenent to the Earl of Stajr, fignalized his valour in
fight of both the armies ; for while the vi£lory was yet
doubtful, he rufhed with great fury againft the enemy
with a party of his men, and cutting all before him, opened
a way through the midll of the enemy, and returned by the
fame way to his friends. The fucccfsful bravery of this

youth, encouraged the confederates, dilheartened the enemy,

and contributed not a little to turn the whole fortune of the

day. Whether through envy, or from whatever caufe, the

bravery of Campbell was, by fome of our officers, made an
objedl of cenfure. Prince Eugene, who greatly admired

fo gallant an aftion, and who conceived that a juncture

might exift in which tranfgreffion of rules might be jufti-

fied by emergencies, thought it not fufficient that Lieu-

tenant-Colonel Campbell fliould pafs uncenfured, but return-
ed him his thanks for exceeding his orders, on the dny af-
ter the battle in the face of the army. This was General
Sir James Campbell, who loft his life, in an advanced age,
commanding the Brltifh horfe at Fontcnoy. ,

K 7 After
1 50 MEMOIRS OF THE
ijrSo. After the adion of the 6th inftant, in
which the lofs fuftained fell prencipally on
Hyder's beft troops, moil of his officers ad-
vifed him to retreat, as they feared the ad-

vance of the main body of the Englifh, —

But Hyder, who had exad: and conftant in-
teUigence of every thing that was done in
the EngUfh camp, determined to purfue

ofFeniive meafures. He knev/ the hour that

Colonel Fletcher was to march, for the
reinforcement of Colonel Bailiie, the ftrength
of his forces, and that he had no cannon.
He made a moft maflerly movement, and
muft inevitably have intercepted Colonel
Fletcher's detachment, had not Fletcher,
fufpe,6ling his hircarrah, changed his route,
and taken a fweep to the right, by which
he joined Colonel Bailiie without oppo-
fition.

On the news of this jun(ftion. Count

Lally, who commanded Hyder's artillery,

went to him, and ftrenuoufly advifed him

to retreat, and crofs the Polaar, I'eprefenting"
the inveitable deftrudiion in which his army
mufl be involved by a contrary condu(5l.

Hvde^:
 LATE WAR" IN ASIA. I5I

Hyder liftened to the arguments of (he 1780.

Count, and appeared to approve of the
meafure he had propofed, when two hircar-

rahs came in from Conjeveram, and aflured

him not only that our army was ftiil there,

but that they were not making any prepara-

tions to move. This appeared fo extraordi-

nary to Lally that he fufpedted they were

betrayed by their hircarrahs, and ftill urged
the neceflity of retreating with the infantry,
and carrying off his guns. But Hyder,
who depended on his information, ordering
a body of irregular cavalry to amufe our
army at Conjeveram, determined to advance
and attack Colonel Baillie.

Colonel Fletcher's detachment joined Co-

lonel Baillie on the 9th of September, at half

an hour paft fix in the morning. The junc-

tion of thefe forces infpired the whole with
frefh fpirits . After the parade in the evening.
Colonel Baillie, having previoufly directed
that all orders given by Colonel Fletcher
fhould be obeyed without hefitation, gave or-
ders for the whole troops under his command
to be in readinefs to march. Accordingly, be-
K4 tweeri
152 MEMOIRS OF THE
1780. tween eight and nine o'clock in the evening,
our men marched off toward the left, by the
way of Subdeverimi, the bag£;age being dif-
pofed on the left flank. Colonel Fletcher's
detachment was difperfed in different ^arts of
the line. From the moment they beg^n to
march, the enemy played off their rockets,

\yhich, froin the vigilance of our flanking

parties, did but litttle execution.

Nothing of any confequence happened

until a little after ten o'clock at night, \^ hen
feveral guns were obferved opening on our
rear. Captain Powell, who commanded
the rear-guard, immediately unlimbered his
guns, and informed Colonel Bailiie of what
had happened. The line was inftantly or-

dered to countermarch, the baggage and

doolies pafling through the intervals. After
countermarching a few hundred yards, the
line was formed with its front towards
Peram.baukum. The enemy kept up an
inceffant fire, though without any great ef-

fedl ; and, and as they did not difcover an

inclination to advance. Colonel Baillie or-
dered the troops to face to the right, and
march
 LATE WAR'IN ASIA. I53

march into an avenue, the fame road they 1780.

had pafTed but a few minutes before. The

whole line being now formed in this avenue,

a general halt took place. In the mean time,

theenemy kept up an inceflant cannonade,
which did great execution. This obliged
Colonel Baillie to detach Captain Rumley
with five companies of Sepoy grenadiers to
florm their guns. There is not a doubt
but this party would have accomplifhed the
important fervice on which they were fent,
had not a water-courfe which happened at
that time to be unfordable, obliged them,
about half paft eleven o'clock, to return to
the line. By the time that Captain Rum-
ley returned, the enemy's guns were heard
drawing off towards our front, and a gene-
ral alarm throughout their camp, owing, as
v/as fuppcfed, to their having received intel-
ligence of the party that had been fent to
ftorm their guns. From their noife, con-
fuiion, and irregular firing, one would have
imagined that a detachmxnt of our men had
fallen upon them with fixed bayonets. At
that critical moment, had a party of grena-
diers been fent againft them, they would
have
I j^ MEMOIRS OF THE
1780. ^^^'^'^ routed without ditBculty the whole of
Tippoo's'army. Having, about ten o'clock
in the evening, advanced a few hundred
yards in the avenue, the detachment remain-
ed there in perfed: fiicnce until the morninp.

Colonel Fletcher, being afked by fome

officers why Colonel Baillie halted, modeftly
anfwered, that Colonel Baillie was an officer
of eftablifhed reputation, and that he no
doubt had reafons for his condud. It cannot
however be concealed, that this halt afford-

ed an opportunity to Tippoo Saib of draw-

ing off his cannon to a very flrong poft, by
which the- Englifh were obliged to pafs,
and at the lame time of informing Hyder
of their fituation, and fuggefting to him
the expediency of advancing for im- the
provement of fo favourable a conjundure.

.
On the I oth of September, at five o'clock
in the morning, our little army marched off
by the right, in fubdivifions, having their
t>aggage on their right flank, and the enem.y
on their left. A few minutes after fix, two
guns opened on their rear, on which the line

halted
 LATE WAR IN ASIAI 155

halted a few minutes. Large bodies of the 17804

enemy's cavalry now appeared on their right

flank, and juft at the moment wlicn the

pagoda at Conjeveram appeared in view, and
our men had begun to indulge the pleafmg
hope of a refpite from their toils and dangers,
and a focial refrefhment in the company of
their friends, a rocket-boy> was taken prifon-

er, who informed them that Hyder's whole

army was marching to the afilftance of
Tippoo. Four guns now opened on their left
flank with great eifed;. So hot was the fire

they fufliained, and fo heavy the lofs, that Co-

lonel Baiilie ordered the whole line to quit

the avenue, and prefent a front to the enemy,

and at the fame time difpatched Captain
Rumley with ten companies of Sepoy gre-

nadiers to fl:orm the enemy's guns. Colo-

nel Fletcher being made acquainted with
this order, judged it neceflary to have a

party to fupport Captain Rumley, and im-

mediately defired Captain Lucas, with his
battalion, to g-o on that fervice ; but this
order, being thought improper, was coun-
termanded by Colonel Baiilie.

Within
I r6f MEMOIRS OF THE
1780. Within a few minutes after Captain Rum-
ley had left the line, Tippoo's gUj^ns, by his
appearance, not lefs than by the firing of
our artillery, were filenced. Rumley's little

detachment immediately took poiTeffion of

four of the enemy's guns, and compleatly
routed the party attached to them. Cap-
tain Rumley, overcome with the exertions
he had made, and unable, from bodily fa~

tigue, to carry into effe(5l the ardent refolu-

tion of his mind, ordered Captain Gowdie,
the officer next in command, to lead on the
party, and take poiTeiTion of feme more
guns, placed a few hundred yards in their
iront. But as they were advancing for this
end, not many minutes after Captain Gow -

die had been inveiled with the command,

a fudden cry was overheard among the
Sepoys, of Horfe, Horfc ! The camp fol-

lowers, whofc numbers were nearly five to

one of the troops under arms, were driven
on a part of our line, by the numerous and
furrounding forces of Hyder-Ally, who, be-
ing informed of the embarraffing fituation
of Colonel Baillie, had left his cam with-
out flrjking his tents, with a view to con--
ceal
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 1 57

ceal his march from the Englifli. A great 1780,

confulion kmong our troops was the una-
voidable confequence of this unexpected un-
fet. The Europeans were fuddenly left on
the field of adlion alone : and, at that criti-
cal moment, a detachment from the advan-
ced guard of Hyder's army prefTed on with
great celerity, between our line and Captain
Rumley's party. The commanding officer,

apprehenlive of being cut oiF fi-om our little

army, judged it moft prudent to retreat.

Colonel Baiilie, when he was informed

that animmenfe body of horfe and infantry
was marching towards him, and that this
was fupnofed to be Hyder's m.ain army,
faid, ** Very well ! Vv^e fliall be prepared to
" receive them." Hyder's whole forces
now appeared inconteftibly in view 5 and
this barbarian chief, who, as was obferved
hy the Roman General, of Pyrrhus, had no-
thing barbarous in his difcipline, after di-

viding his guns agreeably to a preconcerted

plan, opened from fixty to feventy pieces of
cannon, with an innumerable quantity of
rockets,

Hyder's
1^8 MEMOIRS OF THE
1780. Hyder's numerous cavalry, fupported by
his regular infantry and European corps,
driven on by threats, encouraged by pro-
mifes, and led on by his moft diftinguifhed
officers, bore on our little army on different

quarters without making the leaft impref-r

fion. Our men, both Europeans and Se-

poys, repeatedly prefented and recovered
their fire arms, as if they had been ma-
noeuvring on a parade. The enemy w^as

repulfed in every attack.Numbers of their

beil cavalry were killed, and many more

were wounded. Even their infantry were

forced to give way and Hyder began to
;

think of a retreat. A nlovement which

Colonel Baillie made to the right, evidently
{hewing that he meant to attack the enemy's
artillery, rendered Hyder flill more appre-
henfive of the ifTue of the battle. He con-
fulted Lally, who told him that a retreat
was then too late, that the Englifh army
from Conjeveram was. probably advancing
in his rear, and that nothing remained but
to endeavour, by their artillery and cavalry,
to break the detachment.

Tippoo
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 1 59

Tfppoo Saib had by this time colleded 1780.

his party together, and renewed the can-
nonade. And, at the fame time that our
men were under the neceflity of fuflaining
the preifare of both the father and the fon,
two of their tumbrils wbre blown up by
Hyder's guns, and made a large opening in
both lines : they had now no other ammu-
nition than grape : their guns difcontinued
firing, and, in this dreadful fituation, un-
der a terrible fire, not only of guns but roc-
kets, lofing great numbers of oiHcers and
men, they remained from half pall {even
till nine o'clock.

Hyder, perceiving that their guns were

entirely filenced, came with his whole army
round their right flank. The cavalry char-
ged them in diftind; columns, and, in the
intervals between thefe, the infantry poured
in vollies of muiketry, with dreadful effesft.

Mhiar 3iib with the Mogul and Sanoor

cavarly made the firft imprefiion. Thefe
were followed by the elephants and the
Myforean cavalry, which completed the
overthrow of the detachment. Colonel
Baillie,
l6o MEMOIRSOFTHE
1780. Baillie, though grievouOy wounded, rallied
the Europeans, and once more formed therti

into a fquare. With this handful of men,

he gained an eminence, a fmall riling

ground on the plain, ^vhere, without amu-

nition, and moft of his people wounded, he
refilled and repulfed thirteen feparate at-

tacks ; but frefh bodies of cavalry continu-

ally pouring in, they were broken, with-
out giving way. Many of our men, defpe-
rately wounded, raifing themfelves from
the ground, received the enemy on their

bayonets.

Captain Lucas's battalion of Sepoys, at

the time when our men moved up to a

rifing ground, was ftationed to the right of

the European grenadiers, but that corps,
feeing the Europeans in motion, and mif-
underftanding, perhaps, this evolution for
a retreat, broke in the greateft confufion.
The Europeans, bravely fuftaining their re-
putation for intrepid valour, remained in
this extremity ^of diftrefs, fleady and un-
daunted, although furrounded by the

French troops, and by Hyder's cavalry, to

the
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 1 6/

the number of forty thouiand. They even 1780^

exprefTed a dehrCj although their numbers did
not exceed four hundred, of being led on to
the attack. A party of Topaffes, who lay
at the dilliance of about thirty yards in cur
front, kept up an inceliant fire of fmall arms/
with great effecft. Many attcmps were
made by. the enemy's cavalry to break this
fmall body of men, but, by the fteady cony
dud; of both our officers and men, they
were repulfed.

Colonel Eaillie, finding now that there

was no profped: of being relieved by Gene-
ral Monro, held up a flag of truce to one

of the chiefs of Hyder's army. But this

was treated with contempt, and the Surdar
at the fame time endeavoured to cat oiFthe
Colonel. The reafon the enemy ailigned
for this, was, that the Sepoys had. fired
^fter the fignal was hoiiled. A few mi-
nutes after this, our micn received orders to
lay dawn their arms, with intimation that
quarter Vv'ould be given. This order v/as
fcarcely complied with, v/hen the enemy
upon them
ru filed in the mofl favage and
Vol. I. L brutal
l62 MEMOIRS OF THE
1780. brutal manner, fparing neither age nor in-
fancy, nor any condition of life ; and, but

for the humane interpofition of the French

commanders, Lally and Pimoran, who im-
plored and in fi fled with the conqueror to
Ihew mercy, the gallant remains of our little

army mufl have fallen a lacriiice to that

favage thirft of blood with which the ty-

rant difgraced his vidory.

Hyder, after the a(5Lion, as he was appre-

henfive of being purfued by Sir Hedor Mon-
ro, leaving many of his wounded men on the
field of battle, retreated to a place called the
RoundWells, wherehehad before encamped.
Having heard, on his arrival at this place,
of the retreat of our army towards Chingli-
put, he difpatched his cavalry in purfuit.

They returned next day loaded with plun-

der, and with many prifoners, moil of them
grievouily wounded. Among thefe was
Colonel Bail lie, the unfortunate commander
of our gallant little army, ftrlpped of his
clothes, and wounded in three places.
Hyder, intoxicated with fuccefs, exulted
over the Colonel, in terms which our coun-
tryman
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 163

tryman retorted, with fuch fpirit and con- 1780.

tempt, that Colonel Aflan, a French officer
in the fervice of the barbarian, who witneff-
cd this fcene, and who declared this with

other particulars relative to the courfe and

the ilTue of the battle to the Portugueze
Governor of Goa, was apprehenlive that
the infolent conqueror would have been
provoked to an ad: of fatal barbarity.—
An European officer in Hyder's fervice,

of the name of Elliot, fuffered ftripes, by

his orders, in the Durbar, for carrying fome
neceffaries to Colonel Baillie; and all our
officers, ^
as well as men, were treated with
great cruelty. — But a very minute account
of the imprifonment and fufferings of what
remained of Colonel Baillie's detachment,
has been communicated by the fame officer,
from v^hom the compiler of thefe Memoirs
received the greatefl part of that information
which has been here detailed, concerning
the adion near Conjeveram.

. While Colonel Baillie, reinforced by the

troops fent to his aid under the command of
Colonel Fletcher, ftruggled with the over-
VoL. I, L z bearing
164 MEMOIRS OF TtlE

•1780. bearing force of fuperior numbers and ad-

verfe fortune, the efforts madethat were

for fupporting him by the Britifh command^

er in chief on thecoaft of Coromandel were
as follow. On the 9th of September, at
night, a fmart cannonade having commen-
ced, which was difcovered from an hillock
on the left of our line, the guns were or-
dered from the piquet, and the tents to be
flruck, as it was determined to march with-
out lofs of time to the relief of Colonel
Baillie. But the cannonade having ceafed
about twelve, the troops were ordered to
refh on their arms till further orders. In
this pofture they continued till day-light,
when they began to march towards Peram^
baukum a detachment of the enemy, that
;

had lain in watch for their moving, follow-

ing them on their left flank.

Our army continued their march until

it was near noon, when fome wounded Se-
poys, brought in by our ilanking parties,
informed the General of the dreadful over-
throw and fate of our unfortunate little ar-
my. Immediately on this intelligence, the

main army, reverfing the line of their march,

returned
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 1
65

returned on their ilieps tov/ards Conjeve- 1780.

mm, diftrefs painted in every countenance
for all agreed in their report of the utter
deilruction of the detachment, and that no
quarter was fli'ewn. The army, during the
whole courfe of their march on that morn-
ing, faw no appearance by which thele fad
tidings might, in any degree, be filiified.

It was fix o'clock in the evening when they

.flacked their arms in the village of Conje-
veram ; and about this time, more Sepoys
and drummers came into the camp, all con-
firming the reports that had been made of
the fuccefs and the unrelenting fury of the
enemy.

The General now o?ave orders for de-

ftroying his four cannon, being twenty-four

pounders, and a great quantit) of am-muni-
tion, as there was not any conveniency for

carrying it. At two o'clock, on the i ith,

in the morning, our army moved on with-

out beat of drum, towards Chingliput,
where they grounded their arms on the
•

glacis, about break of day, on Tuefday the

J 2th of September. The enemy crouded,
L 3
around
1 66 M E M O I R S O F T H E

1780. around them, as they purfucd their march,

in great numbers, but without making any
attack.

Colonel Cofoy, juft as he was about to

make a forced march to Conjeveram, for-

tunatelymet with one of the fugitive Se-
poys from Colonel Baillie's camp, and, after
having been not a little harraffed in his route,

arrived fafely at Chingliput, v/ithin twenty-

four hours after the General.

On Wednefday, the 13th, at fix o'clock

in the morning, our troops began to march

from Chingliput, and after being annoyed
all the way by the enemy's horfe, arrived
about one o'clock in the morning, on
Thurfday the 14th, at the Mount.

The retreat of our army to Madras, fill-

ed the whole inhabitants at once with for-

row for their wounded or flaughtered friends,
and anxiety for their own fafety. The
more timid were eager to find opportunities
of returning, with as much of their fub-
Hance as poffible, to Europe, while thofc;

ofJ
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 167

of greater courage caft their eyes to Bengal, 1780.

looking with folicitudc for fuccour from that
'rich and extenfive province. There was
not an inhabitant in the Prefidency of Ma-
dras that did not wear mourning. Civi-
Hans and foldiers united in their murmurs
againfl certain perfons, to whofe egregious
negligence and infatuation they afcribed the
calamities that had overtaken the Britiili in

India; in paying the tribute of praife to the

memory of Colonel Fletcher, and the brave
officers and men who fell with him in the

unequal conteft; in doing juilice to the

bravery of Colonel Baiilie and his fellow
prifoners ; and in applauding 'the councils
and iirmnefs of Lord Macleod, who had ad-
vifed the General to form a junction of the
troops at the Mount, and afterwards folicit-
ed him in the flrongeft manner to move to
the relief of Colonel Baiilie with the whole
army.

-So great v/as the panic that had flruck all

orders of men in the Prelidency of Madras,

on this mournful occafion, that if Ilyder
had immediately purfued and improved his
L 4 vidory.
l68 MliMOIRS OF THE
1780. vidory, the joth of September might have
proved the mod unfortunate in the annals
of Britain. Nor would the calamities with
which that day feemed pregnant have been
long averted by the caution of Hyder-Ally
at that important criiis, if the towering ge-
nius of one man had not, in this precipice
of fortune, prefented an intrepid front to
the enemy, and nobly dared to revive the
fpirits of his countrymen, by attacking in-
ftead of fleeing from the conqueror.

The Prelidency of Madras, as foon as

they received intelligence of the difafter of
our army, made a requifition to the Su-
preme Council in Bengal, of a reinforce-
ment fuitable to the exigency of their af-
fairs. This requifition was accompanied
by advice, that a confiderable French fleet,

with land-forces on board, were on their

way to That fuccours fhould be
India.
fent to Madras to a certain amount was

readily agreed on by the whole Council :

but concerning the quantity of thefe, as

v/ell as the time of fending them, there

were different opinions. Mr. Francis,
deeply
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 169

deeply imprefied with the unexampled dif- 1780.

after v/hich had befallen our arms, and the
progrefs of Hyder in the Carnatic, was
alarmed for the {?Scty of Bengal itlcif, the
centre and feat of the Britifli government in
Alia. As in an animal body, under the in-
fluence of terror, the blood naturally runs
inward to fortify the heart, leaving the ex-
tremities pale and trembling; the main ex-
ertions of government, if guided by the
counfels of that gentleman, would have
been confined to Bengal, which would
have become the feat of v/ar, and the other
poffellions of the Company in India left,

almoft wholly, to their own refources.—

The courage of the Governor-General, and
other members of the Supreme Council,
repelled the vital fluid from the centre to the
mofl: difl:ant movements, and prcfervcd and
fufl:ained the unity of the fyfliem. Mr. Haf-
ings, kept a flieady eye on every part of our
eallern empire, and, with an out-irretched
arm and liberal hand, carried relief to the
difl:refled. By invading the dominions of
our enemies, he drove the battle from our
gates, deprived them of their refources for

carrying
I JO' MEMOIRS OF THE
J780. carrying on the war, and infufed frelh Spi-

rits into the whole of the troops. Sepoys as

well as Europeans, in our fervice. It was

determined in the Supreme Council to at-
tack our combined foes in every quarter :

in the eaft, in the weft, in the north ; on

the coafi: of Coromandel, on that of Mala -
bar, and in the province of Malva.

The Governor- General, in the iirfl coun-

cil that was held after the difafter near Con-
jeveram, propofed that Sir Eyre Coote Ihould
be requelled to take the command of the
fouthern army at Madras 5 that a reinforce-

ment of Europeans iliould be fcnt thither

by fea, with a fupply of fifteen lacks of ru-

pees 5 that a large detachment of Sepoys

ihould be formed in order to march, as foon

as the feafon (liould permit, into the Car-

natic ; that an offer of peace, on reafonable

terms, Ihould be made to the Marrattas,

but if this fliould be rejedfed, that the war

againft them ihould be profecuted with vi-

gour. The advanced feafon of the year

rendered an embarkation of troops both dif-
ficult and dangerous j and the expences to be
incurred
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. IJl

incurred by Bengal, for the fafety of Ma- 1780,

dras, were uncommonly great. But there
areconjundures in which extraordinary ex-
pences are abfolutely neceiTary, and \vhen
great dangers mufl be hazarded. The Su-
preme Council, therefore, notwithftanding
the oppofition of Mr. Francis to the embar-
kation of the troops, and to any fapply be-
yond the amount of feven lacks of rupees,
fupported the motion that had been made
by the Governor- General. And Sir Eyre
Coote, with fix hundred and forty Europe-
ans, fifteen lacks of rupees, and a large fup-
ply of provifions, arrived at Madras on the
^th of November,

Hyder-Ally, on the retreat of our army

to Madras, refumed the fiege of Arcot,
which yielded to his arms on the lall day of
October. Many other pofts offlrength fell

into his hands without refinance. He

was now proclaimed Nabob of the Carna-
tic *, and exercifed in fa6t all the preroga-

tives of fovereign power. From policy,

* Others affirm, that it was Tippoo Saib vvho was pro-

claimed.
not
\J^
MEMOIRS OF THE
1780. not lefs than the natural infolence of prof-
perity, he was at pains to cherifh among
his officers the pride of vidlory. He boaiied
that he would prevent the Englifh army
from moving from the Mount, and that, in
the courfe of a month, when he w^ould be
joined by three thoufand French troops,
from the iflands of Mauritius and Bourbon,
he would commence the fie^e of Fort St.

George. Mean-while, his numerous ca-

valry over-ran and ravaged the country. —
Numbers of inoffenfive and unreliftin^r

people were facrificed to a favage thirfl of

blood : fome were cruelly tortured that they
might be induced to give up treafures they
were fuppofed to conceal ; others were
wantonly mutilated, and at this day, many
wretched men, without their hands, or
ears, or nofcs, record the inhumanity of a
barbarous conqueror. Women were fub-
jedcd to the brutality of luft, or forced to

fave their honour by the forfeit of their live?;

a ranfom which fome had the fortitude to

pay. The mother of two beautiful young
ladies of Arcot, rather then confent to their
degradation in the Haram of the Sultan,
emanci-
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. ^7%

emancipated them, with their own confent, 1780,

as well as herfelf, from the infalts of the
enemy, by means of poifon. Thoufands
of boys and girls of difFerent cafles and.
different religions, were carried into cap-
tivity, in order to people the Myforean
dominions of the conqueror. A new vil-
lage was built on this occafion, for their re-

ception; they were placed on an equal foot-

ing, and enjoyed equal privileges with the
natives; and were inflruded by maflers,
many of whom were themfelves captives,
in divers manufad:ures. For amidft the ra-
vages of war, Hyder did not lofe fight of
the arts of peace, by which, in the prefent
refined period, the refources of war are
moll; efi:ed:ually fupplied. And it mufl be
allowed, that although the inhuman cuf-
tom of the vi(5lors enflaving the vanquiihed
in battle, in Europe at leafb, be happily
abolifiied, it is in moil; cafes, wifer policy,

in the eye of ambition, to firengthen the

conquering fi;ate by the introdudicn of fo-
reigners, than to weaken it by fending forth
a part of its own population for maintain-
ing diftant conquefls.

The
1-74 MEMOIRS OF THE
I --So. The firil fury of invauon having fpent
its force, and the ferocity of animal nature
yielding to the return of reafon and huma-
nity, multitudes of people who had fled

from thofe legions of barbarian cavalry that

overfpread the land, to the hills and v^^oods,
were invited back to the fettiements which
they had abandoned, by afTurances of pro-
tedion from Hyder-Ally-Cawn, who de-

clared himfelf a friend to the natives, but

the inveterate enemy of the Englifli. He
reftored that difcipline in his army which
the licentioufnefs of war had unavoidably
relaxed. He retrained his foldiers from
rapine ; and encouraged the country people
to fow their land, telling them, that if

they were in want of feed he would furnifli

it, and that thenceforth they fhould enjoy
the fruits of their induftry. Never, indeed,
was the foftering hand of government more
neceffary than on the prefent occalion. The
calamities that overwhelmed the Carnatic
were followed by want and famine. Under
the walls of Madras, men, women, and
children periflied in crowds, and fome were
feen fwooning in the ftreets.
Hyder
 LATE WAR IN ASIA* ly ^

Hyder, having exhaufted all that could 1780.

minifter fuel either to fury or to rapine in

this country, determined to lead his vidor-

ious army to the regions fouthward of the
Coleroon. Thefe alfo had by this time ex-
perienced the ravages cf predatory war, and
every where bore marks of defolation,
Multitudes of needy adventurers, who were
drawn to his.ftandard by the hope of plun-
der, pouring down from the mountains of
Myfore, overran the countries of Kavalore,
Tanjore, Tritchinopoly, and Madura. A
luxuriant crop vi^as inllantly fvvept off the
ground, and every water-dyke and encamp-
ment totally deflroyed. The inhabitants who
efcaped the fword fought fhelter in the forts,
where through want they miferably perifhed.

The country of Tanjore v/as in the pof-

lefilon of the invaders, who fecured its crops
and cattle, repulfed the Company's troops
at different places, and confxued them with-
in a fingle fortrefs in the capital ; where
the granaries were empty, the Rajah's" fub-
jeds ripe for innovation and revolt, and he
himfelf accufed of clandellinely introducing
arms
176 MEMOIRS OF T HB

17 So. amis into his palace, and carrying on in-

trigues with Hyder. That nominal king,
bearing royalty in fetters, and mortiiied by
the humiliating condition to which he liad
been reduced, though he had not dared to
avowawiih for his emancipation, began now
from policy to favour the caufe that feemed
to prevail, and from inclination to lijften to

the lliggeftions of a confederacy formed for

the expulfion of Grangers. While he fe-

cretly endeavoured to convert his palace into

an arfenal, he fuirered the whole crops of

the country to be coliedted by the enemy,
at the fame time that he refifled eveiy foli-
citation to fill his magazines, and to provide

for events neither evitable nor diftant.

In the provinces to the fouthward of

Tan i
ore and Tritchinopoly, the afpe^. of
aitairs appeared equally alarming to the
Engliihi. The great Marav/a was infefted
by a numerous body of rebels, under the
conduct of a chief nearly related to the fa-
mily on the throne : the little Marawa,
by the murderer of the late Rajah, v/ho,
after the perpetration of that crime, had
iled, in 1773, for prote<flion to Kyder,
but
 L A T E ^V A R I N A S I A IJJ

but returning, at the prefent crifis, feized 1780.

the reins of government by the authority of
that prince, kept the infant Rajah in con-
finement, and carried the delblation of war
into the adjacent territories of the Company,
held under the name of the Nabob of Ar-
cot. The flames of difaffedion and war
v/ere fpread in their progrefs to Cape Como-
rin. An hundred thoufand CoUeries and
Polygars harrafTed the fouthern provinces
and the fubjed:s of Great Britain were often
attacked within the range of their forts.

Such, then, was the flute of our affairs,

on the coall: of Co'romandel, towards the

conclulion of 1780, and the comme-nce-
mcnt of 1 78 1. The native powers were
united among themfelves, and with other
ftates and princes of India, in defire and
defign to emancipate themfelves from foreign
controul 3 French auxihares were incorpo-
rated with their armies, in order to invi^^o-
rate their attacks and direct their move-
ments, and m.ore were promifed and confi-
dently expeded ; a political and v%-ariike
prince, who united the military difcipline
Vol. I. M and
XyQ M E iM O I R S OF THE
1780. and ikill of Europe with the fubtility and
craft of AHa, freely ranged over the whoje
land at the head of an army flufhed with
fuccefs, and daily increaiing in numbers as

well as courage. To this force and thofe

difficulties, the fortune of Great Britain op-
pofed the army at Madras, to be reinforced by
the fuccours which have been already flated

frorn Bengal, and v/hatever could be fpared

from Guzzaratby General Goddard, the mili-
tary talents of Sir Eyre Coote, and the genius
of Mr. Hailings, whofe eyes were open on
every parf of India, who fupplied the re-
fpurces of war, and united the power of
Great Britain in the eaft, not more fcattered
in place than difiinited by civil diffenlion, in
one vigorous fyfLcm of military operation.

The refpeftable v.eteran, now in veiled

with, the command of our troops in the

Carnatic, was in the fixty- third year of his
age. Though, his conflitution had fuf-

fered the debilitation of an enervating cli-

mate, he chearfully underwent, at this ad-
vanced period of life, as much fatigue as

any foJdier, and as readily encountered dan-

 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 1
75
ger as any officer in his army. He was an 1-80.
handfome man with a ferious military air.
He united fpirit with caution, and the gene-
ral courie of his military conduct had been
fortunate. There was in his charader
and example fomething that engaged the
aifedions of men, at the fame time that it
commanded tlieir confi-dence and efleem :

objeds which the General well knew how to

value, and which he endeavoured on all

occafions to acquire. — It was on this prin-

ciple, that although he pofTeffed the fole

command of the army, he communicated
his plaa of operations, before he took the
field, to a council of war, compcfed of
Brigadier-General Stuart, Sir Hed:or Moa-.
ro, and Lord Macleod, and alfo tQ the Se^

led: Committee at Madras,

In every point of view, was expedient

it

f(jr the Englifli to bring Hyder to a decifive

adion^ but how to accomphflithis objedwas
thequeflion. Experience had fufficiently pro-
ved that this was not to be effeded by ra-
pid marches. In a former war, Hyder,
after leading an Englifli General who pur-
M 2 fued
 M E M O I R S OF THE
faedhim up and dov.n through the whole

kingdom of Mvforc. and thus weakenin^^

his force by fatigue, by chmate, and bad
nourifliii^ent, marched pail him to Madras,
and intimidated the government into a difho-
nourable treaty of peace. Nor was the ex-

periment made by General Smith, necefiary to

evince, thatan army formed Ukeours, df in-
fantry, could not polTibly out-march fuch a
force as Hyder's, which derived rapidity of

motion from bullocks, camels, elephants,

and cavalry.
«

On the other hand, to have adled on the

principles of a bcfieging army would have
protra'5ted time, diminifned our force by
garrifons, and multiplied all thofe advanta-

ges which the enemy had over us in num-

bers, fupplies, and the poffeiTion of the
country. In thefe circumftances, the Eng-
liili General determined, if pofTible, to bring
Ryder to a clofe engagement, by a plan of
condud that feemed to hold a middle place

between field- operations, on the one hand,

and fieges on the other.; inclining to either,
accordino-
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. I^I

according to contingent events and circum- 1780.

fiances. And as Hj'der's numerous cavalry
enabled him to drive the country, it became
a part of the I^nglifh General's plan, to fe-
cure, in all cafes, a communication with the
fea, by which he was to receive from time
to time the necelTary fupplies for carryin;i
on the war. Hyder, on the contrary, was
careful, in all his movements, to fecure a
pafiage into the interior part of the penin--
fula through the mountains.

The Englifh army, which had been dif- 17^1.

perfed in cantonemenrs for the rainy feafon,
again took the field on the 17th of Januaiy,

1 78 1. This, in point of difcipline and

numbers, was the fineffc body of men that
ever took the field in India. It confifled of
eight thoufand infantry, eight hundred ca-
valry, and fixty-two pieces of cannon, with
a fuitable proportion of gunners, and a due
provifion of military ilores. The confi-
dence w^hich the army repofed in their
com.mander, was exprefled by a loud
huzza. ,.

M3 At
1 82 MEMOIRS OF THE
178 1. At this period, the places of flrength that
now remained to the EngUfli in the Carna-
tic, were Vandivvafh,. Vellore, Parmacoil,
Amboor, ChingHput, Cuddalore, and Tia-
gar of which the four firft-mentioned
:

were befieged or in veiled by the enemy.

On the 19th the army pafTed Chingliput,

and encamped on the fouth fide of the river

Polaar. On the 21ft, the fort of Charan-
gooly was furprized by a detachment undei:
the command of Captain Davis, who very
defervedly received the thanks of the Gene-
ral for his fteady gallantry on that occafion
Our troops, leaving a garrifon at Charan-
gooly, refumed their march, and, on the
2 5h, carried relief to the long-invelled gar-
rifon of Vandiwafli. The enemy, at the

approach of our men, fled with precipita-

tion : but this advantage was counter-ba-
lanced by the fall of the ilrong fortrefs of
Amboor, one of the inlets to the Carnatic.
The Englifh army, leaving Vandiwaih, di-
reded the line of their march towards Par-
macoil, when intelligence being received by
two expreiTes, which ajrived at tile fame
time, that a French fleet had pailed Madras,
^they faced about, and returning on their

ftepSj
 LAtE WAR IN ASIA, 1-83

fteps, encamped along the eminences above 178 1.

Charangooly. On the 2d of February they
inarched from the left towards Parmacoil,
where they encamped on the 3d ; and, on
the 5th, they fat down on the red hills of
Pondicherry, with their front towards Ar-
cot; the chief ftrength of the enemy in the

Carnatic.

The town and fortrefs of Pondicherry,

after a brave refiilance by an handful of
raen under the command of General Bel-
combe, though defended in many places
only by new mud walls> was reduced, as

already mentioned, by a detachment of

the Company's troops under the condudt of
General Sir Hedtor Monro, and garrifoned
by a military force command^sd by Colonel
Braithwaite. The Colonel, having firfl de-
manded and obtained the folemn allepiance
o
of the inhabitants, evacuated the town and
forUefs, in order to join the genei*al rendez-
vous of our army, on thie irruption of Hy-
der Ally, at Conjevcram. The moment
bur troops were withdrawn, the inhabitants
of Pondicherry, in direct violation of their
M4 recent
I 54 MEM I R S O F T H E

178 1, recent engagements, flew to arms, plunder*

ed the folitary Englilh refident who had
been left as a fpy on their condudt, and with
fixed bayonets pointed to his breaft, forced

him to {ign. a written inftrument, of the

contents of which he was wholly ignorant.
They armed a number of Sepoys, and col-
lected prodigious quantities of provifions,
which they depoflted at Charangoloy, a ma-
ritime town not far diftant. Sir Eyre Coote
difarmed the inhabitants of Pondicheriy^^
removed their ftores, and deflroyed a num-
ber of boats belonging to the French fqua-
dron.

Large bodies of horfe, in the mean time,

took pofl in fight of our camp, and obliged
our advanced parties to obferve the greatefl
vigilance. Here the General intended to
make a halt, both for the relaxation of the
troops, and in order to learn the intentions
and movements of the enemy. The French
fleet, confifl:ing of feven large fliips of war
and four frigates, lay at anchor off Pondi-
cherry. Certain intelligence, however, was
received, that the French Admiral v/as him-
felf
 LATE WAR I-N ASIA. I05

felf too much diflreiTed for want of men to 178 1,

fpare any for the affiftance of Hyder.

But this commander, though unalTifled by

his European ally, did not remain inadlive.

He was obferved, on the 8 th of February,

nearly within cannon-fliot of the front of
our encampment, paiTing, with his eye fix-
ed, as was fuppoied, on Cuddalore, at the

head of his army. The drums inftantly beat

to arms. At four in the afternoon the army

began to move, filing off by the left into

the lower road towards Cuddalore. The

enemy kept, what is called the Porto Novo
road 5 fo that the marches of both armies
were parallel. Night was no fooner fet in,

than the enemy began to thr»w rockets on

our rear-guard, but at too great a diflance
forthem to do any execution. On the 9th,

the army encamped with its right to the

ruins of Fort St. Davids, and its left to

Cuddalore : a pofition which ihewed our

apprehenfions of the farther defigns of the
enemy. This minute defcription will,

perhaps, be excufed, when it is confidered

that this is the firfl inflance of an Engliih
nrmy
1 86 MEMO I K S OF T ir E
^

178 1, army being placed in fuch a fitiiation with

regard to any of the native powers of India
an army, too, the befl appointed that had
ever taken the field in that country.

'
The Englifli army, on the loth, leaving
their tents ftanding, mov6d out from the
cover of the guns of Cuddalore, and was
formed in order of battle. A river ran
along their front, and covered their right
flank. Their left extended towards a range
of ftrong ground where cavalry could not
a(fl, and the bound hedge of Cuddalore^-
with three redoubts, feciired their rear.—
The army being thus arranged, the General
rode along the line, and encouraged the fol-
diers to do their duty, with aiTurances that
this day their labours would be at an endc
" What I have all along wifhed for,"
faid he, '* has nov/ come to pafs, and in a
** few hours you join battle with the ene^
" my.'* Other officers addreffed the foJdiers'
in words to the fame purpofe. In this fitiia-

tion, without tents, and the comforts which

thsfe afford, our m.en for three complete days
offered battle to the enemy who, : it mv.(t not
be
 LATE WAR rN ASIA. I
S/

be omitted, were at this time not lefs than 178 k

ten miJes djilant. The General, upon the
fourth day, finding that Hyder would not
accept of battle, returned to his camp, with

a great increafe in the number of his lick.

It was no wonder that the General was
thus eager for battle. He was reduced to a

few days provifion* y and delay to engage

mi^ht be eaual to defeat in an engage-
ment.

Here l(?t us paufe for a moment to con-

template the alarming fituation of our army,

and the means by which they were extricat-
ed from impending ruin. Their provifions
were nearly exhaufled; an enemy's iieet

was on the coaft ; Hyder- Ally was in pof-

feffion of the country round ; and their cat-

tle, on which they depended for the ability

of moving from one place to another, dy-

ing in numbers for want of forage. The
fudden and unexpected departure of Mon-
fieurD'Orves, the French Admiral, from the
coaft of Coromandel, brightened up the
gloom that hung over the minds of our ge-
neral officers, although they were careful to
conceal
l88 MEMOIRS OF THE
JE781. conceal their anxiety from the troops undef
their command, by opening a channel for
the reception of thofe fupplies which the
unremitting vigilance and forelight of the
Supreme Council of Bengal conftantly fur-
nifhed* It is to the fame vigilance and fore-
fight in our councils, that we are to afcribe

the feafonable departure of the French Ad-

miral. Sir Edward HugheSj after reducing
the French fort of Mahee, and ruining Hy-
der's fleet in his own ports of CalHcut and
Mangalore, returned with a reinforcement of
tfoops on board his fleet, from Bombay to
the Coaft of Coromandel. The certain in-
formation received by Monfieur D'Orves
concerning the deflination of the Englin>,
together with the lofs of the boats at Pon-
dicherry, determined him to fet fail, which
he did on the 15th of February, for the

ifland of Mauritius* But had the French

Admiral left only two frigates to block up
the road of Guddalore, confequences might
have happened as fatal to the interefls of
Great Britain in the Eaft Indies, as flowed
in North America, from the convention of
Saratoga*
There
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 1S9

There is no reafon, either of entertainment 178 r.

or inftrudion, to detail the particulars which

fill the fpace between the departure of the
French fleet, and the arrival of Sir Edward
Hughes with the Englifh fquadroh and
tranfports on the 1 4th of June. It may be
mentioned, however, in general, that during
this time Hyder-Ally was not idle. He
plundered the country of Tanjore, he redu-
ced the fortrefs of Tiagar, and cut oif fome
of our flying parties : by which fuccefles
he fupported the fpirits of his troops
and'raifed their courage j and, what was of
equal importance, maintained and height-
ened the glory of his name among the native
powers of India.

SirEyre Coote, having encamped near

Porto Novo on the 1 7th of June, marched,
in perfon, a fbrong detachment on the i8th
to attack the fortified Pagoda of ChiJlum-
brum, making the fame defperate aflault
that fdcceeded at Charangooly. Pie was
repulfed, v/ith the lofs of eight officers,
!
and from two to three hundred men killed
and wounded. A twelve-pounder, which
was
19*^ MEM O I R S OF T K E

17S1. \Y2iS ufed in blowing open the gates, added

a field-piece to the train of the enemy.-

When it is faid that a commander in chief

heads an aiTault, or any defpei-ate cnterprize

in perfon^ nothijig more is commonly meant
than that he is a fpe<flator of what pafies.

Here the General's perfon was expofcd to

great danger. Lieutenant Ycnng, who com-

manded the European troops in this expe-

dition, had his leg broken by the fliot of a

eannan^ as he flood talking with him clofe
by lois fide.

It is but a fliort w^ay that the utmolt hu*

man fagacity can penetrate into the mazes
of future events. The repulfe at Chillum-
brum, which feemed pregnant with danger,
extricated the Englifh army from a moft
perilous fituation, and happily changed the
whole face of our affaijs in the Carnatic.

Even a return to Madras, if it could have

been cffecfled without a further lofs of men,
would have been followed by effects little
lefs difaflrous then what ufually accompany

or flow from a defeat. It would have dif-

covered to the native powers of India that

dere d
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 191

our want of magazines would always oblige 1781.

IIS to keep near the lea,, or to make excur-

dons into the inland country : circumftan-

ces which might be improved by a prudent
^dverfary for our difadvantage and ruin.

The repulfe of our anns from Chill urn-

brum, which was greatly exaggerated toHy-
der, with the prelling entreaties of his auxi-

liary chiefs, and the French oiiicer Lally,

prevailed on the wavering mind of Hyder,
notwithftanding the remonflrances of his
eldefl fon, to offer the EngHfli battle.—-

Hyder, having remained for fome weeks

within random ihot of Tanjore, fet his face

again ll: Trichinopoly, and threatened to nil

up the ditch with ,his Moormen's flippers.
Tippoo itrongly advifed him to purfue this
objed, urging, that the redudion of this
place, which was equally defencelefs and
important, would extend his authority over
the fouthern provinces in the peninfula that
acknowledged fubjedtion to the Engllfli.
Hyder was not ignorant of the importance
of Trichinopoly but he was fluflied with
;

fucccefs, and hoped that he would be able,

by
192 MEMOIRS OF THE
1781. by a clofe engagement, to defeat the only

force that could endanger cither the con-

quell of the provinces' fouth of the Cole-
roon, on the one hand, or that of the Dec-
can on the other. He, therefore, took a
poUtion for that purpofe, at a village called
Mooteapollam, which commanded the com-
mon road from Porto Novo to Cuddalore,

and to the natural flrength of his ground

added feveral redoubts.

Our army, confining of eight thoufand

rank and iile, with above iixty pieces of can-
non, marched from Porto Novo, with the
fea at no great diftance on the right, early

on the I ft of July, towards the enemy,

whofe number, according to the higheft
computation, exceeded an hundred, and ac-
cording to the loweft, did not fall Ihort of
lixty thoufand men, varioufly armed, with a
field train of forty- feven pieces, of different
calibres.

A detachment, confifting of two regi-

ments of cavalry and a battalion of Sepoys,
with {even pieces of light artillery, was, of-
dered to protect the baggage from Hyder's

horfe.
 t A .t E WAR t N' A 5? I A. 193

fiorfe. This body of our troops, vvitli the 178U

nfual guard of an hundred and fifty Sepoys,
a few Polygars, and a Marratta corps, were
Judicidiilly placed between the right of the
army atid the fea. Oui" troops,, formed iii
two Hncs, proceeded id order of battle.—
Parties of horfe paraded in every direction,

and great quantities of rockets Were thrown

without intermilTion, to confound the ob-
rervatioii> and, if pollible, to throw {he
Englifll army into diforder, and to impede
their movements. A large body of the
enemy's cavalry new iippeared, drawn up in
great force ori an extcnfive plain. On this

body the Englifll opened an heavy canno-

nade, which forced them to retire as our
men advanced. Their retreat opened to the
General's view a range of redoubts, which
commanded the road.— Strdck with this
unexpected appearance, he ordered the troops
to halt, and called a council of his principal
officers. To proceed forward in the dired
Line of their march, was to rulh into the
very throat of danger; the fea confined their
movements on the left haijd, and impraifli-
cable fand- banks on the right.
Vol. I. N Durinir
194 MEMOIRS OF 1:^ H E

178.(. - During the halt of the army, and while

a Council of War deliberated whether they
fliould advance or retreat, an officer, care-
lefsly walking to the right, difcovercd a
road cut through the fand hills. This road
being examined, was found to be newly
made, and calculated for themovement of
troops and artillery. Hyder had made it the
very night before, for the purpofe of attack-
ing the right of the Englifli army, whilfl
they fhould be engaged in ftorming the bat-
teries in front. This further difpofition

was intended by that artful commander,

that, ofi the confuiion of our men, the
main body of his cavalry fliould rulli from
behind the batteries and complete the rout.
This road^ defigned by Hyder- Ally for the
overthrow of the Englifh, was deftined by
Providence for their prefervation : for by
this Sir Eyre Coote marched the troops,
and effeded their deliverance from apparent
ruin.

Hyder, difappointed in his flratagem,

evacuated his works, and moved a-brcaft
with
 LATC WAR IN A?IA. X9<

^^.vl'th oiir army, which, after .pafli ng th rcjgli i ;8 1

the fand- banks and quitting the road, turn-.

ed to the left, and faced the enemy, who,
in the poiTeffion of a ridge of fand-ban-ks in

front, feemed to offer a decifive adtiGn.-—

The General, now^ had not certainly any

option ; but, from fome caufe or other, a
fecond hefitation took place. Certain unaik-
ed opinions were given in favour of a re-
treat, under the abje6t and ruinous notion
of looking for more equal ground. To the
honour of General Monrb, it is right to
toentioii, that when the enemy's batteries
were difcovered in front of our arnny> he
gave his opinion againft the madnefs of an
attack : but that, in this iecond iituation,
he urged the neceiTity of an attack, by the
moft fenfible arguments and manly elo-
quence. A fpace of timcj which appeared
to every individual in our army of great
length, was confumed; under the enemy's
fire, who had withdrawn their guns from
the batteries td the line,and prefcnted a new
front, before tlie General determined to
come to a clofe arta-ck : and it was durirrg-

N 2 thi^
196 MEMOIRS OF TH5
178 1, this interval, chiefly, that we fuffered the

iofs that was fuftaioed in this adion.

Meanwhile, the heights in the rear of

the firft line of our army, led on by Sir
EyreCoote, were feized by General Stuart,
\vho commanded the fecond. This excel-
lent difpofition encouraged Sir Eyre Coote
to advance with confidence on the enemy.

He marched up, at the head of the firft

line^ to the enemy's artillery, quickly threw

them into diforder, and forced them to give
way. But, previoufly to this attack, Hy-
der had detached a ftrong. body of difci-

plined infantry, with a fuitable train of ar-

tillery, a prodigious number of irregulars,

and cavali^, to attack the Englifh pofted on

the heights. Another detachment alfo at-
tempted, by penetrating into the Interval
between our two. lines, to attack Sir Eyre
Coote in the rear. Thus was each wing
feparately, and almoft equally engaged.
The frefli forces with which the enemy were
jnceiTantly relieved, rendered the battle long

and obilinate. It lafled above fix hours,

in
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 1
97

in which every individual in the Company '^s 178 1#^

fervice fought as if the fate of the day had

depended on his 0ngle efforts. The firft

line, triumphing over every obltacle, drove

thejrnemy, infantry, cavalry, and artillery,

promifcnoufly before them. The fecond"

line, under the command of Brigadier^Ge^

neral Stuart, had by this time, not only re-
pulfed the other divllion of the army, but
driven them from their poft and defeated
ever}' attempt they made to attack the Ge-
neral's rear. It was alfo the mafterly di^
pofition, and Ipirited exertions of the fecond
line, that prote(5ted the baggage, difpofcd,
as has been mentioned, clofe by the fea^

from evep the attempts of the ei^wiy.

The rout was complete and general.-*-

The tumult and confufion in the retreat of
fuch a multitude of people tempted an eager
purfuit, which, could it have been made,
mufl have effecfted an unexampled carnage
among men and cattle. But our guns
were dragged flowly through deep and {kndf
foil ; whiie the numbers and the fpirit of
N3 Hyder's
igS M E- M O I R 5 F THE
J781. Hyder's catde gave a celerity to his motion
which ours could net equal. The greateft
^lofs fuflained by the enemy happened before

our fecond line, where, ignorant of its force

and ftrong pofition, and miflaking it for a

common baggage guard, they made the only

ipirited attempt op their part ^ although, it

inufl be allowed, that their artilleiy \va3

ferved with great promptitude and addrefs,
durins: the whole courfe of the a(ftion.

What lofs of men is fuflained in an engage-

ment by an Indian army, cannot be afcer-

tained with any degree of exadnefs, as it is

a religious maxim with all the Hindoos, to

carry off as many of thej.r wounded and flaia
as they c^. This they think of great im-
portance, being perfuaded, that after the
body is burned, neither the evil principle or
being, nor the demons of wrath who are
fubfervient to his will, have any power over
-the ernancipated fpirit: ajiotion that is in
cxa<5t conformity to an ancient and very ge-
neral dodrine, that matter is the grand prin-
ciple of evil, and that, the fouls of thofe who
have departed from Hfp, hover around, and
arei
 "LATE V/ AH IN ASIA. 1 99

are attra<flcd to their bodies, as long as they i7$i,

nfe entire ; either the whole coporcal frame,
or any of the organized parts or member?.
The Marrattas, the Myforcans, the Poly-
gars, and in general all the Gentoo warri-
ors, have their loins begirt with girdles or
belts. The hoffemen have an hook which
they dart with great dexterity between thofe
belts and the dead bodies ef their friends,
and therewith carry them off from the field

of battle. As nearly as could be corjjefftur-

ed, the number of the (lain, on the fide of
Hyder, amounted to three thoufand : but
what appeared in his fight a greater lofs,

^vas the mortal wounds of Meer Saib, his

favourite General and fon-in-law, who, at

the head of the Mogul and Canara cavalry,

made the firft impreffion on the Britiili

lines, in the unfortunate adion rjear Conje-
veram. The Englifli General halted near the

field of a^ion, from inability to purfue the

enemy. Our lofs did not exceed four hun-
dred, nor was there an officer of rank or
diilinv^ion among either kiUed or wounded.

N4 Although
^00 MEMCIR5 QVTHE
17 8 1, Although no trophies were gained, Of
prifoners made, the jfirll: of July, 1781, wfill
ever be accounted an important day to the
caftern branch of the Britilh Empire. It

broke that fpell which was formed l^y the

defeat of Colonel BajUie, and deilroyed tl^a^

refpedt which the name of Hyder-Ally-

Cawn had obtained, from that difaflrous to
this prpfperous evpnt, among fuperilitious

obfervers, whofe opinions are formed by the

impreflion of flriking events, more than by
the dedudions of reafpn,

The General, on the 3d of July, return-

ed his thanks to the troops, gave orders for
a fc'u dc joie, and difpatched exprelles to
every quarter with thenews of the victory.
His Majefty's 73d regiment, on account of
their diftinguifhed ileadinefs in the field, as

well as their exemplary deportment in quar-

ters, were prefented by the General with fiftf

pounds to buy a pair of bag-pipes.

While thefe thing? were tranfacfted near

Porto Novo, a detachment under Tippoo

§aib had invefled Vandiwaih, and begun to
conftrucTt
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 201

lEOnftrud batteries, and to make other ne- x??^

jtfelTary preparations for a fiege. The Ge-
|ieral therefore determined to march to the

northward, in order to relieve this place,

and afterwards to form a jun(Sion with the
^Oengal detachment. Tippoo, on the ap-
proach of our army, precipitately raifed the

fiege of Vandiwarti, and joined the main

army under Hyder, in the neighbourhood of
Arcot.

Sir Eyre Coote, reinforced by ten batta-

lions of Sepoys and twenty pieces of can-
non, fent from Bengal under the command
of Colonel Pearfe, laid fiege to Tripaflbre,

which furrendered on the 2 2d of Auguft,

on terms of capitulation. A very feafon-
able fupply of paddy being found in the
fort, the troops were provided with fubfifl-
cnce for feveral days, and the General, hear-
ing t^at Hyder was, in fall force, at the
diilance of about lixteen miles, marched to-
wards him, in order if pofiible to bring him
to an engagement : the only meafure that
jfeemed to promife enlargement from fur-

rounding difficulties. Hyder, on the ap-

proach
202 IJ E M 01 RS OF THE
1781. proach of the Engllfli army, fell back a fev^
miles, to the ground on whicli he had de-
feated the detachment under Colonel Bail-
lie, where he took a very ftrong pofition ^

and where, under the notion of its being j^

fortunate fpot, he determined to try his for-

tune in a fecond battle.

Thefe things being faithfully reported to

the Britifli commander, he marched towards

the enemy on the 27th, in the morning,
when, about eight o'clock, he difcovered
his army drawn up in order of battle^ in
fall force, to receive him, and in poficffion
of many ilroag and advantageous pofts,
rendered ilill more formidable by the nature
6f the interjacent country, which was in-
terfecled by very deep courfes o^ Water.
Some cannon-fhot being fired at our advan-
ced guard, the army was immediately or-
dered to halt, till the baggage could be
drawn to a ilation allotted for it in the rear.

This being done, the fecond line, confiding

of two brigades, turned to a fituatlon of

fome ftrength on the left. Tlie firfl line,

confilHng of three brigades, filed off to the

place
 LATE WAR IN ASIA, 20 J

^kc.e where the advanced guard had 'been 178 j;

iired 6n and formed in the face of a fire of fix
or eight pieces of cannon. This brought the
front of the iiril Hne to a right angle with
that of the fecond, or, in miUtary language,

it gave the army a double front with a large

interval. The General then ordered the
firfl line to pufh through a fpace of ground
covered with buflies and underwood, and to
ilorm the enemy's guns. When they clear-
ed thefe obftru<ftions, nothing was to be feea
except a line of hoxfemen at ibme diftance
but fuddenly the fame guris that had been
firing on our front, opened an enfilade oix

both our flanks.

When Hyder had thus cornpletely entan-

gled the firfl: line, and not before, he opened
a moil tremendous cannonade on the fecond.
Sir Hecftor Monro, who commanded the firft

line, was of own accord bringing round

his
his front to the left, when he received orders
from the General to join the fecond line, as

the left brigade under Colonel Owen w^ere

icarcely able to maintain their ground.

The divifion ofthe army commanded by Mon-
ro,
2^4 ME.MOIRS OF THE
178 1, ro, after making the circuit that has been dc%
fcribed, found themfelves, now, on the very
fpot where Colonel Baillie made his laft

fland. The fragments of bodies, the legs,.

arms and ikulls, the mancEuvres that were

made, and the noife of the cannon, brought
the bloody tragedy of September, 17S0, full
in their view, and made an im.preffion on
their imaginations, which was to bcfur-
mounted only by military difcipline, and a

fenfe of honour.

The firfl line now clofing, and prefent-

ing the fame front with the fecond, the
whole army, in one conned:ed line, was
oirdercd to advance on tlie cnemy^s artil-

lery. On this order. Sir Hector Monro

fubmitted to the Commander in Chief, what
was murmured throughout the whole line,
W'hether it would not be improper to aban-
don the fhelter -they derived from a long a-
venue and other trees, fmce the ground be-
tween the two armies was fuch as could not

be pailed, and that an attempt to move clofe

up with the enemy, in that dire^ion, would
Qiily expofe them to the weight of their can-
non.
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. J50|

non, without the poiTibillty of their efFei5l- 17S1.

ing any object that might compenfate (o
sreat a difad vantage. The General, in an
hurry of Ipirits, which at fuch acrifis might
be well excufed, and not perhaps attending
to what Sir Hedor Monro hadfaid, replied
to his fee on d in command, " Sir^ you talk
** to me when you fhould be doing your
** duty*.'* In obedience, therefore, to the
General's orders, the troops advanced more
and more within reach of the enemy's can-
non. The men dropped fail, difliked theii'

fituation, and became impatient. One tum-

bril had blown up at the inilant when the
C\vo lines of the army were doling in one
a fecond blew up now together with feme
limber boxes. Orders for fome manaeuvere
were now expected from the General, by
the firfl line, with great anxiety, but none
arrived. Sir Hedlor IVIonro, fitting by the
only tree that was in the plain, in a fullen
mood, refufed to give any orders whatever.

* This circumflance is mentlond here, on account of Sir

Heftor Monro' shaving quitted the army, ai foon as he could,
and never again ferving under Sir Eyre Coote.

The
206 MEMOIRS ©F f H t

178 1. The fecond line was in the utmoil confu-

fion. The battalions, in opening for the
purpofe of giving way to die enemy's (hoty
had fallen into clufters and become noify.-

Had enemy charged our men with hi^

the
numerous cavalry, from the left, at any pe-
riod of th€ two hours during which our
affairs were in this perilous iituatiorf, it is '

not improbable that we would have fuffered

difcomfiture and defeat : and that the plains
of Ticoallum, a fecond' time flrewed with
the mangled bodies of the Englifli, would
have rivetted the fuperflition, and inflam^ci
the cruelty of the barbarian conqueror.i-'-^
Our cavalry, indeed, might have made gooi
their retreat, as they were at fome diftance,

with the baggage ; but the foot foldier?

would never have been able to efcape fronT»
the field : no [ riot perhaps even in the
charader of prifoners.

Happily, the diibrde'r of our lifie could

not be ealily perceived by the enemy : and
there is reafoii to fuppofe that he neither
knew of that confufion, nor formed the plan
of his operations, on the fuppofition that
any
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 207

any confurion was to happen. His chief 178 1.

defign, was to revive the fpirits of his troops,

and to convince the princes of the country,

that he could yet engage, and make head
againft the greatefl European army that had
ever taken the field in India.

The evening was now far advanced, when

Hyder drew olt his guns, and all was fu
ience. It was thought adviieable, at the

fame time, that our army march

fhould-
back to the flrong ground from which they
had advanced. When the circumfbmces
that rendered it expedient to retire, were
urged in a conference among the principal
officers, one of the gentlemen happened un-
fortunately to make ufe of the word retreat.

The General fwore that he had never re-

treated in his life^ but that he svowld permit
the army to fall back. This happy expreilion
was followed by immediate orders for the
troops to turn to the right about.

. Our lof^:, on this day, war, heavier than

on the I ft of July, and that of the enemy
lefs, which was owning to their having
flickered
208 MEMOIRS OF THfi

17 8 1 . flickered themfelves under the cover of tariks>

and other grounds which th^y poffefledi

favourable for that purpofe. Of our privates

fix hundred either perilhed in the field of

were defperately wounded. Genial Stuart

loil: his leg by a cannon -fliot, whilfi: bravely

conduding the fecond line to the fupport

of a poft which the Commander in Chief
had occupied commencement of the
at the

engagement, and on which the enemy

had kept up a fevere fire. I'he fame fliot

alfo carried away the leg of Colonel Brow/i,

and by his death, w^hieh foon followed, de-
prived the Eaft-India Company of a very
old and faithful fervant, and the army, of
an able and very experienced officer. Cap-
tain Hiflop, alfo, a very aciive and fpirited

officer, and one of the General's aid-de^

camps, fell in this obflinate and indecifive;
not to fay undecided, engagement.

The hircarrahs^ or fpies, fent out by thd

General to difcover Hyder's further plans,
brought intelligence that the enemy had de-
termined to attack the Englifh army,- fome
hour between Hiidnii^ht and break of day
 LATE V/ A R IN A S I A. 20g

In confequence of this, orders were iiTued 172 1.

for the whole hne to lie ail night under

arms, in the front of the encampment.
While our army guarded again ft an imagi^
rlary attack, the report of which had been

induftrioufly circulated by Hyder, that cau-

tious commander, who judged it imprudent
to leave his unconnected, in the vicinity of
our difciplined army, under the cloud of
night, was retreating to a diftance that
might fecure him againfl: a furprize.

On the 28th of Auguft, our dead Vv-ere

buried, and the wounded colleded and

dreffed. The next day, our troops being
mafters of the field of battle, and Hyder at
fome diftance, the General ordered the men
under arms,when our guns and fmail arms
announced a victory. The tents and bag-
gage were then packed, and the troops put
in motion for TripalTore, where they en-
camped on the 30th. Plyder called this
march a retreat, and claiming a victory, pro-
claimed one, in all the pomp of war, to the
nations cf Hindoftan.

Vol. I. O There
2 ro MEM I R S O F T IT E

178 1. There was not any thing memorable that

occurred before the 27th of September,
v/hen the Engiifh army, having pitched
their camp; the day before, within four
miles of Hyder, who waited for them at the
pafs of Chillangur, was put in motion to try

the fortune of a new battle. The baggage

was thrown into a theatre which the hand
of nature had formed. The fecond brigade,
with the two flank companies of the 73d regi-
ment, the cavalry, and a train of twenty- two
pieces of cannon, broke from the main body,
and moved for fome high ground to the left

of the enemy's line of encampment, not yet

ftruck, while the main army continued to
advance, in one line, upon the enemy's front.
Hyder, who had aifured himfelf from ex-
perience that Sir Eyre Coote would keep
the whole of his troops together, and of
courfe, had only guarded again ft a dire<5t

movement on his front, kept a fteady eye on

the left of' our line and on the baggage.
A change of difpofition in an army unwieldy,
and without fubordination, involves an im*-

niediate retreat. Such was the army head-

ed by Hyder- Ally. That experienced Ge-
neral
 LATE WAR IN ASIA, 211

neral, therefore, Inflead of refifling the de- 178 1.

tachment, endeavoured, only to alarm them

with a fliew, and a (light attack by a body
of horfe. He abandoned his delign upon
the left wing of our army and baggage, and,
after a fhort fire from his guns, ordered them
to be carried off.

In doing this, his horfe \yere brought

under our cannon, and fuffered greatly. In
the hurry of retirement, his guns were, at

one time, huddled together in a miry place,

which encouraged our men to advance a-
gainft the enemy with greater rapidity.-—

Hyder, on perceiving this, inftantly charged

the aflailants with a body of his befl cavalry.
This force interrupted the progrefs of our
line : but after receiving many difcharges of
grape, and in reality furmounting their dan-
gers, inftead of riding againft the files, they

galloped through an opening they found in

the line, and never flopped till they found
themfelves without the reach of our cannon.
One field piece, being a fix-pounder, was
found by our men, funk to the axle, and
O 2 dif-
212 MEMOIRS OF THE
178 1, difcovered to be one of the eight guns be-
longing to Colonel Baillie.

Night having overtaken our troops in

the midfl of their vidory, the fecond brigade

was called in, and the army encamped. In
this action, which, from the pafs, is called

the battle of Chillangur, Hyder-Ally loft

one thoufand men, and a greater number of

horfes. The lofs, on our fide, did not ex-
ceed that of one officer and fixty private fol-
diers.

The General, without money and with -

out provifions, did not think it advifable to
purfue the retreating enemy : but, on the
day after the ad:ion, directing his march to
the interior Pollams, he came over eis-ht

miles of fatiguing ground, and encamped.

What he had now in view, was, to offer the
Polygars the f3.me terms which, in the day
of our profperity we had violated, if they
would efpoufe our cauie, and give up the in-
tereils of Hyder- Ally.

Thefe
 LATE Vv^AR INASIA. 213

The Polygars enjoy a degree cf free Jom 1781.

unknown in the plains of India, the flrength
of their iituation, amidil hills, woods, and
deep ravines, producing the fame eiTeds
with the like fituations in other countries.

There never was a power, among all the

conquerors in India, to whom they fo foon
became tributary as that formidable invader,
Hyder--Ally. The chief of the Polygars,
in this part of the country. Bom Razee,
had promifed to furniili Sir Eyre Coote
both with money and rice, after Hyder
iliould be defeated, when he might do it

with fafety. The General nov/ called upon

him to fulfil his promifes. The promifcs
were continued, but the rice and money
were not produced. The General, there-
fore, having ferved out his laft-meafure of
rice, broke through the barrier, and pene-
trated into the interior Pollams, by a forced
march, on the id of Odlober, determined
to compel Bom Razee to fulfil his engage-
ments. On the 5th, he fent out detach-
ments from his camp at the village of At-
tamancherry, to bring in cattle and rice
wherever they could be found. Thefe Bom
O 3 Razee
214 ME M O I -R B OF THE
178 1. K.azee indufliioufly threw in the way of our
parties; a policy by which he hoped to avert

the immediate vengeance of the Englifh,

whom he efTentially ferved, and to obtain
from Hyder, in cafe of a reverfe of fortune,
not only indulgence and excufe on the fcore
of compulfion, but indemniiication for his

heavy lofTes.

On the 7th of Oiflober, a detachment of

fix battalions, two hundred horfe, and
tv/elve field-pieces, under the command of
Colonel Owen, marched out of the camp
in the night, with the defign of intercept-
ing a large convoy from the Myforean coun-
try on its way to Hyder's encampment at
Lalpet. But Hyder, as ufual, receiving
early intelligence of this attempt, ordered
the convoy to return to one of his pofts.
In the mean time, as our affairs had now
begun to wear a pleafmg afped, the army,
without departing from that vigdance and
military difcipline which became their fitu-

ation, enjoyed a grateful and falutary relaxa-

tion after their toils, in tiie delightful vale

in which they were encanjpsd, and Sir Eyre

Coote
 LATEWAR IN ASIA. 215

Goote libera]!^ entertained his officers at a 17S1.

plentijful and Yeftive board. But, on the
23d, having received the news .of Colonel
Owen's difappointment and retreat, as foon
as matters could be arranged after being fo
long in a fixed camp, tliey defcended from
the Polygar country, croiTed the plain qf
Paliput, and joined the detachment under
Colonel Owen at the village of My do wad
dee.

A few days previous to the 23d, a com-

pany of European grenadiers commanded by
Captain Moore, together with two twelve-
pounders and fome petards, joined Colonel
Owen for the declared purpofe of ftorming

the fort of Chittore. Hyder, not waiting

for Owen's march to Chittore, formed the
defign of cutting him off, by coming be-
tween his camp and the pafs to which it

was near. For this end, foon after it v/is

dark, in the night of' the izd^ he began his

march from Lalpet, and, notwithftanding
the delays that ufually attend a nofturnal
movement, he had gained in his ptcgrefs

four hours of day-light before Colonel Owen

O 4 received
Zl6 MEMOIRS OF T^H E

1781. received any ip.telligence of his fecret expe-

dition. The Colonel, who had encamped
. only two miic's weftward of the pafs, fortu-

nately arrived, by a rapid march, before the

enemy. As the detachment began to defde,
Hyder's canncn-lhot fell among them with
great execution. The confunon into which
this threw the battalion in the rear, encou-
raged a body of horfe to rufh upon them at
full gallop. The battalion was quickly dif-

- perfed, and Captain Walker, who com-

manded it, was killed. The fall of this
excellent officer and amiable man, on whom
the according voice of all who knev/ him
had beftowed the epithet of hoiicjiy was ex-
ceedingly lamented, and drew^ not a little

odium and reproach upon his battalion, to

whofe irrefolution it was generally afcribed.

The Sepoys feeing this battalion, which had
hitherto been efteemed one of the beft in
the fervice, thus driven before the enemy,
loft all regard to the word of command,
and fell into diforder and confternation.-
What faved the detachment from entire de-
ilrud:ion, was. Captain's Moore's company
of Europeans, who at this critical m.oment
wheeled
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 217

wheeled rapidly to the and poured a 178 1.

rear,

volley of fhot among the enemy, prefiing

in crowds round a field-piece which our
Sepoys had deferted. By this fpirited adtion

the gun was recovered, the party that croud-

ed around it difperfed, the rapidity of the
purfuit checked, and the Sepoys', recover-
ed from their panic, reunited to the ef-
fevftive force of our little army. Captain
Moore flill kept in the rear, which enabled
Colonel Owen to make good his retreat with
difcipline, and without further rifk of de-
ftru(a:ion. Intelligence being received of
the approach of the army, the detachment
halted, and Hyder, rightly conje6turing, if
not particularly informed of what had hap-
pened, withdrew the purfuit, and returned
to his camp at Lalpet. In this expedition
feven oncers, and about three hundred men,
were killed or wounded. Colonel Owen,
with all his camp equipage, loft his private
baggage : but this was paid for by govern-
ment, at the particular defire of the Com-
inander in Chief.

The
21 MEMOIRS OF THE
1781. The General, on the 26th Odober, re-
moved his camp to Paliput, whither a de-
tachment returned on the 3Cth, that had
carried the fick and wounded to TripafTore.
This party fell in by accident with feven
hundred bullocks laden with fait, which
afforded a feafonable fupply to our troops.
Thefe bullocks were the rear of a convoy
of five thoufand deftined for Hyder's camp
a due de2;ree of information would have en -

abled our men to make an eafy acquifition

of the whole.

Thefe immaterial circumflances are in-

troduced here as prefatory to an important

obfervation made by every gentlem.an in the
army war again ft Hyder-
that ferved in the
AUy-Cawn, and Tippoo Saib, whether on
the coaft of Malabar or the Carnatic. —
battalion was never detached from our army
but Hyder had the earlieft notice of it : of
Ryder's moil capital movements we liad

not the fmallefl intelligence. — Hyder, it is

well known, paid liberally for information j

and it is as well known, that a mofl fparing

hand dealt out the money that was paid for

ours.
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 2X9

ours.' The natives of the Carnatic, though 1781.

by nature pufillanimous, will undergo great
hazards for the fake of gain : but the mean-
eil hireling will not incur the riilL of tor-
ments and death lov Jive pagodas : ytt fecret-
fervice money was charged to government
to a large amount. — Surmifes fell on fome
agents ; but none on the General.

About the i ft of November, at fome dif-

tance ftom the Englifh camp near the village
of Paliput, a valuable quantity of rice was
found, andfufficient for thefupply of thegarri-
fon of Vellore, v/hich from the want of that
necefTary article was."at this time in the great-
eft diftrefs. In conveying the rice to that

place, our army met not with the leaft mo-

leftation : not that our movements efcaped
"the ufual vigilance of Hyder, but bec.ufe
he was not able, at this jun<5tarc, to bring
his numerous and iil-regulatcd body, go-
verned not by difcipline, but in '.\ great mea-
fure by circumftances of fuperftition ^'d
currents of paffion, to meet our n^en in tne
field of battle. 1'his fupply, therefore,
notwithftanding the reports iiiduftncully
ipr^ad
HZO MEMOIRS OF THE
178 1, fpread by the enemy, of Hations occupied
for cutting it off, was fafely conveyed to
Vellore : and, on the 7th, the army fat

down before Chittore, which, after a liege

of two days, when our troops were in rea-

dinefs to ftorm it, propofed, on the loth,

terms, of capitulation. The Keeladar, ha-
ving fortified himfelf with bang, came ou^,
with a few attendants, carrying a flag of
truce, and boldly declared, that he would
defend Chittore to the lail extremity, un-
lefs the garrifon fhould be permitted to go
where theypleafed, and to carry off all their

private property. His conditions were grant-

ed, and the fort was given up. The fenior en-
gineer ofour army. Captain Tippet, was killed
hy a random ball from a match-lock piece
but the firing from two very bad guns did
not the fmallclL hurt to any of our officers
or foldiers. From the forts of Charangooly,
TripafTore, and Chittore, being without ai -

tillery, we may fuppofe that Hydcr never

confidered them as tenable. The garrifon
held on the frontier were in a fiir different

ilate of defence.

At
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 2ll

At this time the heavens threatened every 17 8i.

inftant the fall of the Monfoon floods : yet
flill the army continued to lie before Chit-
tore, from the redudion of which they had
not derived one advantage. They became
flraitened for want of rice to feed the Se-

poys, and began to feel the diftrefTes of for-

ces checked in their viev/s, and cut oft from
their fupplies. The General, who no doubt
had his reafons for continuing before Chit-
tore, was difappointed in Ibrne expe^flation,

not publicly revealed, and manifefted un-

equivocal fymptoms of chagrin and difcon-
tent.

. But, upon the 15th of November, Sir

Eyre Coote was called from this fcene of
inaction, and apparent fufpence, by a letter

received from Captain Temple, the officer

lleft at Paliput, informing him that Hyder

lin perfon had fallen on his poft unexpe(ft-
ledly, that he himfelf and his Sepoys had
found protection in the hills, but that the
baggage and guns had become the property
f the enemy. Orders were now given for
Ithe army to march next morning from
Chittore,
222 MEMOIKS OF THfi

178 1. Chittore, in which Captain Lamotte was

left v/ith two field- pieces and a battalion of
Sepoys. When the General began to move
from this place, on the i6th, Mahommed
Ally, one of Hyder's auxiliary chiefs, made
a ihew of cavalry, as if he meant to difpute
the paffage of the Englifh over the river
Ponee, but retreated before a few cannon
balls. The army foon after this encamped
at the pafs of Delamampetta, through
which
they defcended on the 17th of November,
and halted at Paliput. Here they were
joined by Captain Temple's battalion, and
the General was informed that it had been
determined by Hyder, that Tippoo fliould
march through the Pollams, ftop at Pollore,
and, with the guns he fhould take there ad-
ded to thofe of which he had became mafler
at Paliput, advance to the fiege of Tripaf-
fore.

A
heavy cannonade, heard in the En-
glilh camp, within a few hours, con-
firmed this intelligence, and fummoned, in
all the terrific pomp of war, the Englifh
army, to the relief of their friends in diilrefs.

On
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 22 j

On the 19th, they had no fooner fet out 1781,

in their march to TripajQbre, than the
clouds broke, and thofe rains defcended,

which, in the fall of the year, pouring from

the perpendicular fides of extenfive moun-
tains, render the rivers impalTable in the
iliort fpace of two days. The General, ur-
ged by the gathering floods, with the beds
of three rivers on the rout that lay before
him, continued his march without interrup-
tion till ten o'clock at night, when the
van was ordered to halt : but the rear did
not come up till one o'clock on the next
day. The roads were already fo much
deepened by the rains, that an elephant,
three camels, and a number of horfes, with
pany carriages and bullocks, ftuck faft in

:he mud, and were left behind our men on

itheir march. The lafl: branch of the Poiaar
|was found jufi: fordable when they crolTed it

n the 2 1 ft. On the evening of that day

the army encamped near Tripaflbre, with
10 more than two days provifions. Tippoo
|>aib^ although he had made a breach in one
[>f the fides of the forts, had withdrawn his
prces; a circumflance which feemed to juf-

tify
224 MEMOIRS OF THE
178 1, tify the opinion of the commanding officer^

that Tippoo did not ad; with a view to ob-

tain polTeffion of TripafTore, and that the
attack on this place was a plan of Hyder's

for drawing the Engliili from the Pollams.

It happened fortunately for our arrily, what-
ever were the ftratagems of the enemy, that
the cannonade againft TripalTore haflened
tlieir fleps as they returned from thofe hilly
regions.

Sir Eyre Coote, November 23d, altered

the pofition of the troops by encamping on
the Coccalore plain above Tripaflbre. The
army, having loft one third of the ftrength
it pofTelTed when it marched, in Auguft,
from the Mount, occupied, on the 3d of
December, the cantonements from which
it had been drawn together on the fame

month of the preceding year. This cam-

paign abounds with incidents more inter-
efting in their nature, as they lead to ge-

neral conclufions, than important in their

immediate and particular eifeds. It was not
marked by any event that promifed to decide

the general ifTue of the war, but it fhewed

Europeans
 LATE V7 AR IN ASIA,' 22^

Europeans the means by which they may 1781,

be fuccefsfuliy oppofed by Afiatic enemies.

While om- army lay encamped on the

plain of Coccalore, a royal falute was iired
on account of the reduftion of the Dutch
garrifon of Negapatnam, by the combined
forces of the navy under Sir Edward
Hughes, and the army ftationed in Tanjore,
the command of which had been given to
Major- General Sir HecSior Monro. The
garrifon, in this place, had been reinforced
by a large detachment of Hyder-Ally's
troops, and new works had been added, by
French engineerF, to the fortifications.
The garrifon confiiled of eight thoufand
men, but of thefe only iive hundred were
Europeans. On the 2ifl of Ocftober, the
Company's troops appeared at Nagore.—
The fame day, the whole corps of marines,
amounting to four hundred and forty- three,
officers included, landed^ and joined the
Company's troops ; and, on the 22d, a bat-
talion of feamen from the fquadron, conuft-
ing of eight hundred and twenty- fcven, in-
cluding officers, was alfo landed : the whole
Vol. I» P under
S^zG MEMOIRS OF THE
1781. under the command of the Captains Mac^
kenzie, Mackay, and Reynolds, with or-
ders to co-operate with Sir Hedor Monro
to the utmoft, in all meafures for the reduc-
tion of Negapatnam. In the mean time,
battering cannon for the attack, confifting
of four eighteen- pounders, and two twelve-
pounders, iron guns from the tranfports,

with twelve eigh teen-pounders from the

fliips of the fquadron, two mortars with
their carriages, and a fuitable quantity of

amunition of all kinds, were landed through

/ a great furf by the boats of the fquadron,
and on rafts, or catamarans, made for

that purpofe, with incredible fatigue to the

men, but at the fame time with incredible
ipeed and alacrity.

The which the enemy had

ftrong lines
thrown up, flanked by redoubts, to cover
and defend the approach to the town, being
ftormed, and carried by our troops^ the Ge-
neral opened ground againfl the north faca
of the fort on the 3d of Novembei-, and the
approaches were carried on with great ra-
pidity. On ;he 5th Sir Edwacd Hughes
moved
 LATE U^ AR IN ASIA. Ity

moved with a part of the fquadron nearer 17 Si,

to the fort, on the flank of the Britifh lines,

and on the 6th, early in the morning, he

came on fliore, to concert with the General
the heft means of carrying on the fiege with
vigour. A batter}^ of ten eighteen-pounders,
within three hundred paces of the walls of
the place being ready to open, a joint fum-
mons was fent from the General and Ad-
miral to the Dutch Governor, requiring him
to capitulate, which he refufed to do in po-

iitive terms. But a mod formidable breach

battery having played on a baftion with
great effecl, the Dutch Governor, who, du-
ring the courfe of the fiege had made two
defperate fallies, with the greater part of
the garrifon, early in the morning of the
1 1 th demanded a parley, and fent out two
commiffioners to the General in camp, with
terms of honourable capitulation, which
were &
srantedr
J.

The Admiral, after experiencing all the

viciffitudes of a monfoon, and receiving
on board his fquadron a detachment of
the Company's land forces, confining of an
P 2 officer
228 MEMOIRS OF THE
178 1, officer and thirty European and native ar-
tillery, and abo^it five hundred vokmteer Se-
poys, under a captain and five fubalterns,

from the road of Negapatnam, on the

failed

1782. 2d of January, and arrived in Trincomale

Bay, in the ifland of Ceylon, on the 4th,
where he found an Enghih fhip of war,
under the command of Captain Montague,
that had been fhationed, by the forefight
and adtivity of Government, ever fince the

month of Auguil, 1781, for the purpofe of

blocking up the Dutch fliips in the har-
bour. Our troops were landed on the 5th,
and, on the night of that day, Trincomale
fort was taken without refinance. The
grenadier company of marines, with the
.
guns, ruined into it through the gateway,
while the Governor was drawing up terms
of capitulation. In this fortrefs, which com-
manded the only place where provilions and
ftores could be landed from the fliips, ten
iron guns were found of different calibres
and three officers with forty men were made J
prifoners.

The
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 229

The Admiral now diredled his force a- 1782.

gainft Fort Oilenburgh, iituated on the top
of an hio;h hill which commanded the har-
hour, and containing all that remained of

the ftrength of the enem.y. After an inter-

change of feveral polite and friendly letters,

between Sir Edward Hughes and Van Al-

bert Homoed the Governor, who had lived

on the footing of intimate acquaintance and

pcrfonal attachment, Oftenburgh was taken
by affault, about day- light, in the morning
of January nth. The affailants had the
misfortune of Iciing Lieutenant George
Long, fecond lieutenant to the Admiral,,
v/ho was killed as he bravely advanced to
the affault at ^he head of his company, and
alfo twenty non-commitlioned and private
feamen and marines. Lieutenant Wolfely,
who commanded company of feamen.
a
Lieutenant Samuel Orr, who commanded
the grenadier company of marines, and did
duty as a Brigade- Major, and forty non-
commiiiioned and private feamen and ma-
rines were wounded. The enemy loft but
few men, as they foon, for the moft part,
threw down their arms ; and their lives,

P 3
though
^.30 MEMOIRS OF THE
1782. though forfeited by the laws of war, were
fpared by the clemency of the conqueror.—
The Governor with the garrifon, confifting
of about four hundred Europeans, includ-
ing officers, were taken prifoners.

By thefe fucceffes, eafily obtained, the

Dutch were driv^en entirely from the coaft
of Coromandel, an avenue was opened to
the redu(5tion of their fettlements in Ceylon,
and a door was opened into the heart of
Tanjore, which fpread the terror of the En-
glifh name throughout that and the adjacent
countries. Elyder- Ally's troops evacuated
all the forts and ftrong-pofts they held in
Manjore; and the Poly^ars in the Marawa
and Tinavelly provinces, who, at the infti-

gation of Hyder, had rebelled againft the

Nabob of the Carnatic, and taken part a-
gainfl us, returned to their obedience.

The redudion of the Dutch forts was a

meafure that originated with Lord Macart-
ney, who fucceeded to the inglorious Mr.
Whitehill in the government of Madras,
and

I
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 23I

and who firfl brought the news of a Dutch 1782.

war, in June 1781, to Inqia.

While the Enghfh fleet was employed in

making and fecuring the eafy acquintions

above defcribed, the movements of our land
armies in the Carnatic and' in Tanjore were
as follow. — Sir Eyre Coote, informed of the
diflrefs, marched to the relief of the garri-

fon of Vellore : but, on the 5th, indifpoii-

tion, arifing not more from bodily fatigue

and the cares of war, than from the vexati-

ous difputes in which he found himfelf in-
volved with the new Governor of Madras,
was obliged to halt at TripaiTore. The
General's declining frame, on this anxious

day, was threatened with inftant diifolution,

and his life was defpaired of for feveral

hours. On the 6th, however, his ftrength

was fo far reftored, as to admit of bciiie;

borne in his palanqueln. The army rejoi-

ced at his ^covery, refumed their march,

and encamped at a village called E din burg,
which, from its famenefs with the name of
the capital of Scotland, affeded the 73d
P4 regiment
232 MEMOIRS OF THE
1782. regiment with a lively and tender recollec-
tion of their native country.

Notliing material palled till the loth,

when the army, now in the light of Vellore,
with the convoy to the right under the hills,

dragging thejr artillery through a deep mo-

rafs, which Hyder had thrown in their way
by breaking down the banks of a tank,
were ftruck with the appearance of the
enemy's line, which to the eye -appeared to

be regular, (hooting towards their rear and

baggage. But happily our army had crofl-

cd the morafs before they came up. A di-

ftcint cannonade now commenced, which
lafled above fix hours, and by which we
had three lubaltera officers and fixty-nine
foldiers killed, or loft to the fervice by heavy
cannon-fhot wounds. The convoy was
fafely lodged in Vellore on the i ith, and on
the 13th, the army coming up to the i? me
morafs, in their return, found Hyder pre-
pared on the other fide to difpute their paf-
fage. A diHant cannonade took place be-
tween the two armies, by which the Eng-
glifh loil Captain Lucas of the artillery, and
nearly
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 233

nearly the fame number of men that fell by 1782.

the firing of the loth. Hyder fell back,
and our men purfued their march.

Upon the 1 5th, the army, after a long

march, encamped near Tritani Pagoda, from
whence the enemy's camp was feen at a di-

stance, fronting ours. On the i6th, the

General moved the army about two miles
nearer the enemy, who alfo, on their part,

drew fomewhat nearer to our troops. Va-

rious manoeuvres v/ere prad;ifed on both
fides. Sir Eyre Coote challenged Hyder-
Ally to try the fortune of a battle on ground
approved by the Englifti; and Hyder, in
his turn, challenged Sir Eyre Coote to come
on and meafure the flrength of the Englilli
with his, on ground which he had chofcn.
After a mutual difcharge of artillery, the
armies parted, and pitched their tents.

The Englilli General, having returned to

the Mount, applied himfelf to the conftruc-

tion of magazines, one at Chingliput and

one at TripalTore ; a meafure which, could
it have been carried into execution fooner,
would
234 MEMOIRS OF THE'
1782. "vould have foftened the inconveniencie?,
given fyflem to the marches, and advantage
and eiFedt to the vidories gained by the ar-
my. The continuance of our troops in this
ftation v\^as prolonged by the unhappy dif-
ferences between Sir Eyre Coote and Lord
Macartney, which made it neceffary for the
General to folicit from the Supreme Coun-
cilof Ben2:al
O the reftoration of his authori-
ty over the fouthern army, that he might

be able to dired: the co-operation of the

whole force under his command, in fuch a

manner as might facilitate his own, and

counterad: the movements of the dnemy.

With the inaftion of our main army

at this time, however neceflary in fome re-

fpedis, we are to conncifl, perhaps, in the

relation of caufe and eifed:, the overthrow

of our fouthern army in Tanjore, under
Colonel Braithwaite, and the re- capture of
conquefts madefrom Hyder-Allyonthecoaft
of Malabar.

The troops under the command of Co-,

lonel Braithwaite, deftined for the protec-

tioa
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. ^2$

tion of Tanjore and the neighbouring pro- :^7S2.

vinces, conlifted of twenty-five Europcun
and one hundred and thirteen native artil-

lery, ten field-pieces, one howitzer, one hun-^

dred and forty-two native cavalry mounted,
and the fame number dilmounted, one hun-
dred and nineteen light infantry, with twen-r
ty-three artillery attached to the cavalry,
the tenth battalion, and eight companies of
the thirteenth battalion of Sepoys, two gre-
nadier companies of the fixteenth battalion,
aud lix grenadier companies of Sepoys.
This force, amounting to about two thou-
fand and thirteen men, infantry and cavalry,
lay in camp on the banks of the Colcoon,
at the diilance of forty miles from Tanjore.
Colonel Braithwaite, fituated in an open
plain, was evidently expofed to the enemy's
cavalry ; though apparently fecured from
any fudden attack, by feveral large and deep
rivers which lay between him and Hyder-
Jilly, who was at a confiderable diftance.

But Hyder, apprized of thefe circumllances,

determined co cut off this detachment, as

he had done that under Colonel Baiiiie.

Tippco '
236 MEMOIRS ©F THE
178-2. Tippoo Salb, accompanied by Monlieur
Laiiy with four hiiiidred French infantry,
marched on this enterprize, at the head of
twenty thoufand troops of his own, one half
of which was cavah-y. With this formi-
dable army, and twenty pieces of cannon,
he fuddenly fbrrounded the Ecglidi, unpre-
pared and unable to refift him. Colonel
Braithwaite, on the approach of Tippoo,
endeavoured to march off to Tanjore, or
iome other place of fafety. Superior num-
bers on the fide of the enemy rendered this

impoflible, and brought- on an a<5lion, which

was continued from the i6th to the i8th
day of February. F6r the fpace of twenty-
fix hours, an unremit'ted fire of cannon and
fmall arms was lupported on both iides.
The Engliili com.mander, attacked in every
quarter, that he might prefent a, front evtry
way to the enemy, threw his detachment
into an hollow iqua re, with his iield-pieces
interfperfed in its faces, and his fmall body
of cavalry in the centre. The Colonel,
though wounded and bleeding, would not
withdraw from the fcene of action for a

moment : but encouraged the efforts of his

intrepid
 LATE W A K IN A i r A, liy

intrepid little army, by looks, voice, and 172^-

adion. A violent cannonade on all fides

/ was expedied to make a breach in our lines,

in ibme quarter of the fquare in which our
troops were formed or other. Tippo3
watched every appearance that might en-
courage an irruption of his cavalry, and
wherever he judged that his fire arms had
made an imprcffioii, he led them on by ex-
amples, by promifes, by threats, by ftripes,

and fugitives flain Vv'ith his o^vn hands.

They advanced repeatedly to the charge,
but were as often repelled by fhowers of
grape-Hiot, and that of mufketry. The
moment they were driven back, the Britiih
cavalry ruilii ng forwards from the centre
of the fquare, through openings made by
our well-difciplined troops for that purpofe,
purfued them with heavy and unrefifted exe-
cution to a proper diftance, and then return-
ed to their proper ftations. But, at lafl,

when great numbers of our men had fallen,

and thofe who remained were worn down

with wounds and fatigue, Monfieur Lally,
at the head of his four hundred Europeans,
with fixed bayonets, fupported by feveral
battalions
2-38 MEMOIRS OF THE
/o^. battalion? of infantry, and flanked by prodi-
gious numbers of cavaliy, marched with
fieady refolution to attack that ^de of the
fquars which had been moft expofed, and
fuffered moft in the ad:ion. Our exhaufted
Sepoys, unable to repulfe the onfet of fuch
a body of Europeans coming frefh into ac-
tion, daring from the vaft army that fup-
ported them, and Gonfid^it of fuccefs, were
inftantly thrown into confufion. The ene-
my's cavalry rullied in amongft our diforder-
ed troops. A dreadful carnage enfued j nor
'

would one have remained of this unfortunate

body of men to report the fate of his friends,

if the humanity of an European officer had

not been oppofed to the barbarous fury of
Afiatic conquerors. Monlieur Lally loft

not a moment in putting a ftop to the ef-

fallon of blood. The French troops readily
obeyed his orders. But it was not till the
fv/ord of the Commander was dyed with
'

the blood of five individuals, among his na-

tive troops, that they ceafed to indulge their

favage fury.
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. ^29

It is remarkable, that notvvrithflanding 1782,

the length of this engagement, ana the

flaughter tjiat followed, of upwards of
twenty officers, one only was killed, and
only eleven wounded. Tippoo Saib treated

his prifoners, efpeciaily the ofticers and the

wounded men, with great humanity : nor
was aught omitted, within the compafs of
his power, that might alleviate their dif-

treffes. But a particular account of all thefe

things is added in thefequelof thefe Military

Memoirs.

The eiForts of the Governor- General

and Council, and the perfonal exertions
of Sir Eyre Coote, flemmed the torrent
of invafion : but, without new channels
for its reception, were unable to divert

it. Hyder-Ally, notwithilanding that in

every encounter our main army kept the
field, and marched and countermarched
whitherfoever the relief of the diftreffed or
the hope of advantage and deciiive engage-
ment called them, by the poffeffion of
many ftrong holds, and the devaftation of
the open country, had eftabliihed himfelf fp,

firmly
240 MEMOIRS OF THE
1781. firmly in the Carnatic, that every exertion
on our part, to drive him out from thai
quarter, was evidently beyond our flrength
and impradlicable. To attack Hyder's do-*

minions from the coafl; of Malabar, which

had before been a collaterel, became, noWj
a primary objed; of political connderation

for this was the only meafure that could de-

liver our poffeffions on the Coromandel coai
from their dangerous invader.

What Vv'as now confirmed by experience, the

fagacity of government had fufpeded. The
firfl idea, accordingly, which occurred to the

Governor- General, after fending a fupply of

men and treafure to Madras, was, to miakei

a diverfion in favour of our operations on

iWt eallern, by an attack on Hyder on the?

we/lern coaft of the peninfula of Hindofcan.

But this was infeparably connected with an-'

other objecfl : peace with the Marrattas. —

For this purpofe, propofais for an accom-
modation with that nation, were tranf-'

mitted, in Odlober, 1780, to the admini-i

Uration of Poonah, in which we offered t

relinquiin every conquefl, excepting Am-

medabad
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 24.1

tnedabad and Gualior, the hvd of which 178 1.

had been guarantied to Futt}^ Sing, and the
fecond to the Ranah of Gohud, upon con-
ditions that the Marrattas Ihould unite with
us in an ofFeniive alhance againfc Hjder-
Ally, of whofe pofTefiions a conqueft was
to be made, and equal divifion. Some fli-

pulations, fafiiciently favourable, were pro-

pofed refpeding Roganaut-Row. The Ra-
jah of Berar's offer of mediation and gua-
rantee on this occafion was accepted, him-
felf permitted to become a party, and the
treaty of courfe tranfmitted to him through
the Marratta minifter.

It was flipulated, among the preliminary

articles of peace, fent at this time to Poo-
nah, that the Commander in Chief of the
Englifh army iliould immediately fufpend
all hoftilities and military operations againfl
the Marrattas, whenever he fhould receive
a requifition to that effed: from the Pailhwa;
and that fimilar orders fhould be given, on
his part, to the officer commanding the
Marratta armies. Copies of the propofed
treaty v^^re fent to the Seled Committee of
Vol. I. Q^ Bombay,
242 J^IEMOIRSOF THE
178 1. Bombay, and to General Goddard. To the
General formal orders were alfo fent for a

ceiTation of ^rms whenever the Marratta

minifter iliould require it : but, until a fuf-
penlion of hoflilities fhould be required, he
was diredired to profecute the war with the
wtmofl vigour*

Three months having elapfed from the

date of the treaty, and no notification re-
ceived from the Paifhwa, either of its arri-

val, or of any refolution to which he had

come after taking it into confideration, our
military operations were continued with un-
remitted ardour, and, in the middle of Ja-
nuary, 1 78 1, the whole of the army aflem-
bled at Vifrabuy, a place about tv/enty
miles inland from Ballein, which is ac-
counted among the Hindoos a place of great
fanctity, and alfo held in high reputation for
its hot-wells, vv^hich are faid to have great
medicinal virtues. From this poft it was
determined to advance to Poonah, the feat

of the Marratta Government.

Therre
 L AT "E WAR IN ASIA. 24.3

There is a chain of high hills, rifing aU 1781.

imoft perpendicularly from the plains below,
iWhich extends itfelf from north to fouth,

lilong the Malabar coaft, from Guzzarat to

to Cape Comorin, though indenting the

land at different diflances from the ocean.
Between the Gauts or Pailes that lead
thfoui^^h this ran ere of mountains into the
country, of the Marrattas to the eafi:, which
from its great elevation is ftiled the Bala
Gaut, and bounded by the fea, on the weft
lies a tra(5t of country of confiderable extent,
called the Concan. In this country, and
at the foot of tlie hills and Gauts that form
its caftern boundary, there was a Marratta
army, conlifling of at leaR- twenty thoufand
horfe and foot, with about fifteen pieces

of artillery. Thefe were poil:ed on the |^oad

to Bore Gaut, one of the mofl: eafy and

practicable pafles, and where the enemy ex-
pe(fled that we meant to make our afcent

into their country, as it had been made

choice of for the fime end by the governm.ent
of Bombay on a former occaiion, and was
in fa6t the nearcft, and moft convenient route
to the Marratta capital, which is not at a

Q_2 greater
244 MEMOIRS OF THE
178 1, greater dillance from this pafs than five and
forty miles. The Marrattas, notwithftand-
ing their numbers, oppofed not any thing to
the progrefs of our troops, excepting a few
flight fkirmilhes, in which they always fuf-

fered defeat and difadvantage. But when

our troops reached Campoley, on the 8th of
P'ebruary, at the entrance of the Bore Gaut,
tliey were informed that the enemy had
previously afcended this pafs, and that there
w^as reafon to apprehend that they had come
to a refoiution of difputing it cbflinately.

Certain intelligence was brought, that about

forty thcufand infantry, with a fuitable train
of ariilleiy, had taken poft at the top of it,
and that the whole Marratta army, lately re-

inforced by fifteen thoufand men under Hol-

kar, and about half that numbei' under an-
other chief called Roganaut Pundit, was \

encamped at no great diftance.

General Goddard, confidering that ddlay

would not only increale the confidence of
the enemy but them an oportunity of
afford
con{l:rud:ing new works, which would ren-
der the pafs every day more difficult and
hazardous.
 I A T E WAR IN ASIA. 245

hazardops, refolved to feize it that very 178 1.

night by ftorm. The grenadiers, under the

command of Colonel Parker, entered into

: the foot of the Pafs at midnight, and by
fleep and rugged paths, through narrow and
winding defiles, afcended to its very fummit,
drove them from Condolah, and thus com-
pletely fubdued all that could now obilrud:
their progrefs to the place of their deftina-
tion. The terrour of the enemy, at the near
approach of our army to their capital, was
fo great, that they entirely burnt and de-
flroyed Tullicanoon, a very coniiderabic
town, about half way, and had actually
made every preparation for fetting fire to
Poonah, by filling the houfes with ilraw,
^nd removing the inhabitants with their ef-
fects to the neighbourhood of Settcrah.

This eircumflance beijig known, with

many other confiderations, prevented our
army from advancing to the capital, and
confined the remaining operations of the
campaign to a defence of the conquefts al-

ready made. As our whole force did not

exceed fix thoufand men, while that of the

0^3 enemy
24^- MEMOIRS OF THE
J781. enemy was not lefs than eight times th:

number, it was impolTible to make any di-"

vifion of their force, or even to leave a de-

'

tachment fulKciently ftrong to defend the

poil at Bore Gaut, if they fhould advance
beyond it : unaffifted by cavalry, they could
not hope to command provifions, or even to

procure forage, in a country defolated and

ruined : and this circumilance would have
QbliQ;ed them to carry along with them a
J

very ample fupply of grain, which, of courfe,

would have greatly encumbered and endan-.-

gered their march,

p

Ir is farther to be obferved, that an inva- ,

fion or the Deccan, where there was not

any hope of their being joined by any party
of the Marratta Hate, promifed not any event
that could materially influence the ftate of the
war, and far lefs decide its termination . With-
out cny determinate objed: to be attained,
or the hope of a revolution to encourage
their continuance, for any length of time,
in the coun^^y, all that they would have ac-
quired, would have been the empty glory of
poffeiTing for a fev/ days, the Marratta capi-
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 24/

tal, in eiteding a retreat from which they 1781.

mufl: have incurred the moil imminent dan-

gers.

It had uniformly been the decided opinion

of the Governor- General and Council of
Bengal, that nothing but a vigorous profe-
cution of the war againfl: the Marrattas
could bring either that, or the general war
in which we were engaged in India, to an
honourable ilTue. Yet, in repeated letters
from the coaft of Coromandel, the moil:
pointed and urgent reprefentations were
continually n^ade of the neceffity of mak-
ing a powerful diverlion in favour of our
army in the Carnatic. In thefe letters the
difadvantages which that meaiure 'would re-

lieve, and the farther lofTes v/hich it v/ouJ4

obviate, were painted in lively and alarming
colours, without any conlideration of the
adual ftate of Bombay, or of the certain ruin
with which that Prefidency, if the force

necelTary for its fecurity (liould be detach-

ed on a remote and feperate fervice, would be
menaced by the Marrattas.

CL4 In
24-2 MEMOIRS OF THE
1781. Ill thefe embaraffing circum fiances, the
Government of Bombay, in concert v/ith I
General Goddard, drained every nerve to
aftbrd relief to that of Madras, without
leaving themfelves entirely defencelels.

But the utmoft exertion that could be made

on the weftern fide of India, at a time when
they were engaged in a war with the whole
Marratta empire, was, to relieve the Ma-
dras troops at Tellicherry, by an equal pro-
portion from Bombay, and to fend the former
round to the coafl of Coromandel. Gene-
ral Goddard, in order to carry this expedient

into execution, defcended the Bore Gaut,

and marched towards the fea coaft. This
movem.ent was concerted with fuch fecrecy
and fkill, that the whole of the artillery

and heavy flores reached the foot of the pafs

in fafety, and without thefmallefl: interrup-
tion from the enemy, who v.'ere aftonifhed,

on the morning of the i8th April, to find,

that our | >ofl: at Condolah had been deferted

during the preceding night.

The country through which the army

was to pafs, in their march to the fea-coaft,

was
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. ^49

was well calculated to refifl any imprefTioii 1781.

from horfe, being exceedingly full of thick
buflies and jungles, with broken ground and ^

narrow defiles, where it would be impofii-

ble, except in a very few places, for cavalry
to ad: in a body. Yet was not this ftrong
ground the lefs dangerous to our troops.
They were fecured by difcipline, valour,
and confidence arifing from invariable fuc-
cefs againfl the moil furious charge that
could be made by Marratta horfe : but they
were expofed to the attacks of infantry, that

might be lodged, in feparate parties, in hol-

low ways, behind rocks and bullies, and in
other places of concealment.

It was accordingly this very mode of at-

tack that was adopted by the enemy, who,
to the number of fifty thoufind men, ten
thoufand of which were infantry, and mofl:-
ly Scindies and Arabs, the braveil troops
unacquainted with Eutoropean difcipline in
Hindoftan, down
fell into the Concan, un-
der the command of their principal chiefs.

Hurry Punt, Furkea, Burifs llambow, and

Tuckajee Holkar. The diftance from the
fea
250 MEMOIRS OF THE
178 1, fea to the foot of the Gauts was about twen-
ty-four miles, and during the whole march
of the Englifli army, which lafted three

days, the enemy exerted their utmofl efforts

to harafs and annoy their line, without any
other effect than killing and wounding a
few of their camp-followers and private
foldiers. But, while they were unable
to obtain the fmalleft advantage over our
troops, or even to feize any part of the great
quantity of necellary ilores that attended
them, the number that fell, during a con-
flict that continued for three days, by the
well-dired:ed fire of our men, on their part,
was very confiderable.

In this aftion, the lail of any conie-

quence that took place between the Mar-
rattas and 'the Engljih, Colonel Parker,
the fecond in command, gallantly ioil his

life.

While the army were difpofed in winter

quarters. General Goddard, notwithftanding

the tempeiluous weather, which renders the

navigation
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 251

navigation on tlie coaft of Malabar, at that ^ V^ ^ •

fealbn, extremely dangerous and alrnofl ini-

prad:Icable, failed for Surat, where he arrived
on the fecond of Auguil. Soon after his
arrival, he effe(5led an. interview with Futty
Sing and obtained fiom that chief a body of
five thoufand horfe for the fervice of the en-
fuing campaign, which exceeded by two
thoufand the n'-rnber he Vv is obhged to
furnifli by treaty. This Important objed:
being accomplillied, and fiich military ar-
rangements being made as were not only ne-
celTary for the protedlon of Guzzarat, but
for co-operating with the Bengal detachment
ftationed on the northern copfines of Mal-
va, the General returned to Bombay,

Immediately after the return

the of
enemy from the Gauts, the greater part ofc
the Madras detachment, relieved by troops
from Bombay, agreeably to the refolution
above mentioned, was fent round fj-om
Tellicherry to the coaft of Coromandel.
Teliicherry is a valuable fettlemeni: up-
on the coall: of Malabar, dependant on
the
Z^2 MEMOIRS OF THE
1781, the Prefidency of Bombay. It has a good
road for (liipping; and here the coafting
vefTels between Bombay and the coail of
Coromandel are fupplied with refrcfhrnentS".

A brifk commerce has been carried on at

this place, particularly in the pepper trade,

ever fmce the firfl difcovery of India by-

Europeans. After the capture of Maheefrom

the French, it was -garrifoned by the Ma.-
dras detachment, who defended it a^ainft the
attacks of tbe Nairls, tributary to Hyder-
Ally.

On tlic 9th of May 1781, Major Wil-

liam Abington arrived at Tcllicherry, with a
relief to the Garrifon, conlifting of a detach-
ment of artillery, one company of infantry,
and the loth and i ith battalions of Sepoys.
After landing his troops, which were imme-
diately feat to relieve the Madras Europeans
and Sepoys in various parts of the lines, his

lirft care was to vifit and infpecft the fortifica-

^ons. Thefe were of great extent, reach-
ing from Moylan to Codoley and nearly five

miles in ei^cumference. They had of late

been

'

^
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 2^^

been much negleded, on a fuppoiition that 178 1.

the fettlement was to have been withdrawn,
and, in many places, they exhibited the ap-
pearance of deformed and defencelefs ruins.
Thefe circumftances, joined to the lituation

of the enemy, fuggefled to the Major the

idea of making an attack, inilead of purfuing
defenfive operations ; but that delign not
being approved of by the Madras comman-
der, was dropt. On the 15th, Major Cot-
grave embarked with the Madras troops, ancj
left the garrifon to the charge of Major
Abington.

A truft of fach difficulty was not to be

difcharged fuccefsfully by common genius,
nor confined experience in the art of war.
Lines of vafl extent, and ruinous condi-
tion, were to be repaired and defended by a
fmall number of troops; while they were
continually aflaulted by an enormous army
of fubtle, fierce, and obflinate barbarians.
Tlie reparation of the; works became the
grand objed: of the Major's attention, andfo
conftantly and alTiduouily were the engi-
neers employed, that in a few days a fmall
battery
2^4 MEMOIRS OF THE
178 1, battery was opened with confiderable effect:.

The moft judicious orders were, at the fame

time, ifTued to theoutpoils and centinels, to
prevent the danger of a fudden attack.

A hh'carrah fent out in queft of intelli-

gence, returned with an account, that tlie

enemy's force alt02;ether exceeded not

twelve thoufand; that Surdar Gawn, their
leader, had lately received fome letters re-
fpedling Hyder-Ally, which feemed f<) affed:

his fpirits ; but that, notwithilanding his

vifible dejection, he ftill continued to affure
his officers and men of his iixt intention

never to quit the place till he had taken

Tellicherry. Two days after, accounts ar-
rived of this formidable chief's being killed

by a cannon fhot, as he was reconnoitering

the lines.

The fortifications flill continued to bd

repaired, improved, and extended; not,
however, without frequent interruption and
annoyance from the enemy. The fyflem
of defence was net embraced by Major
AbiTigton from choice, but neceffity. He
mighty
 L A.T E WAR IN A 5 I A. ^5^

might, indeed, have made Tallies, and dlf- 17 8 1.

lodged the enemy from fome of their pofls;
but he faw ths abfurdity of taking polls
which he wanted troops to defend, while
he could not fpare a fmgle man from duty
to ad; as a referve. For three whole months
the lines remained unbroken, the enemy
were detedled and counteracfled in every
flratagem, and in every attack repulfed with
lofs.

Early in the morning of the 24th of Au-

guft, they made a vigorous aflault upon the
lines between Wood's poil and the Green
Redoubt, and, owing to the negligence of
the auxiliaries, about three hundred rufhed
within our out-v/orks. The Moplas gave
way at firil, but, obferving that the Sepoys
preferved their wonted fpirit and bravery,
they fuffered themfelves to be rallied, and re-
turning to the attack, made dreadful havock
among the aflailants. Twenty of them
were killed within the lines, above fixty
lay between the ditch and abattie, and great
numbers all along the field. Had the morn-
ing been clear, their lofs muft have beei^

far
^^6 MEMOIRS OF THE
tySi. far more confiderable. On the part of the
garrifon, the lofs was only five wounded^

On the 6th of the following month, an-

other attempt was made, by three parties of a
thoufand each, at different places. They ad-
vanced under cover of a very thick fog, got
in by one of the poflis defended by the irre-
gulars, and took poft at Wood's Redoubt w^ith
two ftand of colours. They were very fooii
dillodged by the Sepoys, fixteen being killed
on the platform and the rock below, and
above thirty driven into the fea» Indeed
their lofs was not exadlly known, the lame
fog which favoured their approach enabling
tliem. to carry off their dead unobferved.

Notwithftanding thefe fucceffes, the fitu-

ation of Major Abington and his garrifon

was very diftrefsful. His difpatches which
he had fent to Bombay, requefling fupplies
of men and military ftores, had been loff at

fea. A heavy and almoft continual canno-

nade from the befiegers, together with ex-
ceffive fatigue, daily leffened the number of ,

^s effedive men, and thofe that remained '

were
 LATE V/AR IN ASIA. 257

^ere haralTed with the double duty of fol- 178 r.

diers and labourers. For the enemy had

run feveral mines within a yard of the works,
and fome even under the lines and countcr-
fcarp of the ditch at Fort Moylan, to dif-

cover and deflroy which, required unceafing

toil. The engineers were indeed very fuc-
cefsful in coUnteradiing thefe fubterraneous

approaches, and thereby fo difconcerted the

beiiegers, that, concluding their meafures to

be betrayed by their Captain of Pioneers,

they cut off his nole and ears * : but fuch
advantages were frequently rendered imper-
fect and abortive by the fcarcity of ammu-
nition. The report of Surdar Cawn"'s death,
too, was difcovered to be falfe. He had
been wounded, but was recovered, and had
ilgain taken the fields

On the 13th of November, in the even-

ing, a Niar entered at Fort Moylan, with
two human heads in a bafket, in fuch a ftate

of putridity as not to be approached. They

* A barbarous and fiiockin^ punlfliment, of ancient

nding in the call, as appears from the a.Tair of Zopirus.

Vol. I. R belonged.
^5^ MEMOIRS 9 r THE
1782. belonged, he faid, to the Zamorin and
his miniiler; and he gave this account
of the lanaentable fate of that unfortunate
prince. About twelve days before, he had
left his brothers at Toour, to go to Manje-
ree, a village ii tuated five leagues above Ca-
licut, dcfignmg to collect his Ihare of the
harvell; a pradice vt^hich, though not pub-
licly authorized by Hyder's government^
had for fome years been connived at, but
always difputed by the people, particularly
the Moplas. The prince brought with him
only an hundred of his own Niars, but, in
his way to Manjeree, he was joined by feveral
more, for the iake of plunder. A number
of thefe had fwords and targets, fome had
lances, and others muft^ets ; but ail were ill

provided of ammunition, not having mora

than two or three rounds each. They ar-
rived at Mangeree and colleded fome grain.
In the mean time, about eight hundred
Mopias fecretly affembled, and in the night,
furrounding the place where the Prince and
his party lay, furprized them the next
morning in fuch confufion, that few had
time to make any refinance. Every one
confult-
 LAtE WAR IN ASIA. 259

- COnfulting his own fafety, the Prince was 178 1,

foon deferted by all his people ; and, think-

ing to conceal himfelf from the Moplas till

an opportunity offered of making his efcape,

he jumped into a deep pit overgrown with
bufhes. Of the prince's party, twenty,
with his minifter were killed, and three ta-
ken prifoners, of whom this Niar was one.
Thofe who efcaped rallied, and made fome
attempts to refcue the prince, or carry off
his body if he fhould be killed; but they were
repulfed by the Moplas, who, after a long
and fruitlefs fearch, threatened to kill their
prifoners, unlefs they difcovered the retreat of

their mafler. One of them, hoping to fave

his own life, betrayed that of his prince, by

pointing to the place where he was con-
cealed.

The Moplas immediately fhot him dead,

dragged up his body, and having cut off,
his head, obliged the prifoners to carry it,

together with that of his minifter, to Cali-

cut, from whence they were fent to Surdar

Cawn. At this piteous fpedtacle, the fa-

vage chief was greatly pleafed; but, to avoid

R 2 the
a6o MEMOIRS OF THE |

178 1, the eHluviiiJie ordered them to be placed at

a diftance from him, and the prifoners to be

unbound and rclcaled. The Cawn having
foon after retired into his tent, and his guards
being difperfed, it appeared not impofilble
to the faithful Niar to fave his mafler's head
from fuffering greater indignities, and fecure
it a burial ; he therefore watched his op-
portunity, took up the bafket, and made
his cfcape into the lines of Tellicherry.

The warm reception which the enemy

had found in repeated attempts to fiorm the

lines, had given them a difgufl at that mode

of attack, and they now confined themfelves
to diftant cannonading, difcharges of muf-
ketry, and running of mines in various di-
rediions. This laft, by the great number
of their working people, they were enabled
to purfue with eafe and expedition; fo that,
in fpit^ of all the vigilance and afliduity

of the garrifon, frequent and formidable

breaches were made in the lines ; but to
thefe the Sepoy^s of the enemy would never
ad^ance, though urged on by threats, ftripes,
even w^ouiids.

In
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 2Sx

In the midft of thefe efforts of gallant 178 1.

perfeverance, a letter arrived from the Gover-
nor and Select Committee of Bombay, de-
claring their utter inability to make anv fur-
ther provifion for the maintainance of Tel-
licherry, and their reludlant purpofe of with-
drawing from the place; pointing cut, like-
wife, vy^hat appeared to them the fafefl me-
thod of retreat, a.nd the probable aiiiilance
which might be expected from the royal
fquadron. Inilead of executing, inftead even
of publiiKing this abfurd and cruel plan.
Major Abington carefully concealed it, to-
gether with his own emotions of diiguft and
anxiety. Preierving flill the appearance of
lecurity and intrepidity, he ihewed the im-
polTibiiity of performing their orders, with- •

out the moil ruinous confequences. By

arguments flowing from a benevolent heart,
as well as a paffion for military gloiy, he
pointed out the miferies that mml await the
abandoned fettlement, and the improbability
of even efcape to the troops. Alluding,
probably, to the difaflers of other places in
fmiilar iituations, he declard himfelf un-
equal to the tafk of delivering brave men
R 3 up
262 MEMOIRS OFTHE.
178 1, up to famine or poifon ; and pathetically in-
treated to be relealed from a command, whichi
expofed his honour to ruin, and his name tal

execration. He informed them, at the fame

time, that if he could be fupplied with a
fmall reinforcement of troops and warlike
floras, he w^ould anfwer for the fafety of thq

place, and of the furrounding country.

His remonflrance had the defired effeft,

A packet foon arrived exprefs from Bom-

bay, with intelligence of the Committee's
refolution of fending a force, confining of

two battalions of Sepoys and forty artillery,

with four lix-pounders, for the relief of the

fettlement. Elated by the profpedt of fuch
aid, theMajor negleded no means of im-
proving it. While he continued fuccefs-
fully his defenfive operations, he formed an
admirable plan for a grand fally and attack
on Surdar Cawn's camp ; and difpatched
proper inflrudions to the neighbouring po-»

tentates, in alliance with the Company, for

regulating their co-operations. Ofthefe,
the King of Cotiote was chief, who, during
'
the fiege, had conilantly figniiied his friendly
inten^tions,
 '

LATE WAR IN ASIA. 263

intentions. The Kingsof Zamorin and 1782^

Travancore were alfo addreH^d but none of :

thefe took any adive part in raifing the

£ege.

The reinforcements being 2II arrived, and-

every proper difpofltiou made for the fally
and attack, on the 8 th of January, 3782,

th^ army marched out of the line. The

clock ftriking twelve in the fort, was th^
fignal for getting under arms, and at one the
march was begun in profound filence, no drum
beating, nor other warning given. After
paffi ng a deep morafs, and eicaping the no-
tice of two of the enemy's pirqnets, the
army, about live o'clock, reached the new
road leading to Putney Hill' batteiy, and the
grand camp. The fi-ont divifion had or-
ders to attack the former, while the main
body advanced to the latter : a manceuvrc
that divided the force of the enemy. Jull
at the dav/n of day, the enemy's centinels
challenged the advanced party. They wer^
anfwered only by the bayonet. The alarm,
however, very foon took place, but not be-
fore the aifailants had rea<:hed the battery,

R 4 where.
264 MEMOIRS OF THE 1
:7 82. where, by their rufhing Impetuoufly on, tlie

place was carried in an inftant, and the con-f

quering colours difplayed in triumph. After
having formed the main body ra-
line, the

pidly advanced to the camp, and the enemy

ifnmediately fled in the utmofl: confufion,
making feveral attempts to rally and form,
which the impetuofity of the attack ren-
dered ineiFedual. They vvere purfued as
far as Curchee, where Surdar Cawn, beinrj
wounded in the leg by a mufquet ball, had
taken llielter in a fortified houfe,fcooped out
of a folid rock, with a party of his bed
troops. This poft he defended for near
two hours, when, fire being communicate4
to it, the remains of his people endeavoured
to efcape through the flames, but were
moftly killed or taken. After the flames
had abated, Surdar Cawn with his family

were brought out from the ruins, and fent

to Tellicherry.

In the courfe /o{ that day and the next

following, all the enemy's pofts furrendered
in fucceffion. The pofl^eflions of the vic-
tors now extended as far as Ajar to tlie

north.
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 265

nortli, and Inllanda to the fouth. Of 17S2,

fpoils tliey collected altogether one thoufand
two hundred French firelocks, four brafs
field-pieces, from fifty to fixty iron guns of
various calibres, thirteen elephants, horfes,
6;:c. and a great quantity of powder, {hot,

fliells, and other ftores. Their lofs exceed-

ed not nine killed, and forty- nine wounded 5
while of the enemy five hundred were kill-

ed and drowned in Mahee river, a vaft

number wounded, and one thoufand five

hundred, including many of their principal

officers, fent prifoners to Tellicherry.

The wound of Surdar Cawn was in liis

ankle. When taken, he expected imme^

diate death, enquired why it was delayed,
and regarded the humanity of the Engliili
in fparing him with aftonifliment. He
defired to have his wives and children re-
flored, which was done. He died foon
after, of grief and agony of mind, rather
than any confequence of his wound, de-
fjring as the lafi: favour that his family
might be fent to Seringapatam. His re-
i^uelt was pundually performed.
Major
266 MEMOIRS OF THB

27^2. I^^ajor Abington's views were now turned

towards the fettlemciit and fecurity of his
conquefls. Remaiaing encamped on the
field of viclory, his fiif!; care was to rein-
ilate the fcveral kings and-princes, who had
hecti forced^ by the cruelties of Surdar
Cawn, to conceal themfclves and their
famiUes m woods and fwanfips, for near
tl^ree years. The only prince on the Ma-
labar coaft who had efcap^d opprefTion and
violence was the King of Travancore.
His means of defence were extraordinary
and romantic. Around his capital, asid

chief province, he foffered the woods to

grow for a number of years, till they
formed an impenetrable belt of great
depth. This, cut into labyrinths, afforded
eafy egrefs to his people, and rendered all

attacks from without impra<5ticable> Im-

mured within this natural fortification, he
encouraged the cultivation of the arts aj^d

fciences 3 he invited the approach of men of

genius and knov/ledge^ he cultivated the
friendfhip of the Bramins, and was himfelf
admitted into their fociety, by the ceremony
of pafiing through a golden cow, which be-
canae
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 26/

came the property of the Bramins, the cow 1778,

being facred in India, as formerly in Egypt 3
and by preparing his own military flores,

calling cannon, making gun-powder, &c.

he rendered himfelf independent of foreign
aid. The fubjedts of his remoter provinces,

who, to avoid the ravages of war, had taken

refuge within the woody circle, now return-
ed with their families and effeds, to their

former habitations.

The kings of Cotiote and Cartinad, with

the Nambiers of Invanard, were, on vari-
ous conditions, reflored to their fovereignties
and pofTefTions. To have feized on thofe
countries, and annexed them to the other
conqueils of the Company, would have been
partly unjuft, and was in fa(fl impoffible.
The views of Major Abington, therefore,
in reftoring them, were folid and jufl ; for
they pointed to the eftablilhment of peace
on a permanent balls, by conciliating the
minds of the princes and people, and fe-

curing their afliilance on any future emer-

gencies.

111
268 MEMOIRS OF THE
17 S2. In fuch tranfad:Ions, and In demolifliing
the enemy's works, lending off their ftores,
and planting proper guards at the forts znd
pafTes of the mountains, the Major was
employed till the 3d of February; when^
having fettled every thing in the beft man-
ner that circumflances would permit, he
marched towards Callicut. Before that fort
he arrived on the morning of the 1 2th, and
took poll within two hundred yards of the
walls. Next day, he had the good fortune
to blow up, by a Hiell, part of the grand
magazine, which fo totally expofed the gar-

rifon to an alTault, that they immediately

furrendered. Upwards of iixty iron guns,

mounted, were found in the fort, with great

quantities of military ftores : feveral fmall

and large vefTels alfo, lying in different ri-

vers with naval ftores, fell into the hands of

the conquerors.

Colonel Humberflone arriving foon after

at Callicut, claimed the command of the
army, as being fenior officer to Major Ab-
ington.

The
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 269

The date of thcfe tranfadiions, with the 1782^

Inadivity of our army in the Carnatic, by

which they were fo materially affeded, re-

calls our attention to the lituation of affairs

on the coail of Coromandel. Here we are

prefented wirh a more extended theatre,

and with more complicated fyflems of mili-

tary operation. The ocean, which divides

the Indian nations from Britain and France,

unites their arms: and while fquadron af-
ter fquadron from Europe brings frefh fup-.
plies of men and warlike flores to the nu-
merous bands of Afia ; fleets co-operate
with armies in all the various attempts and
ilrategems of war, and bring forward into
various and important action, the valour, the
abilities, and the refources of the two great-
eib nations in the world,

A French armament, confifling of thir-

teen fhips of the line, with a number of fri-

gates and tranfports under the command of
that great' naval officer Monfieur Suifrein,

appeared on the 9th of February off Pulicat.

The Engliih fquadron, lying in the Road of
Madras,
270 MEMOIRS OF THE
1782. Madras, whither they had repaired, after
the redudlion of Trincomalee, for a fupply
of ftores and provifions, confifted only of*

feven two deckers and one fmall frigate.

While Suffrein was flanding off and on^

for the purpofe of procuring intelligence of
the ftate of our affairs. Sir Edward Hughes
was moft fortunately joined by three large

fhips of war under the command of Com-

modore Almes. This critical junction took
place on the 1 2th of February, and, on the
13 th, Monfieur Suffrein hove in fight, re-
connoitered Madras, and anchored a few
miles to windward of Sir Edward. Upon
the 14th, Suffrein palTed Madras in line of
battle to the fouthward. Towards the
evening Sir Edward having received on
board three hundred officers and men of the
98th regiment, weighed anchor, and ftood
after him. On the 15th, the fleets met,
and a partial action commenced. Night
parted them : and in the morning, the ene-
my's ihips of war, to the number of twelve,
of the line of battle, with a frigate, appeared
in
 LATE WAR IN A S I A^ £71

in view, bearing eafl of the Englifh fleet, 1782*

at the diftance of four leagues, while fixteeii
fail of their frigates and tranfports, about
the difiance of three to the wefl, fleered
dire(3;ly for Pondicherry. Our Admiral,
on this, inftantly made the fignal for a ge-
neral chace to the fbuth-weft, in order, if

poflible, to come up with the tranfports.

Six of the enemy's (hips and veiTels, ac-
cordingly, fell into our hands, five of which
were Englifh, taken to the northward of
Madras : the fixth was the Laurifton, a
tranfport, having on board many French
officers, three hundred" men of the regiment
of Laufanne, and laden with all kinds of
^
ammunition. This fhip, \^ich was as

great an acquifition to us, as it was a lofs to

the enemy, wa$ taken by Captain Lumley

of the Ifis, The other veflels, after the
Frenchmen were taken out of them, were
fcnt with their own crews to Negapat-^
nam.

Monficiir Suffrein, having difcovered the

intention of Sir Edward Hughes to chafe

and take his tranfports, loil not a moment

to
272. MEMOIRS bf' triE

1782. to make all the fail after him that was lA

his power. By three o'clock in the after
noon four of his largefl and beft failing fhips

came within a league of the flernmofl cif

ourSi The fliips in chace, being fcattered

by the various courfes of the fhips they
were chafing, the Englifh Admiral made]
the Hgnal for them to join him, which they |

all did, about feven o'clock in the even- j

ing of the i6th. Our fleet continued to j

fland to the fouth-eaft all that night under \

an eafy fail. In the mean time, the enemy

appeared ftill in fight, making many fignalsj

and with crowded fails, bearing diredly oaj

our fquadron through an hazy atmofphereJ
light winds, and frequent fqualls*

At fix in the morning of the 17th, the Ad-

miral made the fignal for our fquadron to form
the line of battle a head. At twenty-iive mi-
nutes pail eight, our line being formed witk
great difticulty, from frequent calms, the fig-
nal was made for the leading fliip to make the

fame fail as tile Admiral, and towards him„,

in the line a-head, that the fleet might, if
poflible weather the enemy, and engage
them
 t AT E WAR I N A S I A. 273

niight, if pofTible, weather the enemy, and 1782.

eno^age them clolelyi Meanwhile, the
French fleet, having the advantage of
fqualls from the N. N. E. advanced on
our fhips very fail: fo that th^ Admiral
made the fignal for our line to alter their
courfe two points to leeward, the enemy
then fteering down on the rear of our line,
in an irregular double line a-breafl. Sir

Edward Hughes, in order to draw the re^ir

of his line clofer to the centre, and to pre^

vent the enemy from breaking in, and at-
tacking it when feparated, at half paft noon,
made the fignal for our fquadron to form
the line of battle a-breafl. At three in the
afternoon, the enemy flill pufhing onward
to our rear in a double line a-breafl, the
Admiral again altered his courfe in the line,

in order to draw his rear fliips flill clofer to

the centre ; and, at forty minutes after

three, finding it impoflible to avoid the ene-
jny's attack under all the difadvantages of
very little wind and a leeward Ration, he
made the fignal to form at once into the^
line of battle a-head. At four the Exeter,
the flernmofl (hip in our rear, when formed
Vol. I. S in
274 MEMOIRS OF THE
•1732. in line of battle a-head on the larbord tack,
not being quite clofed to her fecond a-head,
three of the enemy *s (hips in the firfl line
bore right down upon her, whilll: four
more of their fecond line, headed by Mon-
fieur SufFrein hinifelf in the Hero, moved;
along the outfidc of the firil line to our

centre. At five minutes paft four, the ene-

my's three Oiips began their fire on the Exe-
ter, which £lie and her fecond a-head re-

,
turned*

The Englifh Admiral now made the fig-

nal for battle. About twelve minutes pafl \

four the aftion became general from the rear.j

of our fieet to which was formed

the centre,
by Sir Edward Hughes, on board the Su-
perbe. The French Admiral, with thcj
other (liips of his fecond line, advanced as]

far as the Superbe, but no farther. Thusi

eight of the enemy's befi: fhips were en-j
gaged in an attack on five of ours. SufJ
frein adopted this plan of action in\:onre-
quenceof the difadvantageous fituation of our
fieet, the van of which, confifting of the
Monmouth, Eagle, Burford, and Worcef-
ter,
 LATE WAR IN ASIA* ^75

tfer, could neither be brought into the en- 1782,

gagement without tacking on the enemy,
nor tack on the enemy for want of wind.
And, as our van was thus prevented from
doling with our centre and rear, fo the five
(hips of our centre and rear, then engaged
with the enemy, forely prefTed, and greatly
iifabled in their mafls, yards, fails, and
"igging, could not follow the other four,
without the utmoft hazard of entire fepara-
[lon. But, at fix in the afternoon, a fquali
Df wind from the fouth-eafl; brought the van
-if our line round, and a-head on the ene^
"ny to the north-eafl, when the engage-
i[ient was renewed by the flarboard guns
)f our other five fhips, with great fpirit and
ilacrity. The approach of night parted
he two fleets: the French hauled their

ivind and ftood to north-eafi: : the Englifli

ailed with a favourable wind for Trincoma-
ee to repair the damages fullained in this

lot engagement*

HI
In this adlion, Monfieur Suffrein difplay-
d equal ilcill and gallantry, and Sir Ed-
ward Hughes fuflainedwithfmgular bravery
S 2 and^
2y(> MEMOIRS OF THE
1782. and addi'efs the dil'ad vantages under which
he laboured in a leeward pofition with re-
gard to the enemy, and inferiority of force
and number. The French fleet direifled

their lire principally againfl the Supcrbe and,

Exeter, both of which fliips fuffered great-

ly. Captain Reynold's of the Exeter was
killed, and Captain Stevens of the Superbe
died of his wounds.

The French fquadron, wlien it left the

iilands, was commanded by Monfieur D'Or-
ves : but on the death of that officer, which
happened a few days after his arrival on tlie

coall of India, the command devolved on

Monlieur Suffrein. On their pafTage from^

the iilands, they fell in with his Majefty's^

fhip the Hannibal, which they took off th(^

weft coaft of Sumatra. The Hannibalj
raifed the number of their line of battle,

Ihips to twelve, againfl: nine under the com-

mand of the Englifli Admiral. Monfieuf
Suifrein came to anchor in the neighbour-
hood of Porto Novo, where, in confequence

©f thealliance between his nation and Hyder,

he landed three thoufand four hundred men.:
th«
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 't.-J'J

the firft divifion of that force which, under 178^.

the command of the Marquis de BulTy, was
intended to fubvert the Engliili power in
India, The fort of Cuddalore, weakly
garrifoned, immediately became a place of
arms and of comfort to the French troops.
Sir Edward Hughes, having efte(5ted the ne-
.cefTary repairs, failed from Trincomalee on
the 4th of March, and on the 1 2th arrived
at Madras.

Towards the end of March intelligence

arrived that Moniieur Suffrein had fuddenly
flipped from Porto Novo, and put to fca.
Pie had learned from a foreign veflel that
an Englifh fleet was upon the coafl, and it

became, of courfe, his objedl ta intercept

it. But Sir Edward Hughes immediately
got under way, and in fight of the iiag-ftaff
of Fort St. George fell in with the fleet of
which the French Admiral was m purluit,
confining offeven Indiamen, with the 78th
regiment on board, eight hundred brave
Highlanders, under convoy of two line of
battle fhips, the Mscgnanime and the Sul-
tan. He ordered the men of war to ;oia

S J
'x h in:i,
"2.y^ MEMOIRS OF THE
1782. him, recruited himfelf from the merchant I

Ihips, and ftood diredlly for Trincomalee,

there to land a reinforcement, and mUitary
ftores for the garrifon. Sir Edward pru-
dently ftudied to decline an engagement, till

he fliould land the troops and ftorcs he car-

ried to Trincomalee. It was the bufmefs
of Suffrein, on the other hand, to court an
adion he was upon an enemy's coafl, with-
:

out any harbour near, where he might flieU

ter and repair his Ihips : and he was engaged
in a daring enterprize, which required both
ability and prompt execution.

The Englidi and French admirals, pur-

. fuing their refpe(ftive views, on the 12th of
April, braced up to the wind, which blew
from the land on the weil. Sir Edward,
by his fuperior feamanihip, had gained the
weather-gage of the enemy, and had reafon
to look with conllderable aiTurance for the
accomplifhment of his objed:, when fud-
denly the wind changed to the eafl, leaving

the Englifh fleet fo alarmingly clofe to the

banks that lay near to JafFanapatam, that
one of the fliips actually felt the ground,
Suffrein
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. Zfg

SuiFrein faw his advantage, bore down, and iyZ%,

began the battle. The number of guns, on
both lides, was nearly equal : but the French
fleet was full of men, while the Engliili was
{hoit of its complinfient, and ^tkly. Thus
cruelly circamilanced, did Sir Edward
Hughes maintain an adtion with Moniieur
Suffrein i.ntil it was broken off by the dark-
jiefs of the night. The nature or chara«fter
of this fea- fight may be learned froo^ this
circumilance, that for ieven days the iieeis

lay within random-fliot, without attempt-

ing any attack, or giving the leaft molefta-
tion to each other. Monfieur Suffrein, who
was en^ibled by the number of his hands to
bring his iliips firil into order, after making
a parade of offering battle, failed, for the
purpofe of compleat repairs, to Batkalo, in
the ifland of Ceylon. Sir Edward Hughes,
for the fame purpofe, entered the harbour of
Trincomalee.

The army had now remained a

Englifli

conhderable time at the Mount but, on :

the 17th of April, it was put in motion for

the relief of Parmacoil. But the General,
K -
S 4 on
28o fPlEMOiRS OF THE
1782. on his arrival at Charrnjooly, was informed
that Parmacoil had furrendered on terms,
on May the i6t]i. On the 24th, the army
encamped at Vandewafh. The general or-
|
ders of this day, for the purpofe of confirm-

in e the courage of our men, looked back

to the vidlory obtained by Sir Eyre Coote
over the unfortunate French General, Lally,
in 1760. The camp was pitched on the
fpot where that vi(ftory was obtained, and
an extraordinary batta was iflued out to the
troops. But, on the following morning, it

was found neceflary, on account of water,

to remove the camp to the oppofite fide of

the fort.

Hyder Ally lay encamped in a ftrong pofl

on the red hills, near Parmacoil, from which

various movements of the Engliih General
aimed to draw him, in vain. But the ma-
gazines of Hyder being depofited in the
Itrcng fort of Arnee, Sir Eyre Coote con-
-^'ceived that a m.arch towards that place,
might induce the enemy, for the fafcty of
his ftores, to hazard an engagement. The
General, therefore, turning his back on
Parmacoil,
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. sSl

parmacoil, and leaving his lafh ground fif- 17 S 2.

teen miles in the rear, encamped at Defore.

A fummons was fent, on the 31 ft, to the

fort of Chittaput, to furrender to the arms
of the Englifli: to which the Keeladar, en-
couraged by the nearnefs of Hyder, in terms
of great haughtinefs, bade defiance. Our
army, therefore, paiTed this place on the i ft

of June, and encamped on the weft and

fouth fide of the river, with an opening of
three miles between them and the fortrefs of
Arnee. Hyder, as foon as he received in-
telligence that Sir Eyre Coote had ftruck in-
to the road leading to Chittaput and Arnee,
immediately marched after him, and com-
ing over a fpace of forty-three miles in two
days, took up his head quarters in Chitta-
put, on the evening of the fame day in which
our troops fat down in the encampment
Juit defcribed.

Although Hyder, when he has an ob-

je(5l in view that requires expedition, ob-
ferves not any order of march, and the whole
country appears to be in motion, yet, his
innumerable bodies of horfe guard him
againft
2lg,2
^'^ E iM O X R 3 OF THE
i7S2» ^g^^^^ furprize, and enable him before tuch,
an army as ours can ftrikc any blow of iin-
port^ce, to form hi^ troops in order of bat-

tle. It may, perhaps, at the fame timCj^

afford fome meafure of gratification to Eu-

ropean curiofity, to be informed, that the
undifciplined troops of Afia, generally in-
fiamed with bang and other intoxicating
drugs, pour forth as they advance, a tor-
rent of menacing and abufive language on
their adverfaries. Every exprcffion of con-
tempt and averfien, every threat, fitted to

make an impreflion ©f ten-or, or to excite

ideas- of horror, that cufbom readily pre-
fents> or inventive fancy can fuggefi:, accom-
panies the utmoft ferocity of looks, voice,
and gefture. A murmuring found, with
clouds of duft, announce their approach,
while they are yet at the diflance of feveral
miles. As they advance, their accents are

more and more diftindly heard, until at laft^

with and weapons pointed

their eyes fixed,

at fome individual^ they devote him, with

many execrations, to deftrudion; giving

his flelli, like the heroes in Homer, and

the
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 283

the Philiiline warriors*, to the dogs, and 1782.

the birds of the air, and the beafts of the
iield. The numbers of the Afiatic armies,
the ferocity of their manner, and the noveky
of their appearance, would unnerve and
overcome the hearts of the fmall European
bodies that are oppofed to them in the field

of battle, if experience had not fufficiently

proved, how much the filence of difcipline
excels barbarian noife, and uniformity of
delign and adiion, the defultory efforts of
brutal force, adling by flarts, and liable to
the contagion of accidental impreffion.

Sir Eyre Coote, on the 2d of June, with

his eye fixed on the treafures and the ilores

of Arnee, began to move towards that im- ,

portant place, before break of day. But no

fooner had the approach of the fun enlight-
ened the horizon, than a heavy cannonade,
of eighteen and twenty-four pounders, was
opened on our rear, and fell very near it.

Our army came twice to the right about,

and the baggage was brought twice through
ihe files before it was found poffible to afcer-

I S.imuel, xvii, 44,

tain
2^4 MEMOIRS OF THE •

1782. tain the quarter from whencethe enemy's firi

proceeded. The General called a confulta*

tion of his officers, and encouraged them to
deliver their fentiments, concerning the pre-

fertt fituation of affairs, without referve.

Some were of opinion that the enemy's horfe
would charge in fquadron ; others agreed,

in part, with this opinion, but added, that^

after the baggage ihould be thrown into
confuiion, they would probably come round
by a rapid wheel, and charge our troops in
the fear. The reports that continued to be

made fro-m that quarter, having inconteft-

ibly proved that it was here that the enemy
defigned to make their principal attack,

the General, without farther deliberation,

brought about tlie line, and drew it up in

order to receive them. But no fooner were

our troops formed to the rear, than a divi-
fion of the enemy, commanded by Tippoo
Saib, moved rapidly to Arnee, carried away
the treafure, gave orders to the Command-
ant, and reinforced the garrifon. The ene-

my, in the mean time, occupied all the cir-

cumjacent grounds, and their cavalry, gal-

loping to and fro in eveiy diredlion, har-
raffed
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 2$$

rMTed the Engliih, who pofielTeda low fitu- 17S2,

ation, and galled them not a little, while
they were forming to the rear in order of
battle. The General made fuch difpofiti-

ons as might befl remedy the difadvantage

of his ground ; and advancing againfl the
enemy, endeavoured to bring them to a clofe

and decilive engagement. But, as he ad-

vanced, Hyder flirunk back, and left the
Englifli in pofTeffion of the fcene of adiou.
The inflant our troops were ordered to re-
linqui{h the purfuit, and halt on the field
of vi(5tory, a gun, with fbme tumbrils, was
obferved, oppofite to the 73d regiment,
fticking fail in the bed of the Arnee river,

and a party of the enemy labouring to draw

them out. The Honourable Captain Lind^
fey, againfl politive orders, as well as the
rules of war, advanced with his grenadier
company beyond the line, chafed away the
enemy's party, and feized the gun and tum-
brils, the polTeflion of which, converted
the General's difpleafure into commenda-
tion. When Captain Lindfey advanced, the
other companies of his regiment followed,
in order to fupport him, and were drawi^
up
 n.

2S6 MEMOIRS OF THE

4782. up in one battalion, under that fteady vete'-*

ran Captain Shaw, on the oppofite banks of

the river* This vidtory, if it may be called

a vidory, was obtained at the ihconlider-

able expence of fixty Sepoys killed and

wounded. The enemy, it was conje6lured^
did not lofe above half that numb^^r.

As we were unprovided with battering

cannon, fcaling ladders were made of green
bamboos, and a fummons was fent to the
Keeladar of Amee to furrender: but, as
neither the anfwer of that commander, noi*

the fituation of the fort afforded any hopes

that it might be attacked with any proba-
bility of fuccefs, our array, on the 6th of
June, marched towards Madras. Having
crolTed and recrofled the courfe of the Ar-
nee, they encamped, on the 7th, on the fame
fide of the river from which thev fet out»
While they lay in camp, on the eighth,
the enemy, from a military knowledge of
the ground, than which there is no circum-
ftance that is oftner improved by a flcilful

commander into happy projed's, drew out

o«r grand guaixi, confifting of a regiment of
European
 LATE Xr A R IN ASIA, ztf

European cavalry, into an ambufcade, where i7Si*

they were either cut off by an open and
heavy fire in. their front, or taken prifoners
by a numerous party of horfe that came
fudclenly between the main army and their
rear. The Engiifh General returned, on
the 9th of Jane, to Vandewafh, where, af-
ter a fruitlefs attempt to retaliate the lofs of
the preceeding day, by fnares fimilai- to thoie
through which it was occaiioned, proceeded
on his march, and on the 20th arrived at
Madras.

In thefe flratagems and encounters, tlia

laft in which Sir Eyre Coote and Hyder-i

Allv-Cawn were deftined to meafure their

ilrength in the field, we behold the con-
duct of the commanders, and the whole
charader of the war The Englilh Gene-
ral oppofing to numbers, artifices, and local
advantages, the difciplined valour of his
little army, according to the plainefi: and
moll approved rules of war, and, without
'

expofing his troops to too great hazards,

conftantly endeavouring to reduce the va-
rious movements and feints of his antago-
nifl
aSS MEMOIRS GF TUE
V1782. nifl to a point, where he could bear uporf
him with his whole llrength at once, and
bring him to a clofe and decifive ad:ion :

the Afiatic politician and warrior, availing

himfelf of prefent and vaft refources, elu-
ding regular and compaded force by fhrata-

gems the moft various and profound, and

declining- to commit to the fortune of a

iingle day, whaf would be enfured by a fe-

ries of conjundures rightly improved, by

diflance of fpace which might deprive his

adverfary of fupplies in the moment of cxi^.

gency, and by the very lapfe of time, which,

transferring the arts of the refined to the
rude, levels in its progrefs the condition of
nations.

Sir Eyre Coote fecure, after the toils of

the field, in the arfenal of Fort St. George,
had the fatisfadion of refleding, that he
had marched and countermarched, in fpite
^f all oppofition, whitherfoevcr he w^ould,
carried relief to the diftreiled, beaten back
the enemy in every battle, and done every
thing but bring him to a decifive engage-
|nent. Hyder-Ally, repofing in the for-
trefs
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 289

of Arnce, prefervedby his arms, rejoiced 1782.

trefs

that he had been able to avoid a decifive

ad:ion; that he was ftill in a condition to

prefent a front to the foe; that the wounds

he had given to the Englifh were deeper
than any they had inflicted on his army; and
that, while he thus maintained his ground
in the Carnatic, and braved with advantage
k power deemed irreliftible, he might rea-
fonably hope that in proportion as the pref-
fare of terror, which alone kept the native
princes under awe and fubjedtion to the
Europeans, fliould be removed, they would
gradually be united in a determined refolu-
tion to expel them, without exception, from
the coafls of India.

We muft now take a fliort review

of the (late of the war on the fide of Ben-
gal,

When it was determined, on the motion

Df Mr. Haflings, to afford eifedtual alPiflance

in men, money, and provifions, to Madras,

it was thought necelTary, alfo, by the Go-
/ernorr General, to break the grand and
VoLi I. T dangerous
290 MEMCIRS OF THE
J782. dangerous confederacy which had becr>

formed againft us, and, in order to effedt'

1
this, he propofed that an offer of reconcile-
ment, upon very reafonable terms, ihould
be made to the Marrattas, through the
Rajah of Berar. This offer was made, but
rejected; the next ftep, therefore, was to com-
pel that people to accept of peace, by mul
plying the calamities of war.

We have already faid, that Mr. IlafJ

tings had recommended an expedition into

Malva, the couiitry of Madajee Scindiah :

a meafure that v/as thwarted by the vio-

lent oppofition and intrigues of Mr. Francis.
But foon after the departure of that gentle-
man from India, which happened to-
wards the clofe of 1780, and which lliall

by and by be explained, it was deter-

mined to profecute the expedition to

Malva with the utmoft vigour. Lieute-

nant-Colonel, then Major Popham, re-

mained with a garrifon in Gualior : and

Lieutenant- Colonel Camac was ordered to
advance, at the head of five battalions of
Sepoys, with the utmoll rapidity to Ugein,
Madajee
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 29

Madajee Scindiah's capital. This move- 1782.

ment was attended with all thofe beneficial
confequences which Mr. Haflings had pre-
di(5led. Scindiah, who was the General of
the Marratta army, and oppofed the Britifh
General Goddard in Guzzarat, at the head
of fixty thcufand horfe, fuddenly quitted the
Marratta camo, for the defence of his own
country. He advanced to Seronge in tlie

month of February, 1781, furrounded Co-

lonel Camac with large bodies of Citvalr)%
interrupted his fjpplies, and reduced him to
the greatefl: diftrefs. Li this fituation, the
Colonel wrote in'the mcft preffing terms for
reinforcements to MajorFopham, and alfo
to Colonel Muir and Colonel Morgan, who

commanded our troops on the borders of

Corah and in Oude -, recommending, at the

fame time, that a diverfion fhould be made

in his favour from Caipee. Meafure? were
immediately taken for the fupport of Colonel
Camac, but he had the good fortune to extri-

cate himfelf from all his difficulties, before the

reinforcements arrived to his afTiflance. Ke
called a council of war on the 2 3d of March,
in which it was propofed by Captain Bruce,
T 2 who
292 MEMOIRS OF THE
1782. who commanded the florming party at Gua-
lior, to attack Scindiah's camp that night,

as the only pofiible means of preferving the

army. This advice, mofl flrenuoufly fecond-
ed by Major Maclary, a gentleman now in

England, was, after fome debate and con-

fideration, adopted by the Colonel. At
fun-fet, on the 24th, the army moved from
their ground, and, after a march of thir^

teen hours, effedtually furprized the two

camps of Madajee Scindiah, made them-
felves mafters of all his artillery, took his
ftandard elephant, a number of camels and
bullocks, and a prodigious quantity of pro-
vifions.

This a(5tion was decifive of the Marratta

war. Colonel Muir, who, in confequence of

Colonel Camac's letter from Seronge, had
been detached acrofs the Jumna,'had advanced
as far as the Ranah of Gohud's country, to
his affiftance, joined the army with his re-

inforcement the following month, and being

the fenior officer, fucceeded to the general
command. The Governor- General and
Council could not remove Colonel Muir,
. . who
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. ^93

^ho was one of the befl officers in their 1782.

fervice, from a command to which Lieu-

tenant-Colonel Camac himfclf had expreflly
called him. In the month of Auguft, 1781,
Scindiah made overtures ofpeace. A negotia-

tion was opened for that purpofe, and a treaty

concluded with that chief in the month of
Odtober, 178 1, which, in its confequences,
led to a general peace with the Marrattas.
A total ceflluion of hoililities with the
Marratta ftates was the immediate confe-
quence of the feparate peace with Madajee,
and a general pacification was ligned in May,
1782. Thus did that expedition, on the
fuccefs of which Mr. Haftings, when he
propofed it, had declared he would rifk his

life, terminate precifely as the Governor-

General predicted : and, in the year 1782,
of all the confederacy which had been formed
againft us, two members only continued
hoftile, Hyder-Ally-Cawn, and the French.
Moodajee Booflah had been bought off by
a fum of money and : the Nizam confiding,
or pretending to confide in our promifes,
according to his ufual policy, continued in-
active. To the honour of the troops em-
T 3 ployed,
294 MEMOIRS or THE
1782. ployed againfl: Scindiah, it is neceflary to

mention, that they were five months in ar-

rears during all the fervice.

It was for this reafon, and becaufe the

treafliry of Bengal was totally inadequate to
the continue-d and increafing demands of an
hundred thoufand men under arms, in the

fervice of Great Britain in different parts

of India, that the Governor-General deter-

mined, in the month of Auguft, 1 78 1 , to de-

mand from the Nabob Vizier of Oude, the

balance due to theCompany, and from the
Rajah Cheyt Sing, a Zemindar who rented,
under the Engiilh Company, the rich city
and dependencies of Benaras, together with
fuch farther contributions as the necef-

fities of war rendered cuflomary in the

caft, from valTals to lords paramount, and
from a fubje6l to his fovereign. The
PrinceiTes of Onde, the mother and grand-
mother of the Nabob Afoph-ul-Dowlah,
together with immenfe treafures, pofTefTed

a confiderable force, and not a fmall fhare

of the authority of government. —The
Rajah Cheyi; Sing, from his father Bul-

want Sing, who derived whatever degree

of
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 295

^ independency he polTclM, during the lat- 1782.

ter period of his life, from the protection
and intervention of our governmen:, inherit-
ed a vaft mafs of wealth, which he fecured
in the two flrong fortreifes of Bidjey Gur
and Lutteefpoor. But, if common fame
made jufl reports, neither the Begums of
Oude, nor the Rajah of Benaras, were
friends to the Enghfh. Hoftile intentions,
it was every where faid, were manifefled by
overt actions: infolent treatment of the En-
ghfh, correfpondence with the powers who
were, or might eventually become our ene-
mies, the colle6tion of flores, and other ads
of military preparation. The general ftate
and temper of the country, and particularly
the evafions by which Cheyt Sing fought ta
with-holdthefubfidies which our government
had demanded and he had promifed, ren-
dered thefe reports not incredible to a mind^
anxious, like that of Mr. Hailings, for the
public fafety, which hung in fufpence on
his decifions. In fuch circumftances ^as

thefe, the Governor- General determined to

feize, in good time, an engine that might be
turned againft himfelf, and to anticipate any
T 4 farther
296 MEMOIRS OF THp
178:. farther inflances of hoftility, which muil in-;:

volve in their progrefs, either the ruin of

the princes from whom they proceeded, or
that of the power againfl which they were
pointed.

But before we enter into any detail of

thefe hoftile defigns and actions, it will be

proper to examine the fprings from whence

they flowed: thechiefof which undoubtedly
were, internal difcord, and undefined govern-
ment. However the calamities that aifailed
or threatened us in India were excited and en-
couraged by the confederacy that was form-
ed againft Great- Britain between America
and Europe, they would have been early
'fupprefled, or cafily quafhed, by our fupe-
rior advantages, had we polTefTed harmony
in our councils. But the individual mem-
bers of the Preiidencies were divided among
themfelves ; the Prefidencies, by politi-

cal views and the love of power, from one

another : and, while a permanent jealoufy
was confirmed between the Eaft- India Com-
pany and the nominal Princes in v/hofe
name they exercifed the powers of govern-
ment.
 LATE WAR IN ASIA, 297

ment, diiTenfions alfo arofe between the ci- 1782.

vil fervants of the Company, and the mih-

tary officers of the While Hyder-
Crown.
Ally was at the gates of Madras, the Eng-
lifh, like the 6reeks when the Barbarians

approached to Conftantinople, diftradled by

internal difputes, not only concerning mea-
fures but the power of enforcing them,
feemed almoft to have forgotten that they
had any enemies to contend with but one
another. The Governor of Madras allum-
ed a controul over the troops within that
Prefidency, for the diredlion of meafures in
which he confidcred himfelfas refponfible:
the Commander in Chief, a<fting under the au-
thority of the Governor-General and Supreme
Council of Bengal, claimed authority over
every party or detachment, that he might
be enabled to unite and direct their com-
bined force in one fyftem of military opera-
tion. The General, reftrained in his views,
made partial efforts, or remained inactive.
Detachments of our army were cut off, and
the enemy was enabled to repair his lolTes

where our arms were fuccefsful. The re-

venues of Arcot were feized for the purpofe

of
2^8 MEMOIRS OF THE
1782. of maintaining the war, by Lord Macart-
ney; but reftorcd by Mr. The
Haftings.
order for reflitution, the government of Ma-
dras determined to refifl, and Sir Eyre Coote
to execute, if neceffary, even by force of
arms.

Meanwhile, the i!u(5luations In our admi-

iiiftration and councils at home, gave birth
to various projedls for the appointment of
new ^en, and the eftabHfliment of new
iyilems of government abroad. Thefe chan-
ges and defigns were conveyed in private'
letters and printed publications to the pov/-
crs of India, who, expecting the removal
of Mr. Haflings, and unaccuilomed to fe-

parate in their imaginations the perfons of

princes from their plans of policy, were
deterred from taking any part with fo un-
fteady a government.

Diflention and intrigue Rhd their v/ay

even into the Divans of defpotic powers

but when, in jarring councils and incom-
patible fyftems of government, it was eaiy
to find plaufible theories and pretexts, as

well
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 5^9

well as mofl powerful countenance and fup- 1782.

port for almoft any courfe of conduct, fac-
tion was invited, and indeed unavoidable. In
fuch circumftances as thefe, it was not unna-
tural for Mr. Francis, a man of great abili-

ties, both natural and acquired, as well as

great ambition, and who might be diftiu-

guifhed from all his cotemporaries, by an
extreme irritability of temper, if he had not
been as tenacious of revenge as he was prone
to refentment, to apply himfelf, with all the
afliduity of habits formed by a lifeof bufinefs,

to counterad: the deligns, and to fully the glo-

ry of his immediate fuperior, Mr. Haflings.

From the death of General Claverlng,

which happened month of Auguft,
in the

1777, to that of December, 1779, Mr.

Francis was, or pretended to be, in hourly
exped:ation of fucceeding to the govern-
ment of Bengal. Mr. Haftings had uni-
formly profefied the utmofl indifference with
regard to his own fate. In his correfpon-
dence with the Minifler, and with the Di-
redlors, he never once folicited his conti-

nuance in government, though he uni-

formly reprefented, in very ftrong terms,
the
300 MEMOIRS OF THE
1782. the ncceffity of increaling the power of the
Governor- General. The Britifli Minifler,
who had ufed the moft violent and unjufti-
fiable methods to remove Mr. Haftinirs
o
from his office, in 1776, was the firfl; to
propofe his continuance, two years tlfere-
after. Whether on account of his growins:

embarraflments, and the ftrenuous fupport

which the Governor-General, in his laft

conteil: with government, received from the

friends of the Marquis of Rockingham, or
that the death of Colonel Monfon, and af-
terwards that of General Clavering, had dif-
armed him of the referitment which he once
entertained againft Mr. Haftings, or in
whatever proportions all thefe feparate
circumftances might have been combined,
certain it is, that Lord North, unfolicited,
propofed, in 1778, that Mr. Haftings ihould
be continued in the government of Bengal
for one year longer -, that he m^ade a motion
for a fimilar end in 1779 ; and that parlia-
ment, on his motion, in 1781, continued
him in office for ten years. The motives
that induced thefe fucceffive appointments,
are as honourable to Mr. Haftings, as they

are difgraceful to thofe who then voted for

his
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 3'OI

his continuance in office, and have fince ijSi*

joined in his perfecution. Lord North open-
ly averred, that he had moved the Houfe of
Commons to re-appoint Mr. Haftings, three
feveral times, becaufe, our fituation in Eu-
rope and in India was difficult and danger-
ous, and Mr. Haftings poilelTed vigour and
, abilities, and the confidence of the Eafl-
India Company.

As foon as the firll of thefe re- appoint-

ments was known in Bengal, a propolition
was diftantly made for a conciliation be-
tween Mr. Francis and Mr. Haftings. This
propofition was attended with fo many im-
portant confequences, that we fhall ftate

them from fuch authentic materials as we

.have been enabled to obtain upon the fub-
'

jed.

The firfl converfation that led to this

coalition pafTed between Major Scott, then

aid-de-camp to the Governor- General, and
a gentleman in Mr. Francis's confidence,
on the 24th of December, 1779. This
conference was, on the Monday folio v/ing,

communicated by Major Scott to Mr.

Haftings,
002
o
MEMOIRS OF THE
1782. Haftings, who declared his readlnefs to atJ
commodate all differences with Mr. Fran^
cis ; but requiring unequivocally, that hf
Mr. Haftings, fliould have the condudl
the Marratta war; Mr. Francis, havinj

thrown upon Mr, Haftings the refponfi-

bility of that war in lb fir as it was con-

nected with the Bengal government. This

arrangement was afterwards fettled under

the mediation of Sir John Day. Mr. Fran-

cis was accufed by Mr. Haflings, in the

month of July, 1780, of having violated

his engagements. A duel enfued in the
following month, which Mr. Francis
in

was wounded : and, on the 9th of Decem-

ber, 1780, this gentleman quitted India.

Major Scott at that time commanded a

battalion of Sepoys, at Chunar, about fh

hundred and fifty miles from Calcutta. The
moment he heard of Mr. Francis's intended
departure, he wrote to Mr. Hailings, and
pointed out to him the neceffity of feme per-
fon, acquainted with the late tranfadlions in
India, being fent in order to explain any

circumflances that might be mifreprefented.

If
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 3O3

,
IF no fitter perfon occurred to Mr. Haftings, 1732*
for this fervice. Major Scott offered him-
'

Telf, as his battalion was at that time doing

garrifon duty, without a probability of
being relieved or employed according to the
ufual courfe of the fervice, before the clofe
of the war> and as he himfelf pofTelfed^

though a moderate, yet an independent for-

tune. Major Scott quitted Chunar on the
15th of December, 1780, and left Bengal
in a neutral lliip, the 9 th of January follow-
ing, with inflrudions to which he rigidly
adhered. Thefe v>^ere, to explain fuch parts
of Mr. Mailings 's condu6t as might be mif-
reprefented, and to endeavour to procure
him confidence and fupport as long as he
fhould be continued in office, but, by no
means to foiicit his continuaEce in the go-
vernment of BengaL

Major Scott,, in private circles, in par-

liament, and in printed publications, repel-
led the arrows of reproach, and maintained
the caufe of Mr. Haftings with an enthu-
afin that nothing but an unafFeded admira-
tion of the man, and indignation at injured

merit,
3C4 MEMOIRS OF THfe

1782. merit, could have infpired. Yet his elo-

quence was not of that kind which florms

the heart by the contagion of paflion ; nor
yet that which amufes the imagination by
the ftores of hterature and fancy ; nor that^
ftill farther, \vhich alTumes the fubhmity of
abftradled terms, and the pomp of logical form
What he faid carried in it that clearncfs and

conviilion which were the natural refult of

an intimate acquaintance with his fubjed:,
and he often oppofed with fuccefs a fadt to

a flourifh. He marked the inconliflencies

of his opponents both in fpeech and adtion,
proclaimed aloud the eminent fervices of
Mr. Haftings, poured light on what feem-
ed dark and doubtful in his condud:, and
glanced, by fevere contraft, at the unfortu-
nate errors, not to fay mifdemeanors and
crimes, of men who had arranged themfelves
under the ftandard of perfecution. Here
the Major had indeed an ample field. Fo-
reign nations are aflonifhed, and p fieri ty will

not believe, that he, who, by faving India,

faved the Brithh empire, was, on the return
of peace, the only object of public enquiry and
accufation. Admirals had lofl opportunities,

Generals
 t At E WAR IN ASIA. -^C
:>

Generals had loft armies, Commanders in 1702.

Chief aufpicious conjundiures never to be re-

called, but they threw themfelves into the
fcale of oppofition, and were leaded with
offices and honours. Mr. Haftings court-
ed not the favour of any party, but looked
Up with confidence to the nation for jufticc.

month of December, 1781, the

In the
Britidi nation groaned under a load of pub-

lic debt. Her commanders were generally

unfortunate : her fleets were out-number-
ed : her armies had been captured : her
miniftry was diflraded : and an oppofition
to government, powerful from the talents

of its leaders, was hourly gaining flrength.

The moil fanguine politicians, in that hour
of difiirefs, looked to the prefervation of
India, as the only means of faving us from
a general bankruptcy. In fuch a fituation.
Lord North clearly and unequivocally fup-
ported Mr. Hafi:ings and> notwithftand-
i ;

ing the general diftrefs of the empire, very

confiderable reinforcements of fliips and
troops were fent to India, in the winter of
1781.
Vol.. 1. U In
^o6 MEMOIRS OF THE
1782. In the month of March, 1782, Lord
North was compelled to refign his office*

His fuccelTors flipulated, that not an atom

of his adminiftration ihould remain, the
prefent Lord Chancellor excepted*

The confidential dependant of the Mar-

quis of Rockingham was Mr. Edmund
Burke. This celebrated perfon is a native
of Ireland. He quitted his own country
nearly at the commencement of the prefent
reign. Amongft the various peculiarities
which diflinguifh thi-s reign from all others,

there is none more ftriking, than the very

extraordianry increafe of that body of men
who are generally termed, political adven-

turers. Mr. Burke, amongd: this order of

men, has been eminently fuccefsful. He
made his firfl: entrance into public life in the
character of private fecretary to the Marquis
of Rockingham, in the year 1765. He
continued fteady in his attachment to the
noble Marquis, from the year 1765, to the
time of his deceafe, and it has been generally
thought, that he governed the part), the
heads of which, though men of good un-
derflanding, were more remarkable for the

afPiuence
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 3O7

afHuence of their fortunes, and their private 1782.

worth, than for talents as orators and flatef-
men. By a prudent though not fordid ceco-
: nomy, he avoided the inconveniencies and
the dangers of embarralfed circumilances,
and amidft all the viciintudes of his public

life, preferved an independent and ere^Tt riiind,

with a narrow private fortune.

From the earlieft years of Mr. Burkcj

there was fomething in his feijtiments, pur-
fuits, and manners, that indicated to the
difcerning eye fublimity of genius and deli-
cacy of tafte. As he advanced in years the
prefages formed concerning him were more
and more confirmed : and he grew up in
j
favour with all around him. An interefl-

ing fweetnefs and fenfibility of countenance

prepared the ftranger for thinking juftly
of the humanity of his difpofition, and,
; from the richnefs of his converfition on
'
every fubjedt, he was pleafed, though not
furprized, to find intellediual excellence in

conjundtion with moral goodnefs. There

is nothing in nature that is folitar)^, or inde-

pendent of that univerfality of things which

compofes one harmonious whole : nothing
U 2 fo
2o8 MEMOIRS OF THE
1782. fo infigniiicant that it may not be aflbciated
by a vail variety of connections, with fome-
thing mofl: interefting and fublime : and all

the arts and fciences are linked together in

one chain, afFeded by mutual influencej'

and fuftained by mutual fupport* Hence
the copious and difciplined fancy of Mr.
Burke, whether in private converfation 0£
public difcourfe, both in fpeaking and
writing, diffufed a captivating charm on eve-

ry fubjedt, and gave relief and animation te

topics the mofl: dry and barren.
t

The fciences have a natural tendency to

produce candour and forbearance, by indu
cing in the minds of their votaries an habit
of tracing every action and every effed; te

its proper caufe. And polite literature and

the fine arts, by exhibiting human nature in

an infinite variety of interefting fituations.

excite a thoufand fecial and humane emo-

tions, which cannot fpring from all the oc

currences and vicifiitudes of the mofl varied

life. Thus the man of letters becomes a

citizen of the world. His enlarged mind

acquires an habit of fympathetic indul-
gence. The antipathies and prejudices
which
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 3C9

. which fet men at variance with one another, 1782.

are gradually worn off. Nothing that be-
longs to human nature 3 no peculiarity in

.national characSler^ no common failing or

:
imperfediion of the individual member of
fociety, moves either the ridicule or the rage
of the man, who is accuftomed to contem-
plate nature and humanity under manifold
, forms, and in whofe breafl difguft and even
f, indignation at the effe(5t, is partly loft in

the contemplation of the caufe. The

I
charadTer ofMr. Burke, accordingly, was
marked by nothing more than by fuperiori-
ty to vulgar prejudices, and unbounded phi-
lanthropy to all clafTes and nations of men.
,
It was this expanded fentiment that, on dif-

ferent occalions, infpired him with courage

to relift the popular fury, when it had bro-
ken loofe with a favage ferocity againft un-
fortunate criminals, and a profcribed reli-

gion. It was perfedily natural for fiich a

fpirit to enter by a lively fympathy, into the

fufferings of the Indian nations, under Eu-
ropean tyranny, and to indulge an honeft
indignation againft their oppreflbrs. He
fuffered his imagination to dwell with p-lea-

fure on the vifionary projed:, of uniting the

U 2 freedom
319 MEMOIRS OFtHE
1782. freedom of the natives of India, with theii
dependence on Great Britain, and of bring-
ing to exemplary punifhment, an individuj
who had uniformly a(a:ed, in the charadel

of the firfl minifter in India, on thofe vei

principles by which our pofTelTions in tha^

country had been acquired, by which thej

liad been maintained, and by which alonCj,

beyond all manner of doubt, in times of

civil convulfion, they could be recovered pr^
prderved.

The finefl genius, the moft generous dif-

poiition, is not unufually found in conjunc-

tion with an irritability of temper, which
magnifies its object. Although it may be
too much to affirm, that belief is nothing
more than vivid perception, attention has
undoubtedly a microfcopical power, and this

power we can command at pleafure.

Hence that wonderful variety of opinions

that prevail, on fo many fubjed:s, among
men of equal uaderilandings : for while rea-

fon and truth are uniform and invariable, tho

paffions and intereils of individuals are vari-
ous : and when once the will begins to influ-

ence the judgment -, fertility of invention,

inftead
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 31I

inftead of being a lamp of light, becomes a 1782.

fource of error. Mr. Burke, in his eager-
nefs to impeach the Governor- General of
Bengal, loft fight of conftant precedent,
and political neceffity: and, for what had
become the predominant palTion of his foul,

his imagination, fertile even to excefs, eafily

found a cover in partial views, and plaufi-
ble theories and conjectures.

In the aftairs of India, this gentleman

and his party had for fome years but little

concern. To Lord North's regulating bill,

of 1773, they gave a feeble' and unavailing

oppolition ; but when his Lorddiip endea-
voured to remove Mr. Haftings, in the
year 1776, on account of the Rohilla war,
they exerted them.felves fo ftrenuoufly in
oppofition to that meafure, that they de-
feated the Miniiler in Leadenhall-flreet, and
prevented him from fo much as bringing
the fubjed: before parliament the enfuing
feiHon. It is of little confequence to ob-
ferve, that the fame party which ad:ually
prefervedMr. Haflings in office, when the •

Rohilla war was made the ground of his

U 4 removal
^12 MEMOIRS OFTHE
1782. removal in 1776, would have impeachec}
him for the fame meafure in 1786.

In the year 1777, Mr. Burke began to

appear more confpicuoully as an India poli-

tician. In that year, his neai* relation, Mr,
William Burke, quitted England, fecretly,

and proceeded to Madras. In the follow-

ing year he returned to this country, the
agent of the Rajah of Tanjore. In the year
J 78 1, he again proceeded by land to Ma-
dras, and in the following year, 1782,
IV|r. Edmund Burke, now a Privy Coun-
fellor, and Pay- Mailer- General of his Ma-
jefty's Forces, appointed his relation Mr.
William Burke, Pay-Mafler of the King's
forces in India, an office which he ftill retains.

It was early determined by the Rocking-

ham adminiflration, that Mr. Haftings
{hould Mr. Dundas, who
be removed.
had been Chairman of the Secret Commit-
tee, the origin of his greatnefs, concurred
with them in this point, though he has
fmce publicly expreifed his fatisfadion, that
his views were counteraded. At the minute
this
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 3I3

this refolutloii was taken in England, our 1782.

empire in Hindoftan tottered to its founda-
dation. We have already fhewn the diffi-

culties under which Great Britain laboured

in India, and the aflonifhing efforts that
were made by Mr. Haflings, and thofe who
aSicd under him, to prevent ihc total fub-
veriion of our power in that quarter of the
world. In fuch a fituation, Mr. Haftings
required fupport from England, but he re-
ceived counteraction.

The King's minifters, who poffelled the

public confidence of the Houfe of Com-
mons, intoxicated with the novelty of pow-
er, determined, in defiance of law and com-
mon fenfc, that the Company ihould be laid
under new reftridions in the exercife of thofc
privileges which they enjoyed by charter.
The Diredors were, in fa6t, ordered, by a
vote of the Houfe of Commons, to remove
Mr. Haftings; and thus did Mr. Burke, who
was the grand mover of this bufinefs, lay the
foundation of thofeextraordinary events which
have agitated the political world for the laft

fix years, which occafioned the overthrow of

his
31
4' MEMOIRS OF THE
1782- his party, and involved many of his con-
ne(5tions in ruin.

Intelligence of thefe extraordinary pro-

ceedings in England, circulated throughout
Hindoftan, in the months of Auguft and
September, 1782, produced an effed: per-
- fedlly natural. The Marratta peace, figned
by Madajee Scindiah, and Mr. David An-
derfcn, in the month of May, was on thq
point of being ratified at Poonah, in Au-
guft ; but the Minifters of the Paifhwa
declared their determination, firil to wait

the arrival, and to know the fentiments of.

the new Governor-General. Fortunately
for the exigence of the Eaft- India Company,
a packet difpatched over land to Mr. Haft-
ings, by Major Scott, arrived at Calcutta
in November, with intelligence of the death
of the Marquis of Rockingham, and the
determination of the Court of Proprietors
to refill the mandate of the Houfe of Com-
mons, for the recall of Mr. Haftings.
This intelligence produced a very happy al-
teration in the ftate of public affairs. The
[
peace vv^ith the Marrattas was ratified in

the
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 315

the month of December, 1782, fmce which 1782,

time, all the conditions of it have been fcru-
pulouily obferveci by both parties.

When we thus compare the actual fitua-

tion of affairs in the eafl:, with what paiTed in

Great Britain, we fliall be led to conclude,

that wc owe the prefervation of India to
the India Company. And here it is natu-
ral to refle(fl, on that fleadinefs and {labili-

ty of government, which arifes from com- ,

mon fenfe, and a concern for independent

property, contrafled with the vifionary pro-
jeds of the fublimeft and mod cultivated
geniufes. To have removed Mr. Haftings,
and attempted to introduce a new order of
affairs in India, during the rage of war,
did not appear abfurd to Mr. Burke and
Mr. Fox, and to a majority in the Houie
of Commons : but the Proprietors of India
Stock were unwilling to hazard fo bold an
experiment ; and their prudent caution has

equally contributed to the prefervation of

private property, and the promotion of pub-
lic profperity. The Eail- India Company
may thus be confidered as an anchor, that
fixed
3l6 MEMOIRS OF THE
1782. fixed the agitated veflcl of ilate, tofled amidil
the billows of foreign war, and internal dif-
fentions. This aflbciation of men are not

to be viewed, by the political eye, fo much

as a fet of private monopolies, as a moft
important member or branch of the ftate ;

which could not now be lopped off witli-

out lacerating the parent ftock, and the
danger of even mortal wounds. Were the
trade to India thrown open to private ad-

venturers, where is the fecurity that thefe

adventurers, in their exports and imports,
would confine themfelves to the ports of
Great Britain ? Nor is the lofs of public
revenue, and of the advantage of an extended
circulation, the whole, or perhaps even the

greateil part of the evil to be apprehended

from fuch a meafure. The Britifh Govern-
ment, deprived of the Company's fieet,

wouid be deprived of a faithful and power-

ful affociate, who has uniformly adhered to
the caufe of the nation, and mingled her in-
tcreft with her's in every fortune. The
Eaft- India fliips have ever been found of in-
finite fervice to the public fecurity : whether
by co-operating with the royal navy for the

defence
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. jtj

defence of our foreign fettlements, in tranf- 178a.

porting troops to Afia from Europe, or
from one port to another in India, It were
fuperfllious to prove fo notorious a facfthj
multiplied examples. I iliall juft mention
one. It was in the Kingfton Eaft-India-
man, commanded by Captain Nutt, that Sir
Eyre Coote, with a body of European in-
fantry, and a large fupply of provifions and
money, carried falvation from Bengal to the
Carnatic,

Yetj at the fame time that a clamour was

excited againfl Mr. Haftings, certain wild
projed:ors began to propagate ideas of diffoU
ving the Company, while others propofed,
what would have amounted, in tlie end, to

the fame thing, the moft ruinous innovations

in their fhipping. Nor were the Dire<5tors
of the Eafl- India Company wanting to
liften to offers of neceflitous and whimficai
fpeculators, who, playing a defperate game,,
endeavoured to intrude themfelves into the
Company's fervice, by holding out illufor^

views of a reduction in the freight of fliips.

—The favings propofed, which, at the

utmoft.
•318 MEMOIRS O P THE
4782. iitmoft, it was computed, Vould not have
exceeded fixty thoufand pounds airaually,
could never have compenfated for thofd
alarming hazards which muft have been in-
curred by any innovation in the fyftem of
the Company's navigation : a 'fyftem that
had flood the fliock of fo many accidents,-

and many hoftile and formidable combi-

fo

nations. The owners of fhips, by affording a

confcant and fure refource of fliipping, at fla-
ted and proper times, give that fteadinefs,
conflancy, and uniformity of exertion to the
commerce of the E aft- India Company, which
its particular nature requires, and which ne-
cefTarily accompanies the fuccefsful manage-
ment of all exteniive concerns. The necef-
fary veffels are fitted out by them, equipped^
vidtuailed, manned, and drawn together at

an appointed place and fixed time, with a

degree of regularity approaching to mecha-
^ nical exaftnefs ^ an exadnefs, which a re-
gard to protedion, and the winds, called
monfoons, renders indifpenfablc. All nati-
ons that have been ambitious to extend and
eflablifli their commerce on fure grounds,
in diftant quarters of the world, have been
^ careful
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. (3T9

careful to unite with navigation and the re- 1783*

quifites for commercial conveyance, the
means of protection from hoftile invafion.

The number of fliips neceffary for carrying

on the commerce of the Eaft- India Com-

pany, is not lefs than one hundred. Such
a quantity of fhipping may be converted in-^

to a moft formidable navy, that fliall not

only be independent of convoys, but form
a mightv addition to the maritime force of
England. The owners of fhips, it is faid,

have determined, and one or two excellent

citizens*, happily diflinguiilied by an union
of fortune, capacity, and public fpirit, have
of late fet an example of building fliips ou
an enlarged plan, and conftruded in fuch a
manner, as to admit at once a redudtion of
freight, and to do as much excution as a
fixty-gua fliip of the line. This example
,ill undoubtedly be followed, and the Eafl-
India Company, vv'hich has the glory of
having faved the nation, by the indepen-
dent virtue of their counfels, v/ill alfo have
the renown of making a moft important-ad-
dition to the force of its arms. It is not fit

that the conftitution of fuch a body, iliould

be
* Capta'.n Newte, Mr. Cameron, &c.
^±(y TrtE MEMOtRS OF

1782. be lightly tampered with. Experience ha^i

proved, that a conjundlure may happen,

v/hen they may form a neceflary counter-
poife to the levity of political fpeculators ;

and there is fcarcely a family of any note in

Britain, that is not from perfonal intereft,
or ties of confanguinity, nearly concerned
in their ftability and welfare. But let us
now return to themeans employed by Mr.
Haflings, in the hour of danger, for the
falvation of India, from which we have been
led to this political digreffion.

Bulwant, the father of Cheyt Sing, had

behaved fo treacheroufly to the Englilh in
the war with Sujah Dowlah, that the Gover-
nor and Council had determined to deprive
him, in 1765, of the Zemindary of Benara?,
though it was afterwards judged prudent
to make ufe of his fervices in colleding the
revenues of that province, to proted him
from the hoftile Nabob
refentment of the
Vizier, who had compelled him, in May^

1765, to pay him twenty lacks of ru-

pees, as a line for his former contumacy^
and in order to enable him, the Nabob,
to
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 32

to difcharge the fubfidy due, by treaty, from 17S2,

him to the Company, and to raife him to a

degree of independence, which he had never
before enjoyed. On the death of this man,
his fon, Cheyt Sing, by a woman of a very
low cafle, was continued in the Zemin-
dary through the Englifh influence with
the Vizier. And Mr. Haflings, in 1773*
procured from the Nabob a confirn-Kition

of Cheyt Sing and his pofterity in that

rich polfeilion. By the treaty of Luck-

now, concluded in I775> the fovereignity
of Benaras and Gauzipore was tratisfered
from the Nabob to the Eaft-India Com-
pany. Cheyt Sing was ilill treated with
the utmofl indulgence, and no demands
were made, on account of his annual reve-

nue, beyond the fum formerly llipulated.-

But on the eruption of a war with France,

in July> 1778, Cheyt Sing was called upon,

according to oriental cuftom, to contribute

his Ihare of the additional expences now to

be incurred by his fovereign.

When Sir Eyre Coote was about to em-

bark, in Odober 1780, for the coafl of

Vol. I X Coro-
322 M E M O I R S O F T HE

1782. Coromandel, and there was a very great de-

gree of probability that Bengal would be
invaded by the Marrattas, the plan adopted
by the Govermeut for the protedion of Ben-
gal and its dependencies from the attacks of
6ur enemies, was, to put the troops of the
native princes, connected with our nation,
either by the ties of alliance or allegiance,
: tifider the diicipline, and the command of
Britidi ofHcers. As a part of the fyftem of

defence, -it was unanimoufly refolved in

Council, that a part of Cheyt Sing's ca-

valry fhould be put under our orders.

The Rajah did not difputc the right of

his fbvereim to demand military aid, but
he fought to evade compliance, on pretence
of poverty: and his excufes and delays to
pay his promiied fubfidy, there was reafon
to believe, were didated by the doubts he
had been taught to entertain concerning the
ftability of that authority by which it had
been impofed. His repeated inftances of
contumacy and difobedience, thovigh iin-

juftifiable in themfelves, and aggravated by

the extreme diflreifes and dangers of thefu-

perior
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 323

perior fliite, appeared to the .Governor-Gc- 1782.

heral of lefs coniideration on account of their
own criminality, than as tliey were evidences

of a deliberate and fyfteniatic condadl, aim-

ing at the total rubvcrfion of the autliori-
ty of the Company, and the ere-flion of his
own independency on its ruins. He con-
fidered Cheyt Sing as culpable, in a very

high degree, towards our fhate, and his

punilliment, of which he had given him

frequent warnings if he did not amend his
conduct, as an example which juftice and
policy required, equally for the reparation
of the wrongs which its dignity had fuflain-
ed, and for the future prefervation of its

authority. He faw a political neceffity for

curbing the over-grown power of a great

member of the Company's dominion, and
rendering it fubfervient to their prefent exi-

gencies. Thefe are the reafons urged by

Mr. O in his narrative of the in far-
Haftincrs
redlion at Benaras, in a ilream of eloquence
that rarely, if it ever flows, at once with
fuch tranfparency and fuch force, where
the couclufions of the underftanding de-
X 2 rive
324 MEMOIRS OF THE
1782. rive not an impetus from the emotions of
the heart.

The Governor- General, with a view to

raife fuppHes for maintaining the war, and
in the hopes of being able to effed fome
interviews that might lead to peace, fet

out from Calcutta on the 7th of July,

1781, with an intention to proceed to

Lucknov/, the principal refidence of the

Royal Family of Oude. He arrived at
. Benaras on morning of the 14th of
the
Augufl, whither alfo Cheyt Sing came to
meet him fome hours later. The Gover-
nor-General forbad the. Rajah to come that

evening to his quarters, as he had intended j

and required him to defer his future vifits

until he fhould receive his permiflion, as he

had fome previous matters to fettle with
him, of which he would be informed by the
Refident whom he w^ould depute to him,
next morning, for that purpofe. Mr.
Markham accordingly carried a paper to

the Rajah, in which Mr. Haflings recapi^

tulated the feveral inftances of his conduct

•
which for fome time paft had repeatedly
di'awn
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 325

drawn upon hlmfelf the fevere reprehen- 1782.

fions of gove;-ment, and demanded a clear
and fatisfad:ory explanation. He charged
him not only with iliifts dnd delays in
the payment of a fum of money, which
he had promifed to contribute in the flrong-

efl terms, and which was deflined for dif-

charging the arrears due to the army that
had marched towards Malva, but alfo with
difaffe(flion and infidelity to the Company,
the patrons on whom he depended, and
with endeavours to excite disorders in their

government. The Rajah, in reply, profelT-

ed the utmoft gratitude to Mr. Hafiings,
whom he confidered as the fource from
whence alone he derived the fulfilment of
all his wifhes and defires, apologized for his-

delays in paying the required fulidy, and

number of cavalry, from inability, and ur-
ged that the delay in remitting the fum
which he had been able to raife to the army
did not reft with him. He afiirmed, that
his whole cavalry did not exceed one thou-
fand three hundred, of which feveral were
Rationed at diftant places. In compliance,
X 3 he
326- MEMOIRS OF THE
1V82. he £iid, with the Governor-General's wifhes,
he had colleded- five hundred horfe, and, as
a fubftitute for other five hundred, he had
provided an equal number of Burgandazes,
at that moment ready to go to whatever
place they fliould be lint. He added, that,
happily for him, the arrival of the Gover-
nor-General at Benaras, would enable him
toafccrtain the truth of what he jiad avert-

ed concerning his horfe, on the fpot. He

had conilantly erjdeavoured to fulfil the
Governor's orders, and to preferve good
government :
**
Butj" faid he, **
if a per-
** fon having committed a delinquency
" lliould efcape to fome other place, fo as
** to elude all difcovery, in that cafe I am
" heloiefs."

This anfwer appeared to the Governor- Ge-

neraltobenotonlyunfatisfadlory in fubilance,
but, from an inferior in India to a fuperior,

ofrenfive in ilyle, and lefs a vindication of

Iiimfelf than a recrimination on the Gover-
nor. It expreffed not any concern for the
-<;aufes of complaint contained in his letter,

nor defire to atone for them. An anfwer

couched
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 327

ccuched nearly in terms. of defiance, to re- 17S2.

quilitions of fo fcrious ii nature, Mr. Haf»
tings confidered as an indication of that
f|>irit of independency whicli the Rajah
had alTumed for feme years pafr. Under
thefe alarming appearances cyi' the Rajah's
condui^l and difpofitions, he conceived him-
felf to be indifpenfably obliged to form fomc
immediate and decifive plan for fecuring the

Company's intereits and rights in Benaras.

He ordered tlie Refident to proceed, early

on the morning of Auguft the fixteenth,

to the houfe of the Rajah Cheyt Sing;, with

his ufual guard, and put him in arreft.

Mr. Markham, followed by two companies

of Grenadier Sepoys, according to his in-
ilrudiions executed the arreft, to which the
Rajah quietly fubmitted, affuring the Refi-
dent, that whatever the Governor's orders
Vv'cre, he was ready to obey them. He
hoped that he would allow him a fubfift-

ence : but, as for his Zemindary, his forts,

and his treafure, he was ready to lay them
down, with his life, if required, at his feet.

In two letters, alfo addreifed to the Gover-

nor-General, in the language of defpondent

X 4 fuppli-
338 MEMOIRS OF THE
1782. fiipplicatioh, he profeiTed entire fubmiffioii
to his v/i]l. The Governor having now-
brought the refradtory Rajah to the temper
he defired, comforted him with a fhortnote,
inwhich he informed him, that Mr. Mark-
ham ihould wait upon him in the afternoon,
and explain particulars. In the mean time
he defired him to fet his mind at refr, and
not to conceive any terror or apprehenfion.
The Rajah to this confolotary alTurance re-

plied, " My Protedlor ! wherever you fpread

" your fhadow over my head, I am entirely
** free from terror and apprehenfion; and
*' whatever 3^ou, who are my Mafter, fhail
*^ as fuch determine, will be right."

The Governor- General had by this time

prepared new inflirudlions to Mr. Mark-
ham ; but before he could fet out with them,
intelligence was received, that large bodies

of men, in arms, had crolfed the river from

"Ramnagur, and proceeded to Shewallah
Gaut, Cheyt Sing's houfe. The guard placed
over the Rajah, confifled of two companies
of grenadier Sepoys, as above mentioned,
from Major Popham'i.> detachment, com-
manded
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 329

manded by the Lieutenants Sime's, Scott, 1782.

and Stalker, and ftationed in an enclofed

fquare which furrounded the Prince's apart-

ment in the palace : the Reiident's guard
had returned with him to Mr. Haftings.
It now appeared that thefe troops were un-
provided with ammunition. Major Pop-
ham, therefore, fent another company of
Sepoys, with ammunition, to reinforce and
fupport the firft party. But, on their ar-
rival at the Rajah's houfe, they found all

the avenues blockaded by a multitude of

armed men. The minds of this tumultu-
ous affembly, fermented into rage, by a re-
ciprocation of fentiments and paffions, and
affuming courage from their numbers,
made an inftantaneous and fierce attack on
the Sepoys, who, wanting their accuflomed
means of defence, fell an eafy facrifice to

the fuperior numbers of their alTailants.

The officers, it is fuppofed, were the iirfl

vi6tims to their fury ; but not until they

}iad, by aftonilhing efforts of bravery, in-
volved in their fate far greater numbers
of their enemies.
In
jlO MEMOIRS OF T H'S '

17»2' ^^ ^^^ midu: of this confulion, Cheyt

Sing found means to efcape through a
wicket that opened to the river ; and the
banks being exceedingly fteep in that place^
he was let down by turbans tied together,
into a boat which conveyed him to the op-
pofite jQiare. His adherents followed hin:i

acrofs the river in the fame tumultuous

mianner in which they had alTembled, leav-
ing the party of our Sepoys which had lafl:

arrived, in poffeffion ot the houfe. But if,

jnfbead of crouding after the Rajah, they

had pi'oceeded to Maliadow Dais's garden,
•the relidence at that critical hour of Mr.
Haflings> the blood of the Governor-Ge-
neral, with- that of about thirty Englilh
gentlemen of his party, would have been
added to the recent carnage, and the Bri-
tifli empire in India would have ceafed
from that moment to exift. For every flate

arcund it would have flarted into arms

againl^ it : and its own fubjects, according

to their degrees of power, would have been

forward to renounce their allegiance.

Mr.
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 33I

Mr. Haftings, on the firft intelligence 1782.

of this commotion, direded Major Pop-
ham to repair immediately to his camp,
which was about two miles from the Refi-
dent's houfe, and at the fame diftance from
the Rajah's, and to march inflantly with
the remainder of his detachment to the fup-

port of the party. Major Popham, though

he loll not a moment to execute this or-

der, arrived too late, and beheld with for-

row the effed:s of a maflacre which he
could neither prevent nor revenge. Cheyt
Sing fled to Lutteefpoor with his family,
and all his forces, except the ordinaiy
guard of Ramnagur: a vaft pile of irregular,
but mally buildings, conflruded of ftone,
on the river fide, and partly within the
bed of the river. To the original ftrength
of this place, Cheyt Sing had added fome
fmall baftions of llone and earth ; but it

poflefTed a ftronger defence in a large town

which had grown around it, and the com-
plicated intricacies of the apartments and
pafTages of the palace. Ramnagur had been
evacuated during the commotions at She-
wallah Gaut: but the iirft tumults of con-
fhernation
 k

332 MEMOIRS OF THE v

1782. ilernatlon having fubfided, about two thou J

fand men had returned to that fortrefs,

on the 1 3 th of Auguft, under the com-

mand of Ramjeewuun, a confidential and
domedic chief of the Rajah's family.

The whole flrength of the Governor-

General at Benaras, condfted originally of
fix companies of Major Popham's regiment,
about fixty SepoyvS which he had taken
from the garrifon, at Buxar, for the pro-
tection of his boats, and a few men with-
out difcipline, and without arms, who
had been newly recruited for the Refident's

guard. Of Major Popham's regiment,

eighty-two men had fallen in the malfacre
of Shewallah Gaut, and ninety-two were
wounded. The whole number of killed
and wounded, amounted to two hundred
and five.

The remainder of Major Popham's de-

tachment, conlifling of four companies of
Sepoys, one company of artillery, and a
company of French rangers in our fervice,
were ordered to march immediately to Ram-
nagur.
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 353
nagur, and a letter was fent to Lieutenant- :

Colonel Blair,, to detach a battalion of Se-

poys on the fame deilination, from the gar-
rifon at Chunar. Thefe different forces
were ordered to halt at a fecure diltance
from Ramnagur, to avoid all hoftilities, and
to wait for further orders. Major Popham,
formally invefted with the command of this
little body, in order to fecure the fuccels
of his operations, had chofen a convenient
and open plain, on the fliore oppofite to
Ramnagur, for a battery of two mortars,
expeded from Chunar. Thefe difpofitions
promifed a fure and eafy conqueft ; when
an accident happened, which blalled the
reafonable expediations, and had well nigh
proved the ruin of the whole party. Cap-
tain Mayaffre, the fenior, and coniequently
the ruling officer before Major Popham at-

fumed the command, unwilling to lofe the

opportunity which his prefent and cafual
authority afforded him of acquiring military

reputation, without plan, without inquiry,

againft the advice of his officers, and againft
orders, led the detachment into the narrow
ffreets of the town of Ramnagur, where,
cxpofed
334 MEMOIRS OF THE ;;

.1782. expofed to the iire of an enemy furroundin^

them unfeen, one hundred and men feveii

including Captain MayafFre who command-

ed, and Captain Doxat who led on the at-
tack, were inflantly killed, and feventy-
two wounded. Captain Blair, with the
remains of the detachment, made a judici-'
ous and fafe retreat. The date of this maf-
facre, rather than defeat, was the morning
of the 20th of Auguft, 1 78 1

The Governor- General, plunged in a de-

cided war, and anxious both to prevent its

progrefs, and to bring it to a fpeedy ter-

mination, difpatched written orders, in mul-
tiplied copies, to our different military Na-
tions, for afliftance, to the Refident at the
court of the Vizier, for a fupply of treafure,
and to Lieutenant-Colonel Blair for an inftant
reinforcement. Certain intelligence was re-
ceived of preparations at Ramnagur for an
affault on his quarters, fituated in the midfl

of the fuburbs of Benaras, and confifting of

many detached buildings within one large
inclofure, furrounded by houfes and trees,

which intercepted every other prolped.

His
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 335

His whole force was now reduced to about 17S2.

ibur hundred and fifty men. The reports of

an intended allault, encreafed with the ad-

vancing day : and boats feen in coniiant
motion on the other fide of the river, pre-
ckided all hefitation concerning a deiign lb
probable, except what might arifc in. cha-
fing means for defeating it. Divided be-
tween the dangers of a confined fituation,

and the want of provilions, even for twen-

ty-four hours, on the one hand, afid the

difgrace of a flight, and compauion for our

wounded Sepoys on the other, the Gover-
nor-General remained during the whole
courfe of the day, in tlie moffc agonizing

fufpence. But the difgrace of a flight,

yielded to the fuperior weight of neceflity ;

and, with regard to the vv^ounded men, the

diftance at which they were quartered, their
dillreiied fituation, and the multiplicity of
prefUng exigencies whicli the refolution t3
remain mufl have created, would have ren-
dered it impoflible either to relieve or re-
move them. Mr. Haflings, therefore,
uniting as much as pollible humanity with
prudence, in the firfl place, difpatched a
melfcnger
 336 MEMOIRS OF THE
1782. melTenger to tlie Nabob Saadut-Ally-
Cawn, or the brother of Afoph-ul-Dovv-;
lah, informing him of his refokition to
leave Benaras, and recommending to his
care the wounded Sepoys ; a requefl which
he afterwards renewed when he had effev^led

his efcape to the place he had deftined for

his retreat. In the evening, by the advice
of Major Popham, and that of the other
Field-cfficers prefent, feparately afked and
given, he gave orders to form their little

corps, that they might have time to gain

the open country before the enemy, ap-
prized of their defign, could crofs and ob-
ftru6t his march ; entangled in ftreets, lanes^
and broken ground. They paffed a, batta-
lion of Sepoys, detached by Colonel Blair
to his affiftance, who, immediately turned
and joined them. Early the next mornings
they arrived at Chunar. About this time,

the Governor-General received a letter from

Cheyt Sing, fraught with exprelTions of
concern for what had paffed, and general
profeflions of fidelity in future ; and foon
after, application was made by the Rajah
to fome geiitlemea of the Governor's party^
for
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 337

for their friendly offices and interceffion In 1782*

favour of certain fpecific propofals for an
accommodation. Thefe advances, on the
part of Cheyt Sing, Mr. Haftings, from
feveral appearances indicating hpflile inten-

tentions, confidcred as artifices to gain time.

He did not, therefore, think it becoming

to make any reply to the Rajah's letter*

Soon after our little party was formed, and

the line in motion from Benaras to Chunar,
Mr. Hallintrs was met bv Beneram Pundit,
formerly mentioned in thefe Memoirs, mi-
nifter to Moodajee-Booflah, Rajah of Berar,
and his brother BefTumbar Pundit, on foot,

with only one attendant. The Governor-

General thanked them for the proof they
had eiven of their attachment, but infifted

on their return to Benaras, where they had

a large family, which, by their continuance
with him* might be expofed to the refent^

ment of Cheyt Sing. But they perfifted in

their refolutlon andcom-

of accompanying,
mittin? their fate with that of our men :

nor could all the importunities of Mr.

Ilaftings divert them from their purpofe.

Vol, I. Y Benaram
^^8 MEMOIRS OF THE
1782. Bcnaram Pundit, who was a man of a warm
and eager temper, underftanding the diftrefs

inwhich our fmall detachment was involved

by the want of both credit and money, of-
fered and preffed on the Governor's accept-
ance, a lack of rupees in ready money,
which he received in the nature of a loan,

giving him a note for it in the Company's

name, and in tlie ufual form.

In the mean time, the Nabob Vizier,

who had expecfted a vilit from the Gover-

nor-General, had left his capital, and ad-
vanced a fliort way to meet him. The Go-
vernor was not infenfible of the advantages
to be derived by the prefence of the Nabob :

but thefe, he confidered, would invert the

relation of their alliance, and inveil that
prince with a fuperiority in their meetings
which would defeat its object, Befides,

he thought it inconfiftent v/ith the dig-

nity of the Company's Government, to em-
ploy foreign aid in reiloring its tranquil-

lity. He, therefore, wrote a letter to the

Nabob, requefting him to return to Luck-
now, and there, remain until he, the Go-
vernor,
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 33^

vernor, fhould have leifure to profecute his 178:.

original journey. The Nabob, however,
on the firfl intimation of his difficulties,
was more earnelt than ever to join and fup-
port him : which he executed
a purpofe
with fuch apparent zeal, that he made his
firft flages with no other attendance than
about one hundred horfe, and about four
companies of his body-guards, with hisufual
domeftic attendants. Mr. Haftings, inform-
ed of thiscircumflance, in order to remove
any unpleafant impreffions that might have
been made on the mind of the Nabob by
his former letter, fent a fecond, exprefling
perfe<5t confidence in his fidelity, and apo-
logizing for what he had before written,
from an unwillingnefs to involve him in a

fcene of trouble, and fignifying his defire

of feeing him, according to his own wiili-

es, at Chunar.

Whatever fufpicions, or tendency to fuf-

picion, the Governor- General might have

•felt within his own breaft on this occafion,

not of the Nabob, who depended on the

protedion of our government, but of others
y 2 . who
34^ M.E MO I R S OF THE
1782. who were near his perfon, and endeavour-
ed to abufe his confidence, he prudently
fuppreiled : nor did he ever fi.iiFer his ap-
prehenfions to influence his adions ; fincc
it was not in his power to ule any means
for counteracting their defigns, which would
not appear to proceed from a diftruft of
the Prince himfelf. The favourites of the

Nabob, the companions of his loofer hours,

men of weak underftandings and diilblute

morals, jealous of the fuperior influence of
Mr. Haftings, united with the relations
of the Royal Family, in infinuating to their

immediate fovereign, the moft pernicious

counfels, reprefenting the prefent, as a fit

conjuncture for allerting his independence.

It is a common error, that plots are to be
defeated only by counter-plots. Confede^
racies and intrigues, in the paflions that
prompt, and the variety of circumftances
which muft concur in order to crown them
with fuccefs, involve weaknefs in their na-
ture, and uncertainty in their ifilie : and
the mofi; dired: road is ufually the fafeft.
The undaunted air of the Governor- Gene-
ral, the confidence which he placed, or
. pretended
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 34I

pretended to place in the Nabob, the pre- 1782.

parations he made for cruiliing the firft

beginnings of revolt, without calling, or

even accepting the aid of tributary and de-
pendent princes : all thefe circumftances
had a dired:and powerful tendency, to main-
tain an fcendant on the weak mind of Afoph-
ul-Dowlah, andto confine his hopes and fears

within the channels in which they had

been accuftomed to flow. But, had the
Governor- General openly avowed his fuf-

picions, and demanded the removal of evil

counfellors from the perfon of their fove-

reign, on the one hand; or endeavoured to

form a party in his favour, in the Durbar
of the Nabob, on the other : in either cafe

his condu(^l: would have been attended with

danger. In the hril cafe, he might have
precipitated the defigns of his enemies, who
might have feized the perfon of the prince,

and armed themfelves with his authority :

in the fecond, he would have betrayed

weaknefs and fear, which, inftead of di-
viding, would, in all probability, have
united his enemies in a firm purpofe, at fo
tempting a crifis, to efied: his ruin. No-
Y 3 thing.
342 MEMOIRS OF THE
1782. thing, therefore, can be imagined, either
more magnanimous, more judicious, than
or
the condud of Mr. Haftings, who, with-
out either holding a parley, or inviting an
open contefl with his enemies, ruflied,

without a moment's delay, into the fecurefl

fortrefs.

Therp was not, in reality, room, amidfl

the difficulties with which he was envi-
roned, for the flow and indired: modes of
political intrigue. The contagion of re-
volt had flown, in an inftant, from Benaras,
to Fyzabad, and the territories of Goruck-
poor and Bareech. In the city of Fyzabad,
the mother and grand-mother of the Na-
bob, openly efpoufed the party of Cheyt
Sing, encouraging and inviting people to
inlift in his fervice : and the ftandard of
revolt was raifed by their own fervants.

Two battalions of regular Sepoys, in the

Vizier's fervice, under the command of

Lieutenant- Colonel Hannay, Rationed in

Oude, were in various places furrounded,

attacked, and many of them cut to pieces.

Many of the Zemindars of Bahar, had dif-

covered
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 343

coverd lymptoms of dill5e«:tion ; and Ic- 17S2.

vies of men, if comQion report can be cre-

dited, were openly entertained in that pro-
vince for the tntmy, by our own fubjects.

Through an unfortunate train of oScial

perplexities, which had happened fonTie

time preceding this, both Major Popham's

regiment, the rangers, and all the corps of
the garrifon of Chunar, were four months
in arrears. The Go vefnor- General, in the
midll: of thefe alarming circumftances, when
the war in the Carnatic wore an afpeft that

portended, at bcii:, no more than the proba-

bility of being able to prolong an uncertain
flruggle ; when we were engaged in a war
with the Marratta ilates, on the coail of
Malabar, and with Madajee Scindiah, near
our own borders ; when a fudden rebellion
had deprived us of ever\- foot of land in Be-
naras, and, having involved the province
C't Oude in a iimilar cefedion, was extend-
ing its contagion over thofe of Rohiicund,
and Doab, and when even our own pro-
vince of Bahar was ripe for infurre<3ion :

while troubles had overtaken, and were

y 4 ' iUIl
;^44 ^^ ^' M O I R S OF THE
1782. ftili gathering around him on every fidc^
the Governor-General found himfelf un-
able to command three thoufand rupees.

Under thefe accumulated difficulties and

dangers, Mr. Haftings derived comfort and
relief from the public fpirit, the activity,
and the perfonal confidence and attach-
ment of all the officers in the neareft mili-
tary ftations, to whom, after the maffacre of
Shewallah Gaut, orders, in different letters

had been fent for affiffance, and from the un-

fliaken fidelity of the Nabob Vizier, The
early exertions made by Colonel Blair and
Major Popham liave been already mention-
ed. Though every letter fent to Colonel

Morgan, commanding''the troops at Cawn-

pore had been intercepted, that officer,

rightly judging of the paft mifad ventures

of the Governor and his prdent fituation,

from conilant report and the fuaden failure

of intelligence, with a foiicitude and deci-

iion which refled: equal credit on his cha-
racter, detached to his aid, under the com-
mand of Major Crabb, two regiments of
^epoys, thirty European artillery men, and
twq
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 345

two companies of the European regiment, 1782.

with four fix-pounders, one howitzer, tum-

brils, ammunition, draft and carriage cattle,

and as great a quantity of provifions as he

could fpare.

He was afterwards ordered to follow

with his ^yhoie force : and Colonel Sir John.

Gumming, on receiving an order to occupy

his flation at Cawnporc, marched thither,

with the utmofl diligence and alacrity, in

the fpace of four days. Lieutenant Pol-

hill, on the 27th of Auguft, arrived with
fix companies of Sepoys belonging to the
Nabob Vizier's body-guard, ftationed at

Illiabad. He was ordered to encamp 0:1

the oppofite banks of the river, for the pur-

pofe of preferving a communication with
that fliore. On the 29th he attacked and
defeated a confiderable body of troops un-
der the command of the chief Shehaub
C'awn, who was flationed at a fmall fort

',d town called Seekar, within light of

Chunar.

On
34-6 THE MEMOIRS OP

1782. On the 13th of September, Major Ro-

berts, with his regiment and a lack of ru-
pees in filver, arrived from Lucknow,
whither he had been fent for a guard to
the Governor- General's perfon, in his in-
tended vifit to that capital. A farther fup-
ply of fifty thoufand rupees was received a
few days after, by the collector of the Na -

bob's rents at Illiabad. On the nth, the

Nabob Vizier arrived at his encampment,
which had been formed on the Ihore oppo-
fite to Chunar. Mr. Haftings chofe to
make him the firft vifit, the fame morning
on which he arrived : and it was returned
by the Nabob on the next. On the 1 5th
Lieutenant Pclhill crolled the river and joined
Major Popham's camp.

The whole detachment now confifted of

one company of European grenadiers, one
of light infantry, one of French rangers,
thirty European artillery men, four regi-
ments and one battalion of Sepoys, and fix

companies of the Nabob's body guard.

The
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 3 4.7

The troops entertained by the Rajah 1782-

Cheyt Sing, amounted nearly to twenty-
two thoufand, belides a great number of,

'
hufbandmen and others, who voluntarih/
took up arms, encrealing his whole forces, at
this time, regulars and irregulars, to the

number of forty thoufand. Thefe were

Rationed in Luteefpoor, Pateeta, and Ram-
nagur. Thofe of them that were reputed
the beft, were at Pateeta. The great mafs
of irregulars, with part of the other troops,
remained with the Rajah at Luteefpoor,
his refidence fmce his flight from his palace

at Benaras. Luteefpoor, fituated fifteen

miles eaflward of Chunar, is a large fort

built with flone, furrounded by hills, and,
whether from negletfl or defign, concealed
from diftant view with thick coppice w^ood
and trees. Pateeta is a very large town,
furrounded by a rampart of earth, v/hich
extends to a great diftance beyond it, to the
adjoining hills, and including afmall fq\iarc
building of jftone invifible, at firfl, to alfail-

ants, fortified with four round towers, and

enclofed with an high rampart and ditch,
which is in moil parts broad and deep.
The
24? MEMOIRS OF THE
17S2. The plan cf operations originally intend-
ed, as above mentioned, was, in the iirll

place, to reduce the town and fort of Ram-

nagiir ; the capture of which would lead to
the rerofTeflioii of the capital, and reftore
the autlionty of the Engliili over the whole
province. For this purpofe battering can-
non and mortars were ordered to Major
Popham's camp, and all other preparations
made that were neceflary for a liege j when
the fyilcm that had been adopted by the
Governor-General and the officers of his
party, was exchanged for another fuggefted

by Bundoo Khan, a native and inhabitant

of the town of Chunar. This man had
accompanied Captain Blair, firil in his ac-

tion, already mentioned, at Ramnagur, and

afterwards in another adlion at Pateeta, of
which the following is a brief account.

Captain Blair, on the 3d of September,

was detached by Major Popham with his
battalion, and two companies of grenadiers,

to fijprize the enemy's camp at Pateeta.—?

Having marched at three in the moaning,

they arrived by day-light at the ground ;

but
 L AT E WAR IN ASIA. 349

but they found it abandoned, and the ene- 1782.

my, who had by fome means or other been
apprized of their defign, waiting for their
approach, on ground which they had cho-
fen about a mile beyond it. An engage-
ment immediately enfued, in which the ene-
my, furious and daring from recent fuccefs,

fought with defperate intrepidity. Our Se-

poys had begun to give way, when the
Lieutenants Fallon and Birrel, at the head
of the two companies of grenadiers, turning

the tide of fortune, obtained pofl'efhon of

the field of battle, with four guns and
four tumbrils loaded with ammunition.

The lofs fuftained by our fmall detach-

ment in this bloody action was very great

forty-eight men killed, and eighty-five

wounded. The enemy were furnilhed with
all the apparatus of artillery, equal, or near-
ly equal, to the produdion of an European
elaboratory. It was, from their cannon,
which was well ferv:d, that our party prin-

cipally fufFered. This vidory, though it

did not drive the enemy from Patecta, and
though purchafed by the expenditure of one
fourth
2^0 MEMOIRS OF THE
1782. fourth of the party, was yet a vidory in its

effeds, as it encouraged our troops, but dif-

pirited theenemy, and, at a time when the

minds of all men were in fufpence concern-
ing the party it. would be prudent to flee or
to follow, tended to form an important pre-
iage of our fuccefs in the public opinion.

Bundoo Cawn, who, by his knowledge of

the ground and his advice in the application|
of it, had rendered eminent as well as gra-

tuitous fervice to Captain Blair, in this as

well as a former adion at Ramnagur, was

induced by the interefl and fafety of a large
family, which depended on our fuccefs, and
encouraged by the confidence and applaufe
of the little Engliili army, to offer his in-

formation and advice, on all occafions

where he thought they might be of fervicd

He reprefented, that, as the Rajah's forc<

was principally colieded at Luteefpoor and
Pateeta, and was daily increafing, it woul^
be exceedingly difficult to diflodge him, ifh<

iliould be fuifered to eftablilh himfelf by

feries of detailed operations, fupporting eacl
other and combined in a fyflem.
T
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 351

The approaches both to Pateeta and Lu- 1782.

teefpoor were ftrongly guarded, and efpecially
thofe of Lutteefpoor, to which the only
road that was pracfticable ran through Pa-
teeta. But even if Lutteefpoor could have
been carried, on another fide, it would be
untenable, the Cawn reprefented, from the
llrength of the pafs, called, Suckroot, be-
hind it, of which the enemy would keep
poiTeiiion in defiance of all their efforts,

and againfl any fuperiority of numbers.

He therefore advifed that two attacks fhould
be executed at the fame inflant of time
one on the pafs of Suckroot, another on the
fort of Pateeta. Of the pafs, he faid, which
was of the eafiefl accefs, being unguarded
from above, our forces might eafily obtain

pofTeilion, and thereby gain the fame advan-

tage ovei* the garrifon of Lutteefpoor, as

the garrifon would have over them, if they

took pofTefTion of that fort firfl : and every
other road of communication with Lutteef-
poor, would be comm.anded by the pofTef-
fion of Pateeta. Bundoo Cawn offered to
condud: the party which fliould be fent
againfl the pafs, by a road unfrequented and
unknown.
-5^2
MEMOIRS OF THE
17 §3.
unknown, but which he defcribed mofl
minutely, and, as has fmce appeared, with
aftonifliing corrednels.

A iimilar inftance cf this topographical

ingenuity in the natives of Afia, which ap-
pears to be fomewhat akin to tlieir difpoii-

tion and faculty for imitation *, was expe-

.,-d-ienced by Colonel Fullarton, who com-
manded army fcuth of the Co-
the Engliili
leroon, towards the conclufion of the war
.with Hyder and Tippoo Sultaun. When
the army encamped before Daraporam, it

was not found practicable to approach fo

near the fort, as to determine with precifion
the mofl advantageous point of attack.
But a Bramin hircarrah, or intelligencer,
explained every particular refpeding the po-

* The nature of the Hindoos is peculiarly fitted for works

of imitation by a delicate fcnfibility of corporeal orga-
nization, by that patient perfeverance, which lb eminently
diftinguilhes them, and by another quality, if it be another,
namely, that they are wholly occupied and abforbed in the
prefent objcft. No dillraftion of thought ; no wanderirtg
of imagination : the force of their mind is brought to bear
with efFeft on one point, by means of deeply fixed atten-
tion. Hence, the original model is not to be dillinguifhed
from the new produdlion, ia any kind of doth, earth, me-
tal, wood, of ftone.

fition
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 353

of the works, and the nature of the 1782.

fition

ground adjacent, in fuch a manner as en-

abled him to draw a plan from his defcrip-

tion. The Adjutant- General, Captain

Oram, alfo drew a plan from the accounts
of another Hircarrah. The two plans thus
drawn fi'om verbal information, were found
fo exatftly fimilar in every material point,
that, on the ftrength thereof, a body of ouf
troops marched in a dark night, crofled a
river, and occupied a ilrong pofition within
four hundred yards of the fort, from whence
they ereded batteries, and eifedled a breach.

A better military plan than that which

had been propofed by Bundoo Cawn, could
not have been laid down by the moft expe-
rienced commander. Major Popham in-

flantly faw its propriety, and adopted it. He

formed the army into two divifions. The
Major, at the head of one of thcfe, march-
ed to Pateeta, which he took by ftorm,
on the morning of the 20th of September*.

* At the ftorm of Pateeta, two Nujeebs were wounded

and takert prifoners. They were part of a body of fix

hundred men recruited at Fyzabad, by the Begum's crderc,

and fent to join Cheyt Sing.

Vol. I. Z Major
354 MEMOIRS OF THE
1-^82. Major Crabb conduced the oth^r divifion

through ways almofl hupradicable, to a vil-

lage called Lora, about two miles from the

Suckroot pafs, where he found a body of men,
with three guns ported The
to oppofe him.
enemy, after a ftout refinance, by which we
loft twelve men, but they themfelves a much

greater number, fled through the pafs to

Lutteefpoor. Our detachment followed
them as far as the head of the pafs, where
they encamped for the remainder of the day.

The mind of Cheyt Sing, amidfl: theic

events, appears to have been adluated by

ideas of hoftility or of fubmiffion, accord-
ing as it was imprefl'ed by prefent objedis
of hope or of fear. After the adion of
Captain Blair, at Pateeta, in which his

party fuffered fevcrely, and his return to

Chunar, which was probably reprefented as

a retreat, the Rajah, either authorized,

or countenanced a. malTacre of fourteen of
our fick prifoners, who had fallen into his

hands, in cold blood. At other times he

fent letters, fraught with affertions of his
innocence, profeffions of fubmi-ffion, and
offers
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 2S5

oifers of accommodation. Thefe, indeed, 1782,

were fo flrong, and fo often repeated, that

had they proceeded from a fenfible an^.

manly charader, the Governor- General, fi-

tuated as he was, muft have been inclined

to liften to them with pleafure. But Cheyt

Sing was a weak and irrefolute man. He
varied in his views according to accidental

advices and impreffions, and, in proportion

as he was removed from adual danger, by
diftance of place or time, he became con-
fident of his wealth, his ftrong-holds, the
number of his adherents, the diflrelTes of
our government, and the power of its in-

creafing enemies. And, whatever may be

thought concerning that political neceffity,

which impelled the Governor- General to

provide for extraordinary exigencies, by ex-
traordinary means, or, when the fate of his
country flood trembling on a precipice,

concerning the propriety of fixing his eye

for relief, where wealth, acquired by the
Company's patronage, was united with de-
figns againfl the Company's fafety ; certain

it is, that hoftilities againfl the Rajah, had

^

been too far profecuted to be abandoned

Z 2 for
356 MEMOIRS OF THE
1782. for his profperity could not co-exill with
that of the Britifh nation in India.

The news of our fucceffes again ft Patee-

ta, and the Suckroot pafs, heightening ter-

ror by furprize, difarmed Cheyt Sing of all

refolution. His laft refuge was Bidjey-Gur,

a fort ere(5ted on the folid rocks of a hill,

riling from the ground to the height of k-

ven hundred and forty- five perpendicular
feet. , This fort, which was the repofitory

of all his own and his father's treafures,

is fituated about fifty miles in a fouth-eaft

diredtion from Chunar. The road to this
place lay through the pafs, which he durfl
not attempt. But, by making a circuit

over the hills, he gained the high road, at

the diftance of fome miles beyond Suck-
root, and proceeded with a few followers
to the neighbourhood of Bidjey-Gur. He
was now forfaken by all his adherents. On
the approach of Major Popham, who ad-
vanced from Lutteefpoor to Bidjey-Gur,
without lofs of time, he fled by the route
of Rewa, to the capital of Bundle- Cund ;

taking with him as much treafure as his

elephants
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. I^^J

elephants and camels could carry, which, 1782,

befides jewels, amounted in fpecie, to four

hundred thoufand pounds fterling. He left

his wife, a woman of an amiable cbaradter,

his mother. Pauna, and all the other wo-
men of his houfe, with the furvivors of
his father's family, who were connec5ted

with his, in the fort.

The whole province of Benaras returned

under the obedience of the Company. The
town was placed under the government of
a newly-created and independent magiftra-
cy; and the Zemindary beftowed, on the
30th of September, on Bauboo Mehipna-
rain, grandibn in the female line, to the

Rajah Bulwant Sing, according to the

Hindoo law the next lineal heir, after

his mother and grand-mother, who, in his

favour, formally yielded up their preten-

fions.

It was agreed on between the Governor-

General, in the name of the Eafc-India
Company, and the Nabob Vizier, that a re-
Z 3
du6tion
358 MEMOIRS OF THE
1782. dudtion iliould be made in the expence and
the numbers of the Nabob's troops, con-
fifling chiefly of a diforderly and ufelefs rab-

ble, and that a new miHtary eftablifliment

fhould be formed, well appointed and com-
manded, efficient in fervice, and fuch as
fhould pro ted:, initead of diftreffing his

country : and that, as great diflrelTes had

arifen to the Nabob's government, from the
miUtary power and dominion allumed by
the Jagheerdars, he fhould be permitted to
refume fuch Jagheers as he might find ne-
cefTary, with a referve, in cafe of the re-
fumption of any jagheers for the amount of
which the Company were guarantees, that an
equivalent for their clear collections or
rents, fliould be paid through the reiident at

Lucknow in ready money.

'
Agreeably to this convention, a refump-
tion was advifed by Afoph-ul-Dowlah, and
agreed to by Mr. Haflings, of the jagheers
or eflates of the Begums or Princefles of
Oude, his mother and grand-mother, who,
as above mentioned, had united their autho-
rity and influence to embarrafs the Nabob's
government;,
 L/fTE WAR IN ASIA. 359

government, and to extend and aggravate 178^.

the difficulties of the Englifh. A provifion
at the fame time was made, for replacing
their income at the exa(5t rate at, which it

ilood in their own eflimate, while they held

the jaghecrs, by making it the condition of

the refumption, that they fliould receive a
penfion equal to the amount of thofe pof-
feffions, in equal monthly payments and :

thefe, for the fullefl fecurity, were made

payable from the produce of the Company's
affignments. The hoarded treafures of the
Begums, at the requeft of their fon and
grandfon, to whom they belonged by the
right of hereditary fucceffion, were alfo re-
fumed by which means the Nabob was en-
:

abled to pay tlie arrears of fubfidy due from

Oude for the protedion of the Company,
which furniflied a very feafonable and ne^
ceflary fupply for the fupport of his own.
authority, by that of the Britifh government
in India. But this was not effeded with-
out a temporary confinement of two eunuchs,
confidential fervants of the Begums, and
«ven fubjeding them, for a fhort time, to
the rigour and indignity of irons. The ufual

Z 4 and
360 MEMOIRS OF THE
1782. and neceiTary fubfiftence, too, was with-
held from the inferior w^omen and children
of the late Nabob Sujah-ul-Dowlah, for

fome days : an aifl of cruelty which origi-

nated in the negligence of the Phoufdar of
LrUtteefpoor, and which was removed, by the
interference of the Britifh otficers. It can-
not be imputed in any degree to the Gover-
nor-General, who was entirely ignorant of

it till it was over.

The fuccefsful vigour of Mr. Haftings,

the alacrity v/ith which he was fupported
by our. military ftations, the rapidity with
which 'his colleded force quafhed rebellion,
and exalted the power of his country on its

ruins, -
excited the aftonifhment of India,

and the admiration of Europe. But the

exultation of a great party in the Houfe of
Commons, on this occafion of triumph,
was loft in compaiTion for Cheyt Sing, the
imprifoned eunuchs, and the Begums ; in
indignation againft the Governor-General,
whom they compared to Nero, Cortez,
PIzarro, and other odious tyrants -, and in
melancholy forebodings of that ruin which
the
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 361

the awakened refentment cf all the native 1782.

Princes muft foon involve, if they had not

already involved the Britifli interefis in In-
dia. They expatiated on the royal blood

of Cheyt Sing, and bewailed the liardlhips

of the Princeiles of Oude, whofe advanced
years, tender fex, and reclufe manner of" life,

rendered them very unfit perfons to wage

war with a difciplined European army.
They denied that there was the leafl reafon

for imputing rebellious defigns to Cheyt

Sing or the Begums, and found fault with
whatever kind or degree of evidence was
alledged or produced of hoilile intentions or
adlions. If the teftimony of Hindoos was
produced, they were under the influence of
fear : if that of Europeans, they v/ere under
the impreflions either of gratitude, or the

hope of favour. If in any inflance the

Governor- General acfted on the ftrength of

public notoriety, they demanded legal evi-

dence : if the befl evidence that could be

obtained was given, they conilrued the

forefight that obtained it into a proof of

confcious guilt. If the friends of Mr.

Haftings pled the difference between Afia-
tic
3^2 MEMOIRS OF THE i

1752. tic and free European Governments, they

replied, that, howeveryt'^r might have been
the ruhng principle in India formerly, they
had proje(fted, and even begun to make an
experiment of an oppofite f^'ftem. If it was
faid that dominion, efpecially in times of
political danger, is befi; retained through the

lame means by which it was acquired, and

that, in fuch cafes, new experiments are
dangerous, the anfwer was. Fiat jujiitia,

ruat cesium *.

To maintain a profecution againft a maa

allowed to poiTefs many amiable qualities as

well as great talents, unfufpedied of private

rapacity, and who, at the worfl had faved
our fettlements in India by arts exad:Iy
fmiilar to thofe by which we had obtained
them, required uncommon abilities, and
found them. Mr. Burke, in his charge
againft Mr. Haflings, was ably fupported
by many of his political friends : but the
mofl diflinguifhed of his auxiliaries was Mr^
Sheridan.

* This maxim, which may be tranflated, DojuJHce and he-

damned, is very juflly confidej-ed by Mr. Hume as an abfard

facrifice of the end to the means.

by
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 363

Richard Brindfley Sheridan, a defcendant 1782..

of that Sheridan whofe name is immortaUzed
in the writings of Dean Swift, was, like
Edmund Burke, a poHtical adventurer,
and a
native of Ireland, though he was educated
in England, and, for fome years, under the
tuition of the learned and claffical Dodlor
Samuel Parr. He pollclTcd, like his il-

luflrious countryman, excellent qualities

both of body and mind, improved by a
learned and liberal education : an expreflive
countenance, a manly yet pleafing deport-
ment, great infmuation and addrefs, veraf-
tility and accommodation of manners in the

common intercourfes of life, but, in mat-

ters of importance, inviolable attachment
to his profelTed principles. He was intro-
duced to public life by Mr. Fox ; and he
has paid the iineft compliment that was
ever yet made to that wonderful man's pe-
netration and difcernment of charac^ter.

He was diftinguifhed, as well as Mr.

Burke, by learning, eloquence, wit, and
iiumour, and, like Mr. Burke, he maintain-
ed unfhaken fidelity to his friends, with a
narrow private fortune. In ihort, the
country, the fituation and the friends of
thefc
264 MEMOIRS OF THE
1782. thcfe men were the fame ; and their talents

and virtues nearly equal in degree, but

dilTerent in kind. Though Mr. Burke
knew how to excufe the follies and frail-

ties of his fellow-men, he was from the

fenfibility of his temper, not indifpofed

to remark them. Mr. Sheridan had a

quick apprehenfion of whatever was either

odious or ludicrous in human life and con-
du\!t, but, except on the theatre he feemedtoo
'
good-natured to obferve it. Mr. Burke in- -

clined fomewhat to the flernnefs of republicart

virtue : Mr. Sheridan to the indulgence of a
court. They both of them fcafoned their
©rations with tlie pleafmg excurfions of-

fancy : but, while Mr. Burke often rofe

from Earth to Heaven, and it was not eveiy

one who accompanied him in his flight that

could diflinguiih the fam^mits of mountains .

from^ clouds, clear argument and bufinefs.

were always the predominant features in the

fpeeches of Mr. Sheridan. The former
prcfcrved his dignity by hulbanding fortune 3

the latter by defpifing it. Mr. Burke, like

Cicero, iacrificed, at his Tufadum^y both to

the mufes, and the houfliold Gods. Mr.

* A beautified farm.
Sheridan,
 LATE WAR IN ASIA.. ^65

Sheridan, like Crrfar, fought to reign in 17S2,

the hearts of men, refufed nothing wh-en
he had aught to beflow, and, in every fitua-

tion, with his eye fixed on the objedls of a

lofty ambition, waited in perfet^l tranquillity

for that relief which the common vicilTi-

tudes of human affairs, rightly improved by

commanding genius, are wont to bring to all
difficulties.

. Mr. Sheridan, ading the part committed

to him by his political friends, on the
17th of November 1782, at night, paid a

yifit to a gentleman, who was known to

have taken a very active part in favour of
Mr. Haftings, in whofe family he had lived
in India. This gentleman Mr. Sheridan
had not vifited before this night for feveral

months, and the intimacy between them,

though not broken off, had long been fuf-

pended. The exprefs and avowed pur}X)fe

of this viiit, v/as, to talk over the affairs of

Mr. Haftings ; and it was agreed between
this gentleman and Mr. Sheridan, that the
former Ihould call on the next morning
upon Major Scott, to communicate what
had
366 M£M I Px S OF THE
1782. had paffed: and Major Scott was to be de-
fired to meet Mr. Sheridan at eleven o'clock

tliat morning, at a third houfe. The com*,

munlcation made by the gentleman who
vifited Major Scott was, as he underllood,
that he came to him with the olive branch ;

that Mr. Haflings might come home with

perfed; fecurity, with half a million, or what-
ever might be the amount of his fortune
that the minifters had ftrength enough to
carry Mr. Fox's bill by which the govern-
ment of India was to be veiled in feven com-
miffioners appointed by the Houfe of Com-
mons, but they knew it would be oppofed
at the India Houfe. The condition there-
fore required from Major Scott, was, that
the friends of Mr. Haflings fliould not join

in the oppofition to the bill. In reply to

this communication. Major Scott at once
faidhe would not meet Mr. Sheridan, but
that he would go to the gallery of the Houfe
of Commons, where he fhould hear Mr.
Fox himfelf : and he further told the gen-
tleman who called upon him, in anfwer to
fome doubts that were exprefled whether
Mr. Haflings would come when recallad,

that
II LATE WAR IN ASIA. 367

that all the world knew there had been a 1782.

letter upon the table of the Court of Di-

redors, month of September, in
fince the

which he exprefsly defired them immediate-

ly to appoint a fucceflbr to the government
of Bengal. The gentleman who waited up-
on Major Scott further told him, that, if
the negociation came to nothing, no no-
tice was to be taken of any cifer of the kind
having been made. Mr. Fox made his
famous fpeech on the i8th of Novem-
ber, in which he grounded the neccffity
for his bill upon the mifmanagement of Mr.

Haftlngs, and faid, that his whole proceed-

ingwas the proceeding of a man who had
drawn the fword, and thrown av/ay the
fcabbard.The following morning, the 19th,
Major Scott, and the friend who had called
upon him, met again, when the latter clear-
ly declared, that after Mr. Fox's fpeech,
Mr. Sheridan had no right to expecft fecrecy
from either of them. The prefs was not
idle : every paper teemed with grofs and
anonymous abufe of Mr,Haftings, with threats
of vengeance, and now and then with fome-
thing like a promife of favour, if the friends
of
26S MEMOIRS OF TriE i
1782. of Mr. Haftings would be lefs adive. lit

anfwer to one of thefe paragraphs. Major'

Scott, openly, and with his name 'at full

length to the affertion, avowed, on the 27th

of November, ten days after Mr. Sheridan
had vifited his friends, that he. Major Scott
" rejeSied the offer of an aSt of oblhionfor
*' his principaly provided he would remain fi-
** lent during the prefent attack upon the Eajl
** Lidia Company." This avpwal, written
before the Committee of proprietors at the

India Houfe, and inferted in the Morning

Chronicle, was never anfwered; tior was
., „the gentleman whom Mr. Sheridan had vi-
fited, or Major Scott, taxed with a breach
of fecrecy.

Mr. Sheridan having failed of fuccefs

in the character of a negociator, difplayed

tranfcendent eloquence in that of an ac-

cufer. The 'part he undertook, was, io

make good the charge of oppreffion and cru-

elty, on the part of Mr. Hailings, towards
the PrincelTes of Oude, or, as they were
commonly called, the Begums of Fyzabad.
He fpoke fix hours and an half without
producing in his audience any fymptoms of
fatigue.
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 369

S.tigue. He fliewed confummate art In 1782.

the arrangement of his matter, and Ikill in

the conduct of the pafTions; making a juft

eftlmate of the impreflion that it was rea-
fonable to fuppofe what he had faid, in
the different rtages of his oration, had
produced, addreffing himfelf to the tone
of his audience, pailing by natural tranfi-

tions from one topic to another, relieving

the attention by wit and humour, or com-

manding it by glowing fcntiments of com-
paffion and of indignation. At the con-
cluiion of his fpeech, a great number of
the members had the indecency to clap their
hands, and to flamp with their feet and their
llaves, as if they had thereby exprefied their

fatisfa<5tion at a theatrical entertainment.

Yet, although he aded the part fo proper-
ly committed to his powers, with all this

ability, a little recolledion would have fuf-

ficed to difcover, in many inftances, the

weaknefs of his ground; nor would hit

eloquence have filenced, for a time,

almoft the whole Houfe of Commons, if

they had not been pre-difpofed to acquiefce,

either in reality or in appearance, in his
Vol. L a a rcafoning.
37© MEMOIRS OF THE
1782. reafoning. Mr. Pitt, the iirft Lord of the
Treafury, jealous of the great mind of Mr*
Haftings, embraced with avidity a pretext

for humbling the man whom he confidered

as his rival, and veiled his own hoftile fears

under the facred name of a regard to juftice.

But, as he owed hi-s ftation to the friends,

and to the perfonal ma^gnanimity of Mr.

Haftings, in refufmg to purchafe his qui-
etus by joining a faftion againft him, and
might ftill, perhaps, have need of fupport
from the Eaft- India Company, he mingled
praife with his flight cenfures, knd feemed
willing that no heavier ftigma fhould be
affixed to the name of Haftings than what
might juft be fufficient to preclude ail ideaS,

at lead; for a long time, of placing him at

the head of the adminiftration for India.

When Mr. Pitt, after an equivocal exor-
dium, gave his voice for bringing an im-
peachment Mr. Haftings, on the
againil:

day after Mr. Sheridan made his fpeech,

certain fpedators in the gallery of the
Houfe of Commons j expreffed their fur-

prize and difgufl:, in involuntar}^ burfts of

ailonilhment and indignation. Among
thofe
 LAtE WAR IN ASIA. 37I

thofe who walked out on that day, under 1782.

the fhadow of the minifterlai wing, to vote
againftMr. Haftings, was, Mr. Henry
Dundas, who, on different occafions,
had eiiiphatically acknowledged, that,

but for the' exertions of the Governor-

General, India muft have been loft to Great
Britain. Here we fliall take an opportu-
nity of recording the following extraordi-

nary fa(5t. The vote of the Houfe of Com-

mons Mr. Hafiings, above-
for recalling

mentioned, though it originated with Mr.

Burke, was moved by Mr. Dundas, who
publicly and repeatedly declared, that he
did not make his ir.otion, though preiied
to make it by the importunities of Mr,
Burke, on the ground of delinquency.

Other Inferior charges were brought a-

gainil:Mr. Haftings by inferior orators.
At a time when the world waited to know
what mark of honour the Court of Lon-
• don would beftow on the man who had
faved India, and in fail the Britifh empire,
Sir James Erfkine, one of the reprefenta-
tives of the people, purfued him with hof-
tile vengeance, for not driving^ an harder
A a 2 bargain
 i
372 MEMOIRS OF THE
1782. bargain in certain opium and bullock con-
trads.

But, in the midft of all thefe proceedings,

when a fingular concurrence of prejudice,
faction, and private jealouly, under the
ftandard of the mofl fafcinating eloquence,
aimed Mr. Haftings, and
at the ruin of

dazzled and confounded the credulous mul-

titude with the boldnefs of their alTertions,

the candid and confiderate part of the na-

tion, whether in Parliament or private fo-

cicties, in favour of the Governor-General

of Bengal, urged, or liftened to fuch argu-
ments as thefe :

** In the whole compafs of morality there

" are two things principally to be confider-
*' ed : firft. What are the fentiments and
*' what the tenor of condud: that denomi-
*' nates onead;ion,or courfe of ad:ions, virtu-
*' ous,and the contrary vicious? and, fecond-
*' ly, by what principle or law is virtue recom-
** mended and authorized, and vice ftigma-
** tized and reprobated ? Concerning the
" lafl of thefe queflions metaphyficians have
<* diifered.
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 375
** differed, and will probj.bly cominue to 2782,
" differ: but, with regard to tlie firft and
** moff important, they are, all of them,
** very nearly, if not wholly agreed. They
•*r*affign, as the ultimate reafon for every
" rule which they eflabli(h, the neceffities
** and the conveniencies of mankind, and
" readily admit, that the iirft and funda-
** mental law in all political conftitutions,
** is the prcfervation of fociety. It has ac-
" cordingly been the uniform practice of all

!
" countries, when there was a profpecft of
** war, on public grounds of fufpicion, to fe-
I
** cure the perfons of individuals thought to
" be difaffed:ed to the flate, by which means
*'
great public calamities are prevented.
" On the fame ground of public utility and
** they
advantage, villages are deftroyed, left

" Oiould afford fhelter to the enemy. It

" is true, that, in fuch cafes, reparation is

** made to the inoffenfive inhabitants : and,

**
accordingly, reparation has been made to
**
the Princeffes of Oude, for the refump-
** tion of their jagheers ; and their hoarded
** treafures belonged of right to their fon
** and grandfon.

A a 3 *' With
5^4 MEMOIRS OF THE
i^j^a'i " With regard to Cheyt Sing, without
" determining whether the infurrrdtion at
** Benaras was accidental or defigned, it ij

" fafficient to obfervc, that having fled on

** the refcoration of tranquilhty with his
" treafures to the Rajah of Bundle-cund,
*'
he neither experienced the rigour of our
'* government, nor its lenity or juftice.—
**
Has the Britidi Parliament, in which vv^
*' find the men who held in their hands
" the reins of Government, during that
'* conficl Vvith fo many nations, whofe af-^

'* flicfting ccnfequences we all feel and de-

** plore, has the Britiih Miniflry and Par-
** iiament, in all cafes, made compenfation to

** thofe who have fuiFered in the caufe of

** England, as ample, as eqnal, as permanent
'* and fecure as that which thejuftice of Mr.
'* Railings has granted to the PrincelTes of
*' Afia. The American Loyalifls, on the very
**^cene, braved thefury of prevailingrebellion
** with an intrepidity and conftancy that re-

*' proached that timorous and temporizing

*'
policy, that indolence and infatuation in

** the fervants of the crown, both by fea and

" land, and that cruel rage of fa6lion,
** which
 LATE WAR IN ASIA, j/>
'*which impeded the wheels of a weak 1782.
" government, in more forcible ftrains than
'* the moft piteous complaints that couid be
** poured forth before a generous peonle.
*' This is a fubje(5t worthy of all the Mu-
" fes fire, never worfe employed than in
** arraigning one of their moft favoured fons
** In what pathetic accents might not the
** inimitable eloquence of Burke and She-
*' ridan reprefcnt the difconfolate widow,
** fitting in folitary places, mourning an huf-
** band ilain, an infant loft ? And how eafy
** would it be for the logical diftincftion of
** Mr. Pitt, were he inclined, to find fome
***
precedent or pretext for ranking the mif-
** conducflof Mr. Hallings, and the fufferings
** of women who had been reduced to the na-
** ceflity of accepting a yearly revenue from
** their fon inftead of a landed eitate : how
**
eafy would it befor the fubtkly of Mr, Pitt
** to find fome reafon or other for ranking the
" mifconduct of Mr. Haftings, and the gvk-
*'
vances of the Begums, in an order infe-
*'
rior to the enormities that difgraced dif-
*' ferent parties in the conduct of the Ame-
** rican war, and the calamities that affliwt-
" ed
 I
3;6 MEMOIRS OF THE
1782. *' ed and ftill afflid: the loyal fubjedls of
" Great Britain acrofs the Atlantic? Does
*' the pittance allowed by Government, as
" an indemnification to the Loyalifts, bear
" any proportion to the income continued
'* to the Begums? Ladies fecluded from the
** world in the receiles of a feraglio, and in
'* whofe hands political power and import-
*' ance ferved only, by no'urifhing a fpirit of
** ambition, to diilblve the ties of blood,
** and to embitter the fallen ftate of their
** family by domeftic difcord? Far different
*' from theirs is the condition of the difper-
** fed families of the Loyalifts! Aged pa-
*' accuftomed to receive
rents, their kindred
** and friends with plenty and hofpitality,
* now in the charatfter of petitioners for
** fome provifion againft the extremity of
•*
want for themfclves and their children j

** and the tender fex ftruggling by every ef-

** fort to unite that delicacy and dignity of
*' fentiment, in which they have been bred,
** with the means of felf-prefervationi While
** fuch objedls, related to us by blood, by
** language, manners, and religion, by
** ffienfhip ill-requited on our part, and
*'
fond
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 377-

** fond cofidence mifplaced on theirs ; while 1778,

'
** fuch objects prefent thtmiclves to our view,
j
** whence all Bow Begum,
this gallantry to

^ «' and the won:ien of the Huram of Sujah-ul-

*' Dowlah?

** Charity naturally begins at home.

* That which leeks objefts of compaflion
**
in an oppofite hemifphere, is fufpicious.
** In the relation that fubfilts between fove-
** reigns and their fubjedls, if allegiance is

** implied on the one part, protedion is pre-

** fumed on the other. The Loyliails, there-
•* fore, if the affairs of flate, even on the
** greatefl emergency, are to be fquared by
** the abilradled accuracy of eternal juftice
*' and truth, have an undoubted right to an
** abfolute reftitution of all they have loft,

**
and reparation, as far as that is pollible,
" for all they have fuffercd. But is it ar-
** gued, that full reftitution, as well as com-
** plete reparation to the unfortunate fubjed:s
*' of Britain in America, is impolTible?
*' Then it is admitted, that political exigen-
** cies may not only fufpend, but fuperfede

Under
'

** the execution of juitice. tins

** convi(5tion.
37^ MEMOIRS OF THE
*' convidion, the
17?2. then, let candid mind'
*' judge of the conduct of Mr. Plaftings re-
** fpeding the Begums of Oude and the Ra-
** jah of Benaras.

" Whoever imagines that, by all the

'^ mildnefs v/e have mixed, or that it is

** poflible for us to mix with our tyranny

•^ over the Princes of Afia, we- Ihall be
** able to gain their confidence and afFetftion,
** is egregioufly miftaken. Whatever aro-
*' matics v/e may infufe in their cup,
"' fo far prevail as
the bitter tafte v^ill fkill

** to induce a ftrong delire of cafting it from

*'
them whenever they can: and the greater
•' the hope of being able to do fo, the more
•' ardent alio will be the defire. It is a

•* property in human nature, thai any emo-

'*
tion which attends apaffion iseafily con-
" verted into it, though in their natures
" they be originally different, and even
*' contrary to each other. Hence hope is
*' able not only to inflame the dcfire of ob-
** taining any particular obje(ft, but alfo to
*' excite anger againft the perfoh who with-
" holds it, or to heighten it where it wa&^
" before- hand the predominant pafTion.
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 379
*' To govern reduced provinces, efpeci- 1782.
* ally fuch as are remote from the feat of
* government, by flackening the curb of
* power, and granitng a few indulgencies
* to a fubjecfled people, imperious nations
* have always found to be difficult, and
* for the moft part impoffible. After
* what has fo recently paifed in America
'
and in Ireland, we cannot be at a lofs to
' judge of the effedls of partial conceflion.
*
Every degree of liberty indulged to men
' tends to produce at once a defire, and a
* fenfe of their natural right, to enjoy it in
* its full extent.

** It was through the grand-mother of

** Afoph-ul-Dowlah, as wasjuftly obferved
*' by theaccufers of Mr. Haftings, that he
** fucceeded to the rank and power of the
*'
Nabob Vizier, {he being the daughter
" and only heir of the antient Soubah,
** She is allowed to be a woman of an
*' high fpirit ; and her pride is naturally
** heightened by the recolledion of her an-
*'
ceftry and of former times. She therefore
" confidered the EngUfh as the opprefTors of
*' her
o^8o MEM01B.S OF The
1782. *' her family, and the ufurpers of its inhc-
** ritance. The rcfentment which fhenatu-
*' rally entertained againfl our nation, there
•* was reafon to dread, would be inflamed
**
by the hope of gratification. She was
*' not uninformed of the fituation of affairs
*' in the weftern world. The crowns of that
** monarch, whofe power fliehad longequal-
** ly dreaded and deteil:ed,feemednowto tot-
*' on his head
ter 3 and that of America had
" already fallen. The French, the Spani-
*' ards, the Dutch, the three greateft mari-
^' time powers in the world next to our-
" felves, whofe ftrength was but too well
** known in theeafl:, preiled with their uni-
" ted weight on the Engliih, and the
*' ftandard of revolt began to be raifed in
** Benaras. In fuch circumflances what
" confidence could Mr. Haftings repoie in
** the attachment of the high-fpirited Be-
** gum, or what in her numerous fubje^fls?
*'
Mankind are governed by opinion ; and
** the opinion by which they are governed is
** two- fold: an opinion of intereft, and an
*' opinion of right. Ideas of right have
** an influence on the minds of men whicli
** have
 LATE W A tl IN ASIA.. 38X

"^ have been found, in fome in /lances, t<*

** prevail over thole of interell.

** Hence in all nations, and in none more

* than in Great Britain, Chiefs have been
* found, who, in the full polTeflion of their
* privileges aad fortune, have flown to tht
* flandard of exiled Princes, followed by
' bands of voluntary vailaU. But in Afia,
* .where the reverence to royal blood is

* ftronger than in Europe, and where the

* oppreilions of Europeans, compared with
* thole the people fufFer under their ni-
* tive princes, are greater ; in Aiia, where
* all ranks of men are divided againil us b)*
* an opinion both of right and intered, and
^ ready to Hart into a podure of hoftility
*
on every occafion where there is any
'
profpedt of fuccefs, and in circumflances
'
fo full of alarm, why fliould Mr. Haf-
* tingsdeem it incredible that the Princeflcs
*
of Oude ihould join the general confpiracy
' of the world againil: Great Britain, or
*
feek for theories by which he might recon-
' cile hoflile appearances with benevolent
'
mtentions ? Is not our government over
«' ti
inc
382 LATE WAR IN ASIA.

1782. **
the natives of India, whatever palliatives
" we may apply or proje<3:, in reality defpo-
" tic ? Is not the firft principle of def-
" potifm, jealoufy of its fubjedts? Was
*'
there no ground of jealoufy, jealoufy
** heightened beyond the pitch of its ufual
** vigilance, in the circumftances in which
" the Governor-General of Bengal wasphi-
*' ced towards the clofe of the year 1781 ?

*Mf there was, is his country, which his

" fervices have fo eminently contributed
" to fave, to make no allowance for the
" force, for the violence with which reports
** of military preparations muft have fallen
**
on a mind anxious for the prefervation of
** all that was committed to the exertion of
** its powers ? If there were among his col-
" leagues in the Company's fervice, men
** who were perfectly undifturbed amidfl
** growing alarms, there was the more reafon
** for Mr. Haftings to be vigilant. On the
** one hand, it was at leaft probable
*' that a revolt was begun in the pro-
** vince of Oude as well as in Benaras,
" and more than probable that it was
*' intended: on the other, it vras pciTible
" that
 MEMOIRS OF THE 383

*' that the reports coRcernlng the orders 1782*

** and deiigns of the Begums miglit fae falle,

** If the fears of the Governor- General

** {hould prove to be groundlefs, and that,
** in feizing the refources of the Begiims, he
** fhould commit an injury, that injury
*^ might afterguards be repaired ; but if, on
<* the prefumption that their intentions,
" notwithftanding all appearances to the
*' contrary, were pacific, he fliould forbear
** to a6t as he* did, the empire of Great
** Britain in the Eaft might be Icfi:.

*' In our wars with the houfe of Bour-

** bon, have we not been accuflomed, on
^* the appearance of hoftilitics on the part
**
of that kingdom, to anticipate an attack
" by making one ? Is this condud: to be
** condemned ? Are the miniiiers who fol-
*' lowed it with fuccefs to be impeached, and
f' thofe who, notwithftandin^ the commu-
** nications from Lord Stormont when am-
**
baflador at Paris, neoleded it to the dif-
" grace of Britain, to be promoted and ho-
" noured ? Was not the condud: of Mr,
J*'
Haftings exadly in the fpirit of the great
" Earl
384 LATE, WAR IN ASIA.

1782.
** Earl of Chatham, when, being appre-
** henfive of the defigns of Spain, he nobly
** dared to defpife vain forms, and by a fud-
** den blow to prevent their execution ?-

'*
And whether are we to reprobate the
" memory of the father, or to approve the
** legal policy of the fon ; who, as if he
** were born to refute the dodrine that the
** qualities of the mind are hereditary as
** well as thofe of the body, condemns in
*' Mr. Haflings what raifed his progenitor
**
to immortal honour ?

•* Though the Begums of Oude lived

* under the protection of our ally, and were
**
in fadl our fubjeds, they were divided
•*
from the Engllfli by all thofe circum-
«* fiances of diverfity which commonly
** prove the fources of animofity and con-
** tefl among nations. Though overborne
•*
by fuperior power, the unconquerable
" will remained of fhaking off the English
** yoke: and who, reafoning on the princi-
** pies of the law of nature, will affirm that
" they had not a right to fpurn it if they
" could ? The very circumftance of their
** fubjedlion
 LATE WAR IN ASIA* 3S5

'* fubjedion was a reafon why we fhould 1782,

** be jealous of their endeavours to overturn
** it. There were more points of oppo-
** fition between them and the Britifh na-
•^^
tion, than between the Britifh -natioa
'* and the Spaniards : and their minds
" were at leafl equally hoflile. What is

** the magic then, in the name of God, of

** their being our friends, allies, or fubjeds,
" that (hould fuperfede the propriety of con^
** liderin? what are their real inclinations,
" and what their power in all fitua-
'* tions when vigilance becom.es the firfl

*' duty of a llatefman, v.-hen jealoufy be-

<* comes a virtue ? The only queilion is,

** concerning the different degrees of the

*' dancers which threatened Great Britain
**
from the Spaniards in 1762, and from
**
the Princes of India in 1781. And here
" an opportunity is prefented of difphying
" the flriking contrail between the glorious
" fuccefTes of the Englifh arms in the for-
'* mer period, and the misfortunes which
" menaced our independence in the httcr.
" But it is fuoerfluous to dwell on fo fertile
<*
a theme. For who that, dilmiffing the

Vol. I. B b ** illufions
386 MEMOIRS OF THE
1752. *' illuilons of the imagination, yields to the
** conduct of his underftanding, does not
*' perceive theabfurdity and injuftice of ap-
** plauding the vigour, promptitude, and
" prevention of the Earl of Chatham in
** times of national fplendour unfullied by a
*' cloud, and condemning the fame quali-
** ties and a fimilar courfe of condu(ft in Mr.
** Mailings, when condenfing florms feemed
" ready to wreck the flate on rocks and
** fhoals, or overwhelm it in the troubled
•* ocean ?

" Suppofmg, norgranting, that there was

•* not fufficient evidence to convid; the Be-
•* gums either of rebellious adlions or defigns,
** befprean ordinary court of juflice in ordi-
*' nary cafes, yet if the fiiuation of affairs
** was fuch, that either the public fafety
** muft be ruined, or fome facrifice or other
** made for its prefervation, it was the duty
*' of Mr. Haftings to make fuch a facrifice:
** and if there was an option of facrifices, it

^* was alfo his duty to fix on that which was

'* the mofl effectual for obtaining its end,
** and which could be made with the leaft
** violation.
 LATE WAR IN A S X A, 387

^' violation, or appearance of violation, of 1782.

juflice,

** But to refume the jagheers (an equi^

*« valent being intended), and to feize the
" treafures of the Begums, v^^as the moft
** efFedtual facrifice that could be made.
**
It was alfo that which could be made
** with the leafl violation, or appearance of
** violation, of juftice : for there was at
** leaft a degree of probable evidence that
•* thofe Begums entertained hoftile defigns
" aeainft the Englifh, and that they had
** even begun to carry them into execution t

"* therefore, the meafures taken by Mr.

** Haflings, on the emergency in queftion,
" were, in all refpeds, the moft proper that
** could have been poflibly imagined* If
**
they were improper, let the Englifh na-
** tion reftore their treafures to the Be*
** gums.

** The governments In Afia are defpotlc,

**
and it is by fummary proceedings alone,
** and a ftrong arm, by which, in their pre-'
**
fcnt mpral condition, they can be govern-
B b ^ ** ed.
383 MEMOIRS OF T Ht

1782. " ed. To introduce new forms of goveril-*

" ment into nations, if pratflicable at all, is
** the work of time. Attempts were made
" to introduce at once liberty into RulTia,
" but they proved abortive ; and, in like
•* manner, the lleps that have been taken to
** introduce the Englifh law into India have
** been attended with great confufion, and
*' been produtftive of much inconvenience
*' and mifchief. It is found difficult to
'* govern the Hindoos by our laws, even in
^' times of profound peace. \Vhat then
*' was Mr. Haftings to do in times of infi-
** nite difficulty and danger ? In proportion
'.'
to the embarraffments of the English, the
** ideas and pretenfions of the native princes
" of India naturally revived. The novelty
** and the odioufnefs of our inllitutions were
*' more fenfibly felt; the fandions by which
^' they were eflabliihed were weakened
** and all things feemed rapidly to revert
*'
to that fituation in v/hieh we found In-
*' dia, when, under the pretence of being
** the treafurers and tax-gatherers of the
<* Great Mogul, we extended our power
" over fo many provinces of Afia.

<* The
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 3S9

'<
The Brltifh power in India was only 1782
" of an artificial kind, the who'c mafs of
'* numbers, andopinion of right being againft
" it. If the truth mufl: be told, it was
** purely defpotic, and depended, for its ef-

" ficacy, on the principle of fear. Should

'*
the preffure and weight of Government
'*
be lefTened, the fire, which was fmo-
'* thered only by that weight and preiTure,
*'
mull break out with an explofion fatal

'*
to the oppreffors. The feeble, the par-
" tial, and varying attempts that had been
*'
made to eilablifli a new order of affairs,

*'
had not formed fuch a llrength of Go-
''
vernment as could be depended on in a
**
new and unprecedented fltuation, big
" with danger and final deilruction. The
" artificial mounds by \vhich we had fome-
'*
times endeavoured, and might yet pro-
** pofe to confine and lead the flream of po-
" pular opinion, would give way to that
" ftorm which was ready to fall) and reftore

*' all things to their ufual, and their deepefl

'*
channel. It is juftly obferved by the Ro-
*•
man Hiflorian Sallufl, that dominion is

" eafily prefervedby the fame means through

Bb *' which
3
39^ MEMOIRS OF THE
1782. " which it was gained. On the occafion
'* of an extraordinary and alarming conjunc-
*' ture in India, the Governor- General of
*' Bengal reverted to the principles by
** which our dominion there had been both
** acquired and fupported, and provided for
*' the public fafety by expedients, which,
*' in times of tranquillity, and in European
'* Governments, might be deemed violent
* and irregular, but which, in the circum-
*' ftances in v/hich he was placed, were
** proper, becaufe they were neceflary. He
* burft through the cob- web fublimations
* "of cafuifts, which cannot, in all cafes,
** confidently with the beft ends of
" Government, be reduced to pradtice, and
'* leftfadion to blame, his country tojudge^
** and the world to admire him."

But among thofe who, on the whole,

admired the character, and approved the con-
dud: of Mr. Haflings, there were not a few
who, under the convidlion, that the proofs of
premeditated rebellion in Oude and Benaras
were vague and imperfed, regretted that the
Governor- General did not openly avow the
necellit/
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 39I

neceffity of feizing for the public fafety, mo- 1782,

ney, wherever he could find it. Without
entering either into the defigns of Cheyt
Sing and the Begums of Fyzabad, or into
the opinion that Mr. Haftings might be
fuppofed, on probable evidence, to enter-

tain concerning thofe defigns, and to con-

fine our views merely to local circumftan-
ces and political advantage, it is obvious that,
to have acknowledged a neceffity, on the part
of Great-Britain, to feize the wealth of indi-
viduals, would have undermined that power
which it was intended to fupport. It would
have anounced our extreme neceffities to all

India : the natives would have made no

diilindiion between an ad; of rapacity, and
a feizure of property in the nature of a loan,
or apromifiary note or bond; and the whole
circulation of the country would at once
have ihrunk and difappeared. Mr. Haftings,
even when the clamour excited againil him
was at the higheft pitch, was, on the whole,
juftified by men of integrity and fenfe on
this ground, In this, unprejudiced men,
of all denominations agreed. The propri-
ety of Mr. Haftings's condud: was admitted
B b 4 by
392 M E M 01 R S OF THE
1782. by the mofl dillinguirned lawyers, foldiers,

and country gentlemen. It was afferted by

the manly fenfe as well as metaphyfical acu-^
men of Lord Tharlow 3 by the the folid

judgment and liberal views of Lord Hood ;

and the fair and jail conflrudtions of Mr,

Dempuer, In reality, even without making
allowance for Afiatic manners and cuftomsj,
there was nothing in the condudt of Mr,
Hafcings that was not perfedly confonant to
common fenfe and the pradice of all nati-^

ens. It readily occurs as a natural and in-

controvertible maxim, that the dependants
of an empire, who have Hourilhed under its

aufpices in the days of its profperity, fl^iould

contribute to its fupport in the hour of dif-

ficulty and danger. It was thus, that, about
twenty years ago, the Britifh Parliament
impofed arbitrary taxes on the Americans,
If we abftradl: certain accidental circumfhan-
ces of moral and political fituation, there

was not any matterial difference betwixt the

cafe of the Zemindar, William Penn, and
that of the Rajah Cheyt Sing, It fhould
be recorded, at the fame time, that there
was an unaffected, though vague and unde-.

fined
 LATE WAR IN ASIA, 393

fined fympathy with the oppreffed Hindoos, lyg**

Jiat pervaded the nation. Yet neither fhould
\\t be omitted, that Mr. Fox was alnioft

the only man, who had con{ill:ency enough

to talk feriouily of reftoring CheytSing to
his Zemindary : and not one man ever pro-
pofed to return their treafures to the Begums,
The fad; is, the progrefs of luxury, in this,
as in other nations, keeps pace with that
of humanity. We feel a little for the Hin-
doos, but we would feel more from the
want of thofe advantages which we have;

been accuftomed to draw, by all means in

Qur power, from their country.

As in the courfe of thefe Memoirs, it

has been to often necellary to introduce the

name of Mr, Haftings, who was, in fadt,

the great fupporter of the Britifli interefts in

India, during a long and moft arduous

ilruggle, it may be expected that we Ihould
give the world a more particular account of
this extraordinary man.

Mr, Haftings is the fon of a clergyman

fif the church of England, and was born at

Darlesford,
594 MEMOIRS OF THE
1782. Darlesford, in Worcefterfhire, the feat -of
his anceftors for many generations, in the
year 1732. His family is one of the oldeft
and the moft refpeclable in that county:
but having taken part with Charles the Firft

during the civil wars, many of its pofTeffions

were fold, and the produce expended in the

lervice of that unfortunate Monarch. Four
maniions near Barford, in Oxfordfhire, are'

now in the poiTeflion of the lineal defcend-

ant ofMr. Lenthal, the Speaker, which

were made over to that gentleman, in order
to preferve Darlesford, which had been in-

the family of Haftings fince the year 1250^-

as appears by Dodor Naifh's Antiquities of
Worceflcrihire. The laft portion of their
patrimonial eftates was fold by the grandJ
father of Mr. Haftings, to Sir
John Knight j
and bis father dying when he was young,
Mr. Haftings was left under the care of an
uncle, Mr. Howard Haftings, who fenCJ
him to Weftminfter fchool, where he was
diftinguifhed as an excellent fcholar, and
went into College, the head of his election,
in the year 1746. He there gave the firft

proofs of thofe ** uncommon abilities,"

 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 395
as Mr. Francis calls them, which have 1-782.

diftinguidied him through life— nor was he

more remarkable as a fcholar, than for per-

fonal intrepidity. His uncle dying in the

year 1749, Mr. Haftings was left under
the guardian fhip of Mr, Crifwicke, an Eaft-
India Diredor, who appointed him a writer
to Bengal, much againft the inclination of
of Dodor Nichol, the Head Mafter of
Weflminfter, who entertained fo high an
opinion of little Warren Haftings, as he
called him, that he offered himfelf to edu-
cate him at Oxford,

Mr. Haftings arrived in Bengal in the

year 1750, when the Englifli pofieiTed nei-
ther territory nor power in Hindoftan.

He was in the interior parts of Bengal when

Calcutta was taken by Surajah Dowlah, in
the year 1756, and was allowed his liberty
at Manhedabad, a fmgular mark of the
efleem in which his characSter was at that
time held. At the capture of Calcutta by
Colonel Clive and Admiral Watfon, he
ferved as a volunteer in the army, and be-

ing the firft Englifhman in Bengal who

fpoke
396 MEMOIRS OF THE
1782. (poke the Periian language, he fucceeded
Mr. Scrafton in the year 1758, as Refident
at the Court of Meer JafEer, one of the
moft coniiderable offices in Bengal.

Here Mr, Haflings remained until h«

obtained a leat in the Council of Calcutta.
He quitted India in the year 1765, with an
unblemilhed reputation, and a fortune fo

moderate, as only to entitle him to lodgings

in Effex-flreet in the Strand.

Difappointed in his hopes of returning to

India, he had formed a plan, in concert

with the late Dod:or Samuel Johnfon, of

founding a Profefforfhip for the fludy of the
Perfian language at Oxford ; but a change
foon after taking place in the Eafl- India
Diredlion, he was appointed fecond in the
Council at Madras, in the year 1769, and
ordered to fucceed to that Government.
In the year 1771, the Directors removed
him to a country with which he was bet-
ter acquainted, and he became Governor- j

General of Bengal in the year 1772.

H«
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 39;f

Hefoon found that Lord Clive had ria- 1781*

ted the revenues of the company too hio-h^
and the expences of government too low.
The Eaft- India Company, by paying an-
nually four hundred thoufand pounds t-o the
ftate, dividing twelve per cent, on their capi-
tal, and receiving bills from Bengal to a
very large amount, were reduced, in a fea-
fon of profound peace, to the neceffity of ap-
plying to parliament for relief, and Lord
North feized this opportunity of afluming
the management of their affairs : an a(3: of
ufurption which has been tranfmitted to
poflerity by the which was made on
proteft

that occafion by the Dukes of Portland and

Richmond, the Lords Rockingham and
Fitzwilliam, and other, members of oppo-
fition. Mr* Haftings did not expofe the
alarming neceffities of the Company with-
out taking meafures for fupplying them *.

The
* The difputes which at prefenf prevail in a neig^ourlng

kingdom, prefent, at this ftage of our narrative, feme point*

Cf comparifon. Mr. Neakar over-rated the revenues of
France, and under-rated the public debts and expendi«are.
A demand was made of extraordinary taxes to fupply the de-
deficiency
 MEMOIRS OF THE
1782. The Mogul, before the return of Mr.
Railings to Bengal, had withdrawn him-
felf from the Company's protection, and
thrown himfelf into the arms of the Mar-
rattas. The Governor- General, therefore^

withheld from that Prince the tribute ftipu-

lated as a condition of his amity, and con-'
eluded a very advantageous treaty with
the Nabob Vizier, Sujah-ul-Dowlah, by
which a part of that treafure which had
been fo abfurdly exported from Bengal^
was brought again into circulation. A fuc-

deficiency in the revenue, under the fanftion of the Notabies^

and advantage was t'lken of this circumftance to .wreft if

pofllble the impofition of taxes from the crown, and there-
by to introduce ah innovation in the moft important branch
of legiflation. So natural it is for popular afTeniblics, as
well, as kings, to feize every opportunity of extending their

power
Mr. Haftings, from the fame comprehenfive view, and mi-
nuts acquaintance with the Companys affairs that qualified

him to point out the diflemper in their ftate, was alfo enabled
tb effect the remedy. Mr. de Calonne, who difcovered the
public embarraiTments of France, and beft knew their ori-
gin and progrefs, was the moft proper perfon in the kingdom
for retrieving them, and in all probability, he would have
retrieved them, if he had not been abandoned in the midft

•f his procefs for this pur pofe.

cefsful
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 399
war with the Rohillas, founded on their 1781.
ccfsful

breach of treaty, by the cnquefl of a rich

but hoftile country, extended and fecured
the frontiers of the Nabob Vizier our ally,

and added fifty lacks of rupees to the Com-

pany's treafures*

Mr. Hafl'ings, by his regulations of th^

public offices, of the coUedions, and by

various other' oeconomical reforms, which,
notwithftanding the difficulties that retarded,

aud the temporary odium that accompanied

and followed it, he had effected in the fpace

of thirty months, with the fupply of treafure

jufl mentioned, raifed the reputation of the
Government of Bengal to the higheft pitch*

It was this profperous ftate of the Com-

pany's affiiirs in Bengal, at his acceffion to

the chair deemed irretrievable, which en-

abled him to make thofe exertions of which
fomc account has been given, for the fup-
port of our other eflablifhments in India,
and, in fpite of the formidable confederacy
that alTailed us in every quarter, to imprels
oa
400 MEMOIRS or T^E
1782. on the minds of the Princes of India a {[i-

perftitious dread of the name of Haftings*

The Governor- General had relieved the

incumbrances aud improved the revenue oi

Bengal, drawn off the Nizarri and the Rajah

of Berar from the confederacy againft the

Englifh by ftrokes of policy, and Madajee

ScincJiah by force of arms, effetfled a peace
with the Marrattas, carried relief to Ma-
dras, and, by v^ell-timed fuccours, enabled
the Bombay government to divert the My-
Ibrean armies from the Carnatic, and v/a§
continuinsT his efforts for the welfare and
glory of his nation, when the Grey-hound
Packet arrived with difpatches from the
Court of Diredtors, tending to perfuade
every man in Bengal, that the removal of

Mr. Haftiugs was neither diftant nor evit-

able*

He had long borne up under this counter^

a<5lion, but conceiving now that there

was a determination to force him from

Bengal, and that, without fupport from
home, he could not expecSt to condu6l the
public
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. ,
40t

public affairs with fuccefs, he fent a letter ijZz.

to the Diredors, on the 21ft of March,
1783, in which he briefly touches, with jufl:
confidenccj both on the fuccefs of his mea-
fures amidfl: the dangerous viciffitudes inci-

dent to an uniettlcd and undefined Govern-

ment, and the rectitude of the '.notives from
whence they fprung; complains of an uni-
form counteraction from thofe very powers
from whom he derived his authority, and
who were bound to fupport it : and defires

them to obtain an early nomination of a

perfon to fucceed him in the government of
Fort William, declaring th^t it is his in-
tention, after allowing a competent time for

the choice of a fucceffor, to refign the fer-

vicCi But he added, that if, in the inter-

mediate time, they fhould proceed to order

the refloration of Cheyt Sing to the Ze*
mindary from which, by the powers he le-

gally poircfTed, and conceived himfelf bound

to aflert, he had expelled him, and that
their council Should refolve to execute
their orders, he would inftantly give up
his flation. The Court of Proprietors,
©n the receipt of this letter by die Direc-
VoL. I. C c tofs.
402 MEMOIRS OF THE
17.S2. tors, voted their thanks to Mr. Haftings
for his fervices, to which they added a re-

queft, that he would not relign until the

complete refloration of peace, and the ef-

tablirnment of the ftipulated arrangements

in India.

By this time Mr. Fox, then Secretary of

State, had formed the plan of bringing the
complete management of India under the
con troul ofadministration. Toeftedthis, Mr,
Haftings was reprefented as a man who had
formed connexions dangerous to the in-
terefls of Great Britain, and it was faid that

he had fo far mifmanaged India, as to make

it abfolutely neceflary both to recall him,
and to annihilate the Company. Mr. Pitt
on thiS OGcafion joined moft cordially with
the friends of Mr. Haftings, and Mr. Fox
and his bill fhared the fame fate. The
friends of the Governor fcoraed to ftipulate

any conditions either for themfelves or for

him : the confequence of which was, that
Mr, Haftings, on his return, became an
objed: of vengeance to a defeated party.
But -thefe political intrigues have carried us
far
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 4O3

far beyond that point of the war in India, 1782,

from which they have diverted our atten-
tion.

A private letter from Mr. Haftings, Go^

Vernor-General of India, to Lord Macart-
ney, Prefident of the Council of Madras, ,

informed his Lordfhip that peace was con-

cluded with the Marrattas. This intelli-

gence was announced with the firing of the

guns in camp, and the artillery of Fort St.
George, on the 29th day of June, 1782.
Sir Eyre Coote, invefled withthe powers of
peace or war, required tlyder to accede to
the treaty, with intimation, that if he did not
reftore all the forts he h^d taken, and at
the end of fix months evacuate the Carna-
tic, the Marratta arms were to be joined,
for the purpofe of compelling him, to thofe

of the Englifli. On this Lord Macartney

was alarmed, and, in order to participate, at

leaft, in whatever honour or advantage might

be found in this pacificatory negotiation,

acquainted Hyder, that without thei-r con-

currence and mediation, no permanent
treaty, or temporary convention, v/ould be
C c 2 valid.
404 MEMOIRS OP THE
1782. valid. What effed: this interference mu^
have produced on the difcerning mind of
Hyder-Ally, it is impoffible to tell, but not
difficult to conjed;ure.

The General, with a view to countera(5t

the alarming induftry, and to be at a dif-
tance from the eye of Lord Macartney, left

Madras on the iffc of July, and on the bu-

iinefs of peace, approached to Hyder. The
Khan, grown old in Afiatic arts, amufed
and detained him in the neighbourhood of
Vandewafl:!, till our army had confumed not
only their own rice, but that alfo which was
for the ufe of the garrifon. Having gained
this point, he fuddenly required time for the
better adjuftment of preliminaries, and with-
drew his vakeel, leaving the General wholly
in the dark concerning his intentions. Sir

Eyre Coote returned with the army to

Madras.

A combined attack on Negapatam had

been planned by Hyder and the French Ad-
miral ; to favour which, by detaining the
army, the former amufed our people with
the
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 405

the hopes of peace. His artifice, however, 173.2.

was foiled by the chances of war. Suffrein,

in failing for Negapatam, was defcried by

the Englifh fleet, and in fpite of every at-
tempt to gain the roadiS without fighting,
he was, by the maflerly manoeuvres of his

opponents, forced to give them battle. At

three o'clock-, on the 3d of July, the
Englifh Admiral left the road of Negapa-
tam, ftretching fouthward with his f^ua-
dron all that evening and night, in order to

gain the wind of the enemy. He effected

his purpofe, and by day- break gave fignals

for forming the line. About eleven, the

engagement became clofe and general, and
continued fo till half pafl twelve, when the

French line appeared greatly difordered, fe-

veral of their fliips having fhffered feverely

both in their hulls and rigging. At the mo-

ment when vidory feemed ready to declare

decifively for the Britiih flag, a fea breeze

fpringing up refcued the enemy from im-

pending ruin. Our line was thrown into
diforder, and Suifrein eff^ecled a mullcrly

retreat, fighting his befl: (hips to proted

thofe which had fuftained the greatell da-

C c 3 niage.
4<5k6 MEMOIRS OF THE
1782. mage. The victors remained floating about
in the utmoft confullon, without being able
to renew the attack. The next day, the
French, without the lofs of a fingle lliip,

efcaped to Cuddalore. From this nomi-

nal vidory no advantage refulted j; and it

was accompanied with the lofs of Captaia

Panb^r Maclellan, an oiiicer, for his na
val and military abiHties, defervedly in high
eftimation. He commanded the flag ihip,
ana was fhot through the heart early in the
engagement.

Edward Hughes, after informing the

Sir

garrifon of Negapatam that the danger

which threatened them was retarded, for a
feafon at leaft, brought his fquadron to the
roads of Madras, where he was joined by
the Scepter, a new fhip of fixty-four guns,

belonging to Sir Richard Bickerton's fleet.

The defigns of Suffrein againil Trinco-

tnale being known, or fufpecled, it was der
termined to reinforce tha< important place.
Accordingly, .ibout the firil of Augufl, the
Scepter and Monarch, fliips of the line,

with
 LATE WAR IN ASIA; 4O7

with about two hundred troops, failed on 1782.

that expcdititon, leaving the reft of the
fqaudron for repairs in the roads of Madras.
Two diays after the departure of this rein-
forcement. Sir Edward was informed,, that
the French Admiral, with his fleet, had left

Cuddalore on the firfl day of the month.

On the 1 6th, the Coventry, a frigate of twen-
fo.ur guns, Bombay. Captain
arrived ii-om
Mitchell, her commander, reported^ that he
had by the way engaged the Beliona, a
French lliip of forty guns, oif Friar's- hood,
on the ifland of Ceylon j that after a fevere

conflid of two hours and a half, the BeU

lona fled tov^ards the French fleets confifling
of twenty-three fail, in Battacola road ; and
that the Coventry had fuffered fo much in her

mafts and rigging, as not to be able to over-

take her. The Scepter and Monarch re-

turned witli information, that they had ibund

SufFrein off Trincomale harbour, and had
with difficulty efcaped.At length, on the
2Lfl:, Sir Edward Hughes having cpmpleat-
ed his tedious repairs, fet fail to protect Trin-

comalo^ to fight Suffrein, or, if necciTary,

Cc 4 to
40S MEMOIRS OF THE
1782. to co-Gperate with the army in theintended
attack on Cuddalore,

Hyder having marched to the Tanjore

country, found that the defeat of SufFrein
had fruftrated their intended operations
againft Negapatam. He therefore return-
ed, directing his march towards his maga-
zine at Arnee. This movement being re-
ported to the Britifh army, the General
took the alarm, being appreheniive of dan^
ger to the fort of Vandewafh. Abandon-
ing, for the prefent, his deligns on Cudda*
lore, he advanced a day's march towards
the fort : but receiving intelligence that
very evening from the commanding officer,

that Hyder had paft the Arnee river, he re-

fumed his original route, and, on the 6th
of September, encamped on the Red-hills
of Pondicherry, the place of rendezvous
appointed for the enemy's fhipping. Two
days pail, without the appearance of any
fliips, or any accounts of them. But, on
the third, certain notice arrived, that Suf-
frein's aflive valour had reduced Trincomale:
and foon after, a frigate brought intelligence,
that
 LATE WAR IN ASIA, 409
that the two fleets had fou;^ht a fourth hat- aySot
tic, and that the EngHih Admiral was en
his way for Madras. Sir Eyre Coote, who
had fufFered about this time a fccond ftroke

of the palfy, failed for Ben:;;: in the begin-

ning of October, leaving the army under the

command of General Stuart. The General,
conneding with this return of Sir Edward all

the confequences of a defeat, gave inftant or-

ders in perfon fo; beating an alarm. A hafty
retreat from Pondicherry enfued, the more
remarkable for happening on the fame day
and month of the year with the flight from

Conjeveram : a circumftance which did not

efcap^ the notice of the foldiers. At eleven
in the night, the army encamped at Kille-

nar, having in the hurry lofh their rice and

baggage. The march continued, unaccom-
panied by any circumftance worthy of re-
cord ; and, on the 19th, the arrival of the
army at the Mount concluded the campaign
of 1782: a campaign fomewhat refembling
the expeditions of feudal rimes, when.
kings could only keep the lield for thirty or
forty days.

The
410 MEMOIRS OF THE
1782. The army now found, that, inftead of a n
imaginary defeat. Sir Edward Hughes had
obtained another victory. On the night of
the 2d of September, he arrived off Trin-
comale, and the next moming difcovered
French colours flying on all the forts, and
their fquadron, reinforced by the Illuilre of
feventy-fbur guns, the St. Michael of frxty-
four, and the Elizabeth- of fifty, with feve-
ral frigates, making ini all thirty fail, at an-»

ehor in their feveral bays. The En^hfh

might eafily have avoided an engagement,
for though, immediately on their appear-
ance, the French fquadron got under fail,,

yet, for feveral hours, they iliewed manifefl

tokens of helltation. But the ardor of our

officers, incenfed at the lofs of Trincomale>
was not to be reilrained. At half pail two
o' clock, the French line began firing on
ours j and five minutes after, the engage-
ment, from van to rear, became general-

The Worcefler, in the rear, was furioufly

attacked by two of the enemy's additional
£bips, but made a brave refiilance, and was
gallantly fupported by the. Monmouth ^
while, at the fame time, in the van, five

fliips
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 4H
ihips bore down in a crowd on the Exeter 1782,
and Ifis, and. by a clofe and concerted fire,

forced the former, much dilabled, from the

Hne, leaving the Ifis to receive their fare as,

they paft in fucceilion. The oppofmg

centers, in the mean time, were warmly
engaged, fliip to fhip. For three hours the

battle continued to rage, v/ith equal fury

and obllinacy through every part of the

line. The contending Admirals difplayed
great bravery and ikill. Suifrein,inthe Heros,
having come dovv'n upon the fire of two of
our largeft {hips, two of his mafts were fhot
away by the board, and his veiTel foon re-

duced to a mere wreck. He inftantly re-

moved his flag to another, giving the Heros

up for loft ; but, by fome negligence on our
part, an4 the brave condud oi a French fri-

gate, fhe was towed round to their fleet.

The fight was terminated only by the

darknefs of the night ; and its confequences

muil have been far more flgnal, had the

French wanted the flicker of Trincomal.e

nor would the BritiiliAdmiral have imme-

diately flieered for Madras, if oufxrein had
not
412 MEMOIRS OF THE
>782. not been fo near his port. So completely
routed were the enemy, that their fhipsr
crowded without order into Trincomale.
One of them was upon the rocks ; and it
loft

was ten days before two others, difmafled and

Shattered, were able to get into harbour.
Thefe, Suffrein didnot fcruple to fay, he
regarded as prefents made himby the Englifh
Admiral,

The lofs on our fide in men was incre-

dibly fmall, not exceeding fifty-one killed,
znd three hundred wounded ; but in officers
we fuffered mod feverely. The Honourable
Captain Lumley of the Ifis, a very promifing
young man, was llain : Captains James
Watt, of the Sultan, and Charles Wood,
of the Worcefter, both officers of high de-
fert, were mortally wounded. The 78th
and 98th regiments, too, loft many of their
braveft men.

The Icfb of the French was, compara-

tively, enormous, amounting to four hun-
dred and twelve killed, fix hundred and
feventy-fxx wounded. The carnage on board
of the Hero was fuch as is feldom fcen,
except
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 4tj

burning or explofion. Six 1782*

ex'cept in cafes of

French Captains were broke, and fent pri~

foners to the Ifland of Mauritius.

On the arrival of the Englifh fquadron at

Madras, their fituation was found to bo
fuch as induced the Admiral to think of
proceeding to Bombay, and in this purpofe
he perhfted, notwithflanding the oppofition
of the Governor, Lord Macartney. A great
number of fhips, at this time, fcnt from
Bengal, lay in the roads, laden with rice*

The Governor laid an embargo on them

>
yet refufed, it was faid, to give a prica for

the grain equal to the riilcs of trade, or to

allow it to be fold to the fuffering inhabitants,

v/ho, amidffc a famine that raged throughout

the whole of the coaft of Coromandcl, were
dying by hundreds in a day. Sufpicions
were entertained according to the manner of
the people, of a contrivance for engrofilng
the grain. Neverthelefs, the paiTive genius
of a defpotic climate confpired with the ar-
tilleryof Fort St. George to prevent fucli
an infurreclion as would have been unavoid-
able, in fmiilar circumllances, under the
moll
414 MEM O 1 R S 6 F i* ii 2

1782. mofl arbitrary Government in Europe*

The gentlemen of Madras, alarmed at the

conduct of the Governor, having afiembled

together, drew up a decent remonftrance.
But his Lordfliip threw it afide, charging
the meeting in which it was framed with
audacity and fcdition. It afforded but little

confolation to dying multitudes of men,

women, and children, that the Governor
obferved the decency of fending av/ay his
carriage horfes. The approach of the mon-
foonmade hot any impreffion on the mind
of Lord Macartney. He perfevered in his
views, whatever they were, and the rice

fhips were forced ftill to lie at anchor. But,

on the fifteenth of October, the fky began
to lower, and the gathering clouds burft
towards the evening in a violent florm.
Tlie return of day prefented the difmal
profpedl of wrecked vefTels, and dead bodies
floating along the fliore. Of the rice fliips,

driven by the hurricane from their moor-

ings, the greater part were lofl, and the
remainder ftranded on different coafls. As
the tempeft blew from the fhore, his Ma-
jefly's fleet, anchored in water fifteen fathom
deep,
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 4lf

deep, on the firfl: appearance of the ftorm, 1782*

ftood out to fea, and, after weathering many
dangers, happily arrived, though not a little

fettered, at Bombay, in the end of De^

cember. But the widefl doors of calamity
leemed now to be thrown open at Madras
and fears and future evils preffed down the
load of a6tual fuitering. Our fquadroii
was abfent, the French our Admiral in
neighbourhood, multitudes fwooning in the
fuburbs and ftreets of the town for want of
fosd, provifions nearly expended in the gar*
rifon, the land around, fmce Hyder's irrup-
tion, uncultivated and unfown : in a word^
famine and war encircling the Fort of St«
George without, and civil dillention blazing
within it.

It was dreaded at this time, that Suffrein

would block up Madras, aiid that the army
mufl be difperfed : but the fea remained
open, and this difgrace v/as prevented.
A few days after the florm. Sir PJchard
Bickerton arrived from Bombay with five

fliips of the line, without having cither ex-

perienced any ill weather, or fcen a fnv>le
fliip
41^ MEMOIRS OF rnt
1782. Hiip belonging to the fleet* After covering
the Indiamen under his convoy, having on
board three regiments of infantry^ with a
thoufand recruits raifed in Ireland, and Sir

John Burgoyne's regiment of light horfe.

Sir Richard returned immediately without

making a halt, that he might join Sir Ed-
ward Hughes at Bombay, at which place
Sir Richard arrived even fome weeks before
the Admiral. It was, perhaps, the move-
ments, and the confequent juncftion of our
fquadrons, that diverted the attention of
Monfieur Suffrein from Madras, and fa*
ved our army from difperfion.

During the whole month of 0(5tober, our*

affairs in the Carnatic continued to wear a

gloomy afpe<fl. But, in the month of No-

vember, they aflumed a more profperous ap-
pearance, and, before the end of the year,
the face of forrow was brightened up by
the meritorious exertions of the government
of Bengal, who fupplied Madras with plen-
tiful {lores of grain. The condudt of Lord
Alacartney, with regard to the rice fliips fent

from Bengal formerly, has never been made

a fubjedl
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 417

a fubjed of either public accufation or en- 1782,

quiry. Neither has his.perfiftence in refu-
fing, to the repeated requefts of Monlieur de
Sulfrein, an exchange of prifoners. — Of this

matter, as it is not the objedt of this narra-

tive to connect events merely by coinci-
dence of time, but much more by other re*
lations, it is not unnatural to give fomiC ac-
count in this place, which may be done by
a fimple exhibition of the following corre-

fpondence between the French Admiral and

Mr. Haflings.

Mr. de SufTrein, in a letter dated on

board the Hero, at Tranquebar, the 8th

*' Permit me,
of May, 1783, writes thus :

" Sir, to recommend to you the French pri-

" foners detained in Bengal, particularly
" Mr Soverain, a gentleman of my province,
" and Mr. de Goy, an Oliicer embarked
" v/ith m-, and for v/hom I have a great
" reo-ard. I do not know whether they are
" allowed to write, but I have not received
" any letter from them. I have not only allow-
*'
ed letters to be written, but I have taken
" fome troublQ to give a palTage to them. I

D d " h^^e
Vol. I.
4^ MEMOIRS OF THE,

1782. " have left feveral people on their parole at

" Tranquebar : I have fent fome of them
'* to the Ifle of France, and from thence
**
to Europe; for example, Mr. Chriftie,
** Captain of the Hannibal. None of my
'* prifoners has had this fatisfadlion. I have
" written to Lord Macartney, and propofed
" to him an exchange. He fays, that he never
*' received my letter. But knowing my incli-
" nations, and that I had written to him on
*' that fubjecl, he might well have written
" to me. He has received the letters of Mr.
** Motaix, Intendant of the Army, charged
** with full powers from me, to agree to an
** exchange. Sir Eyre Coote has received
** thofe of Mr. du Chamier. Sir Edward
" Hughes daily refufed the exchange of
•* Mr. Degoy and feven men. Amidft the
" ambiguity of all the anfwers I received,

*'
it was clearly apparent, that they did

" not defire an exchange.

" Having no place of fecurity on the

" coaftj deftitute of provifions, grieving
" to unhappy men, who had been
fee the

[^ fix or iQYQn months at fea, die of the

*'
fcurvy.
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 419
fcurvy, I have been now obliged,, to my 1782.
great regret, to deliver the prifoncrs * to
the Nabob. I took every precaution for
their good treatment. I am fure, thofe
v^^ho know me, will do juftice to the
feelings of my heart. Even the un-
happy men will pity me, and, in their
defpair, only curfe thofe whofe cruel
policy reduced me to this terrible ne-
ceinty. I have entered into this detail,
a becaufe I prize the efteem of any one,
who is fo generally efleemed as you are.
<(
Lord Macartney has written to a Cap-
'*
tain of the fquadron, a letter antedated
" fix months, to make an overture, for-
^*
getting all that has paffed, and attend-
*-'
ing only to the interefl of humanity.
" I wrote inflantly to him, to allure him
" of my defn'e, that an exchange might be
" made J and to apprize him, that I had
" no longer any concern in it that it was ;

" to Monfieur le Marquis de Bully that

« he fhould addrefs himfelf." Pojifcript.
'*
I fend you back an unfortunate invalid
D d 2 ''
with

* In number from three to four hundred.

4-20 MEMOIRS OF THK
17S2. «f
with a wooden leg; and at different
*'
times, I have given leave to more than
" twenty Captains or Officers, befides thofe
" which I permitted to be Tranquebar,
*'
on their parole, and who went away
" from thence vv^ithout any other reafon,
**
than that they found the refidence there
" inconvenient."

Mr. Haftings, in anfwer to this, after

refpeclfuUy fainting M. de Sulfrein, wrote
as follows:

" Your letter, and the candid intention

*' with which itwas written, deferved an
" earlier acknowledgement of it; nor
" fliould I have failed to make an imme-
" diate reply, had I not been difabled by
**
a fevere indifpolition.

" I hope that the gentlemen of your na-

**
tion will all do this Government the
" juiliice to atteft, that however I myfelf

" may have been deficient in perfonal at-

" tention, its conduct towards them has
" been marked with every fubflantial efiect
"of
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 42

of humanity and tendernefs. To Mr. 178?.

de Soverain I am precluded from af-
fording any proof of the refpe6l which
I am defirous of fliewing to your recom-
mendations, as his own perfonal merit
had before excited in my breafl every
fentiment which could have been pro-
duced by the knowledge of your wiilies

in his favour. I have requefted that he

would afford me an opportunity of being
acquainted with Mr. Degoy, whom I
have not yet feen, as he has been fome
time confined by ficknefs.

" I am forry that none of the letters

" from your Ofiicers, who are refident in

*'
this province, have, reached your hands.
"No prohibition has been ever exp.refsly

" made againfl their maintaining fuchcor-

*' refpondence with their friends, as the

" precautions necefTary to a (late of war

" might allow. On the contrary, they
" had frequent oppoitunities by Danii>i
*'
fhips and I believe it has been well
J

" underftood, that they would not have

^'
been prevented, on a proper application,
D d " ^^^^
3
422 MEMOIRS OF THE
1782. " from fending them through the chan-
" nel of our own.

" The regret which you exprefs for the

" unhappy neceffity which compelled you
" to fend the prifoners of our nation to
" Hyder-Ally-Cawn, is evidenced by terms
" which could only have been dictated by
^^ a mind confcious of its truth, and a
" fenfibiiity wounded by the refleftion of
" having been, hovv^ever repugnantly, the
" inftrument of others fufFerings. It is
" too late to look back. —
I trail to the

" generofityof yourfentiments, and above

" all, to the virtues which have moft emi-
" nently diilinguilhed your public charac-
*'
ter, and which are rarely known to ex-
" ill in an unfeeling heart, that you will
** exert your influence to its utmofl: effecl,
" for obtaining the deliverance of our pri-
" foners who are now in the hands of the
" Ruler of My fore. It is in my private
" chara6ler only that I exprefs to you this
" Vv'iih, the duties of my office not ex-
***
tending to the object of it: nor is it in.

!* your authority that I rely for its accom-

" plifliment.
 LATE WAR IN ASIA." 423
" plirnment, as you have told me that 1782,
" this is the province of the Marquis de
" BuiTy, but on the claims which
you
" pofTefs on every Chief of your own na-
*'
tion,which you have fo faithfully ferved
*'
and yet more on the man, who owes his
" prefent exiflence perhaps wholly to your
" fupport."

This letter, the prod udVion of an elegant

and feeling mind, was dated at Fort Wil-
liam, the i6th day of July, 1783.

From this correfpondence it is evident,

that if the conduct of Sufirein, in giving

up his prifoners to the Barbarians, was not
wholly excufable, his offence was attended
with circumftances of extenuation. But,
before thefe alleviating circumftances, which
the letter here publilhed has hrft revealed,
were known, that a6l of the French Ad-
miral, which was regarded by every gen-
tleman in Hindoftan with horror, in Eng-
land was fcarcely mentioned, and never
with any marks of difapprobation ; while
the ridiculous circumftance of two eunuchs
D d 4 conficd
424 MEMOIRS OF THE
J 782. confined until they fhould give up the trea-
fuies under their cuftody, in payment of a
legal debt, has been circulated throughout
the whole kingdom in terms of the groiTeft

exaggeration. It deferves to be recorded,

as flrongly chara6lerifl:ical of ihe times,
that from the commencement of the Ame-
rican war to the prefent moment, both o-
rators and authors, by aggravating a few
fa6t;s, and circulating, if not inventhig
many falfehoods, have laboured, with an
induftry that exceeds the ufual licentiouf-
nefs of liberty and extravagance of fa6lion,
to degrade our national chara6ler, in the
eyes of Europe and of the v/orld. It was
in this fpirit, that, when the Boflonians in
1776, treated Sir Archibald Campbell with
the mofl fhocking inhum.anity, a pow-
erful and a6live party in England fympa-
thized with the Americans, whom they
called our injured fellow-fubje6ls, and al-

moft exulted in the fafferings of that gal-

lant General. Several Englifli gentlem.en,
connefted v/ith the firlf families in the
kingdom were put to death, in cold blood,

\)y Hyder- Ally-Khan, or his mercilefs fac-

ccflTor.
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 425

Iefibr. Some were confined,

three years, in dungeons, and loaded with
upwards of 1782.

irons, with an allowance fcarcely fufficierit

to purchafe rice and water for the fufte-

nance of life. Others were compelled to

renounce their religion and their country,
in order to avoid a cruel and lins:erinG:

death. Yet no one man in England lias

publicly lamented the fate of thefe mere-

torious Officers, and many have affirmed,
thattlieir fufferings were well deferved. We
are happy, that we have been enabled at
lail, from authentic documents, to piove
their innocence which fhall, by and by,
:

be done in its proper place,

The conclufion of 1782 was markiedby

the death of Kyder Ally. His age is not
exactly known, though it is certain that it

was not under four-icore. He preferved

the powers of his m.ind entire, and perfe-

vered in his ufual habits, ading the part of
a profound politician, and able comman-
der, to the morning, it is faid, of the third
day before that on which he died.
Tippoo-
4^6 MEMOIRS OF THE
1783. Tippoo-Saib, at this time, was engaged
in oppofmg an irruption, of which an ac-
count fliali be given hereafter, into the
Myforean territories. But, the moment he
was informed of the death of Hyder, he re^-

turned with incredible celerity to the Car-

natic, fecured the good will of the principal
officers of the army, by liberal prefents of
money, as well as promifes of favour, and
anticipated the formation of any hoftile
faflion, by the authority of his prefence,
and an immediate exercife of the powers of
Governmejit. Tippoo, though the firil-

born of Hyder, was the fon of a concu-

bine. His brother, though younger, pof-
fefled the advantage of being defcendtd
from a Princefs of royal extraction. .

Though neither the capacity nor the am-

young man were fuch as to
bition of this
imprefs the great mind of Tippoo with
fear, he yet judged it prudent to fix him-
felf in the adminiflration of affairs, in the
firfl place, and by firm pofTelTion, to pre^

yent all ideas of competition.

 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 427
The fird important acl of Tippoo Sul- 1785.
tan's Government, was a propolal. of peace
to Lord Macartney, on terms that were re-
jecled by his Lordfliip without fubmitting
them to his CounciL The Sultan, thus
repulfed, connefted himfelf as much as
poifible v/ith the French. And, although,
in order to avoid the arms of the Marattas,
he determined, within the time fpecified in
the treaty between that nation and the
Engliih, to withdrav^ his troops from the
Carnatic, . he deftroyed Arcott, and the
forts which he had garrifoned; carried with
him a battalion of French troops, and left
for the ufe of our enemies at Cuddalore
2,000 cavalry, under the command of Sid-
Saib. Thefe things were tranfa<Sled before

the end of February,

Our army having difmantled tlie forts

of Charanagooly and VandeArafh, and re-

lieved the garrifon of Veilore, returned to

the ?vlount, where they encamped on tlte

20th of March. On the 12th of April,

Sir Edw' ard Hughes, with his whole fqua-
dron, came to anchor in the Road of Mii-
drai's.
'428 MEMOIRg OF THE
1783. drafs. This was the finelV fleet that had ever
appeared in the Indian Ocean. It con filled

of feventeen fail of the line, four frigates,

one Hoop of war, two cutters, and a fire-

fhip : all ilieathed with copper. Suffrein,

not fufpecting that the Engliili fleet was fo
near, had fcattered his fliips for the pur-
pofe of making captures. It was only on
the evening preceding the arrival of Sir
Edward Hughes, that a cruizing fquadron
of French fliips pafled almofl within can-
non fliOt of Fort St, George. On the
night of the 20th, the French Admiral,
with only feven fliips, pafTed Sir Edv/ard
Hughes on his return to Trincomale : So
narrow were the efcapes v^hich were made
at this time by the fortune of France,
from utter ruin in India,

The hopes that were entertained, on the

arrival of Sir Edward, in fuch force, from
Bombay, were fuddenly exchanged for an
apprehenfion that a large and valuable fleet

from England, whofe near approach was

announced by the arrival of one of its

fcips, would fall into the hands of the

french
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 429
French Admiral. The fituation of Suf- 1-783.

frein to windward, and that of Hughes to

leeward, afforded matter of ferious alarm.
But Heaven foon relieved the anxiety of

our countrymen. The arrival of the Brif-

tol man of war, with ten Indiamen, and

three flore-fliips, gave upwards of 600 men
to the fquadron, and about 1,000 recruits..
to the army. A French officer, v/ho flood
by when this fleet landed at Madrafs, ex-

claimed, " There is but one God, and that

God muft be an EngUihman!"

The military preparations for an attack

on Cuddalore, retarded by the diflenfions

of men in power, with oppofite opinions

and pretentions, advanced but flowly,
when a circumftance occurred which con-
verted thofe very diflenfions into the means
of accelerating them. Intelhgence was re-
ceived that Sir Eyre Coote had failed from
Calcutta, with pov/er to head the aimy,
independently of the Madrafs Government.
Lord Macartney had determined to reflft

to the utmofl:, the pov/ers with which Sir

Eyre was invefled by the Supreme Autho-
thority
4;50 MEMOIRS OF THE
1783. lity of Bengal. That he might the more
eaiily efFecl this purpofe, it is faid, he re-
Iblved that the General fhould not find the
army in the neighbourhood of Madrafs.
A peremptory commiand was fent to Ge-
neral Stuart to march the army on the
2 ill of April, towards Cuddalore. On
that day, before thenecefiary arrangements
were com.pleted at land, or the ftore and
fire-fliips ready to accompany them , they
marched from Tamberam. At Chingliput,
where they halted to bury their dead,
which, for the moft part, were Irifh and
Hannoverians, they were informed that
Sir Eyre Coote died at Madrafs, on the
26th of April, being the third day after
his arrival from Calcutta. The (hip that
carried him was chaced for five days by
the French cruizers that pafTed Fort St.
George on the nth. This circumflance,
it is thought, operating with too forcible
an impreffion on his mind, which was
lofty, and prone to irritation, was that
which brought on the third and mortal
blow of the paify, which terminated his
life without pain, and without a groan.
On
 LATE WAR IN ASIA, 43

On the 7th of June our army arrived 1783.

before Cuddalore. The enemy, who had
hitherto only guarded againfl: a north at-
tack, began now to raife works to the
fouth. On the 12th, it was difcovered
that they had, with uncommon celerity,

extended works from the fea on their left,

to the Vandy-Pollam Hills, which formed

a fweep around the Britifli front and
flanks. To have poftponed an attack any
longer,would only have expofed our army
to farther difficulties. It was therefore

determined in a Council of War, to attack

the enemy the next morning.

Colonel Kelly, with a brigade of native

troops, and 180 Europeans, marched,
about midnight, without by a
artillery,

foot-path unknown to the French, which

led to the rear of the work on then' right
hand, on the Vandy-Pollam Hills. To
feize that poil was the iirfl and leading ob-
ject in the plan of operations, adopted by
the General, but fuggefted by Kelly. The
European grenadiers, about 300 rank and
file, and the 73d regiment, about 200,
with
432 MEMOIRS OF THE
17S3. -with two battalions of ic,po7s, covered by
the. fire of a battery of fix 18 pounders,"
were to wait the faccefs ol Colonel Kelly,
and frorm the intrenchments to the ene-
my's right. The immediate fuccefs of
this was to be followed by afTaults on their
left and centre, fupported by the Hanno-
verians.

On the 13th of June, as the day began

to dawn, a cannonade from the 1 8 poun-
ders, and from fome field-pieces brought
up by that valuable Artillery Officer, Ma-
. jor Mackay, opened at Point Blank, and
from commanding heights upon the works
to the enemy's right. Colonel Kelly's co-
lumn, fcon after appearing in their rear,
they were ftruck with terror and furprife,
fled from their ftrong-poil on the Van-
dy-Pollam Hills, and retired in confufion

to their fecond work, leaving two 6 pound-

ers, and feveral guns, to be pofiTefTed by our
men, upon the intrenched ground below.
Colonel Kelly did not purfbe this blow,
but remained, according to orders, in the
pofl that had been occupied by the French,
the
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 433
the red of the day. Nor did the troops 1783,
under Colonel Stuart make any move-
ment, when that pofl: fell into our poflef-
fion. But the 73d regiment, led on by
Major Lamont, made a refolute attempt

to ftorm the enemy's fecond works. They

were driven back, by grape fhot, to the
ground from which they had advanced,
where they waited for the general attack.

The battery of the 13 pounders, which

had opened from a commanding height,
and driven the enemy from their firil poft,
having ceafed to fire, that eminence was
chofen by the General as a fit place for the

purpofe of making ngnals. Word was fent

round throughout the troops, that the Ge-

neral would fire three field-pieces from the
hill, as notice for a general and connefted
attack. But it was impofuble that our of-
ficers fhould diltinguifli the found of the
fignal-guns from that of thofe that were
firiup- all around them. The three intended

attacks, therefore, did not commence to-

gether. It v/as upon feeing the centre en-

gaged, that Colonel Stuart guefled that

Vol. I. E e t(if
434 MEMOIRS OF THE
1783. the general fignal had been made. Our
troops waited no longer for fignals, but
flood to their arms, and moved on to the
attack, through a deep fand, with too
eager rapidity. But the movements of our
different battalions were found to want
due fyflem and connexion. Before the
grenadiers and the 73d regiment came
up, the intended afTault againft the ene-
my's wing had mifcarried, and that
left

which was made on their centre, had given

way to their heavy fire. The enemy, eager
: to complete the rout, quitted their works
to purfue, and thus fully committed the
bufmefs of the day to the decifion of va-
lour and of fortune. mean time,
In the
the troops under Colonel Stuart moved
forward into the fecond works, which the
. fnemy had abandoned. This movement
threw the French into confufion, forced
them to retire in their turn, and fixed the
refult of this disjointed fcene in favour of
the Englifh. The honour of this day
would have been greater, had the batta-
lions of the right of our line rallied, and
returned to the charge. The grenadiers
of
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 435
of the 73d regiment continuing to ad- 1783.
vance, carried the Choultry, which they
called Brickmir's Poll. Behind this Choul-
try, the French formed" them felves in or-
der of battle, and, having nothing ferious
to contend with elfewhere, they came on,
and poured in upon this party fjverc
fhowers of all kinds of Ihot. The pofl
was miaintained by cir men for a confide-
rable time. The fire growing heavier and
heavier on the grenadiers, Colonel Stuart
ordered them to fall back. Major Lamiont,
the fenior ofhcer of the 73d, on feeing
their ground occupied by the enemy,
alfo retired, in tolerable order, after hav-
ing lofc thirteen oiiicers, and half the
number of the common foldiers. Seven
field-pieces, that lay about Brickmi'rs

PoU, after they had fallen into the hands

of our men, were left, and recovered
by the enemy. It was agreed, on all

hands, that had not been for the ex-

if it

ertions of the 73d regiment, under Major

Lamont, and the grenadiers under Colonel
Cathcart, our army mull have been' cap-

tured, or cut to pieces.

E e 2 The
 36 MEMOIRS OF THE,

1783. . The memorable 13 th of June 1783, pfc^

fell ted a battle in fragments. The even-
ing broke it off, leaving the Englifh army
in poiTeffion of the Vandy-Pollam Hills,
the enemy's feeond works, and about
twenty guns. Praife, a little tinged with
cenfure, is due to both fides : to the
French, for fo well defending fuch extended
and unfiniflied trenches, after being fur-

prized from their moft advantageous fitu-

ation, and lofing, without refiflance, a
number of guns, and the only work they
had completed to our men, for main-
:

taining the ground which gained the day,

after encountering him where he was
ftrongeft, inftead of making their attack,
and purfuing their advantage, where he
was moft vulnerable. For the time that
this a6lion lafted, and for the fmall num-
ber of troops that were a6tually engaged,
nothing more hot and bloody had happened
during the courfe of this war. Nine hun-
dred and twenty-one of our and
foldiers,

fixty-two Officers, m.ofl of them Euro-

peans, and of the King's troops, were left
dead, or mortally wounded, in the field of
battle
 LATE WAR IN A S I A^ 437
battle. Among the gallant individuals loft 1783.
to their friends, and the Company's fervice,
on that day, were Captain Walter Douglas
and Captain Peter Campbell.

During the night of the 13 th, the Eng-"

lifli lay upon their arms in a pofture of

defence, expefting that the enemy, who

knew the fatigued ftate of our troops,
would attempt to recover, by an attack in
the night, the ground they had loft in the
a6lion of the day. This meafure was in
fa6l ftrongly recommended in -a Council
of War, by almoft all their officers : but
the old and infirm Marquis de BuiTy, who
began now to contemplate obje6ls through
the mi ft of age, and faw only the hazards
againft himfclf, cautioufly carried off every
thing, while it was dark, within the walls
of Cuddalore. Nothing more material
than the common opjcrations of breaking
ground, came to pafs for three days.

But the fea, on the 17th, prefented a

moft interefting fpe6tacle, both to the ene-
my and our army. It was Sir Edward
E e 3 Hughes
43 S MEMOIRS OF THE
1783. Hughes and Monf. Suffrein manoeuvring
witli the Englifh and French fleets. Suf-
frein, with fifteen fail of fliips, half o£
them bad condition, made a fliew
in very
of an intention to attack Sir Edward, who,
with eigliteen fail of coppered fliips, (but
their crews greatly debilitated byficknefs)
lay at anchor, covering the operations of
the army. The next day, Hughes was
out of fight, and before night, Suffrein rode
at anchor in the place Sir Edward had left.

On the 19th, both fleets were in view of

the camp. On tiie 20th, Suilrein, being
to v/indward, bore down on the Englifli
fleet. Sir Edward waited for him ; and,
between four and five in the afternoon, a

heavy cannonade commenced on both

fides, which was kept up without inter-
mifilon. The enemy then, who had kept
at a prudent diflance during the whole of
the engagement, bawling their wind,
fheered off, and were difcovered next day
at anchor, in the Road of Pondicherry.
Here the Englifh Admiral, for a whole
day, offered battle. He then failed for
Madrafs, for a neceffary fupply of water.
Monf.
 LATH WAR IN ASIA. 43

Monf. de SufFrein, with his crazy fleet, 178:

beat up againft the wind, and,
on the 23 d,
flationed his fhips, at anchor, in a Hne co-
vering Cuddalore. The French forces, at
fea and land, harmonious, and confiflent

in their operations, now threatened our

army, weakened by battle and fevere duty,
infomuch that they had not reliefs for the
trenches, and the necellary guards. Salr
lies were therefore expelled, and our men
were not unprepared for that which was
made on the 25th. On the morniag of
that day, while it was yet dark, the enemy
came on, in fo loofe and undifciplined a
manner, that they were beat back with
lofs and difgrace. Colonel Gordon com-
manded in the trenches, adifled by Co-
lonel Cathcart, who, with his grenadiers,

fupported and repelled every alarm. We

loft Major Cotgraye, with about feventy
men. The French about 300, with their
Commandant, a Colonel, who was taken
prifoner. Colonel Stuart and every Field-
Officer received the General's animated
thanks for the fuccefs of our arms. The
whole army on this, as on other occafions,

E e 4 admired
44^ MEMOIRS OF THE
1783. admired the blooming virtues of Colonel
Cathcart, who united martial courage with
military ikill, and the proper pride of fa-
mily with that modeily which become^ a
fellow- citizen of a free country.

The French General and Admiral, who

knew the fcate of our army, determined to
make a new and more vigorous fally. It
was to confiil of 5,000 Europeans, and to
be made on the 4th of July : but, on the
3d, the Medea frigate arrived with a flag
of truce from the Government of Madrafs,
requiring a fufpenfion of hoftilities, as a
general peace had taken place in Europe.
The application they made was in thefe
words, " That they, on their part, had
*' ordered a fufpeniion unconditionally,
*'
and independently of any refolution that
" might be taken by the Marquis de
•' BulTy," The Marquis having agreed to
the fufpenfion, above half the arm.y marched
to reinforce that v/hich was commanded by
Colonel Fullarton, in Tanjore : the re-
maining part encamped on the 17th of
July at the Mount.
Ane-
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 44!

A negotiation for peace was now car- 1783,

ried on with Tippoo-Saib, who, fiuflied
with the retreat of one Englilli army on
the coad of Malabar, and the capture of
another, was by this time employed in the
fiege of Mangalore ; the defperate defence
of which, condu6ied by the gallant Colo-
nel Campbell, will probably be confidered
by future hiftorians, for whom it is our
object to tranfmit thefe notes, as the moil
brilliant fcene in the whole courfe of thij
war. The fucceiles of Colonel Campbell
fprung wholly from the refources of his
own manly and perfevering fpirit. Though
from a combination of milmanagement
and misfortune, this intrepid O in cer wa?
left to his fate, he did not capitulate Uefore
his faithful garrifon were x educed to their
lafl: pint of rice j or before they had fed on
the putrid carcaies of animals held in
averfion and horror; or before a large

force, fent to their aid from Bombay, had

anchored before Mangalore, tantalizing
the garrifon for three days with the delu-
five hope of relief. But thefe are matters

which deferve to be more minutely related.

It
44^ MEMOIRS OF THE
f/^S' It will therefore be proper to refume our
narrative of what
on the Coafl of
pafied
Malabar, from the redu6lion ofCaUcutby
Major Abingdon and for this end, it will
:

benecelTary to go back to that military and

naval force, originally intended for the re-
duftion of the Cape of Good-Hope, vvhich
failed from England in 1781.

In the beginning of 1780, a fecret ex-

pedition was planned by his Majefty and

Privy Council, the obje6l of which was ge-
nerally fuppofed to be fome of the Spanifii
Settlements in South America. The new
regiments of 1,000 men each, named the
98th and the looth, were completed in
January, 178 1, and put under the com-r
mandof Mr. Mackenzie Humberftone, a
young gentleman of the family of Sea-
forth, and Mr. William. FuUarton,- who
had fignalized both his ability and his zeal
in the fervice of Lord North's Adminif-
tration, in a civil capacity.* To thefe
troops, quickly difciplined, were added,
the
* Thefe Gentlemen, who had been at great expencc
in raifing and difciplining the troops, were allowed the
rankof Lieutenant-Colonel during the time of the war only,
A like condition was granted to the Laird of Macleod.
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 443
42d regiment, un-
the 2d battalion of the 1783.
der the command of Mr. Norman Mac-
leod, a Gentleman of the Ille of Sky, one

of the Iflands on the Weflern Coaft of

Scotland ; four companies from other re-
giments, commanded by Major Robert
Douglas, with a detachment of royal ar-
tillery, under Lieutenant Fliflop. The
whole of this force was to be headed by
Major-General William Meadows, an Of-
ficer of approved abilities. The fleet

which carried it from Spithead in March,

178 1, was commanded by Commodore
Johnftone, an Officer who pofTefled the re-
putation of great aftivity and intrepid
courage. It confifled of two fnips of the
line, three of 50 guns, three frigates of
32 guns, two Hoops of war, two cut-
ters, the Infernal fire-fhip, and T^error

bomb-ketch, two ordnance ftorc-fhips,

feven armed tranfports, with coppered

bottoms, four hired uncoppered tran-
fports, live vi6luallers, and thirteen In-
diamen : the whole making forty -five
fail, replete with troops, and flores of eve-
ry kind for a long voyage, and 1,000
Hand
444 MEMOIRS OF THE I

J 783 ftand of arms. This fleet anchored iii

Praya Bay, in the Ifiand of St. Jago, one

of the Cape de Verds, on the loth of April,,
On the 1 6th, at eight* in the morning, the.

Ifis, being the fhip that was ftationed the

furtheft out at fea, made a fignal that ther$
was a flrange fleet in fight. All Officers
were immediately ordered to repair on
board ; and about nine, a fleet of fifteen
fail being now in view, a fignal was made
to clear the fliips for acSlion. The {grange
fleet now feparated into two divifi.ons

one of ten, the other of five fnips. The

firfl: was a convoy j the lafl, fhips of war.
At half pail nine, the headmofl: of thefe
entered the Bay, under French colours,
the other four following in a line a-head.
It was the French fleet under the command
of the celebrated Suflrein. He lofl: not a
moment to begin a furious attack on the
Englifh, who referved their fire, from a
notion that the French Admiral would
not, by committing hofliJities in a neutral
port, violate the laws of nations. The
Britifh fleet, though fcarcely yet clear for
aflion, and \yith feven hundred of their
befl:
b
1 AT E WAR : N AI I A. 445
beftfeamen on fhore, opened on the ene- 1783.
my, and returned their fire with equal vi-
gour. The a61ion was continued with
great heat about an hour, when the French
Commander gave the fignal for his fleet to
bear away, and purfue their deftination.
Itwas paft three o'clock afternoon, before
our fquadron flipt their cables to go in
purfait of them, though they had feized
and carried off the Infernal fire-fhip, and
the Flinchinbrook Indiaman, as well as
taken one of their own difabled fhips in
tow, and given orders to one of our vic-^

tuallers, that they had manned, to follow,

which fhe was doing. They came abreaft
with the enemy, by the time the fun was
going dov\ai, about fix o'clock. Though
our Commodore Vv^as to the windward of
the French, he did not bring them to an
action. He kept abreaft of them till mid-
night : but in the morning not one of
them was to be ken. The three fliips
feized bv the French found means to make

their efcapc} and cam.e fafely into the Bay

^f Praya fome days after.

On
44^ MEMOIRS OF THE
1783. On the ill day of May, our fleet, being
now nearly refitted, was ordered to un-
moor, and, the next morning, to weigh
anchor. About four o'clock afternoon the
whole fleet was under fail. The north-
eaft trade-wind carried them within thirty
degrees of the line 3 after which another
trade- wind brought them to the Ifland of
Trinidada, a romantic but defolate ifland,
claimed by the Portugueze as the firfl: dif-

coverers, oppofite to the coall: of South

America. They lay in fight of that ifland
for two days. Hitherto, both our Officers
and men were ignorant of their defcina-
tion : but now, the fleet proceeded in a fouth-
eaflerly courfe, avowedly for the Cape
of Good Hope. The troops being re-
moved, on the 1 9th of June, out of eight
Indiamen, andcrouded into the other fhips
of the fleet, thofe Indiamen purfued their
voyage : and one Indiaman having parted
from our fquadron on the 25th of May,
for St. Helen's, there remained now only
four out of the thirteen which failed from
Spithead, namely, the Ollerley, Latham,
Locko, and Valentine. A Dutch prize was
brought
 t AT S WAR IN ASIA. 447
brought into our fleet on the ill of July, by 1 783.
fome of our frigates. The Dutchman being
outward-bound, had on board 6o,oooL
in buUion: but, what was of greater con-
fequence to our fleet, now within fixty-
five miles of tlie Cape, the packet which
it carried, contained information of con-
fiderabie importance to the attainment of
their chief obje6l. SufFrein, with his fliips
of war, a frigate, and one or two of his
tranfports, had arrived in Falfe Bay. The
guns and men of the difabled fhip of
war, called the Hannibal, which he had
dragged along with the reft of his fqua-
dron under jury mafts, were landed, and
placed in ftrong batteries erected on pur-
pofe for receiving them. In the Bay of
Saldannah, from twenty to twenty-five
leagues diftant, five homeward-bound
Dutch Indiamen had taken fhelter, and,
as foon as they fliould be informed that
the Englifli were arrived off the Cape,
they were to flip out, and fail dire6lly for

Europe. In confequence of this intelli-

gence, the fleet lay to, the night of the

9th, and all the loth, in order to delibe-

rate
44-3 MEMOIRS OF THE
1783. rate what was befl to be done. On the 21ft,
about ten in the forenoon, they entered
Saldannah Bay, where they took, almoft
without refiftance, the five fliips of which
they had received fuch exacl intelUgence,
with two of fmaller value. The whole
were eflimated confiderably above 8oo,oool.
but one of them was burnt by her crew,
and two of them unfortunately lofl in
their paifage to England. On the 26th,
the prizes, with fome tranfports, and on
the 28th, Commodore Johnftone, with
all the fhips of war, excepting four, hav-
ing previoufly condu6led what remained
of the fleet, pafTed Table Land and Falfe
Bay. The General, while our fleet lay yet
in Saldannah Bay, demanded of the Com-
modore in public, becaufe he found it a
very difiicult matter to obtain an official

anfwer from that impraclicable man on

any fubject, whether he would land him
and his foldiers in Table Bay. The Com-
modore replied in the affirmative^ but
added, that he would not fl:ay a moment
to aid himj in cafe of difcomfiture.

The
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 449
The fame packet which fortunately di- 1783.
redted Commodore Johnftone to Saldannah
Bay, determined General Meadov/s to go
onward For he had gleaned from
to India.

fundry Dutch letters, fome intelligence,

though imperfect:, of the war with Hydcr-
Ally, the capture of Colonel Baillie's army,
and the diftrefs of the Englifli fettlements
in that part of the world;Our reduced
fleet now confided of the Hero, Monmouth,
and Ifis fhips of war, the coppered tranfports,

the four hired tranfports, the two ordnance

flore-fhips, and four Indiamen : the whole
now under the command of Captain James
Alms of the Monmouth. The Adive fri-
gate had been fent forward to India with
difpatches. The Prince of Ternate, with
his three fons, and the Prince of Tidore,
with his only fon, who were relieved from
bondage with the Dutch at Saldannah, were
taken on boird the Hero, to be reftored to
their friends and the pofTefTion of their ter-

ritories. The firfl of thefe unfortunate fa-

fnilies had been brought prifoners to the

Cape fix years before, and the laft had

been there three years. It was the inten-
VoL. I. F f tion
4^0 MEMOIRS OF T lit

1783. tic 11 of the Dutch to have fent thofe cap-^

tlves, whofe only crime was their oppofi-

tion to the tyranny of their oppreffors, to

Europe in the fame fliips that were feized by

our fqnadron at SaMannah.

Comodore Alms, with all the fliips un-

der his command, anchored fafely in the
bay of Zamooda^ off the watering-place m
Johanna, the chief of the Gomorrah iflands,

lituated between Madagafcar and the coaft

of Africa, on Sunday the 2d of Septem-
ber. Here he landed all his fick men, con-
fiftlng in one third of the fleet and army.
They were afFiidted chiefly with the fcurvy :

but not a few with dyfenteries and ulcers

The greatefl: part of all our invalids reco-
vered daring the twenty-two days they re-

mained in that delightful place.

The fland of Johanna is moft romantically

beautiful, being very mountainous, yet ex?

ceedingly fertile. It produces excelleni

black cattle, from four to flx dollars each*

goats at one dollar, a great deal of wild gamq|

and a great variety of delicious fruits and
herbs
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 4^1

herbs; pine-apples, giiavas, pappas, mam- nSj.

mas, bananas, oranges, limes, cocoa-nuts,
pompkins, melons, fugar- canes, rice, yam.s,

potatoes, purllain, and wild crefles. And,

to crown the whole, the water is excellent.

Strangers are furprifed to find almoft every

black inhabitant of this fequeilered iiland
fpeak tolerably good En'^lifh. The gran-
dees, here, are a fet of Arabian MuiTul-
men, who have afTumed authority over the
fimple natives. The Arabian Lords of
Johanna have, every one of them, afTumed
the name of fome noble Englifh family.

The Prince's firft fon is familiarly called the

Prince of Wales : and there are Dukes, and

Marquiffes, and Earls amongft them by
fcores. It is very common to find a Duke
or Marquis waiting for your getting up in
the morning to folicit your doaths to v/afli,

which is done by their flavc?. They are

exceedingly covetous of money j nor would

a Johanna nobleman fcruple much to Heal,

if he had a tempting opportunity. The

natives are of the African race. They are

Very rude, though by no means favage,

and have fcarcely any ideas of religion.

F f 2 They
452 MEMOIRS OF THE
1 783. They nurfe a fpecies of duck upon afacrcd
lake in the centre of the ifland, to which
they do not admit ftrangers without great
reludance. They pay thofe birds a kind of

adoration. The animals are fo famihar as

to come to their worlhippers and eat out of
their hands. The iiland of Johanna being
the largeft, aiiumes authority over the other
Comorrah iflands. But at this time that
authority was vigorouily difputed by the in-
habitants of Mayotta, who, having heard
of the revoh of our tranfatlantic colonies,
laid, ** Mayotta like America.'*

On the 24th of September, our fleet fail-

ed from Johanna, and purfued their defti-

nation.' A mofl alarming fever attacked

fuch of thofe as had, when on iliore at

Johanna, liept on the banks of two rivu-

lets at the watering-place, whilft thofe who
had pitched their tents at a dillance from
them remained well. This malady carried
off great numbers of officers and men, of
both the navy and army. The 42d regi-
ment fuffered mofl, having been encamped
©n the banks of one of the rivulets. After
a calm.
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 45 J
a calm., wbch lafled from the iitli of Oc- 1-83.
tober to tHe 5 th of November, the fliifting

of the Monfoon obliged them, though only

two hundred and fixty leagues from Bom-
bay, to fleer in a north-eafterly courfe,
\vhich brought them within fight of the
land of Arabia Felix on the 15th. They
beat off and on the Arabian coaft, endea-
vouring to work to the eaflward, but
without fuccefs till the 26th, when they
ftood in, and anchored in Morabat Bay.
The Indiamen, having taken the ^zd regi-
ment on board out of the tranfports, fell to

leeward, and went to Kiffin Bay, in expec-

tation of joining Admiral Hughes's fleet a);

Bombay,

At Morabat there v/as nothing to be had

but a few half-ftarved goats, and very fmall

lean bullocks v/ith caravanferas, and fome
dried grafs from the mountains for fodder.

Fowls are very fcarce and confeguently dear.

There is hardly any fruit or gKain of any

kind, except a little caravanferas. What
rice the Arabians have, is brought from the
<:Qafl: of Malabar. They produced fome
F f -^ prefer veci
454 MEMOIRS OF THE
1783. preferved dates, and feme bad limes. Their
water is brought from mountains five miles
diftant, either by their women, or on the
backs of camels. Our men funk a great
number of cafks in the fand, from whence
they obtained abundance of brakifh water,
which was found not unwholefome during
the remainder of the voyage.

The poor inhabitants were aftonilhed at

this, and the Sheik, or Chief Perfonage in
that part of the coaft, requcfted as a mighty
favour, that four or five cafks might be left

as a common blefiing to him and his people

which was readily granted. There is, how-

ever, plenty of game, fuch as antelopes,

roes, hares, pheafants, and partridges of a

very large fize. The chief food of the in-
habitants is fiih, of which they have great
variety and abundance. Though this di-

vifion of Arabia cannot in general boafl of

a fertile foil^ yet it is not improperly de-

nominated happy, fince kind nature,

guarding againll the evils of luxury on the

one hand, and of -.vant on the other, holds
out to her children falutary and even deli-
cious
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 455

eious food, if they will but feek after It, 17 3 j.

The men here, flrung by their hardy man-

ner of life, in a country that gives nothing

without exertion, are a well-formed race of

people, with fleek black hair, piercing black
eyes, and of a martial appearance. Each
man carries a fpear and a target ; and fome
two fwords with a tari^et, wearing a fword
on each fide. Not a few of them, in addi-

tion to thefe weapons, have matchlock-

guns, in the ufe of which they ere very ex-
dert. —The Arabian women feem very ill

made. They live, like all the women of

the Eaft, in a very reclufe manner, and all

of them wear veils. —The charader of the

Arabians will be bell underftood by viewing

it in contradiilin(?dGn to that of ofher neigh-

bouring nations : and this comparifon every

man has an opportunity of making who
has refided any time at Bombay. Here, be-
fides Europeans of all countries, you"

meet with Turks, Perfians, Arabians,

and Armenians. The Turks are ftately,

grave, and honeft in their dealings. The

Perfians are more gay, lively, and conver-
fible, but lefs to be truHed in matters of
F f 4 trade
45^ MEMOIRS OF THE
1783. trade than the faturnlne Turks. The Ara-
bians are all life and fire, and when they
treat on any fubjed:, whether of bufinefs
or converfation, will make you a fine ora-

tion in flowing numbers^ and v/ith a rnufical

cadence : but in their commercial dealings,
they will take every advantage in their

power. The Armenians, compared with the

Arabians, fcarcely appear to be of the fame
gender : they are handfome and foft ir^

their features, mild in their tempers, and ir^

their nature, kind and beneficent. The

Turks and Perfians are, for the mofl part,

flout-bodied men : the Arabians, though

of a fmaller ftature and flender, are account-
ed the beft foldiers, pofieffing great agi-

lity, and courage equal to their adivity,

A war-pantomime is fometimes to be feen

atBombay, between a number of Perfians
on the one fide, and Arabs on the other.
The Perfians keep their ground, and ward
off the blows that are aimed as them in the

befl: manner they can : the Arabs, on the

contrary, v/h^n a flroke is aimed at them,
luring wp in the air to an incredible height,
and
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. ^rj

and inftantly make an attack on their anta- 1783.

gonifts. On the w'lole, the preieni; Arabians
are fuch as we might expect that ancient
and uaconquered people to be, who, at one
period of their h.iflory, extended their arms
over the greatefl part of the civiHzed
world. Nature, by granting them but lit-

tle without induilry, in a climate that fub-

jeds them not to the enervation of fixed ha-
bitations, has qualified them to conquer the
pofiefiions of their efi*eminate neighbours

and were fuch a fpark of enthufiaftic ex-

citement to fall among them now, as called

them forth into fplendid, though fanguinary

ad:ion in the fixth century, the materials

being £liU the fame, it would r^ife an equal

|lame.

The fhips of war, the Monmouth, He-

fo, Ifis, and the Manilla, with the Royal
Charlotte and Raikes, having on board the
98th regiment, proceeded, on the 6th of
December, to join Admiral Huges, leaving
the 1 00th regiment in the coppered tranf-
ports, and the condu6l of the convoy tQ
Captain Smith of the S^n Carlos ; but the
Charlotte,
45^ MEMOIRS OF THE
17 8 J. Charlotte and Raikes, having each fprung a
top-mafl, were obliged to put back and
join the reil of the convoy in Morabat Bay.
Here Major Rooke, of the looth regiment,
left the army to return by Suez to England.

General Meadov7S and Colonel Fullarton

were on board the fliips of war ; and Co-
lonel Mackenzie, Humberfton was left to

command the troops in the tranfports, with

thofe that had joined them in the Raikes

and Royal Charlotte. Colonel Humber-

fbon's fquadron, then confifling of thirteen
fail, inclufive of a Portugueze fliip which
furniihed them with wines, left Morabat
on the 9th of December, 1781, and arrived
at Bombay on the morning of the 22d of

January, 1782.

The Colonel landed the foldiers on 014

Woman's Ifland, for refrefhment re-em- 3

barked them on the 27th; on the 8th fet

fail for Madras ; on the 4th of February an->

chored in -the road of Tellicherry ; and on

the 9th of the fame month, off Anjengo, in
the dominions of the King of Travancore.
Here intelligence was received that Hyder-
Ally
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 459
Ally had over-run the whole of the Carna- 1^83,
tic ;- that he threatened the kingdom of
Tanjore, and the flates of the Mara was,
of Madura, and Trinivelly, with utter de-
ilrudlion; that he had circumvented and cut;

off two Eritifh armies, and, in confequence

of the improvidence, pufilianimity, and dif-
fenfions of the Government of Madras, in-
fulted the difpirited and afloniihed garrifon
of Fort St. George itfelf. Colonel Hum-
berlton was now impatient to go round by
Cape Comorin and join the army at Madras,
but, on receiving undoubted intelligence
that the French fleet were at that time to
aliemble off Point de Galle^ and that com-
miifaries had been fent fome time ago to
Columbo and other ports in Ceylon, to lay
up magazines for their fleet and arm^, he
called a council of war, and laid the fitua-

tion of affairs before them. Some propofed,

after a paflage of near twelve months, to re-
turn for the refreshment of the feamen and
foldiers to Bombay, and there to wait a
favourable opportunity of going round to
Madras : and others to march fuch of the
foldiers as v/ere able acrofs the Peninfula,
from
460 MEMOIRS OF THE
1 7 83. from Anjcngo to the Carnatic, and toftnd the
fhlps v/ith the fick and lame back to Bom-
bay. But Colonel Mackenzie Humberilon,
their commander, was flruck with the de-
lays of the former plan, and the dan^^ers of
the latter. He therefore propofed, that
with his own which did not amount
troops,
to one thoufand, and what Sepoys could be
fpared from Tellicherry, the iiege of which
had been lately raifed with fo much mili-
tary fkiil and perfeverance by Major Abing-
ton, to make a diveriion on the coafl of
Malabar, in favour of our army in the Car-
natic : a meafure which was readily ap-

proved by the council. In purfuance of

this plan, it was determined that the little

army fhould land at Callicut 3 which had

fallen into the hands of the Tellicherry
troops, of which Flumberilon could claim
the command as an officer of fuperior rank
to that of Major Abington. Here, accord-
ingly, the army debarked, and encamped in
a cocoa-nut grove on the i8th of Fe-
bruary.

On
 LATEWARIN\ 461

On the 27th of March, the flank com- lySj.

panics of the army, with four companies of
grenadier Sepoys, took the field under Ma-
jor Robert Douglas, fecond in command,
but accompanied by the commander in
chief. The reft of the army, under the
condudl of Major John Campbell, were or-
dered to follow. Proceeding fouthward by
fhort marches, they determined, on the 7th
of April, to attack the fort of Trincolore.

The flank corps, accordingly, marched at

the dawn, and after pafling fome difficult

ground, came up with the enemy about
eleven o'clock forenoon, drawn up in a field

behind a hedge, and betwixt our army and

the fort. An attack was opened u|X)n our
men by furprize. The enemy, however,
foon gave way, and were purfued with great
flaughter, for about three miles, to the other
fide of Trinigardo, They continued to re-
treat with percipitation till they reached
Ramgurree, twenty miles from Trincolore
plains : their flrength was about one thouland
five hundred horfe, and three thoufand foot.

Their commander, Mugdum-Ally-Khan,

was a near relation of Hyder's, who was
killed
462 MEMOIRS OF TKfe

1783. killed in the adtion. The lofs fuftained by

the enemy miifl have exceeded four hundred

men, and feveral hundred horfes. Ours

was very trifling. The army refted three

days at Vangally-eottah. In their march

to Ternavey, on the 13 th of April, which
v/as very fultry, fourteen of the foldiers, un-
feafoned to the climate, dropped down at

the fame inilant, and fuddenly died. It is

remiarkable that thefe men were, every on«

of them, the ftouteil that day in the line.

On the approach of the rainy feafon our

troops retired to cantonements at Calicut,
where they by the 27 th of May^
arrived

1782. They again took the field on the

2d of September, with their eye fixed on
Pailacottah, a ilrong fort fituated about
one mile from Pallacatcherry, which com-I
mands the great fouthern pafs between the
coafls of Malabar and Coromandel. The
fecond battalion of the 42d regiment having
now joined them, our army confifted of
above nine hundred Britifli, and two thou-
fand Bombay Sepoys.

Colonel I
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 465
Colonel Humberllone, in order to make 1783.
the diverfion he had in view the more re-
fped:able, folicited aid from our good ally and
friend the King of Travancore, and obtain-
ed twelve hundred Sepoys with Europeanof-
iicers and Serjeants, maintained at the King's

expence. Ourlittle army was accompanied by

a train of artillery of liy eighteen pounders,
two twelve pounders, eight lix pounders, and
four amuzettes the whole managed by a-
:

bove eighty European, and one hundred and

fifty black, or native artillery- men. Cut,
for want of draught bullocks, they were
obliged to leave the half of their eighteen
pounders, and both their twelve pounders,
at Pananah. For the fame reafon they
were obliged to leave all their mortars and
howitzers at Ramgurce. TJicy came be-
fore this place on the, 20th of September,

and were preparing to open niortar batteries

againft it, as its lofty fituation did not ad-

mit of any other mode of attack, when It

was deferted on the night of the 6th of
Odober. Ramguree is fituated thirty miles

inland from Pananah, exadly midway be-

tween that place and Pallacottah. They
therefore
464 MEMOIRS OF T JTR

therefore garrifoned it v/ith convalefcents,

178J.
and fome men that had been flightly wound-
ed, and made it the centre link of a chain
of communication*

On the 14th they took Mungara^cottah,

with about ninety foot prifoners. Here
they left all their women and heavy baggage,
and on the i8th marched to Pallacatcherry,

about ten miles diilant. About three miles

from the fort they encountered the enemy,

who gave Vv-ay almoil without refinance.
Our troops purfiied them till they reached
theircamp, v/hich they had burned to the
ground. The Englifli formed their en-
campment near it, as the enemy were either

difperfed or had fled into Pallacottahj and

the inhabitants of Pallacottah into the coun-
try. On the 19th, they marched and en-
camped within gun-{hot of the fort. An
inefFed:ual cannonade was kept up by the

enemy, and various movements were made

by cur arm.y, one of which encouraged a
vain attempt on our camp, from the 19th
to the 21ft of October, when the Com-
mander, convinced that he could not reduce"
Faiia-
 L A t E WAR IN Asia; 465
rallacottah without heavy artillery, gave 178
J'
orders, late at night, for the troops to be
under arms, at four o'clock next morning,
in order to retire to the ground which they
had occupied on the night of the 18th.

Unfortunately the Brigade-Major, who di-

redted the retreat, inftead of putting the
line to the right about, ordered them to
counter-march, which threw the flores and
baggage into the rear, and expofed them to
the enemy, who had early intelligence,

which they did not fail to improve, of this

movement. The Englifli, in entering the
town of Pallacatcherry, were obliged to pafs
though a narrow defile. Near the farther
end of the town, a fmall party of the ene-
my, called a vi^ef, was pofted on an emi-
nence, with a fmall light. When the

van of our army approached this light,

the viilet extinguiflied it ; and this was
the fignal for an afTault. They juftly

concluded, that when our van reached io

far, not above one third of our line would

remain on their fide of the defile, and that
with them only they would have to com-
VoL. L G or bat.
4^6 MEMOIRS OF THE
1783. bat. The event exceeded their moil fan-
giiine wifhes, for, by the time that our van
had reached the light, fcarcely any thing
remained to enter the defile but the rear-
guard and the baggage. On thefe the ene-

my made a furious attack : whilft our van

faced to the right about, and went to their

affiftance. The rear-g:uard, and a fmall

part of the baggage vs^ere faved by a move-
ment of the flank companies : but the whole
provifion of the army was loft, and almofl
all their am^munition, befides private bag-

gage. Several of our men were mortally

wounded; and among thefe Major G. Hut-
chinfon of the 98 th regiment. His death
was deeply regretted by the whole army.
Even the black troops flied tears at his in-
terment. The little Englifh army had
taken poft on the ground they had intended
to occupy, when orders were given to re-

treat. Colonel Humberfbon intended to

have remained in camp, on this ground, for

fome time, and to fend back all the bul-
locks he could colled:, to bring up fome
battering guns from Ramgurree. But, after
the late difafler, fcarcely any bullocks were .

to
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 467
fro be found : and there was now no refource 1783.
but in retiring to the coaft. But they we p
fcarcely on the line of march, v/hen they
were attacked from every thicket, and ex-)
ceedingly harrafTed both in their flanks and
rear. About funfet they reached the -river

Caveri, which the late falls of ram liad

rendered impalTable. They therefore refled

upon their arms all night, while the en-

gineer's people were employed in conftrud:-

insf rafts of wood to float them over in the

morning. This day they had not tafled any

food. Lieutenant Wheeler, with flxteen
foldiers was wounded, and feveral Sepoys
killed.

The fwelling of the river having fubflded

in the night, they pafl!ed through in the

morning undifturbed, and, at night, reach-

ed the banks of the river near Mungarah-

cottah, which was impaflable. This, too,

was a day of falling. With fome difliculty

a few rice cakes were conveyed in the even-

ing, acrofs the river, from Mungarah-cot-
tah ; from whence alfo plentiful fupplies

of bullocks and rice were fent, and convey-

G g 2 ed
468 MEMOIRS OF THE
N

lygj. ^.'^
with. greater eafe, next morning. Du-
r ig thefe three laft days, a prodigious de-

%*tion took place among the Sepoys, one

''f whom, caught in the ad: of deferting,

was blown from the mouth of a cannon.

Colonel Humberfton, on the 2d of No-
vember, removed his camp to the Munga-
rah-cottah fide of the river, and covered his
right flank with the fort. Having previ-
oully fent off the lick and wounded, the
women, and the baggage to Pananah, he
fprung mines under the four baflions of
of Mungarah-cottah Fort. Two of the
mines blew the baftions above them to de-
ftrudtion : the other two mifgave. At
night they reached Cunitery, and, the night
after, they regained their old ground at

Ramgurree, vv^hich they blew up on the

evening of the 1 8 th.

Here they received repeated and certain

information, that Tippoo Saib, during the
inadlion of our army in confequence of the
civil difputes at Madras, had left the Car-
natic, and was advancing tov/ards them at
the head of an army of twenty thouland
men.
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 469
men, and twenty-four pieces of cannon. i^Sj.
Orders were iipanediately given for the line
to be ready to march by four in the morn-
ing. A picquet of about one hundred and
fifty men were Rationed at the diftance of
near three miles from Ramgurree, the pre-
fent ilation of the army. This picquet the
Major of Brigade accidentally neglected to
call in, in the evening of the i8th, and, in
the morning of the 19th, it v^^as v/ith dif-

ficulty that a melTenger could be found who

would venture to go to their pofl, as it was
faid that the enemy had been feen in the
interval. Lieutenant Halliday, at lafl,

brought them in, after the line had been

under arms four hours waiting their return.
It was about nine o'clock, before noon,
when our fmall army began to march : but
fcarcely had they advanced three miles from
their ground, when Tippoo Saib, who had
previouily fent forward detachments to be
pofted in advantageous fituations for galling
them as they palled, opened a cannonade
on their rear. They at firfh attempted to

reach Pajianah by a fliort route, through a

flat country of rice grounds, without pafling
the river at all. But they were obliged,
G g 3 after
470 MEMOIRS OF THE
1783. after marching fome miles, to return to their
former courfe. They were obhged to fight

their way all day long, both with mulketry

and cannon. It was nearly dark when they
reached that curve, or concave, where there
is a ford of the Pananali river : but it was fo

fwoln with the late rains, that it was deeemd

both by the enemy and our men, impaf-
fable.

In this perilous fituation they halted for

two hours in the utmoft incertitude. —
People were fent above and below the ford,
to find, if poffible, a pradicable pafs. It

was determined, if thefe fliould return un-

fuccefsful, as the only defperate refource
that remained in a defperate cafe, to beat

Up the enemy's camp before the approach

of morning, and either conquer or die. —
A ford, however, was found ; and though
it was fo deep as to take ordinary men to

the chin, and the ftrength of the current

lifted many off the ground, yet, by cling-
ing to one another, and ailifling each other,
not a man was loft. A few men of fhort
ftature were obliged to let go their mufkets
and ammunition, which they carried on
their
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 47I

their head, in order to fave themfelves ; 1783;

and only two black women were loft out
of the whole army. This was done in the

dark, and happily unperceived by the ene-

my. The 1 00th regiment covered the paf-
fage of the river, for fear of interruption.
After having paffed, they proceeded with as
little noife as poffible to the high ground at

Ternavey, about five miles diftant, and

there halted near two hours, kindled large

fires, and dried their clothes. Before dawn

they moved off, and two miles forward tliey

palTed Pananah river, at the fecond ford,

eight miles above the town of that name,

without moleftation. The enemy imagin-

ing them to be ftill in the concave of the

river, did not ftir all night, expeding them

to become an eafy prey in the morning.
This Tippoo afterwards acknowledged &t
Mangalore.

They were much furprifed, therefore, to

find, on the morning, that our men had

the ri-
efcaped them, and had alfo repafied
ver at the other ford, before even their ca-

valry came in view of them. Thus the

G EngUfh
g 4
472 MEMOIRS OF THE
J 7 83. Englifh proceeded on their march without
moleftation till they came within two miles
of the town of Pananah, when fome of the
enemy attempted to harrafs their rear, but
w^ithout ahnofl any execution. They en-
tered Pananah about four o'clock after noon,
and the army was divided into three divi-
fions, and properly polled to defend the
town, which continued to be blockaded to
the 5th of December, when Hyder- Ally's
death called Tippoo to affairs of greater
importance.

Thus Colonel Mackenzie Humberfton,

with his little army, at lafl; effeduated
his original deiign^ of creating a diverfion on
this coaft, in order to relieve the Carnatic ;

for, till this sra, the Carnatic armies could

do little m.ore than march in li?ht of the
enemy once a month, and then return to the
Prefidcncy, or the Mount, for provifions.
The frequent fupplies neceirary to be thrown
into the forticfs of Vellore exhaufled half
the exertions of our army in efcorting them;
but now that Tippoo had withdrawn him-
felf.
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 47J
felf,the Carnatic armies began to ad: with 1783.
greater efFedl, as well as freedom.

No fooner had Humberftcii drawn Tip-

poo Saib to the coafl, than the arrival of
Colonel Macleod, a fenior officer, fupcrfeded

him in the command on the very day of his

arrival in Pananah. When Colonel Hum-
berllon firft landed his little army on the
Malabar coaft, he had painted the advanta-
ges of his intended plan in fuch fcrong co-
lours to the Bombay government, that it was
immediately adopted ; and this being com-
municated to the other Prefidencics and
the India- Houfe, it was refolved that rein-

forcements fhould be fent both from Madras

and Bombay, to his little army. Had this

plan of Humberfton's been left to his exe-

cution, in all probability it would not only
have proved the falvation of the Carnatic,
which it ultimately proved, in fpite of the
weaknefs and mifguided meafures ot the

fucceeding commanders, but might have ter-

mnK'ted in a total difmembermeat ot the

riling empire.of Myfore, and prevented the

calamities which afterwards befel the cliief
"
otticers
474 MEMOIRS OF THE
f
1783. officers in particular, and the inferior offi-
cers and men in general of that army, and
thofe who afterwards joined them.

Our army being elofely blockaded, were

employed in railing lines of defence, when,
on the morning of the 28th of Novem-
ber, before dawn, a general affault v/as

made by the enemy on the centre port,

commanded by Major Campbell. The
enemy were headed by Mr. Lally and a
party, if not all his men, on foot; they
came on in columns, took a fmall mud
fort without cur lines, and diilodged our
Sepoys without refiflance. The alarm
was immediately given, and the blockaded
were inflantly in arms : the enemy, how-
ever, had already reached our lines, and were in

poffeffion of our guns. The 4 2d regiment

attacked them vigorouHy with the bayonet,
and foon turned their front back upon thofe
Vt'ho fupported them. Thefe, attempting
to flee, put their followers in confufion, A
general rout took place, though they re-
peatedly endeavoured to rally. The contefl
lafted feveral hours, when the enemy re-,i

treated, leaving about one hundred and]

fift
 LATE WAR IN ASIA 475

fifty aid wounded upon the field. 1783,

killed
Captain de L'Ifle, and a young enfi'^n, were
made prifoners ; the firfl mortc.lly wounded.

In January, 1783, Brigadier- General

Mathews landed with an army under his
command at Margee, about three hun-
dred miles north of Pananah, and fent or-
ders for the fouthern army to join him with-
out lofs of time. Tippoo having raifed

the blockade of Pananah, on the 5th of De-

cember, left our army there, wholly unem-
barrafTed, and they forthwith embarked,
about Chriftmas, for Margee ; but the Sepoy
corps and all the black artillery and bag-
gage, draft and pack bullocks and horfes,
went by land, coaftways, to our fettlement

of Tillicherry. The firfl aivifion, confin-

ing of the Europeans, left Tillicherry on

the I ft of January, and five days after-

wards, boats having been provided for the

black troops, they alfo embarked and pro-
ceeded immediately. Before the fouthern

army could join that under Brigadier- Gene-

ral Mathews, he had made a defcent upon

the coaft, and with feveral fmall forts of

little confequence had taken the fortrefs of
Onore
476 MEMOIRS OF THE
lygj. Onore, which was efleemed a place of fomc
ilrength and importance. This fort, after

a vain fummons to the Keeladar to furren-

der, in order to prevent the effuiioo of

blood, v/as taken by ftorm on the 5 th of
January. The enemy had about four hun-
dred killed and wounded. We took above
two thoufand prifoners ; and here, accord-
ing to the ufual cuflcm of our^little army,
they fet all the prifoners at liberty, after dif-
arming them, excepting three or four men
of feme rank, from whom ranfoms were
expected.

The firft diviiion of the fouthern army

landed at Rajamondroog on the 2d and 3d
of January, and foon after marched to form
a junction with General Mathews, which
they effected on the 17th at Cundapore, a
place alfo upon the coaft, which had juft fal-
len into his hands without much affiftance.

The army, confifting of about twelve hun-

dred Europeans, and eight battalions of Se-
poys, with a proportionate number of artil-

lery and Lafcars, moved forward, diredting

their line of march towards the great pafs,
which leads to the table-land of Hindoflan,

over
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 477
over that vaft chain of mountains which
i-,3-^
run from Cape Comorin northward into
Perlia.

This pafs is called HuiTain -gurry Ghaut.

From the bottom to the top of this^Ghaut, or

Pafs, a fpace of about five miles, the road

winds in various diredions, as the natural

jfteepnefs and ruggednefs of the afcent could

be eafieil: overcome by art, and made practi-
cable to the human foot. At every turning
there was a battery of guns or a well-manned
redoubt. The army reached the foot of th©
Ghauts on the 24th, and early on the morning
of the 25th made the attack. The Britifli

troops carried every thing before them, and

chiefly with the bayonet. One ftrong re-

doubt at the top of the Ghauts they almoft

defpaired of being able to reduce. But a
detachment found means to clamber up the
rocks, and by making came round
a detour

upon the back of it. Here all who made

refiftance were put to the fword, and the
Ghauts were now their own. Next day
they proceeded for Hyder-nagur, or Bednore,
the capital of the country which bears its

name.
470 MEMOIRS OF fHE
1783. name, and diilant from the top of the
Ghauts about nine miles. Upon their

approach to that great capital, with only

fix rounds of ammunition each man, Hyat
Saheb, the Jemmadaur, who was the high-

eft military, as well as civil officer in

Canara and the Bednore countries, fent out

a Captain Campbell, an Engliih prifoner,

to offer terms of furrender. — He ftipulated

that his own private property flwuld be fe-

Gured, that he fhould -be continued by the

Englifli in his former ftation and dignity,
and that he would furrender all public mo-
nies and property to the captors, and would
give inftant orders for all the dependencies

on Bednore, to open their gates to the En-

gliih troops* Thefe terms were promifed,
and our troops took quiet pofTeffion of Bed-
nore and all its immenfe treafures, without
a fingle blow ; orders were accordingly if-

fued by the Zemindar, to forts Mangalore^

Ananpore, Deckull, Cowlydroog, Sujapore,
Siccapore, Samfatcha Ghautt, Caricall, and
Mont Bidrure, with other places, to furren-
der to the Engiifh arms. Some of thefe
obeyed the fummons, others of them ob-
ftinately
 LATE WAR IN ASIA.
479
flilnately refufed, and breathed defiance.
Thefe were Mangalore, DeckuU, and An-
anpore. This laft fortrefs, after violatino-
the rules of war, by detaining our flags of
truce and fending them ofFprifoners, flood the
ftorm on the 1 4th of February, after a prac -
ticable breach was made. It was, how-
ever, affaulted and carried, and all who re-
fifted were facrificed to the rules of war
fubiifting among civilized nations, to the

amount of about three hundred men. Two

hundred and eleven of thefc were buried in

one grave, which was a draw-well, the

fame day. From Ananpore 'our troops ap-
peared before Siccapore, but made no fe-
rious attack upon it. Mangalore was next
attacked. After a pradlicable breach was
made, and our men prepared to ilorm it on
the 9th of March, Pvuflan-Ally-Beg, the
Commandant, endeavoured to roufe his

people to defend the breach, but in vain.

They refufed to obey him, and he was ob-
liged to furrender. They were permitted to
depart without arms, but with their private
property untouched. About one hundred and
xifty Frenchmen of Lally's corps were made
prifoners*
4^0 MEMOIRS OF TH£
1783. prifoners, who folicited employment as ar-
tillery-men in ours, with the fame rank
that they had held in their former fer-
vice. They were told that this could not
be done by the General; but that if the go-
vernment of Bombay approved of it, they
would entertain them accordingly, to which
they all confented.

The unfortunate Keeladar, Ruftan-Ally,

for giving up this fortrefs, although he
compounded for his head and paid part of
the ranfom, was executed on the hill, in
iight of Mangalore, on the 2 2d of Novem-
ber, 1783. After Mangalore fell into our
hands. General Mathews, with four com-
panies of the io2d regiment, and part of
the black troops, returned to Bednore. —
A prodigious treafure was found here,
by all accounts not lefs than one million of
pounds j belides jewels and other precious
ftones, the moft of which was public pro-
perty. But, notwithflanding the reafonable
requefl of the army to have part pf that
fpoil divided, their leader pofitively refufed
their requefl, though they were then in
great dillrefs from want of money, having
received
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. -481

no pay for almoft twelve months,

received 1783.
and fome of them in arrears fixteen and
eighteen months. On fvch. an unjuft and
impohtic refufal, loud complaints enfued.
Pvemonfl:ranceupon remonftrance, figned
by the whole army, was prefented to no
purpofe. The moil arbitrary meafures
were purfued 3 and, though no cOnfufion
arofe, yet the difcontents ran fo high, that

Colonels Macleod and Humberfton, and

Major Shaw, left the army, and went
flraight to Bombay, to lay the matter be-
fore the Governor and Council. Their re-
prefentations were fo well fupportcd, and
the conduct of General Matthevv^s fo fla-

grant and unjuft, that the Governor and

Council immediately fuperfedcd him, and
appointed Colonel Macleod, the next in
command, Brigadier-General and Com-
mander in Chief. But this unfortunately
happened too late for in the mean time,^
:

it is confidently aflcrted, thar General

Matthews fent off about the fum of

300,0001. including what Hyat-Saheb font

for him to Cundapore, as if for himfelf
and this treafure was all delivered to Cap-
VoL. I. . Hh tain
.,?2 MEMOIRS OF THE
_Q tainMatthews, brother of the General, who
conveyed it to Goa, to be remitted to Eu-
rope. Some circumstances, have lince oc-
curred, which confirm this fuppofition.
The 4th and 8th grenadier battalions of
fepoys, and fome fmall detachments, were
left at Mangalore, and direfted to reduce
Deckull, a fort on the coaft, thirty-fix

miles fouth of Mangalore. Thefc troops,

commanded by Captain Brown, after fum-
moning it to furrender in vain, battered
and ftormed it on the 3d of April. The
enemy made a brave refiftance, repulfed
our fepoys, with thelofs of Captain Brown,
Lieutenant Scott, and fifty-three men :

and our fepoys refufed again to attempt

the breach. An efcort of fifty Europeans,
of the 42d and looth regiments, under
Lieutenant Dunbar, arriving at Manga-
lore, was ordered to march to Deckull to
lead the florm, which again took place on
the 7th, v/here it v/as carried, and con-
fiderable havock made among thofe who
reftfted. In this bloody action we had
only four Britons killed and wounded.

Colonel
 lATE WAR IN ASIA." 483
Colonel Macleod, now Brigadier-Gene- 17B3.
raland Commander in Chiefs with Colonel
Humberfton and Major Shaw, on their re-
turn in the Ranger fnow to join the army,
on the 7th of April, ofFGeriah, fell in with
theMaratta fleet of five fail of fquare-rigged
vefTels. Peace had been agreed on with that
people, and proclaimed at Bombay before
the departure of the Ranger, though the
Marattas did not know of it. The new
General, rather than come to an eclaircille-
ment, or be taken into Geriah for a day,
impatient to pufli on and to lignaiize him-
feif, madly recomm.ended fighting the
v/hole fleet. The battle v/as moft obfti-
nate : nor did it ceafe till almoft every
man in the Englifh fhip was killed or
v/ounded. Among the former was Major
Shaw, of the looth regiment ; and among
the latter, Brigadier-General Macleod, and
Colonel Humberfton. The Captain of the
fliip, Pruin, and Lieutenant J. Taylor,
vv^ere carried prifoners into Gej-iah, a port

of the Marattas, where they remained for

feveral weeks. Here Colonel Mackenzie
Tlumbeifcon died of his wounds, in the
Hhz twenty-
ij.§4 Memoirs of the
17/^J' twenty-eighth year of his age. An early

and habitual converfancy with the heroes

of antient, as well as modern times, nou-
riflied in his mind a pafiion for military
glory,and fupported him under unremit-
ting application to all thofe ftudies by
which he might improve his mind, rife to
honourable diftindlion, and render his
name immortal. His untimely and la-

mented death feverely arraigned the con-

duct of him who had occafioned it : to

whom he formed in many important re-

fpeCts a contraft ; being not only acute, but

profound and fteady in his views, gallant
without oilentation, and fpirited without
temerity and imprudence. Soon after

thefe gentlemen left the army for Bombay,

Major Campbell, with the 4.26. regiment,

was ordered from Bednore to Monbiddry
and Carical, two fmall forts below the
Ghautts. Detachments from the army
were fent every where to occupy every vil-
lage, and every town and mud fort fo :

that the army became exceedingly dif-

perfed, and thefe detachments not having

beenmade by detail, or in any regular man-
ner.
 1;ATE war in ASIA. 485
ner, the Officers could not even accoimt
1783.
for their men.

In this of affairs, the army, dream-

flate

ing of nothing but riches, inattentive to

all intelligence, and neglecling to repair
the defences or the fort, Tippoo's army
came upon them on the 9th of April,
drove in a detachment flationed at Fat-
tiput, four miles difcant, and having taken
the town ofBednore, with a confiderablc
quantity of ammunition, which no pre-
caution had been taken to lay up in tlie

magazines, clofely befieged the fort. Ac

nothing very remarkable happened during
the fiege of this place, uniefs it be two
foj'ties made upon the enemy, which were
ill conducred, and which produced no
confequences of any importance, let us
leave it moment, and juf>
befieged for a
notice an occurrence or two which were
the natural effects of that extreme improvi-*
dence, with which alrnofl the whole army
feem to have been infatuated

Hh 3
- The
^86 MEMOIRS OP THE
1783. The Ghautts of Hyder-Ghur and Sam-
fhatfah were attacked and carried on the
9th of April. Cundapore v/as evacuated
on the loth. Major Campbell thought it
proper to make a prudent retreat from the
forts of Monbiddry and Carical, and re-
tired with the 42d regiment, and fome
convalefcents and fepoys, to Gurpore, feven
miles from Mangalore and the Coafh,

where he encamped. On the 20th of April,

Major Campbell, conceiving it necefiary,
from the intelligence he had of the fitua-
tion of came to Mangalore^ and
afFi^irs,

took the command from Captain Sarto-

rius, who was chief Engineer. On the
26th, the 42d regiment, and the 8th bat-
talion of fepoys, (v*'ho had no guns) vvere

driven in by the enemy from Gurpore,

and prefently after, a confiderable body of
the enemy encamped on the Coodry Hilis,
about three miles diilant, and in view of
Man2:alore fort. While thefe thinjis were
paihng, Tippoo was carrying on the fiege
of Bednore, Vrith effect, againfl; a garrifon

unprovided with Ihelter or cafemats, their

provifions exhauHed, their ammunition
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 487
expended, no hope of fuccour, and flill
1783.
lefs of effeaing a retreat to the
Coaft, be-
fore fuch a numerous and well provided
armj, ah-eady in poifefTion of all the palTes
^nd the country around them.

The number of the Englidi, diminiflicd

by difeafe as well as the fvvord, now found
themfelves (on the 30th of April) obliged
to capitulate. Honourable terms v/ere
promijed them, and on the 2d of May they
marched out with the honours of war,
grounded their arms at a confiderable dif-
tance from the fort, and began to think of
preparing for to-morrow's march for Sa-
dafhagur, upon the Malabj^r Coaft, where,
the articles ftipulated, they fhould embark
for Bombay or Tellicherry. But they were
foon awakened from that agreeable reverie,
by a large body of troops who came to fur-
round them. Tippoo laid, that the army
had forfeited their claim to be fet at liberty,

by a breach of the articles of capitulation,

in embezzling and fecreting the public
money, which was all, in good faith, to,
be delivered up. And in this, there was
H h 4 but
488 MEMOIRS OF THE
1783. but too much truth: for it is faid, that
even the bamboo of the General's palan-
quin was, by his own defire, pierced and
filled with pagodas ; and even after he had
agreed and ligned the capitulation, he took
the public money, and ifliaed to the troops
two months pay, which came to a confide-
rable fum, but which was all pillag^i from
them by the enemy's fepoys. Thus, ava-
rice, the ruling pafTion of this unfortunate
man, not only reduced himfelf to ruin
and difgrace, but was the caufe of mifery
and deflruclion to many gallant Officers
and foldiers. The fufterings of thefe gen-
tlemen have been impioully confidered by
fanatical fpirits, as vifitations of Provi-
dence : while others of undoubted libe-
rality of fentiment, for who will not allow
the conduplors of the New Annual Re-
gifler to be fuch ? milled by erroneous
accounts from India, have reprefented
them as the natural, if not the judicial
confequences of their own enorm.ities.—
Fired with indignation at thefe reproach-
es, the furviving Officers of the arm^y com-
manded by Brigadier General Matthev/s,
to
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 48-9

to the number of 53 gentlemen, publifli- 1783.

ed, in concert, a fatisfactory vindication
of their conduct. But, in this apology,
they are obliged to encounter and arraign
the exaggerations, abfurdities, and lies of
certain young men of their own order
and thus they make, at once, their own de-
fence, and that of the publication of which
they complain. It is a maxim, that the
corruption of the beil things, renders
them the worfl. The prcfs is according-
ly, a powerful engine of good or evil j but
fortunately, it polTcires in itfl^lf an anti-
dote to the evils to v^iiich it may give
birth : fmce no man needs to be long
injured by calumny, where he is at liber-

ty to invefligate and difcover the truth.

The unfortunate garrifon of Bednore,

(or Hydernagur), were put in irons, and
marched like felons to the different prifons

of Seringapatam, Shittledroog, Capal-

droog, Gutty, Bangalore, and other places
and on their march, and during their

>mprifonment, they who fiirvived it, fuf- ^

fered treatment, the idea of which fills

the
490 MEMOIRS OP THK
1783. the mind with horror. Intelligence of
thefe untoward circumftances, caufed a
confiderable defertion among the fepoys,
and oi one caught going off to the enemy,
it was deemed neceli'ary to make an ex-

ample. He was, therefore, blown from

the mouth of a cannon at Mangalore, on
the 2d of May.

The enemy having aflembled in force

upon the heights of Coodry, to the num-
ber of 7jOOo, which put our foraging
parties in danger, it was thought necefia-

ry to try to dillodge them. On the 6th

of May, therefore, before dawn, all th.e

troops in garrifon, (the 4th company of

grenadier fepoys excepted) marched out to-
gether, witli the I ft battalion of fepoys ar-
rivi;d yefterday from Bombay, about 1400
men in all, came upon the enemy be-
fore they were aware, juil at the dawn,
put them immediately into confufion, kilk
ed a confiderable number of them, and
took 2 brafs and 2 iron ordnance, 3 tum^
brils, 185 bullocks, and {omo, horfes.—
They had two Ofncers wounded, and two
foldier I
 lATE WAR IN ASIA, 49I

foldiers killed, and one wounded in this lySj.

affair.

Intelligence was now brought, that a

large army was approaching, and confirm-
ed the melancholy account of the fall of
Bednore. Eveiy thing now boded an ap-
proaching ficge, and every exertion be-
came now necelTary, in order to be prepared

for fuftaining it. Rice was laid up for four

months, but v3XhtvWiXh2i /paring hand and -,

other things, (even fuch as could be got)

with the fame pariimony. On the i6th, a
fcout of about 20 horfemen appeared j
next day, a greater body reconnoitred the
heights of Coodry, the field of acrion
of the 6th inftant. Next day, part of their
army encamped there, and were augment-
ed daily till the 20th when they drove in
5

our picquets, and made themfelves mailers

de-
of part of the town, while our troops
guns,
fended the other part of it with 4
a part of the looth regiment,
&c.
and
The and 8th battalions of fepoys, fta-
I ft
diftant, and
tioned upon a hill 1200 yards
poll of confequence, were,
on
cfleemed a
the
49^ MEMOIRS OF THE
1783. the mormng of the 23d, attacked, nearly
furrounded, and hard purfued to the gates
of Mangalore. We, from that moment,
were clofely invefled.

In this purfuit we had a Captain and

Enfign killed, and two fubal terns wound-
ed, with three fepoys and about three hun-
dred black troops killed and miffing. The
whole coafi now acknowledged its former
mafter, Mangalore, with its dependencies,
Onore and the fmall fort of Carivar, oiily
excepted.

Mangalore is the chief place of flrength,

and commands the beft harbour in Cana-
ra. It is fituated in the thirteenth degree
of north latitude, at the conflux of two
rivers, which difembogue themfelves inta
the fea under the muzzles of its guns, at
which place it is about half a mile wide,
and within the bar forms a fpacious har-
bour for fhips of 500 tons. The fort is
nearly fquare, and is built of ftone. It

has three towers, wiih very thin and weak

battlements and artillery is mounted on
:

each
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 493
each of its fides, which face the four car- 1783.
dinal points. On the weft fide, next the
fea, there is an oblong addition to the fort,

on very low ground, reaching the whole

length of that fide, with four circular tur-
retsand guns The fort of Mangalore has a
pretty good ditch, except to the eaftward,
where about fixty feet of the rock was not
cut through; and round the covered way
there are eight towers, with artillery

mounted on each of them. The ditch is

not wet towards the north-eafl and fouth-

eail quarters ; and in fummer even the
weftern part of the ditch becomes very dry.
It would exceed the limits within which it

has been thought proper to confine thefe

Memoirs, to enter into a detail of the fiege

of this fortrefs. Let it fuffice, for the pre-

fent, if we ftate the force that was brought

againft it, that by which it was defended,
and fome of the principal a6tions and oc-
currences, which may ferve to convey an
idea of the refources, both of the befiegcd
5ind the afiailants. .

The
494 MEMOIRS OF THK
1 783. The force that now inveded Mangalore,
confifted m 60,000 horfe^ 30,000 difci^
phned fepoys ; 600 French ix^fantry, under
the command of Colonel CoHigny
j Monf.
Laliy's corps, compofed of Europeans and
natives a French troop of European dif-
;

mounted cavalry, under the comnjand of

Monf. Boodena, an Ofncer in the French
fervice many thoufands of irregulars, and
5

near 100 pieces of artillery. The whole of

this vailarmy amounted to 140,000 fight-
ing men. The front of their encampment
extended, from right to 1-eft, three miles :

and parties were ftationed upon and behind

the adjacent hills. They were commanded
by Tipppoo-Suitan in perfon. His bro-
tiier Kirrum-Saib, and Mahomed- Ally
Khan, one of his father's moft truiled
comimanders and confidential friends, were
alfo prefent.

The fcren^th of our s:arrifon was com-

pofedof 696 Europeans, including ninety-
one Ofiicers, and 2,850 black troops, a^
mounting in all to 3,546 fighting men,

befides pioneers and camp followers.

The
 LATE WAR IN ASIA." 495
The enemy broke ground on the north 1783.
fide of the fort, and by the 27th of May
completed eleven embrafures. A party of
our men went out to deilroy this work,
and to fpike their guns, but were repulfed.
On the 29th, the garrifon was aflonifiied
with voliies of large fcones, fome of them
weighing 150 pounds. The fcones were
aliixed to wooden plugs or ftoppers and j

thefe fitted, and by means of a fledge,

forced tightly into the calibres or chafes of

mortars. They generally fell within the
fort, being directed with great precifion.
When they met not with any refiftance,
their velocity, accelerated by the height
from which they fell, buried them in the
earth. V/here they were oppofed by any
body harder than themfclves, they were
daihed into a thoufand pieces. There was
no flielter for our troops from thefe terri •

ble annoyances. Their noife in the night

was dreadful, and their efFe6ls often hor-
rid, and always fatal. They who were
fliruck by them in the body w^ere cut off

by a fudden, and of courfe, an eafy death :

but the unfortunate fufFerers who were

crudicd
496 MEMOIRS OF THE
1783. cruPiied by them in their extremities, often

lingered in excruciating pain for feveral

days. Some amputations were performed
but there was not fo much as one inftance
of recovery. The ftones alio deilroyed

the roofs of huts and houfes, which

materials were wanting to repair : a cir-
cumftance, in the height of a monfoon,
truly deplorable. A conflant and heavy
cannonade was kept up from batteries

ereCied on the north, on the eaft, and on

the fouth. On the evening of the 4th of
June, the whole north face of the fort,

with its tov/ers, was entirely difmantled.

A few days after, a pra61icable breach was

effeded in the wall, whicli^ it was expelled,
the enemy would ftorm ; efpecially as they

had rejefted with difdain a flag of truce.

In vain did the Englilli repel with the
bayonet, repeated attacks on batteries con-
ilru£ted on commanding ground, without,
but near the fortrefs : in vain they fdenced

the batteries of the enemy, and fpiked

their brafs mortars and guns. New touch-
holes were drilled with incredible expedi-
tion. Thofe deflr.u6live machines were
opened
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 497
played anew, in triumph : mail;ed batte- 17S3.
lies v/ere opened : the approaches of the
enemy were brought fo near, that they
threw on our covered way and the
fafcines
edge of the glacis and at length, repeated
:

fammonfes of furrender being treated by

the Colonel with contem.pt a.id defiance,
they determined, on the 4th of July, to
firorm the breach which had been pra6li-
cable ever fmce the 7th of June^ A body
of their troops, armed with couteaus, two
feet long, of the fiiape of pruning hooks,
and v/ith fpears mounted on light bam-
boos, 147 feet in length, fallied from
their trenches, and rufhed into the tower
on the left of the outer eaftern gate, while
the guns that had played againft thattower,
were dire6i:ed elfewhere, but fbill kept up
their firing. Their whole line was now in
motion, preffing on to fapport the party that
had penetrated into the tower, and gained
an adjacent rampart. But, after a iliort

fi-ruggle, in which Captain Bowles of the

artillery v/as killed by a random iliot,

they v/ere forced to retreat. This at-

tempt on the part of the enemy, was re-

Vol. I. J i .
turned
49^ MEMOIRS OF THE
1783. turned on the 6th of July, by a fally of
thirty men, into a lodgement they had made
in our works, oppofite to the gate and
tower juft mentioned, and diHodged them.
This drew out the enemy from their camp,
to a general attack on our northern co-
vered way, which was refolutely and gal-
lantly affaulted, but with fuperior gallan-
try and refolutidn defended again ft frefh
troops and fuperior numbers. In this

aclion, one of the hotteft during the

fiege, we loft fome of our beft officers j

Enfign Macintyre, and the Lieutenants

Gordon, Boyce, Firev/orker, and Pvlac-

gregor. About men were

forty of our
killed, and one hundred wounded. The
enemy, by the 15th of July, had wrought
themfeives along the whole of our nor-
thern covered way, and begun to fill up
the ditch oppofite to the breach. The gates
of the fort, being much damaged, were
fnut up, and two fally ports cut, to fup-
ply their place. New batteries were raifed
by the afTailants : and in one of their af-

faults, which were now very frequent,

they fcaled the walls of a fort fituated at
the
 LATE V/ A R IN A S I A. 499
the junftion of the river with the fca, 17S3.
called, from its figure, the Oftagon, which
had hitherto remained undiiturbed, and
deilroyed an hofpitai wkh fome men. In
the mean time, our men, while they were
thus alTailed by Tippoo Sultan without the
fortrefs, v.'.ere forced to contend, widi want
of necefTarv fubliiience, and with other
inconveniencies, within. Their flock of
cattle did not at firll exceed 300, and near
a tliird part of thefe, from diilrefs of
vv^eather, and fundry neglects, died in the

great ditch. The weather being wet, and

the air clofe, the flench that arofe from
the putrid carcafes of the animals was in-
fufterable. From the 13th of June, the
Europeans were put on half allowance of
beef. The hofpital was now excefTively
crowded v/ith fick and wounded, and to-
tally unprovided Vv^ith beds, medicines,

and proper nourifliment no tea, iugar, :

fago, wine, or any thing elfe that could

alleviate diitrefs. The fick men became
averfe from going into the hoipital, wliicli

they conndered as their grave, and gave

themfelves up to defpair.
I i a I^
500 MEMOIRS OP TK E

1783. In the midfc of thefe difcouraging clr-

cumftanceSj two boats arrived from Mr.

Sibbald, Prefident at Tellicherry, with
the agreeable information that three or
. four battalions vvould certainly join the
garrifon, from Bombay, by the i oth of Au-
gufbj that 1590 Britifh and Ha?.overians,
deirined for Mangalore, had a6tv.aily left

Madrafs under Colonel Gordon, fo early

as the 2pth of May ^ and that Colonel

FuUarton, at the head of an army of 500
European foldiers, and 16,000 fcpoys^^

with 22 pieces of cannon, managed by a

good train of artillery, having reduced
feveral fmall forts, had advailced, in his
march to the coafl of Malabar, near to
Pallacatcherry ; that an army had gone
againft Arcdtt, and that hopes were enter-
tained of the redudion of Seringapatam,
and of the difmemberment of the Pvlyfo-

rean empire. The garrifon, animated by

this intelligence, gave a fen-de-jo\\ with
three cheers,from the ramparts. Tippoo
Sultan, as well as the French Refident
at ,his Court, had been informed, fome
clays before this, of the general pacifica-
tion
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 50I

tion in Europe, in which Tippoo was in- 1783.

eluded as an ally of France, though they
had concealed it from our men, in the
hopes that, from the extremities to which
they were reduced, they would be induced
to capitulate. But tht feu-de-joy having
led them rightly to conclude, that the
Engliili too, had received intelligence of
the peace, the French troops refuf.'d to
eo-operate any longer with Tippoo in re-
ducing Mangalore. A letter was received^

under a flag of truce, by Colonel Camp-

bell, from Monf. Piveron de Morlay, En-.
voy Durbar of Myfore, frorh France,
at the

with very particular news from the coaft

of Coromandel, where there was now a
cefTation of arms, refpefling a peace in
Europe. Thefe he wifhed to communi-r
cate to Colonel Campbell in perfon, with-
out being blirndfolded, as is cuftomary
during hoftilities, when he fhould come
within the Enghfli works. Monf. de Pi-
veron, v/ith his retinue, was very politely
received by the Commander of Mangalore^
with whom he had a long conference. But,
in the mean time, even while a flag of
I i truce
3
502 MEMOIRS OF THE
1783. truce was flying, Tippoo perfevered in car-
rying on war again ft the- fort above men^
tioned, which commands the entrance of
the river, and which being without a
ditch, and incapable of a long defence,
furrendered on terms, after a practicable
breach was made in its walls."^ During the
progrefs of hoftilities, but efpecially after
it was underftood that there was fome pro-
fpect of peace, there are not ;i few in-
fiances of the enemy's centinels, when
they perceived our people off their guard,
beckoning to them to get under cover,
left they fnould be obliged to fire at. them.
Our men were not behind them in this
aft of humanity; but, it is only juftice
to fay, that they fet the example. The
French Envoy came a fecond time into the
fort, on the 22d of July, and in order to fa-

vour a negotiation for peace, a fufpenfion

of hoftilities was agreed on for two days.
In this interval, and even while fome of
Tippoo's principal people were in the fort,

a mine was fprung under the outer eaftern

gate, vv-hich almoft fmothered the v/hole

of the guard with rublrhli, but wounded

feveral

I
 LATE WAR IN ASIA." 503
feverai foldiers and fepoys, and burled i;^
J'
others in theruins. Of this difafter, which
was reprefented as flowing accidentally
from the afhes of a tobacco-pipe thrown
carelefsly on the line of powder laid before
the fiifpenfion, Tippoo-Sultan declared his
entire ignorance, and offered to deliver
up
the perfon fuppofed to be in fault, to be
punillied at the Englifh Commander's dif-
cretion : a facriiice which Colonel Camp-
bell did not require. The EngUfli Engi-
neer loft not a moment to fill up the open-
ing that was made in the wall. Durin"-
this fliort fufpenfion of hoftilities, the ene-
my erefted, towards the fouth-eaft quarter
of the fort, a battery of lo guns : upon
which our men, exafperated at this appear-
ance of treachery, brought all the guns
they could, to bear with uncommon fury.
After frequent, thoqg;h fhort fufpenfions
of and a great deal of corre^
hoftilities,

ipondence between the French Envoy, the

Sultan, and our Commandant, a ceffation
of hoftilities was ratified on the 2d of
Augufl, which the garrifons of Onore
in-

and Carwar were included. The enemy

allowed, at this juncture, that by difeafc
and the fword, they had loll 7,oqo men,
I i
4 our
504 M E 1.1 O I R S OF THE
j-jS^' Our lofs was alfo great. The troops were
worn down with conltant fighting m the
day, and hard duty at night. Their
fhort intervals of repofs were interrupted
by the noife of thofe tremendous ftones
that were thrown from mortars, \vhich
imprefled their minds, even amidft their
{lumbers, with dread and horror. Nor
did there ever pafs a day, in which fcveral

of our men were not cut off by a large and

heavy kind of muilcet, called a jingall. It

is very long in the barrel, larger than a

common mufket in the bore, and it is

fiedged on a reft, for the purpcfc of taking

a fteady and fure aim. At different inter-

vals, very thick planks were pofted, muf-

ket proof, and pierced with feveral eyelet-
holes, through which the enemy fh ot at

every one of our people they could fet tlicir

^yes on. But a truce having now

taken place, the garrifon enjoyed a degree
of liberty, and walked out occafionally,
and converfed with the French Officers un-
der Colonel Coffigny. This gentleman,
who had refufed to co-operate with Tip-
poo, from the moment he knew of tlic

peace in Europe, now demanded a pafs-

port for his detachment to M^hee, with
pro-
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 505

provlfions, draught cattle, and boats for '7^3;

croiTmg certain unfordable rivers, all

which tlie Myforean, provoked at his for-

bearance to a6l any longer againO: the
Engliili, haughtily refufed. But Colhgny,
having privately received hatchets and
cordage for making rafts, from Colonel
Campbell, fuddenly marched off one mor-
ning before dawn. Tippoo fent 600
horfemen after him, not to requefl, but to

command \\\m. to return. Coffigny foTme4

his men, in order to receive them, and bid
them come on at their peril : on which, after
a fhort parley, they returned to their camp.

Though it is education and example

chiefly that form the chara6i:ers of nations
and men, yet among the human race there
are ftrong marks of difi:in6lion, originally

impreffed on the frame of the body and

mind by the hand of Nature. In the
very bofom of luxury, and before the very
throne of barbarian bigotry, a family has
arifen in our times, who, uniting the great-r
eft valour with the moft profound faga-
city, and the loftieft ambition, have la-
boured with fuccefs to learn the European
arts, that they might thereby be enabled
t©
 506 MEMOIRS OF THE
J 7^3* to oppofe and overturn European, and
particularly the Englifh dominion in Alia.
Nor were the hoftile intentions of Hyder-
Ally-Khan confined to that quarter of the
world: he formed the magniiicent plan of
raifuig by degrees fuch a fleet as might
difpute with England the fovereignty of
the fea, and even retort, it is faid, the in-

vafions that had harrafied India, en the

Iiland of Great Britain. He pofiefTcd

ail the materials for fhin-buildina; in fu-

perior abundance, and fome of thefe of
fuperior excellence to any to be found in
Europe.* He allured artificers into his
fervice from foreign countries, and trained
up workmen in his own. For fevcral
years he had been employed in building,
and in theyear 1781, had nearly finifhed fix
fliips of the line of battle, fome of which were

a-float, together with feveral frigartes and

floops of war. All thefe were exceedingly
ftrong and thick in the planks, being in-
tended to encounter the European feas,

the water of which, he had heard, was

vtvy firoTig 2indi thick : a confufed idea of
ice. The fliips of Hyder were deilroyed
in
* There is a f])£cles of wood in India, called tcak-»
wood, which is almoft impenetrable by cannon-fhot.
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 507

in 1782 and the beginning of 1783, "by 1783.

our fleet ; nor did he Hve to repair their
lofs. But his fon Tippoo, the. heir of his
dominions, his genius, and his vail de-
figns, neglected not any means, or the
purfuit of any accomphfhment or art,- by
which thefe m-ight be carried into execu-
tion. He was infbrufted in the Perfian
and French languages, and he knew
alfo

a httle of the Enghfli, in which the word

of command was given to his foldiers.
He learned the Elements of Mathematics,
and vv^as familiarly converfant with the
principles of gunnery, and military archi-
tecture and taClicks. With the baggage
of the Officers that fell into his hands on
the 23d of May, there was found, Sim.e's
Military Guide, a book belonging to En-
fign Spottifvvood. This book was carried
to Tippoo by feme of his people, who,
according to their fuperflitious notions,
fuppofed that the draughts which itf con-
tained, related in fome myilericus man-
ner to arts of incantation. The Sultan,

who inftantly difcovered its nature, began

to fhew great civility io Mr. Spottifwood,

by fending cloth to him and other pre-
fents. At lafl a.perfon from the Sultan
re-
5oS M E M O I ]l S OF THE
1783. requeiled him to trandate the Treatife in-
to the Moor's language, which he fpoke
fiuently. But Mr.' Spottifwood politely
excufed himfelf, faying, that he could not
anfvver for tranllating a military book,
without order's from his Commander.——
They v/ho take delight in tracing refcm-
blances between antient and modern cha-
rafters, will be able to find many pomts

pf comparifon between Tippoo and Hanni-

bal : both at once fubtle and brave j fcu-
cious of the knowledge of their times ,

trained up by their fathers in hoftility to

the firfl power of the age; exciting the

vengeance of all nations againil that
power ; and in this career, taking a wider
range than that which ufually bounded
their views : Hannibal extending his in-

trigues to the nations on the F^ed Sea ;

Tippoo Saib to ConPcantinople, and other

feats of power on the Mediterranean.

No fooner was the caufe of Tippoo

Sultan abandoned by the French, than he
fought to connecl himfelf v/ith all other
powers whom he confidered as the natural

enemies of England, and endeavoured to

convert the Mahomedan religion into a
band
 LATE WAR IN ASIA. 50^

band of union among diiTerent nations, 1783.

for the purpofe of expelling the Europe-
ans from Kindoftan. He broke through
almoft every article of the cefTation of
arms. It v/as an article in the Armiftice>

that the Nabob Ihould /urnifli for the gar-

rifon, three times a week,\a buzar ilored
with all forts of provifions, at the rate of
his own markets. •
A buzar was accord-
ingly fiirnilhed j but every article was fo
exhorbitantly dear, that there was fcarce-^

ly any thing which the men could pur-

chafe. The prices were daily raifed, till

a fowl fold from nine to twelve rupees, a

feer of rice for four, a feer of fait for
three, and a frog for fixpence. Seven
boatst laden v/ith provifions from Bom*
bay, were feized oy Tippoo, and the arti- -

cles they contained were fold by his peo-

ple in the buzar, at the dreadful rate juft
Hated. This plan of the Sultan's, for re-
ducing the fort of Mangalore by famine,
v/as carried to the utmoil height v/ithin his
power, by a total ftoppage of the buzar.
Ilorfes flePn v/as now delicious food. Frogs,
fnakcs, ravenous birds, kites, rats, and
mice were fought after, and eaten with
.

voracity. For the lall tv/o months of the

510 MEMOIRS OF THE
1783. f.ege, from fevcnto fifteen men died every
day for want of the neceflaries of life. A
deep melancholy, arifing from wcaknefs of
body, and ncurifhea by every furrounding
obje«5lj renderecT the men v/ho furvived
their ffllow-foldiers indifferent how they
interred them, fo that they often became
the food of the jackali and the pariar
dog. The famifned foidier lay in v/ait
v/ith his mufket and a fioUen cartridge, to
kill thofe horrid animials in the acl of
tearing up the dead : and when he fuc-
ceeded, the animal was carried in with
triumph. came on fhore
G. Macleod, Vv'ho

by permifTion from the Nabob, on the 28th

of Auguil, v/itnelTed this fcene of forrow,
-and remonfl:rated with the Sultan in vain.
A reinforcem.ent of 30'© Hanoverians ap-
peared off ?v'Iangaiore in two fhips of war,
v^ith other fnips in company: but, as the
troops could not land according to the terms
of the Armiflice, they were ordered to fail

toTellicherry. Gen. Macleod alfo appeared

on the 28th of Nov. with 10 fnips and 1

fmaller veiTels, having on board the iong-

promifed relief for the garrifon, with ijoco
Europeans, 3,000 fepoys, and 3 50 marines,
feamen,and artiileiy-men. The General*
had made figr.als to the garrifon, and v/as

ad-
 LAT£ WAR IN ASIA. 5II

advifed by a Council of "/ar, held on board 1/83.

his fliip, to land h'^ f iccours, when, in
confcquence of a negotiation he carried.on
with Tippoo, by means of his Secretary,
whom he fent on fhore for that purpofe, \
he fet fail with the reinforcement on the
31ft of December, having flipulated with
the Sultan that provifions flioiikl be ad-
mitted into the garrifon for 18 days. This,
iupply, drawn from damaged fbores, pur-
chafed from a navy-agent, was of fo bad
a quality, that not one in twenty pieces of
the beef and pork could be eaten by our
men, and that it was rejecued by the
very dogs. Our Oincers now feared
a general defertion of the fepoys j and
a mutiny among the Europeans, par-
ticularly the42d regiment, one of whom,
on the parade, " Swore by G-d, that they
fliould not further fubmit to fuch treat-
ment." When Macleod failed, the gar-
rilon fignified, that they were unable to
hold out any longer. The General an-
fwered by fignals, that they foon fliould
be fuccourcd. He now made fail to the

fouthward, and took and pillaged Cana-

pore, which made a refolute defence, the

Ranah or Queen of which had fent two

Engiilh
512 MEMOIRS OF- T H E'

17B3. EngliHiOfHcers, wiLh3ofepoys call on her

coafc by a ilorm, to ^ippoo Sultan. The
hyperbohcal flyle in v/hich he gave an ac-
count of this exploit, became a fubjecl of
laughter to the army. Colonel Fullnrton,
at the head of an army of 14,000 men, a
great proportion of whoni were Europeans,
with a fuitable train of artillery, had by
this time reduced fcveral fmall forts, and
on the 14th of November, that of Palla-

catcheiry .
•
The Colonel was about to march
onv/ard, either tov/ards Mangalore or Se-
ringapatam.,when Conimifiioners of Peace,
fent to Tippoo from Pv^adrafs, ordered him
not to proceed any farther. The haughty
, Myforean declined to fee them, on various
pretences, from "day to day, drew them
after him from one place to another, and

at iail, feated on a throne, Turrounded by

the Amballadors of the Princes of India,
he gave audience to our CommilTioners, de-
firing all prefent to bear witnefs that he

granted peace to the intreaties of the Eng-

lilli.The fortrefs of Mangalore was eva-
cuated. The Sultan agreed to the propofals
of the garrifon, who marched with arms,
accoutrements, andthetionoursof war, to
Tcliicherry. . / «: 4 i.^ a -^

"
END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
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