DIETRICH ECKART: AN

INTRODUCTION FOR THE

ENGLISH-SPEAKING
STUDENT
by William Gillespie

AUTHOR'S FORWARD

DIETRICH ECKART should rank alongside of Alfred Rosenberg and Houston

Stewart Chamberlain as a National Socialist ideologist, but he remains the forgotten
man despite the plethora of titles written on Hitler and the origins of the Third Reich.
As historian George Mosse points out in his The Crisis of German Ideology, Eckart
has heretofore been regarded by historians as "too marginal, too much of a crank." [1]
Bradley Smith, the widely acclaimed author of Adolf Hitler, Family, Childhood &
Youth, misspells the name 'Eckhardt,' [2] and he is not the sole historian to do so. Alan
Bullock's Hitler, A Study in Tyranny mentions Eckart but three times in nearly eight
hundred pages. More recent Hitler books, such as Robert Payne's The Life and Death
of Adolf Hitler, Joachim Fest's Hitler, and Werner Maser's Hitler, have given him
some worthwhile notice but have not elaborated on his importance or documented it
in any satisfactory manner. Books in vogue on the Third Reich and occultism or
mysticism can be dismissed as unscholarly and completely sensationalist. [*] In short,
the serious student has, until now, been unable to find out who Dietrich Eckart really
was, and what role he played in the early, crucial days of the embryonic Hitler
movement.

What historians have written about Eckart's role has been brief and inadequate. Some
samplings from well-known histories:

Alan Bullock: Dietrich Eckart was a friend of Roehm, with violent nationalist, anti-
democratic and anti-clerical opinions, a racist with an enthusiasm for Nordic folklore
and a taste for jew-baiting. [3]
Bradley Smith: His [Hitler] ideological position, though sketched out in broad strokes,
still lacked the clarity and cohesion that would be provided by direct contact with men
like Dietrich Eckhardt [sic] and Alfred Rosenberg. [4]

Werner Maser: Eckart's influence on Hitler's intellectual and social development up til
the time he wrote Mein Kampf cannot be overrated. None of his other educated friends
or followers played so important a role. [5]

Colin Cross: But of all Hitler's friends in the early Munich period, the most decisive
one was that of Dietrich Eckart, twenty-one years his senior. [6]

Richard Hanser: Eckart was 21 years older than Hitler, and was different from him in
almost every way. He was big, burly, gregarious, with a boisterous humor and an
insatiable relish for cafes and 'Bierstuben,' where he spent most of his time. His blue
eyes peered sharply out of a totally bald head, and his language was often blunt and
coarse in the native Bavarian manner. [7]

George Mosse: Eckart's tutelage proved to be indispensible in devising the tactics

which the Fuehrer later employed to gain control over the embryonic party. [8]

Ernest Nolte: lists Hitler's "teachers" in order of increasing importance; Gottfried

Feder, Erich Ludendorff, Ernst Roehm, and Dietrich Eckart. [9]

Konrad Heiden: calls Eckart "the founder of Hitler." [10]

Joachim Fest: well read and a shrewd psychologist who possessed extensive
knowledge consonant with his prejudices. Eckart exerted great influence upon the
awkward and provincial Hitler. With his bluff and uncomplicated manner, he was the
first cultivated person whom Hitler was able to endure without an upsurge of his deep-
seated complexes. Eckart recommended books to Hitler and lent him some, schooled
his manners, corrected his language, and opened many doors for, him. For a time they
were an inseparable pair on the Munich social scene. [11]

Franz-Willing: The 'Hitler myth' had no more successful founder than the poet
Dietrich Eckart; without Eckart's support Hitler would not have won the fight for
power within the Party, and it would have, at best, suffered a split within ranks. [12]

After acknowledging Eckart's decisive friendship with the young and impressionable
Adolf Hitler, historians have refrained from presenting any details on either the man
or his work. The above quotations, with little exception, constitute the entire
mention of the man in the respective volumes cited.
In his memoirs on Eckart published in 1934, lifelong friend Albert Reich wrote:

Hundreds of thousands of people know this name, but nothing more about it than it
was somehow involved with the Movement. And yet Dietrich Eckart was the first
who, after the November 9, 1918 collapse, courageously faced the 'November
criminals' and their gang. Out of a German poet sprang a folkish pioneer and
forerunner of National Socialism. [13]

It is not too venturesome to assume that a mere thousand American students and
historians know the name today, and this is unfortunate. The purpose of this
monograph, then, is to afford the English speaking student some initial insight, and to
hopefully stimulate him onto further reading of Eckart's literary efforts. None of his
plays and but one of his political pieces have ever been translated into English.
All documentation and material contained within this study was drawn from and
translated from original German language works, save the quotes from American and
British volumes above. A full bibliography follows the Appendix, which may prove
useful to the interested student.

A knowledge of Schopenhauer and Ibsen is almost a required prerequisite to an

understanding of Eckart's literary thrust, as will be obvious within the first few
pages. Any elucidations on this I leave to a literature major, as I have but touched on
the subject. The National Socialist books and pamphlets listed in the Bibliography
deal with this most thoroughly.

Finally, a note on translations. All translations are those of the author. In an attempt
to retain Eckart's often crude and sarcastic style, free translation has been
followed. As the full flavor of his poetry is undeniably lost in English, a few poems
have been reprinted intact in German, and may be found in the Appendix.

AN INTRODUCTION TO DIETRICH ECKART, THE MAN AND AUTHOR

Das Herz auf dem rechten Fleck:

ein wahrer Dichter-Reck!
-- Hans Sachs, Die Meistersinger von Nurnberg

JOHANN DIETRICH ECKART was born on March 23, 1868 in the Bavarian village
of Neumarkt. Lying just a few miles southeast of Nurnberg, it is known for the ruins
of castle Wolfstein. His father, Christian, was a lawyer; his mother, Anna, a typical
nineteenth century Hausfrau who mothered three other children as well. She died
when Dietrich was ten years old, and the family moved to Nurnberg, where the boy
attended the local Gymnasium. From Nurnberg he enrolled in the Lateinschule in
Schwabach. In 1885 he transferred to school in Regensburg and three years later his
first poem was printed in the local newspaper.

Eckart's birthplace, Neumark/Pfalz, circa 1860

He attended the University of Erlangen as a medical student, but was forced to

withdraw upon contracting a serious childhood illness. His doctor prescribed
morphine as a pain killer and this later developed into an unvoluntary addiction
to the sweet poison. [14] He did not finish school.

His father, a civil servant, wished his son to follow in his own footsteps, but the young
man had other plans. He wished to become a poet and author! He wrote articles for a
local Diet- kirchen paper -- an essay entitled "A Question On Our Future" written in
1894 shows an avid interest in politics while still of college age.
 Young Eckart as a college student (1889)

In the same year [1894] he became a music critic for the Bayreuther Briefe newspaper
and wrote essays on the Wagnerfest. He achieved renown as a witty humorist. Soon
the Munchner Augsberger Abendzeitung was also publishing his Bayreuth columns
and printed his first two short stories. This success led him to Berlin, where he
skillfully attacked leading marxists and socialists of the day. His work Tannhauser
Auf Urlaub, completed in 1895, mentions Jews in a disparaging way and is thought to
be his first anti-Semitic piece. [15]

The following year his father passed away and Eckart inherited a fair sum of money
which he quickly invested in a home in Regensburg. There he entertained many
political and artistic companions, and wrote his first published play. Entitled
Froschkonig, it was based on the fairy tale of the frog prince. Eckart was an
admirer of both Arthur Schopenhauer and Richard Wagner, and the play reflects this
influence:

Deep in a swamp sits a frog prince, cursed and damned, an abomination who cannot
die. Still, inside him lives a yearning for his earlier splendor, a yearning radiated
through the night; alluring and enticing until a princess comes -- purity, innocence,
love and beauty -- and so strong is his desire that the king's daughter overcomes her
disgust and frees the wretch through the grace of her kiss.

Frog Prince: Oh, my Maiden, you don't realize that man is his own maker, his own
creation. However a man is, so he himself willed, even before he was. I admit it
sounds inconceivable, and I cannot explain it to you, but that is how it is. How can we
feel guilty about the 'bad' in us? Nothing we do produces any repentance, so therefore
we have none. As we are so we must act, according to our inborn and unalterable
character... but because we are this way and have no 'better' character -- that we are so
deeply sunken into this existence -- for that we are responsible, and for that we must
someday pay!

Princess: But if man wanted to be a hundred times better, what could he do?

Frog Prince: That's the question -- if it is possible to fundamentally change one's

character. I believe so and would believe it even without the examples tradition has
shown us. There must be a solution, a reprieve, one that comes from without, not
from within -- all religions point in that direction -- just don't cease striving, or it will
consume you. [16]
 Dietrich Eckart (1908)

The play, for all its philosophical dialogue, was not a success. The lead actor named
Mattkowsky, according to Eckart, made a fiasco out of the frog prince. A close friend
wrote, "you cannot blame yourself, but only the public and the press." Eckart was
bitter, but in 1901 was rewarded with the publication of an essay in one of Germany's
leading magazines, Simplicissimus. His luck improved.

He became an editor of the Berlin Lokalanzeiger newspaper in 1900, and wrote

regular columns for two cultural publications; Buhne und Welt and Kunst und
Wissenschaft. In the period from 1901 to 1916 he authored ten plays. His drama
Familienvater opened simultaneously in Hannover and Regensburg in December,
1904, and was a success. It toured to Graz, Munich, Neumarkt, and Vienna. Eleven
months later he assumed the editorship of the Berlin Deutscher Blatt paper and
his income enabled him to found his own publishing house, the Hoheneichen
Verlag. It would years later publish Rosenberg's Mythus des 20. Jahrhunderts and
other Nazi works.

But this upturn of events proved temporary, and Eckart led the life of a pauper at
times. In Berlin during his "hunger years," as he was fond of describing them, he,
often could not afford a room of his own. He was famous for letting friends put him
up, and his companion, Albert Reich, recalls that if all else failed, he would find
accommodation on a favorite parkbench in the city Tiergarten. [17]

Believing that his plays were being rejected by "jewish dominated" theatrical circles
and panned by "the Jewish press," [ii] he tried writing under a jewish-sounding nom
de plume. His hope that this would change his fortune was short-lived, as his anti-
Semitic fervor was noticeable even if disguised. As he later recalled of his "Berlin
years" in Auf Gut Deutsch:

About fifteen years ago -- it was in Berlin -- I had written a play under the bitterest
pressure. I devoted some months to it. And luckily I found a publisher for it, a wealthy
one at that. He was enthusiastic about the piece, and gave me a hundred mark advance
on it. Without even a whimper. That he wanted my eternal gratitude for it only later
did he emphasize! The man had connections. It wasn't too long before he directed me
to go see Alfred Halm, then the head of the "Berliner Theater." He, too, was
enthusiastic as hell about it. I went and was received by Halm with the words:
"Finally someone who can write a German drama!" One can only imagine how I, poor
devil, felt. Music from heaven. Mr. Halm laughed. "We'll produce it." My God in
heaven -- produce it! Is there no chair here? I have to sit down. I heard much sense
made of my play, what such and such meant, and how this or that would have to be
explained, and once it almost seemed to me that Halm had written the thing. Finally:
"The whole thing is great, excepting the figure Moritz Silberstahl. [iii] His figure
doesn't fit in with the character of the work at all! Do you feel him very important?"
To me he was very important. Moritz -- the jewish water heater manufacturer,
was, in his apparently harmless talkativeness, the antithesis of my hero and as
such not expendable. Anyway, I had taken him to heart, having waited for a chance
to bring him to life. My Moritz! "He must be cut out!" Impossible! "Don't be a wet
blanket! -- he kills the whole thing. I'd be sorry if he doesn't get written out, because
then I couldn't produce the play." But! "No, no ... no Buts! It won't work even with the
best of efforts. A totally offensive character. What am I supposed to do with the guy?
He'd make the audience restless. Not only that, but also -- you seem to forget --
because (he faltered) we have a large number of Jews in the crowd, our very best
customers. A chatterbox like your Silberstahl, out of the question, he'd never be
tolerated. You know, I'm sure how successful they are." Mr. Halm was himself
jewish." [18]
The year 1912 saw his biggest success. It was then that he published his translation of
Henrik Ibsen's Peer Gynt from the original Norwegian. Eckart believed that the
Christian Morgenstern translation on the market was unfaithful to Ibsen's intentions.
The poet transformed Peer from a lowly farmer into a heroic fighter for the
Germanic Weltanschauung. This faustian change was so brilliant it met with instant
acclaim. [19]

At first Ibsen's son refused to allow Eckart to produce the play on the German
stage and withheld copyright permission. Kaiser Wilhelm II had read the new
translation, and as the "protector of the German stage," personally intervened.
The play opened at the Koniglichen Schauspielen Theater in Berlin in 1914, and the
Kaiser saw it twice in as many evenings. In fact, running 183 performances in four
years, it was the second most popular play ever presented in the theater. [20]
After years of near despair and starvation, Eckart was finally a financial success. His
interest in Peer Gynt was more than artistic, though. He saw in Ibsen's hero his own
personality. Alfred Rosenberg writes:

To Eckart Peer Gynt appeared as the struggling hero of life, his apparent
aimlessness appeared to him to be the stamp of genius, aimlessness namely with
regard to material life. The Will to do the impossible, the desire for completeness,
these signs of genius were those of Peer Gynt. [21]

The following year Kaiser Wilhelm asked Eckart to write a play in honor of the
planned marriage of his daughter to the Duke of Braunschweig. The
Hohenstaufen Kaiser Heinrich the Sixth was chosen as his subject, and he completed
the play in the allotted time. But after just six performances, it was banned. World
War I was raging, and in the play the British king had pledged an oath of
allegiance to Germany. Since this was an embarrassing historical fact in light of
Germany's war with England, Chancellor Bethmann-Hollweg suspended its
production. [22]
 Scenes from Eckart's play "Heinrich the Sixth"

On September 15, 1913 Eckart had taken a widow, Rose Marx, for his wife. Now
finding Berlin again hostile towards his work, he traveled in the spring of 1915 to
Bad Blakenburg. Here his brother-in-law, Dr. Paul Wiedeburg, operated a
sanatorium. Eckart found the place serene and perfect for his work. He not only
found peace of mind, but also a willing audience for his plays. Patients and guests
acted out scenes while he directed and rewrote. He busied himself in these
experiments and remained at the sanatorium for a year.

His last play, Lorenzaccio, perhaps his finest effort, was completed in 1918. The
tragedy was never performed during his lifetime. It was first staged in the Leipzig
Stadttheater on October 7, 1933, ten years after his death.

THE PROPAGANDIST AND POLITICIAN

DIETRICH ECKART was a "character" in the fullest sense of the word. He was a
"roughhewn and comical figure with his thick round head, his partiality for good wine
and crude talk." [23] He would sit for hours with his friends in sidewalk cafes and
discuss the issues of the day. He dominated conversations. A well read man, he
was crude in his manner of speaking and his weakness for the Bavarian dialect, but
was always able to throw out a quote or an eloquent response. Never caught without
an answer, he was a skilled debater, and won over many converts to his
nationalistic views.

Money, as would be wont of someone who took Peer Gynt to heart, never meant
much to Eckart. If he had it, he would spend it. Rosenberg writes that Eckart could
simply not say "no" to a friend, and would give up his last cent even if it meant he
would go without. [24] He spent a small fortune on beer and wine, and
entertaining drinking chums. He was accused by some of living off his
girlfriends, and even of pandering.

Once, flat broke and downing what appeared to be his last glass in a local beerhall, he
met a salesman for a well known tonic remedy. Offered a thousand marks if he could
come up with a good advertising jingle, the poet excused himself. A few minutes
passed. He returned with a four line stanza and handed it to the astonished salesman.
He had composed it while in the lavatory. He was paid the money. [25]

His years in Berlin, much like Hitler's years in Vienna, brought him into contact with
many Jews. He slowly evolved into an anti-Semite. Well educated and a skillful
orator, he became known as a so-called Judenspezialist. He was one of the first
members of the Fichte Bund, founded in 1914; and he contributed to Theodor
Fritsch's anti-jewish paper, Der Hammer. He cofounded a short-lived paper titled
Unser Vaterland in 1915 after becoming convinced that there was a 'jewish
attempt at world mastery.'

At this time he wrote to a close friend:

To me it appears that the thing so disastrous for our nation, an attack that one
can do practically nothing about, is the demonic thirst for power by the Jews
who tolerate no other leadership but their own: but as long as they have not
reached it, they fight with all their strength to bring about disorder and chaos.
[26]

Joachim Fest writes, "He characterized Soviet Russia as the 'Christian kosher
butchering dictatorship of the jewish world savior Lenin' and said that what he
wanted most was to 'load all Jews into a railroad train and drive into the Red
Sea with it."' [27]

***

Schopenhauer was Eckart's favorite philosopher, and he took many of his ideas
if not his very weltanschauung from The World As Will and Idea. He explained
he saw the world in terms of 'good' and 'evil,' with the German and Jew
representing opposites. This idea was a common thread which ran through the
'folkish' movement, but with erudite quotes from Schopenhauer and others
Eckart was a prime mover of this belief. In short, he saw two impulses inherent
in man, 'world-affirmation' and 'world-denial.' World-affirmation meant a
complete surrender or submission to one's baser, all-too-human instincts;
whether it be sensual, decadent, or materialistic. World-denial was its
counterweight, the constant striving for something more than earthly desires, the
faustian wanderlust which could not be explained, only felt. Eckart thought man
must have an occasional respite from his inner strivings, but that a firm balance must
be kept between the two extremes. Later he described it thusly:

Both directions of the will are important to the maintenance of life ... constant world-
denial would, so it would seem, redeem the world, but in fact would destroy it as
would absolute world-affirmation ... it would deprive the world of the mental-spiritual
strength without which it could not exist. [28]

One can trace the origin of Eckart's pet theme 'the jewish spirit within and without us'
('in und außer uns ') to this viewpoint. Rather than attack the Jew on a religious or
biological basis as most anti-semites before him, Eckart placed importance on the
spiritual aspects. He felt every man had some 'jewishness' within him, and that
one's first priority was to repress and purge this spirit. For perhaps the first time
blame was laid on everyone's foibles instead of on 'the Jew' alone. This was a
revolutionary if not refreshing approach to the 'problem,' and Eckart was
articulate enough to advance it successfully. It can be found in Point 24 of the
NSDAP Official Program. [iv]

With the establishment of the Bolshevik dictatorship in Russia, Eckart all but dropped
his literary efforts in favor of anti-marxist propaganda. In November of 1918 the
World War was lost by Germany and in Munich the "Red Republic" of Kurt Eisner
arose. Ironically, Munich was a main destination and refugee center for White
Russians fleeing Russia. The city was a hotbed of pro and anti communist
agitation. Among the mass of refugees was a young Balt, Alfred Rosenberg. He
writes:

I came to Munich without knowing a single person. Chance brought me into contact
with a Baltic woman to whom I told my plans (to fight the spread of Bolshevism in
Germany). She informed me of a man who had already begun a similar fight for the
same principles. To this end he distributed a small propaganda newspaper. I noted the
name and address. The next day I spoke to Dietrich Eckart. I asked whether or
not he could use another fighter against Jerusalem. He laughed - - - sure. Did I
have anything written to show him? I lay a prepared manuscript and drafts before him.
The very next day he called my Pension, the stuff pleased him greatly, and I was to
come to see him again. [29]
 Alfred Rosenberg

Rosenberg's first impressions:

Behind a desk stacked high with papers arose a tall figure, a clean shaven head, a
wrinkled brow, dark-framed glasses in front of blue eyes. The nose slightly bent,
somewhat short and fleshy. A full mouth, a wide, yes even brutal chin. [30]

The next month, on December 7, 1918, Eckart and Rosenberg founded their
nationalistic and anti-semitic propaganda sheet entitled Auf Gut Deutsch, "In
Plain German." [31] Planned as a weekly, it was sixteen pages in length and cost
fifty Pfennigs. Double issues of 32 pages were sometimes printed, and cost one mark.
Eckart put his own finances into the printing and distributed it personally. He printed
his Lorenzaccio drama and numbered it "Issues 15-29." Even multiple-numbering
could not keep the magazine on a regular delivery basis, so Eckart felt obligated to
send his subscribers other pamphlets and literature as compensation. Thule's
Muchener Beobachter, Fritsche's Hammer, Sturm from Hannover, and a cheap
edition of Artur Dinter's The Sin Against Blood were among those anti-semitic
works mailed.

Eckart wasted no time in attacking his favorite targets. In the first issue of Auf Gut
Deutsch he likened international finance to "der Grosse Krumme." "Der Grosse
Krumme," or the Great Boyg, was the ubiquitous clammy mass which almost
trapped Peer Gynt in the Valley of the Trolls forever. Eckart thought the work
"Krumme" particularly well suited for the analogy, as in German it has the
double meaning of 'hunchback' -- a disfigurement he attributed to a certain
breed of banker. He wrote:

The tormentor of the German people is international finance, a financial militarism.

On God's earth there is no more coldbloodedness or lies than that which hides behind
the invisible empire of global economics. With a complete lack of scruples which defy
description -- and even a simple knowledge of which would chill one's bones -- the
furtive Princes of Gold mix their pernicious brew, which makes mankind not
only serve them, but crazy and blind enough to mistake evil for good and good
for evil ... The Great Hunchback ("der Grosse Krumme"), a Hydra sucking up
millions of our peoples' savings through his many banks, and fattening himself
with ever increasing influence. Go ahead and put your last dime down, what kind
of interest do you get for it? A trifle! The Great Hunchback, however, bears fruit
a hundredfold. Shut him out, bring the State to your side, and you will have a double
benefit: you'll yield a better interest on your money, and the State, being better served,
can therefore pay debts and relieve you of your burdens. [32]

In the second issue of Auf Gut Deutsch, in response to a letter to the Editor
complaining of' his anti-Semitic slant, he responded:

Now let's take up the Jewish Question. There are numerous Germans who go out of
their way [to avoid it] as if it doesn't exist. And yet it is the question of mankind,
which envelopes all other problems. Nothing on earth would remain obscure if one
could throw light on this mystery. [33]

In April of 1919 Eckart and his circle of comrades -- by this time including such
NS notables as Julius Streicher, Rudolf Hess, Gottfried Feder, Ernst Roehm and
Anton Drexler -- agitated against the Eisner "Bavarian Peoples' Republic" by
taking to the streets. Eckart had heard of the Russian Revolution first-hand from
Rosenberg, had witnessed the Eisner dictatorship in Munich, and saw in the terror of
Bela Kuhn's Hungary proof positive that the Jews were conspiring against the world.
He said:
The correspondence of the Russian Revolution to our own leaves nothing to the
imagination. It depends only whether or not it will be our end too. [34]

On April 6th he printed one hundred thousand flyers headed "To All Professions!" in
which he called for united action against the Eisner regime. It took courage to
distribute the flyer in public as the Red guards were prone towards violence and
summary shootings. He, Rosenberg and others drove through the streets of
Munich, throwing the sheet from their speeding autos. A public notice of the
Eisner regime acknowledged:

Since the proclamation of the Red Republic, public safety has been threatened on the
most part by anti-Semitic agitators, cowardly types who throw flyers from speeding
automobiles, who without any doubt will be, in the shortest period of time, brought by
the government to the Revolutionary Tribunal, as will all persons who disturb the
peace. [35]

Sketch of Eckart and supporters distributing the Anti-Eisner flyer "To All Professions"
in the streets of Munich, April 1919

Eckart joined the First Wurttemburg Regiment of the Freikorps under General
Haas, and helped free Thule Society prisoners from the Stadelheim city prison.
He was arrested for his involvement, but an eloquent speech gained him freedom. His
experiences during this time convinced him that the middle class had failed miserably,
and that only a broad-based appeal to the workers could rectify the situation.

Through folkish circles Eckart met Ulrich Fleischhauer, a well-known racist. He

wrote Eckart:

The best educational material at present is your three illustrated issues of Auf Gut
Deutsch. I always have them with me when I travel and find persistent contacts and
buyers for them." [36]
Fleischhauer aided Eckart in the distribution of the magazine and played a key
role in its success. He teamed with Alfred Rosenberg and published The Protocols
of the Learned Elders of Zion in German. At the famous Berne, Switzerland trial
of 1935 which ruled on the Protocols' authenticity, Fleischhauer was its chief
defender. [37] He ultimately founded the Welt-Dienst, the largest anti-semitic
operation in the world, publishing works in many foreign languages. The Welt-
Dienst was the closest thing to a fascist "International" ever conceived, and
Fleischhauer himself credited Eckart with the original idea. In April, 1938 he
related to the NSDAP Hauptarchiv that a conversation he had had years earlier with
the poet was responsible. He wrote:

Dietrich Eckart then spoke to me alone, in a wine-cellar where we were sitting, about
the subject which could today describe the Welt-Dienst. He said something to the
effect: 'If our idea comes to power, the Jew will try again, as he's tried before with any
State which attempts to solve the Jewish Problem, to starve us out. And if that's no
use, then try to ruin us through wars and revolutions. Adolf must therefore have an
international movement that can help him from the outside, just as the Stahlhelm
and other groups help the Party from the outside today.' [38]
 Ulrich Fleischhauer

On August 14, 1919 he attended an early meeting of Anton Drexler's German

Workers' Party (DAP). He traveled to Nurenberg with Gottfried Feder and
spoke on the 'breaking of interest slavery.' Success here led to the founding of
Streicher's German Socialist Party (DSP) which' later merged with Hitler's
movement. He also joined the German Racist League for Defense and Attack (Schutz
und Trutz Bund) which claimed a quarter million men by October. Its founder was
Willibald von Zezschwitz, one of the Nazi Party's first lawyers.

Eckart was convinced that the nation only lacked a suitable leader and often
spoke of the "coming Leader." He is quoted as saying that such a leader would
have to be

a fellow who can stand the rattle of a machine gun. The rabble has to be scared
shitless. I can't use an officer, the people no longer have any respect for them.
Best of all would be a worker who's got his mouth in the right place. He doesn't
need much intelligence, politics is the stupidest business in the world, as any
washwoman in Munich can tell you.

As far as he was concerned, the leader who could give

a juicy answer to the Reds is better than a dozen learned professors who sit trembling
on the wet pants seat of facts. [39]

Adolf Hitler (1921)

In late 1919, probably December, the poet met young Adolf Hitler. Eckart
quickly realized Hitler's potential as a speaker and leader, and proclaimed:

"There is the coming man of Germany of whom the world will someday speak!"
[40]

This prophetic remark was made at a time when Hitler was unknown and not taken
seriously by anyone outside of his inner circle of supporters. Through Eckart Hitler
met not only local Bavarian supporters, but important figures such as
Ludendorff, Kapp, Roehm, Hess, Rosenberg, Ritter von Epp, not to mention the
Wagner family and Houston Stewart Chamberlain.

General Kapp staged his ill-fated Putsch in Berlin on March 13, 1920. Hitler and
Eckart flew to the city to witness the event. Their pilot was Ritter von Greim, who
took charge of the Luftwaffe in 1945 after Hermann Goring's dismissal. [41] When the
revolt was crushed, Hitler and his mentor left the city disillusioned. But Hitler was
thereafter the strongest national leader.

During the months that followed, Auf Gut Deutsch came out with three special issues
devoted entirely to the "jewish problem." In February 1920 over one hundred
thousand copies of In the New Germany were distributed. Leading marxist and jewish
figures in government were attacked. Levine, a top Red leader, personally led an
assault on the paper's office but a tip from sympathetic police saved it from
destruction. In March another issue was devoted to Bela Kuhn's bloody rebellion in
the neighboring state of Hungary, entitled Out of Hungary's Days of Terror. In July an
issue, Austria Under Judas' Star appeared.
 "In the New Germany" issue, of which 100,000 copies were distributed

Such provocative issues made Eckart a well-known figure around Bavaria and
indeed all of Germany. He was arrested and his papers confiscated on numerous
occasions. His controversial writing aroused much bitter protest in jewish
communities. He was taken to court for slander and libel eleven times in three
years. In one such case, a Rabbi Freund of Hannover was awarded one thousand
marks. Eckart was forced to pay after having promised this amount in print to any Jew
who could prove that he had had three sons serve in the trenches of the war for at least
three weeks. [42] In another case he was charged with libel after having called a
prominent newspaper editor a Judentzer. This medieval term, obscure in modern
German, is quite untranslatable into English, but it was ruled by the Munich court that
it implied a "friend of the Jews through stupidity" or "a friend of the Jews for personal
gain." [43]

On December 20, 1920, the National Socialist German Workers' Party purchased
its first newspaper from the Thule Society. It was renamed the Volkischer
Beobachter. Eckart was instrumental in helping obtain the heavy financing
required. He was apparently able to convince Freikorp General von Epp to
contribute sixty thousand marks. The poet also contributed from his Peer Gynt
royalties. His pivotal role in this momentous step for the Nazi Party was
acknowledged by Hitler himself. A letter to Eckart dated December 18th runs:

Dear Herr Eckart:

After the finally successful transfer of the Volkischer Beobachter to the Party, I
want to, dear Eckart, express my warmest thanks for the great help you
provided at the last minute.

Without your assistance the matter would probably not have come off, and I
believe that we would have lost the opportunity to have our own newspaper for
many months to come. I am so devoted to the Movement body and soul, you
could scarcely believe how happy I am, as a consequence of reaching this much
desired goal, and I cannot refrain from expressing my deep-felt thanks for this
present good fortune.

In true admiration,

Yours, A. Hitler [44]

At this time Eckart wrote the words to his song Deutschland Erwache! which
later became a party byword. General Hans von Seeckt wrote in his memoirs that
"Eckart's word has become a slogan to us."

In July 1921 the so-called "summer crisis" of the Nazi Party took place. Lasting
six weeks, it grew out of a personality struggle between party founder Drexler
and Adolf Hitler. The Fuhrer resigned and then rejoined three days later when
his demands were met by the executive committee. This was a crucial test for
Hitler, one he could not afford to lose if he were to be unchallenged as Party leader in
the future. Eckart's role was decisive. Munich police reports state "The dispute
was finally smoothed over by the mediation of Dietrich Eckart.' [45]

This public notice, issued by the "Central Committee of German Citizens of the Jewish
Faith" (an arm of B'nai B'rith ) warned citizens of an anti-semitic poster which Eckart
had had hung throughout Nurnberg. Eckart was a vigorous agitator.

Eckart's political life had kept him away from home so much that in March of
1921 his wife Rose had been granted a divorce. After eight years of controversy
surrounding her husband's views and actions, she had had enough. After the
'summer crisis' had been settled, Eckart's newfound freedom took him south to the
small mountain village of Berchtesgaden, near Salzburg, where he escaped the
pressures of city living and rested. It was there that he was to write his famous
Bolshevism from Moses to Lenin and there that he was to die.
During the remaining two years of his life, Eckart's influence on Hitler and the
growing Nazi Party began to wane. It was no longer a small circle of comrades
meeting in an obscure beer-hall, but a multi-faceted party with thousands of
members and many local units. Alfred Rosenberg took over the editorship of the
Volkischer Beobachter in 1922, though Eckart continued to write regularly for it.

His health suffered from overdrinking and his almost absolute dependence on
morphine, and he helped the Party when he could. In the fall of 1922, for instance,
the S A had grown so much that it was necessary to acquire trucks for its
transportation. Transportation Leader Christian Weber recalled that "after
consulting with Hitler I bought two such [trucks] for the Party. The sum of
payment was loaned to me by Dietrich Eckart." [46]

On April 12, 1922 he wrote a highly critical attack on German President

Frederick Ebert entitled "Comrade Ebert in the Next World." This humorous
poetry, illustrated as well, made Ebert out as a tool of world Jewry and not fit for
either heaven or hell. A warrant for Eckart's arrest was issued by the Leipzig
courts, and he again went to Berchtesgaden under the alias of "Dr. Hoffman."
There, in the Vorderbrandhaus on Obersalzburg, he remained for some six
months. During this time, he was often visited by Hitler and other leading
figures. Hitler wrote part of Mein Kampf at the Platterhof Hotel on Obersalzburg. He
was charmed by the mountains and vowed to someday build his own retreat there. It
was built during the Third Reich about ten kilometers from Eckart's hut.

Though Eckart was absent from the Munich political scene his influence was still
opening doors for Hitler. Eckart's close friend Dr. Emil Gansser, whose brother had
set "Deutschland Erwache!" to music, was an important business figure. He invited
Adolf Hitler to give a speech before a group of industrial leaders at the "Nationale
Klub" in Berlin. The speech was delivered on May 29th, and substantial support was
won for the growing Party. [47]
The first NSDAP Party Day, January 28, 1923 in Munich. Hitler (with armband, front
left) is standing to the right of Eckart.

The June 8, 1923 issue of the Volkischer Beobachter carried a small classified
advertisement for a "cozy, well-situated house in the country." Even a court decree
could not dampen Dietrich Eckart's humor. The arrest warrant was ineffective and
eventually rescinded. In October he returned home. Rosenberg recalls:

After the lifting of the decree Dietrich Eckart came back to Munich. He had aged
somewhat and looked tired. His humor flashed less often than before, and when he
was himself conscious of his new freedom and feeling better, he still looked
pessimistically towards the future . . . . He lived in the company of good friends, aside
from daily politicking. I saw him only seldom, first during the night of 8/9 November,
when we rejoiced. It only lasted a short time. When I met him again later that night,
he said, "We have been betrayed." [48]

Despite his fears, Eckart told a friend: "It will and must be. I believe in Hitler. A
star hangs over him." The next day he took his place with the others. He was
arrested and taken to Stadelheim prison. In his last letter from prison, written to
Bavarian head of state Gustav von Kahr, the poet complained:

I had to spend the rest of the day and the whole next night in an ice-cold cell of the
policehouse. No stool, no table, only an uncomfortable dirty plank bed. Despite my
constant shivering I couldn't decide whether or not to use this so-called bed, until
early morning I sat half-dead from weakness on its outer edge. Some hours later,
about nine o'clock, I was brought by auto, at dire cost, to Stadelheim. My condition, I
feel, is ever worsening. The careful attention which by all means I need, cannot be had
here even with the best of efforts. Then there is the eternal solitude which, in my
present condition, I'm simply not equal to, not to mention the 'robust' food. At home
lies an unfinished manuscript of mine. The question of whether or not I'll ever be able
to complete it tortures me constantly. [49]

He pleaded for discharge but his request was in vain. A few days later he was
transferred again to Landsberg-am-Lech with Hitler and the others.

His condition deteriorating steadily, prison authorities finally relented and set
him free on December 20th. He was first driven to Munich, where he stayed
overnight with friends. Rosenberg writes:

I met him there one evening. He lay in bed, we shook hands. His handshake was
weak. Despite his attempt to laugh and make humorous remarks about his condition,
Eckart had the appearance of an old man ... he looked forward to Berchtesgaden,
where he wanted to go to recover. [50]

He arrived in the small village on December 22nd, and was put up by friends. He did
appear tired but made no complaints and said he looked forward to Christmas and
quietude. While residing at the home of the Pfnuer family, he died of heart failure
just six days after gaining freedom. Frau Pfnuer related:

"He brought no clothes to speak of, just an old leather grip filled to the brim with
books."

Eckart was staying in the Pfnuer guesthouse, Sonnblick Hausl, and when she heard
that the doctor had been summoned, she "hurried to the house, and found him in bed,
with a peaceful expression on his face ... his hands still holding an open book.' [51]
Thus the poet died, at a time when all his aspirations were for nothing, or so it
seemed. The Nazi Party was banned, its leader in prison facing a treason trial,
sixteen men had fallen at the Feldherrnhalle, and the future looked bleak indeed.

Four days thereafter, Dietrich Eckart was laid to rest in the small cemetery in
Berchtesgaden. Police from outlying districts were brought into the village, in
expectation of trouble; but a raging snowstorm kept the attendance down to about fifty
loyal friends and comrades. Some short speeches were made, and the burial went
without incident. Hitler and the others were not present, still awaiting release
from prison.
 Eckart's funeral service in Berchtesgaden

Eckart's last work, Bolshevism From Moses to Lenin, was a dialogue with Hitler
on the "Jewish Question." It was published posthumously from unfinished notes,
and went through but two editions. It was, as Konrad Heiden writes, "brilliantly"
written. [52] One might say that even here Eckart's fascination for Peer Gynt
shines through, for the Jew is painted as a bearer of destruction, an evil creature,
a parasite, a troll. It was still being listed as available as late as 1929 by the Franz
Eher Verlag, but was not actively promoted. Apparently Hitler considered it too
blunt for mass consumption, for in it he and Eckart had agreed on the necessity
of 'eliminating' the Jew from German life. As historian Norman Cohn writes:
"In this little book, then, one comes to the very heart of Hitler's interpretation of
history and human existence." [53]
Rare photographs of Eckart's coffin being lowered into the snowy earth of his beloved
Berchtesgaden. His grave stands clearly marked today, unmolested and unforgotten.

Eckart was a poet, author, dramatist, newspaper editor, and National Socialist. He
was, in the field of literature, author of ten plays, translator of Ibsen's Peer Gynt from
the original Norwegian, and a lyricist as well. Though he took himself seriously, he
would often as not dash poems and lyrics off on scraps of paper and give them
away, as save them for future use. If it were not for friends such as Albert Reich,
there would be little material in print at all. That was Dietrich Eckart's nature.

But when politics was concerned he was deadly earnest, especially about the "Jewish
Question." As editor of Auf Gut Deutsch, and first editor of the Volkischer
Beobachter, he wrote literally hundreds of editorials and articles in a period spanning
just five years. He was a good orator, a skillful fund raiser, a dedicated fanatic. He
played a pivotal role in the early, crucial days of the Nazi Party. He gave shape and
direction to Hitler's anti-Semitism, opened many doors for him, smoothed over
differences between leaders, and helped pave the way for future successes of the
Hitler movement. He was, in short, Hitler's mentor and the spiritual founder of
National Socialism.

In December 1933 the first Dietrich Eckart Prize for Literature was awarded by
the Hitler regime, an award of five thousand marks. A section of the Braun Haus
in Munich was dedicated to his memory. His songs and slogans became virtual
hymns in the Third Reich. His plays were produced regularly, his name evoked as
the last martyr of the bloody Putsch. In 1936 the Dietrich Eckart Open Air Theater
was dedicated simultaneously with the Berlin Olympic stadium. Adolf Hitler
never forgot his 'fatherly friend,' and the Fuhrer's secretary recalls that he
nearly came to tears whenever the poet's name was mentioned. But Hitler's
gratitude can best be recognized not by the stone monuments later destroyed to rubble,
but rather by the often overlooked last sentence -- the dedication -- of Mein Kampf:

And among them I want also to count that man, one of the best, who devoted his life
to the awakening of his, our people, in his writing and his thoughts and finally in his
deeds: Dietrich Eckart. [54]

APPENDIX

POETRY

Heinrich VI (excerpt)

Weimar (translated)

Die Jugendzeit

Uber das Judentum

Auf Hoherer Warte

Tauschung!

BIBLIOGRAPHY

HEINRICH DER HOHENSTAUFE

excerpt drawn from Alfred Rosenberg's VERMACHTNIS

KAISER: You see, this is what one means by "German" in the highest sense: The
will to do the impossi ble, to aim for goals, at perfection not found on earth, but
could be perceived, in harmony with all sounds, forms and colors, in equilibrium
with the cosmos and nature, in reflection of an eternal harmony. The German
wants unity, wants out from under deceit and illusions, he wants an entirety; so
when he fights, it's not triumph or booty that spurs him onward, it's the wonder
of completeness. Hence his troubled spirit, his stubborn digging to the bottom of
things, hence his pigheadedness that's so suited for mockery, his lofty irrationality in
the face of practicality, his frivolity, his unyielding courage, and his -- with grim
humor -- his sheepish patience!

***

WEIMAR

BETRAYED and sold out the whole land, again solemnly raise your hand -- Protest!
Protest! and stand steadfast on the platform, and speak hours long out of swelled
lungs, and not one falters, not a tongue! not one grief-filled voice breaks, not one
flushes red -- modesty -- . We listen with open ears, the view dimmed with the light
gleam of tears, attentive, solemn, touched -- and as forgetful as ever!

-- Dietrich Eckart, 1919

***
BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bullock, Alan. Hitler, A Study in Tyranny. New York: Bantam Books, 1961.

Cohn, Norman. Warrant for Genocide. Middlesex, England: Penguin, 1970.

Cross, Colin. Adolf Hitler. New York: Berkeley Medallion Books, 1973.

Daim, Wilfried. Der Mann, Der Hitler Die Ideen Gab. Munich: Isar Verlag, 1958.

Deuerlein, Ernst. Der Hitler Putsch. Stuttgart: Deutsche Anstalt Verlag, 1962.
Eckart, Dietrich. "Auf Gut Deutsch" Wochenschrift fur Ordnung und Recht. Munich,
1919-1921.

_______ Bolshevism from Moses to Lenin. Trans., Wm. Pierce. Arlington, Virginia:
N.S. World , no. 2, Fall, 1966.

Euringer, Richard. Dietrich Eckart - Leben Eines Deutschen Dichters. Hamburg:

Hanseatisches Verlag, 1935.

Fest, Joachim. Hitler. New York: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, 1974.

Franz-Willing, Georg. Die Hitler Bewegung. Vol. I Ursprung. Hamburg: R.V.

Deckers Verlag, 1962.

_______________ _______________.Vol. II. Krisenjahre 1923. Oldendorff: K.

Schutz Verlag, 1975.

Gruen, Wilhelm. Dietrich Echart Als Publizist. Munich: Hoheneichen Verlag, 1941.

Hamm, Florentine. Obersalzburg. Munich: Franz Eher Verlag, 1938.

Hanser, Richer. Putsch! New York: Pyramid Books, 1971.

Heiden, Konrad. Der Fuhrer. Zurich,1937.

Hitler, Adolf. Mein Kampf Munich: Franz Eher Verlag, 1933.

_______. New York: 1943.

Lembert, Raimond. Dietrich Eckart - Kunder und Kampfer des Dritten Reiches.
Munich: Franz Eher Verlag, 1934.

Maser, Werner. Fruhgeschichte der NSDAP. Frankfurt a/M: Athenaeum Verlag, 1965.

_______. Hitler: Legend, Myth & Reality. New York: Harper & Row, 1973.

Mosse, George. The Crisis of German Ideology. New York: Grosset & Dunlap. 1964.

Nolte, Ernst. Der Faschismus in Seiner Epoche. Munich, 1963.

Plewnia, Margerete. Auf dem Weg zu Hitler, Der Volkische Publizist Dietrich Eckart.
Bremen: Schunemann-Universitatsverlag, 1970.
Pulzer, Peter. The Rise of Political Anti-Semitism in Germany & Austria. New York:
John Wiley & Sons, 1964.

Reich, Albert. Dietrich Eckart - Vorkampfer der Nationalsozialistischen Bewegung.

Munich: Franz Eher Verlag, 1933.

_______ Vom 9. November 1918 zum 9 November 1923. Munich: Franz Eher Verlag,
1933.

Rosenberg, Alfred. Dietrich Eckart - Ein Vermiichtnis. Munich: Franz Eher Verlag,
1935.

_______ Letzte Aufzeichnungen. Gottingen, 1954.

Smith, Bradley. Adolf Hitler: Family, Childhood, Youth. Stanford: Hoover Institute,
1968.

Viereck, Peter. Metapolitics, New York: Putnam & Sons, 1961.

UNPUBLISHED SOURCES

NSDAP Hauptarchiv Collection. Microfilm. Hoover Institute,. Stanford, CA.

Reel 1. "Auf Gut Deutsch," Wochenschrift fur Ordnung & Recht. Munich,1919-1921.

Reel 54. "Dietrich Eckart," folder nos. 1307-1321.

ARTICLES

Elster, Hanns Martin. "Dietrich Eckart. . .. in Die Reihe der Deutschen Fuhrer.
Berlin: Paul Schmidt Verlag, 1933, Heft 13.

Nolte, Ernst. "Eine Fruhe Quelle zu Hitlers Anti-Semitismus," in Historisches

Zeitschrift Bd.192, 1961. pp. 584-606.

Additional copies of this work may be obtained directly from the publisher at two
dollars each, postpaid. Also available is the "Bibliographical Guide to Dietrich
Eckart," a helpful listing of all works by or on the man, particularly useful to those
readers who wish to do additional research on Eckart. Included within this Guide is a
complete index of all issues of "Auf Gut Deutsch" (1918-1921) as reprinted from the
NSDAP Hauptarchiv. One dollar per copy, postpaid.
For the German-speaking student of National Socialism and/ or German Literature, a
35mm microfilm of Dietrich Eckart's eight published stage-works is now available.
These plays are so rare that neither the Library of Congress in Washington, the
Wiener Library of London, nor the Institut fur Zeitgeschichte of Munich can boast a
complete selection. After intensive search and expense, all eight works have been
assembled and filmed, sparing the curious student must lost time and effort. This film
may be used on any standard library microfilm reader, or used for photocopy
reproduction. To encourage further research and perusal of Eckart's works, this film is
made available at near cost. Twenty-five dollars, postpaid.

Address all inquiries and orders to:

William Gillespie
P.O. Box 66723
Houston, Texas 77006

_______________

Notes:

[i] Books such as "The Occult Reich" or "The Spear of Destiny" paint Eckart as a
devil worshipper or a follower of Rudolf Steiner and/or occultism, despite the fact that
Eckart wrote in his "Auf Gut Deutsch" that "whether Preuss or Hirsch or Steiner the
spirit is the same -- Jewish" (AGD, 11 July 1919, p. 322) and that Steiner's
"Goetheanum" center was burnt to the ground by National Socialists on New Years'
Eve 1922-23. (Author's Note)

1. Mosse. Crisis of German Ideology, NY, 1964, p. 297.

2. Smith. Adolf Hitler, Stanford, 1968, p. 153.

3. Bullock. Hitler, NY, 1961, p. 53.

4. Smith, Op. Cit. p. 153.

5. Maser, Hitler, NY, 1973, p. 126.

6. Cross. Adolf Hitler, NY, 1973, p. 71.

7. Hanser. Putsch!, NY, 1971, pp. 208-209.

8. Mosse. Op. Cit. p. 297.

9. Nolte. Der Faschismus in Seiner Epoche, Munich, 1963, p. 398.

10. Heiden. Der Fuhrer, Zurich, 1937, p. 373.

11. Fest. Hitler, NY, 1973, p. 133.

12. Franz-Willing. Die Hitlerbewegung, Vol. 1, Hamburg, 1962, p. 122.

13. Reich. Dietrich Eckart -- Vorkampfer der NS-Bewegung, Munich, 1933.

14. Rosenberg. Dietrich Eckart -- Ein Vermachtnis, Munich, 1935, p. 13.

15. Plewnia. Auf dem Weg zu Hitler-Volkische Publizist Dietrich Eckart, Bremen,
1970, p. 14.

16. Lembert. Dietrich Eckart -- Kunder und Kampfer des Dritten Reiches, Munich,
1934, pp. 13-14.

[ii] Of the twenty-one dailies published in Berlin during the 1870's, thirteen were
owned by Jews, four had important Jewish contributors, and only four had no
connection with Jews. In the three humorous papers -- UIk, Kladderdatsch and
Berliner Wespe -- Jews had a monopoly on political satire. It can said that only in
the specifically clerical or conservative press were no Jews to be found. The
"Liberal" press, which grew up with industry and parliamentarism flourished by
advertising and sensational reporting, owed its origins almost entirely to Jews." --
Peter Pulzer, The Rise of Political Anti-Semitism in Germany & Austria, p. 13. This
tradition continued well into the Weimar years, it might be added. [Author's note]

17. Reich, Op Cit. p. 60.

[iii] Eckart's jibe at the Jews is evident when 'Silberstahl' is rendered into English:
'Silverstealer.' [Author's Note.]

18. Eckart. Auf Gut Deutsch, 31 Jan 1919, Heft 5, pp. 69-70.

19. Hanser, Op. Cit., pp. 208-209.

20. Plewnia, Op Cit. p. 22. Eckart 's Peer Gynt was also translated into Dutch, Czech,
and Hungarian with success (see Maser, Frubgeschichte der NSDAP. Frankfurt a/M,
1965, p. 179).

21. Rosenberg. Op Cit., p. 38.

22. Euringer. Dietrich Eckart -- Leben eines Deutschen Dichters, Hamburg, 1935, p.
20.

23. Fest, Op Cit., p. 132.

24. Rosenberg. Op. Cit., p. 25.

25. Reich. Op. Cit., p. 60.

26. Plewnia. Op. Cit., p. 28.

27. Fest. Op. Cit., p. 132.

28. Lembert. Op. Cit., pp. 31-32.

[iv] For a more detailed argument on world affirmation/denial, see a translation

of Eckart's article entitled, "The Earth-Centered Jew lacks a Soul," printed in
George L. Mosse's Nazi Culture, Grosset & Dunlap, NYC, 1966, pp. 75ff. This
particular article was drawn from Alfred Rosenberg's Dietrich Eckart -- ein
Vermachtnis (p. 214ff.) but is incorrectly credited to Rosenberg himself rather
than to Eckart. [Author's Note.]

29. Rosenberg, Op. Cit., pp. 44-45.

30. Rosenberg. Letzten Aufzeichnungen, Gottingen, 1954, p. 81.

31. Plewnia, Op. Cit., p. 34.

32. Eckart. Auf Gut Deutsch, 17 Dez. 1918, Heft 1, pp. 3-8.

33. Ibid. 31 nez. 1918, Heft 2, pp. 18-19.

34. Plewnia, Op. Cit., p. 29.

35. Euringer, Op. Cit., p. 27.

36. Hauptarchiv folder no. 1311. Letter from Fleischhauer to Eckart. 5 November
1920.

37. Cohn. Warrant for Genocide. Middlesex, England, 1970, p. 253.

38. Hauptarchiv folder no. 1311. Letter from Fleischhauer to Huttke, dated 7 April
1938.
39. Fest, Op. Cit., p. 133.

40. Plewnia, Op. Cit., p. 67.

41. Ibid., p. 65.

42. Gruen. Dietrich Eckart Als Publizist, Munich, 1941, p. 152.

43. Plewnia. Op. Cit., p. 48.

44. Frans-Willing, Op. Cit., p. 181.

45. Fest. Op. Cit., p. 141. (see also Plewnia, Endnote no. 518).

46. Franz-Willing. Die Hitlerbewegung, Vol. 2. Oldendorff, 1975, pp. 158-159.

47. Ibid., Vol. 1. Hamburg, 1962, p. 185.

48. Rosenberg. Dietrich Eckart -- Ein Vermachtnis, Munich, 1935, p. 60.

49. Deuerlein. Der Hitler Putsch, Stuttgart, 1962, pp. 438-440.

50. Rosenberg, Op. Cit., p. 65.

51. Hamm. Obersalzburg, Munich, 1938, pp. 79-81.

52. Heiden. Introduction, in Hitler, Mein Kampf, American Edition, NY, 1943, p. xv.

53. Cohn, Op. Cit., p. 204.

54. Hitler. Mein Kampf, Munich, 1933, p. 781.