Mula Tore Patungong Palengke:

The Pedagogical Role of English in

the Reproduction of Labor

Nag-ulat:

Maniquiz Jordan

Salmorin Ray Virgil

Salonga Bernie

Aquino Tonijean

Arrogante Jessa Mae

Lamsen, Alyssa

BS Psychology 1-3
The Pedagogical Role of English in the Reproduction of Labor

Gonzalo Campoamor II
A Japanese newspaper article in late 2006 refers to the Philippines as the Eigo no Kuni or the “English
Country.” (Asahi Shimbun 2006: 14) For a nation where junior high school students get about the same
English lessons as Filipino second-graders, countries like the Philippines will indeed be considered an
English one. Whether this bit of information pleases the reader or not is a matter of her/his idea of
language and the role it plays in the political arena. As excessively argued by most language nationalists,
Japan became one of the wealthiest nations in the world without the aid of English. On the other hand,
there are those who believe that in a globalizing world, learning the “international language” at a
national level may pave the way to poverty alleviation.

A is for Apple

Early on, the language of the then young imperial nation was set to acquire the ideological marker for
dominance and prestige, in a manner somewhat reminiscent of the mission civilisatrice. Soon after
taking Manila in May 1898, the American military initiated an educational program designed to “fit the
people for the duties of citizenship and for the ordinary avocations of a civilized community” (Butler
1934: 260) and that would set “lower peoples on the road to rapid progress.” (Bresnahan 1979: 64)
Three years later, the first School Act provided for free, public and secular education with English as the
sole medium of instruction. (Smith 1945: 140) American civilians, later to be known as Thomasites,
would replace soldiers who were taking on the role of educators. Teaching the language was next to
disastrous as basic pedagogical principles were admittedly violated (Marquardt 1945: 135). Page one of
the main text used, the Baldwin’s Primer, focuses on an apple, a fruit that most Filipino children had
never tasted, much less seen. The problem was allegedly resolved just before the Pacific War broke out.
The banana took the place of the apple, so to speak, when most English textbooks were written by
Filipinos and hence made more culturally appropriate for learning (Marquardt 1945: 135). English was
chosen to be the language to unite the islands that were divided by more than a hundred mutually
incomprehensible languages. (All relevant branches of the American administration shared this view
including the Secretary of Public Instruction, headed by Bernard Moses, and the Philippine Commission.)
This monolingual unifying principle legitimized at the beginning of the American occupation would
almost always be at the helm of various congressional debates on the national language, from the
Quezon-Vinzons in the Commonwealth era to the GullasProgressive Party-lists debate in the second half
of 2004. More significant though was how the masses, through ideological agencies, came to believe
that certain languages could pave the way to upward social mobility. The 1901-1903 report of the
Philippine Commission realized the frustrations brought about by the educational system which led the
Filipino child to think that there was a clerkship open for him as soon as the school has given him a little
knowledge. In addition, the Civil Service Board in 1901 remarked that those who had no knowledge of
English would be of little service (Gonzales 1980: 28). Civil service examinations were conducted either
in English or in Spanish. But those who took the exam in Spanish dwindled from 80% in 1905 to less than
0.002% in 1935, practically completing the Anglicization of the civil service (Gonzales 1980: 29). This
Anglicization also had implications on the social relations of the time, strengthening the position of the
English-speaking middle class in comparison with the older Spanish-speaking elite (Asuncion-Landé
1971: 682). Aside from being the medium of instruction and facilitating civil service employment, English
also served as the official language of court and the legal system. Having opened the path toward
achieving the Philippine Commonwealth and Independence Law, the first Philippine Assembly on
November 1936 provided for a population census to give a rough measure of the influence of almost
forty years of “American tutelage.” According to the census eventually taken in 1939, 27 percent of the
16 million total population could speak English (“The Philippines” 1942: 8). The report suggested that
English even surpassed the most prevalent native language, Tagalog, which rated 25 percent. This
relatively quick language spread— considering its less than two generations of existence in the
archipelago— could be attributed to a highly effective instructional mechanism coupled with a highly
motivating income-generating factor. The nationalist clamor during the Commonwealth era contributed
greatly to the strengthening of vernacular languages particularly Tagalog, owing much to the Tayabas-
born President Quezon. The 1935 Constitution provided that Congress take steps toward the
development and adoption of a common national language based on one of the existing vernacular
languages. The Institute of National Language (INL) was created and the body agreed that Tagalog best
suited the need. When independence was proclaimed in 1946, Tagalog (changed to Pilipino in 1955)
came alongside English and Spanish as official languages. The 1935 provision would be considered,
therefore, as the first state-led linguistic nationalist effort that most historians attribute to either the
weakening of English or the strengthening of the various vernaculars particularly Tagalog. What most
language historians fail to look at was that the 1939 census, while highlighting the prevalence of
particular languages, also showed that English failed as the language of the people. The census accounts
that although 27 percent of the population spoke English, the proportion was 4.0 for those under 10 and
over 54 years of age, and 0.4 for those under five, suggesting the declining future of the language. In
addition, findings of the INL a number of years later indicated that 55 percent of the pupils starting at
grade one left school by grade four which meant the dropping or neglect of English (Asuncion-Landé
1971: 683). Economic factors and ineffective educational policies were the main reasons for the high
number of school drop-outs which further aggravated the crisis in linguistic and social relations.

Resistances to English

Resistances to the propagation of English as the sole or dominant medium of instruction can roughly be
classified into two main trends. The first is related to the language’s pedagogical limitations as a second
language. One of the earliest studies to have assessed the medium of instruction’s pedagogical
significance was made by the Monroe Commission in 1925. The Monroe Survey found that Filipino
children’s learning ability through English lagged behind most of their American counterparts by as
much astwo and a half years. In 1960, the United States Operations Mission in the Philippines conducted
a similar survey of public schools. The Swanson survey, cross-referencing the Monroe Survey, found that
the figures for 1960 pupils were even a year behind those reckoned for 1925 (AsuncionLandé 1971: 686-
687). Whether these 1960 findings can be directly attributed to the language policy, demands further
research considering that the policy was partly Filipinized three years prior to the survey. The
Department of Education in 1957 issued a directive that the vernacular language (depending on the
region) be used as medium of instruction in grades I and II with English (and Tagalog for the non-Tagalog
regions) taught as separate subjects. English would become the medium of instruction in all schools
throughout the country beginning in grade III. Followers of the first trend more or less utilized the
abovementioned surveys to support a stand that was pro-vernacular. This position, which stressed the
importance of using the students’ mother tongue in the classroom, a by-product of the Community
School concept in the late 30s (Anderson 1958), was nationalized at the end of the 50s by the Bureau of
Public Schools. The same bureau conducted a literacy survey which revealed that instruction in the
vernacular facilitated learning. This survey remains the prototype of similar ones conducted in the
following decades. Others echo UNESCO’s proclamation in 1999 encouraging education in the mother
tongue. The second trend which appears to be more clearly enunciated is the reactionary-backed
linguistic nationalist inclinations manifested first in 1935 and then by the Constitutions of 1973 and
1987. These constitutions took on a gradual and escalating linguistic stance which culminated in the
realization of the Filipino national language in 1987 as clearly stated in the Constitution‘s Article XIV
Section 6.

Renewed Efforts for English

By the time a national language was in place, the structural mechanism of the latest new world order of
neoliberalism was already in practice in the US and the UK. Neoliberalism’s entry into the Philippines
was to go unhampered especially since the EDSA “revolution” in 1986 did not necessarily bring about
internal changes in the local power structure. In the meantime, the national language that was finally
distinctly established would go almost untouched for several years as most schools and universities
instituted language policies that took after the constitution. The media sawtransformations thought
impossible before 1986 and almost unimaginable in the first half of the 20th century. Primetime
newscasters finally spoke the language only heard before in AM radio broadcasts. Japanese animation
and Mexican telenovelas were translated into what the showbiz industry interpreted as Filipino. Big
television networks established educational programs utilizing the national language and disregarding
what Joshua Fishman had called the econotechnical medium. Public and private schools and universities
had differing opinions on the Patakaran (Policy) and Palisi of language. Skeptics unwittingly drawing on
the traditions of the Académie Française interpreted the variety as confusion in the yet to be
standardized national language. This was further compounded by angry groups that blamed the national
language policy for the younger generation’s crude English. Several surveys on the English proficiency of
the Filipino youth that have since been done showed public concern on the country’s language policy.
But when these same youth, who were products of a restructured language policy graduated and
started to look for work, efforts to bring back an English-only policy re-emerged and enjoyed strong
state support. In January 2006, a newspaper article reported that fewer than three percent of the new
college graduates were hired in call centers and other business process outsourcing (BPO) companies
every year (Manila Standard 6 January 2006). The article indicated that this was due to their failure to
pass qualifying exams where English proficiency was vital. The John F. Kennedy Center Foundation-
Philippines CEO attributes this to the applicants’ failure to understand the requirements of global job
interviews and their lack of conversational fluency, intonation and accent. Pres. Arroyo, who like her
predecessors has been very responsive to neoliberal imperatives, boasts of her administration’s
economic reforms ever since taking office in 2001. Phase one included the passing of the much criticized
Value-Added Tax Bill. Phase two includes the promotion of the country as the “global center for
outsourcing” (Arroyo 2005). The state has also launched the Philippine CyberServices Corridor, an
Information and Communications Technology (ICT) belt stretching 600 miles from Baguio to Zamboanga
(SONA 2005), which fundamentally puts the country further in the global restructuring of inter- and
intra-national economic relations, with the power concentrated on global finance and local financial and
political chieftains. Not to mention the foreign exchange earnings, the CyberServices Corridor practically
serves as the administration’s superficial answer to two of its most serious administrative problems.
First, it offers temporary breathing space from the demands made by imperialist countries regulated by
the formalized global system of World Trade Organization (WTO). Second, thousands of jobs are
opened, which eases the ever growing rate of unemployment despite the “new” definition propagated
by the state in 2005. The “new” definition excludes those that are not “actively seeking work” (Olivares
2006). Export Processing Zones (EPZs) and the BPOs, where the call center is considered as the biggest
industry, are two of the vital components of this so-called CyberServices Corridor. While the EPZs
demanded low-value added (manual) labor, the BPOs, particularly the call center industry, demanded
services never before as extensively sought for. In a manner reminiscent of the attractions of civil
service in the first half of the 20th century, language became a crucial job requisite for the
petitbourgeoisie and an ideological stimulant to social mobility. In August 2006, Arroyo issued the
Executive Order (EO) 210, which established the policy of strengthening the use of the English language
as medium of instruction. In what many perceived as a violation of the constitution, the order provided
that English be used extensively in classrooms. It ordered the use of English as medium of instruction for
classes in English, Mathematics, and Science and Health starting Grade III. It also provided for the use of
the language as the primary medium of instruction in all public and private schools in the secondary
level including laboratory, experimental, and vocational/technical schools. The order demanded “not
less than 70%” of English use in the total time allotment for all learning areas in all high school levels,
while the national language would only be allowed in the Filipino, Araling Panlipunan (Social Studies)
and Edukasyon sa Pagpapahalaga (Values Education) subjects. Setting aside for a while the actual
capacity of schools, particularly public ones, to implement it, the fact remains that the order does not
have the absolute rule of law on its side. Realistically, schools may or may not follow it, at least for the
time being or until the Senate approves a bill of similar nature that was passed by Congress in
September 2006.

Old Disputes, New Objectives

Two years before EO 210 was released, debates similar to but less intensethan those held during the
Commonwealth era took place in Congress. House Bills which were pro-English and pro-Filipino were
simultaneously filed. Representatives from Lanao del Norte, Cebu, and Camarines Sur—

areas identified with Cebuano and Bicolano languages—filed four bills allpushing for English as the
medium of instruction in all schools (House Bills 676, 2846, 2894, and 3203). Progressive Party-list
representatives, on the other hand filed a bill to strengthen Filipino as the medium of instruction (House
Bill 1563). The bills ended up being shelved until public clamor ignited by pressures from business and
media sectors resuscitated particularly, those that supported English as the medium of instruction. The
2004 house bills eventually became known as the Gullas Bill (HB 4701). In what many interpreted as a
fast-tracked process, the bill was approved, 132-7, in September 2006. It may be recalled that during the
eve of the Commonwealth, a faction led by Wenceslao Vinzons of Camarines Norte argued for the
possibility of a national language made up of a composite of the many languages of the Philippines. On
the other side was the Quezon faction which argued for the selection of just one of the languages. On 30
November 1937, Quezon proclaimed Tagalog as the basis for the national language. The Quezon-Vinzons
debate would be carried on to the 1971 Constitutional Convention which approved what was later to be
recognized—and realized in the 1987 constitution—as the multi-based language school of thought often
associated with Vinzons. Congressional rhetoric aside, English never became a popular option, until
recently with the Arroyo Administration’s EO 210 and HB 4701. The evident pro-English language policy
of the Arroyo administration is perhaps the first to give in to the linguistic demands of the latest,
totalizing global configuration of neoliberalism.
What Your Problem Is?

“What your problem is?” is a line from a stand-up comedy act of American Daniel Nainan whose spiels
are mostly associated with his Indian and Japanese descent. In one particular bit he said, “Everyone in
India has to learn English.Indians tend to reverse the subject and the verb. So they ask you questions like
‘What you are doing?’” Alluding to the call center industry, Nainan adds, “Have you ever called technical
support in America Online? They have this team of Indians that are trained to pretend they’re from
America. ‘Thank you for calling technical support. My name is Brad Pitt. What your problem IS?’” Along
with India, the Philippines ranks highest among countries that offer trade services for the call center
industry, owing much to the population’s competitiveness in English language skills A call center is a
centralized office used for the purpose of receiving and transmitting a large volume of requests done by
telephone classified into inbound and outbound calls. Inbound call services cover inquiries, technical
help, transcription, complaints, customer service, support, sales, marketing, and billing. Outbound
services include telemarketing, advisories, sales verification, credit and collection, and others. In terms
of the number of manpower involved, it is the biggest industry within the BPO which also includes the
industries of medical transcription, software and application development, development of finance,
logistics and accounting, andanimation. In the 1980s, outsourcing referred to the expansion of firms by
purchasing parts of their products from outside the firm rather than making them inside. Since 2004
however, the term has come to refer to a specific segment of a growing international trade in services.
The WTO, under its General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS), categorizes trade in services into
four Modes. The current use of the term “outsourcing,” where the supplier and buyer remain in their
respective locations, fits into what GATS classifies as Mode 1 (Bhagwati, Panagariya and Srinivasan 2004:
95). WTO’s definition however is not clear on the participation of Direct Foreign Investment (DFI) or
Transnational Corporations (TNCs). Technological improvements and the deregulation of the
telecommunications industry in the mid-1990s opened-up the country to the call center industry
(Danlog 2005). Since the country’s economy is patterned after an Export-Oriented model financed
primarily by foreign investment, industries—including that of trade services—become highly reliant on
DFIs and TNCs. Most call centers in the country are either partly- or fully-owned by foreign private
investors. One thing clear though is that WTO’s mediation into formalizing the definition conforms to
the business logic of maximizing profit through the acquisition of cheap labor through the “long-
distance” purchase of services abroad. Of the BPOs in the country, the call center industry employs the
most Filipinos and procures the most money. It has been in the country before the turn of the
millennium but growth rates were most felt around 2005 when estimated employment reached more
than a hundred thousand with revenue of around $1.79 billion (BPAP Website). Employment is expected
to triple to 331,000 and revenue to $5.3 billion by 2010 which makes it one of the state’s highest
priorities. The country’s chief executive not only boasts of the CyberServices Corridor but also acts as
personal guide to foreign investment VIPs.Extensive developments of the call center industry in urban
areas have created a subculture of sorts. Several areas in Metro Manila, where call centers are of the
highest density, have been transformed to conform to the new lifestyle of call center employees. New-
graduates who get around P13,000 starting pay have been described as enjoying a yuppie-lifestyle.
People living in the area noticed remarkable transformations in landscape when places like Quezon
City’s Eastwood Cyber City and Araneta Center, Manila’s Malate District and Makati’s Rockwell were
invaded by nocturnal employees. Araneta Center’s must be the most distinguishable as it hardly ever
underwent serious renovation since its “Thrilla in Manila” claim to fame in 1976. Jorge Araneta
describes call center employees as “[people who] mostly live at home with their parents, and what they
earn is their own dispensable income [which is why] they are a big part of our market” (Hookway 2004).
Market-led Mainstreaming of Education
The call center industry’s highly communicative nature, reliance on the ICT and the state’s emphasis on
its significance to national employment, links it with the country’s policy on language and education.
“Services globalization” consulting firms emphasize the role of the government in developing
outsourcing competitiveness in the country. Some of their recommendations—like improvement of the
environment for foreign investments and upgrading of internal technological capabilities—have already
been set up since the mid-90s while the various leaders, from Marcos to Arroyo, have been responsive
to neoliberal imperatives. The state however appears to fall short on one of the demands: “Enhance
availability and quality of resources” (neoIt 2005: 16). This is concerned with the improvement of human
capital’s relevance to industry through educational sector curricula and other reforms. In addition to EO
210 and HB 4701, the government which considers the call center industry as the “new economic
driver” allotted P500 million in May 2006 for what Arroyo dubbed as “call center finishing schools”
under a program called “Training for Work Scholarships” (The Sunday Times 18 June 2006). This move is
clearly a response to revelations made by the Technical Education Skills Development Authority (TESDA)
and several call-centers and call-center-training agencies that only five out of a hundred applicants
qualify and only two or three of the five getemployed. The finishing school therefore is expected to take
care of the remaining “near hires.” The policy measures taken thus far only make it clear that the
government has been trying to mainstream the education system to suit students to the requirements
of global finance. Some universities have even established courses designed for the job. The University
of the East in Manila, for example, offers the subject “Advanced Communication for International
Business” or Communications 400 where marketing, finance, public speaking, English proficiency and
American geography are tackled (Danlog 2005). It is highly probable that the University of the
Philippines with its Revitalized General Education Program (RGEP) will soon follow. Higher education in
the country not only experienced in the past decade a heightened mode of privatization and
deregulation, but also of marketization of facilities and curricula. Teachers and their traditional
protections at the same time were targeted in compliance with a 1999 World Bank Report on higher
education (Johnstone 1998). In the meantime, students are left with a tertiary education not enough to
benefit the country. The call center industry, the BPO and the learning agencies developed to support it
encourage only semi-skilled labor. A foreign-investment-reliant industry also opens up the labor force to
a number of vulnerabilities. Similar to harassments suffered by workers employed in its sister industry,
the EPZs, the BPOs are subjected to antilabor practices in an effort to attract as many private investors
as possible. In doing so, developed countries continue to exploit the nation’s cheap labor that would
eventually lead to lower wages. Especially since the market will soon be saturated, as analysts reveal will
happen due to stiff competition from other countries (Danlog 2005). Most call center employees already
suffer lack of job security as well as being denied the right to unionize. Others suffer from health costs
particularly those working under the neoliberal mode of flexible labor which includes maximization of
graveyard shifts.

Conclusion: The Perks of English

Clearly, English proficiency in the country has faded. But solving it by focusing on strengthening English
as the medium of instruction may most likely miss the broader failure in the education system.
Bureaucrat-capitalists worry about the possibility that the large English-speaking population of countries
like India or China may in the future attract more foreign investors if Philippine education does not
improve its English programs. But studies suggest that the sharp growth in Philippine outsourcing
industries can be explained by the stagnant skill levels of the Filipino population, while countries like
India and China are set to attain 300 million high-skilled workers in the near future (Bhagwati,
Panagariya and Srinivasan 2004). While language has become an instrument for social mobility
especially for the petty bourgeoisie, it has also gotten mired in various political and ideological issues.
Symptomatic of the blatant neglect to industrialize the country by suiting its economy to the needs of
developed nations, political and economic chieftains have found it more rewarding to foster a market-
specific kind of English rather than propagate a national language that has already been a product of
decades of struggle. Maybe that is why they call us the English Country.

References

“The Philippines.” 1942. Population Index, 8 (1): 3-9 Anderson, Stuart A. 1958. “The Community School
in the Philippines.” The Elementary School Journal 58 (6): 337-343. Arroyo, Gloria Macapagal. 2005.
“Speech during the First International Conference and Exhibition on Business and Information and
Communication Technology.” Waterfront Cebu City Hotel Lahug, Cebu, 22 June. ___________________.
2005. “State of the Nation Address (SONA) Executive Summary 2005.” Asuncion-Lande, Nobleza. 1971.
“Multilingualism, Politics, and ‘Filipinism’.” Asian Survey 11(7): 677-692. Bhagwati, Jagdish, Arvind
Panagariya and T.N. Srinivasan. 2004. “The Muddles Over Outsourcing.” The Journal of Economic
Perspectives 18 (4): 93-114. Bresnahan, Mary. 1979. “English in the Philippines.” The Journal of
Communication 29 (2): 64-71. Butler, John H. 1934. “New Education in the Philippines.” The Journal of
Negro Education 3 (2): 257-268. Danlog, Ava. 2005. “Call Centers: Boon or Bane for New Graduates.”
Bulatlat 5(8). Retrieved at <http://www.bulatlat.com/news/5-8/5-8-callcenters.html>. Gonzalez, Andrew
B.1980. Language and Nationalism: The Philippine Experience Thus Far. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila
University Press. Hookway, James. 2004. “The Services Spin-off.” Far Eastern Economic Review 167 (40):
48-49.
Talakayan

Gonzalo Campoamor II

Eigo No Kuni - Ang Pilipinas ay isang English Country (Asabi Shimbum, 2006:14)

Globalisasyon- Ingles ang sagot sa labis na kahirapan

A is for Apple
Manila, May 1898
1. "fit the people for the duties and citizenship and for the ordinary advocations of a civilized
community" (Butler 1934)
"lower peoples on the road to rapid progress" (Bresnahan 1979)

2. Free Education to public and secular education with English as a sole medium of instruction (Smith
1945)
Thomasites-Amerikanong sibilyan na pumalit sa mga sundalo na noon ay nagtuturo.

Quezon- Vinzons in Commonwealth Era at Gullas Progressive Party-list noong 2004

Philippine Commission 1901- 1903 report, hindi natuto ang mga bata.

Bukod sa ginawang wikang panturo ang Ingles ay naging opisyal din sa Civil Service Employment sa Korte
at Legal Systems.

27% may kakayahang magsalita ng Ingles sa halos 16 na milyong populasyon habang 25% naman ang
Tagalog (1939)
November 1946 -Forty years of America

President Quezon gumawa ng hakbang at nagkaroon ng Institute of National Language (INL) na sumang
ayon na Tagalog dapat.
1946 Tagalog (Pilipino 1955) ay nabilang na sa opisyal na wika kasabayan ng Ingles at Spanish

55% drop out rate mula Baitang 1 hanggang Baitang 4, Asuncion- Landé 1971

RESISTANCES IN ENGLISH

Ito ay mauuri sa dalawang trend

Ang unang trend ay ang limitasyon ng pedagogical o sining ng pagtuturo ng wikang ingles bilang
pangalawang wika.

MONROE SURVEY 1925

SWANSON 1960

Ang pangalawang trend ay ang Konstitusyon ng 1973 at 1978.

Renewed Efforts of English

Edsa Revolution

Bago 1986 at unang kalahati ng 20 siglo

Ecotechnical Medium

Patakaran at Palisi ng lenggwahe

January 6, 2006

Pres. Gloria Macapagal Arroyo

Value Added Tax Bill
Global Center for outsourcing
Philippine CyberServices Corridor
Executive Order 210

Old Disputes and New Objectives

• Before Executive Order 210 debates was less intense than those during the Comonwealth era.

• House Bills which were pro-english and pro-filipino were simultaneously filed.

Pro- english

(House Bills 676, 2846, 2894 and 3203)

representatives from: Lanao Del Norte,Cebu, Camarines Sur

 Gullas Bill (HB 4701)

- 2004 house bills

- Approved 132 – 7 in September 2006

- WENCESLAO VINZONS VS QUEZON

- November 30 1937

- Proclamation of Tagalog as the basis for the National Languange by the QUEZON faction

Arroyo Administration Executive Order 210 at House Bill 4701

What your problem is?

 Daniel Nianan- American Comedian

  Indian at Japanese

 "Everyone in India has to learn English."

 "What you are doing"

 India, Pilipinas

 Call Center

 Along with India, Philippines ranks highest among countries that offer trade services for call
center industry.

 Call Center- a centralized office used for the purpose of receiving and transmitting a large
volume of requests than by telephone classified into inbound and outbound calls.

 Inbound- inquiries, technical help, transcription, complaints, costumer service, support, sales,
marketing and billing.

 Outbound- Telemarketing, sales verification, credit and collection,

 BPO- medical transcription, software and application, development finance, logistics, and
accounting also animation

 1980- outsourcing reffered to the expansion of firms by purchasing parts of their products from
outside the firm rather than making them inside.

 2004- However, the term has come to refer a specific segment of a growing international trade
in services.

 WTO (World Trade Organization)

 GATS (General Agreement on Trade in Service)

 Mid 1990- opened up the country to the call center industry

 2005- estimated employment reached more than a hundred thousand revenue.

 2010-Triple to 331,000 and a revenue to $ 5.3 Billion

METRO MANILA

 Quezon City Eastwood Cyber City

 Arena Center Malate District

 Makati Rockwell

 13,000 PESOS STARTING PAY FOR NEW GRADUATE

  “(People who) who live at home with their parents and what they earn their own dispensable
income (when why) they are big part of our market.” -Jorge Araneta

Market-led Mainstreaming of Education

Call Center Industry's

-reliance on the ICT
Services Globalization consulting firms
-binibigyang diin ang papel ng pamahalaan o gobyerno sa pag develop nang pagiging mapag
kumpitensya ng outsource ng bansa.

 Rekomendasyon-pagpapa buti ng kaaligiran para sa mga dayuhang pamumuhunan (foreign

investments)
-pag upgrade ng mga panloob na teknolohikal na kakayahan (technological skills)
Pagkukulang: "Enhance the availability and quality of resources"

 EXECUTIVE ORDER 210 and HOUSE BILL 4701

-pagpapalakas sa paggamit ng wikang Ingles bilang wikang panturo

Call Center
-"new economic driver"
-500M noong May 2006 para sa 'call center finishing schools' under Training for Work
Scholarships

 TESDA, mga call centers at call-center-training agencies

-5 out of hundreds qualify
-2 sa 3 ang nagkakatrabaho

 University of the East

-Advanced Communication for International Business
-Communications 400

KONKLUSYON...