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Review of Educational Research
June 2010, Vol. 80, No. 2, pp. 272–295
DOI: 10.3102/0034654310362998
© 2010 AERA. http://rer.aera.net
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Class Attendance in College
At a theoretical level class attendance fits well into frameworks that emphasize
the joint role of cognitive ability and motivation in determining learning and work
performance (e.g., Kanfer & Ackerman, 1989). Specifically, cognitive ability and
motivation influence academic outcomes via two largely distinct mechanisms—
one mechanism related to information processing and the other mechanism being
behavioral in nature. Cognitive ability influences the degree to which students are
able to process, integrate, and remember material presented to them (Humphreys,
1979), a mechanism that explains the substantial predictive validity of SAT scores for
college grades (e.g., Halpin, Halpin, & Schaer, 1981; Bridgeman, McCamley-Jenkins,
& Ervin, 2000). Noncognitive attributes such as conscientiousness and achieve-
ment motivation are thought to influence grades via their influence on behaviors
that facilitate the understanding and retention of academic material (e.g., study-
ing, planning for the on-time completion of assignments). These noncognitive
attributes have exhibited impressive predictive grade-related validities on their
own (e.g., Lievens, Coetsier, De Fruyt, & De Maeseneer, 2002; Robbins et al.,
2004) but are not as good predictors of college grades as the actual academic
behaviors that they are thought to influence. A recent meta-analytic review of the
substantial literature relating to study behaviors (Credé & Kuncel, 2008), for
example, illustrated that study habits and study skills are (a) almost as predictive
of college grades as SAT scores and high school grades (HSGPA), (b) signifi-
cantly related to noncognitive attributes such as achievement motivation and con-
scientiousness, and (c) largely independent of both SAT scores and HSGPA. We
believe that class attendance may represent an in-class behavioral corollary to
academically important extraclass behaviors (e.g., studying) and be as important
for (and predictive of) academic achievement as these extraclass behaviors.
A quantitative review of the attendance literature not only will help to resolve
the ongoing debate regarding the importance of class attendance and thereby assist
in the continuing development of theoretical models of student performance that
acknowledge both student characteristics and student behaviors (e.g., Credé &
Kuncel, 2008) but also is likely to have important practical and policy implica-
tions. Attendance is voluntary in many college classes, primarily because of the
difficulty of taking attendance in large classes on a regular basis but also because
of the view that students should have some autonomy in determining the manner
in which they engage with academic material (Stephenson, 1994). Findings sug-
gesting that class attendance is an important determinant of grades may result in
policy changes in regard to class attendance, particularly given that recent techno-
logical advances such as personal response systems or “clickers” (e.g., Hoekstra,
2008) substantially ease the burden of collecting attendance data. At a minimum,
findings suggesting that class attendance is strongly related to class performance
should provide instructors with evidence that might persuade a larger proportion
of students to attend class voluntarily.
Why Class Attendance Should Influence Grades
Attending class not only allows students to obtain information that is not con-
tained in textbooks or lecture materials presented online but also allows students
varied contact with material (lectures, review of notes, demonstrations, etc.). In
addition, consistent class attendance represents a system of distributed practice
that has been shown to be effective in increasing the retention of information while
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Credé et al.
If class attendance does exhibit a strong relationship with the grades attained in
the class, it also becomes important to examine three related questions: (a) whether
class attendance is influenced by individual difference variables such as students’
personality, intelligence, or motivation; (b) whether attendance can explain vari-
ance in grades not already accounted for by traditional predictors of grades (par-
ticularly HSPGA and SAT); and (c) whether students in classes with mandated
attendance perform, on average, better than students in classes where attendance
is voluntary.
The Influence of Student Characteristics
In many colleges and universities the act of attending class is a largely voli-
tional behavior with short-term opportunity costs (i.e., not engaging in other activ-
ities) and likely long-term benefits (e.g., better grades, greater likelihood of getting
into graduate school). As such, class attendance should be related to variables that
reflect high levels of personal discipline (e.g., conscientiousness), academic
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Class Attendance in College
motivation (e.g., need for achievement), a sense of control over academic achieve-
ment (e.g., core self-evaluations), and variables reflective of the ability to antici-
pate the long-term consequences of poor class attendance (e.g., cognitive ability).
Many of these variables also exhibit meaningful relationship with grades (e.g.,
Hezlett et al., 2001; Lievens et al., 2002; Robbins et al., 2004).
Any observed relationships of class attendance with both grades and the var-
ious individual difference factors known to exhibit nontrivial relationships with
grades suggest four possibilities for the relationship among grades, class atten-
dance, and these individual difference variables. We summarize these relation-
ships in Figure 1. The first possibility (the mediated effects model) is that class
attendance mediates the relationship between individual difference variables and
grades. That is, individual difference factors such as motivation, conscientious-
ness, and intelligence increase the likelihood of a student attending class, and
class attendance, in turn, increases the likelihood of a student obtaining a good
grade. This model would imply that class attendance is largely a behavioral
manifestation of student motivation, traits, and abilities and would also imply
that class attendance explains little unique variance in grades not already
accounted for by these individual difference predictors. Such a model would find
support in strong relationships between attendance and grades and between stu-
dent characteristics and attendance.
The second possibility (the unique effects model) is that class attendance and
individual differences exert largely unique effects on grades; that is, individual
difference variables not only affect the degree to which students attend classes but
also affect grades in other ways. For example, intelligent students may understand
material more easily whereas conscientious students are more likely to spend suf-
ficient time reviewing class material or meeting with professors outside of class
hours. Thus, the unique effects model implies that class attendance exerts effects
on grades that are distinct from the effects of individual difference outcomes. Such
a model would find support in a strong attendance–grade relationship coupled with
weak relationships between attendance and student characteristics that are known
to be related to grades (e.g., SAT scores).
The last two possible relationships are difficult to directly investigate. Thus,
instead of proposing alternative hypotheses for these last two possible relationships,
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a) Mediated Effects Individual Difference Class Grade
Model Factors Attendance Outcome
Individual Difference
Factors
b) Unique Effects
Model Grade Outcome
Class Attendance
Grade Outcome
Individual Difference
c) Common Cause
Model
Factors
Class Attendance
Class Attendance
we instead examine indirect pieces of evidence that may suggest the last two
possible relationships. The third possibility (the common cause model) is that
any relationship between class attendance and grades is a spurious function of
the fact that both attendance and grades are influenced by the same set of causal
variables (e.g., motivation). Such a model is difficult to confirm via a simple
examination of relationships among variables, although the absence of indi-
vidual difference factors related to both attendance and grades would shed some
light on the validity of this model. The common cause model can also be tested
by examining the effect that mandatory class attendance policies have on grades.
Specifically, an increase in average grades resulting from a mandatory atten-
dance policy would suggest that a common cause explanation cannot fully
account for any observed correlation between attendance and grades. Thus, the
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Class Attendance in College
The fourth possibility is that the relationship between class attendance and
grade is bidirectional in nature such that poor performance on tests acts as either a
motivator or demotivator, resulting in either increases or decreases in class atten-
dance. Jones (1984) found evidence for such a relationship; students who had poor
attendance prior to a test had lower average grades on the test than students with
good attendance and then lowered their subsequent attendance even further in
comparison to students with good attendance. This model is in line with stress and
appraisal frameworks (e.g., Lazarus & Folkman, 1984) whereby some students
who perform poorly on tests experience stress and then withdraw from the source
of the stress. Unfortunately, such a bidirectional relationship cannot be tested via
a simple examination of correlations.
Method
Identification of Data Sources
Potential sources of data were identified via keyword searches of the PsycINFO,
Dissertation Abstracts, Education Full Text, EBSCO, ScienceDirect, and ERIC
databases, complemented by searches of the Internet. Articles were included only
if they reported correlations between either (a) class attendance and college GPA
or (b) attendance in a particular class and the grade obtained in that class. Articles
that presented data in a manner that allowed computation of either of these rela-
tionships were also included. Articles that report laboratory studies or attendance
in high school or primary school classes were not included (the vast majority of
high schools and primary schools have mandatory attendance policies). Articles
were also not included if only statistically significant findings were reported
because an inclusion of such articles would have resulted in an upwardly biased
estimate of the relationship between attendance and grade outcomes. In other
words, articles were excluded if they reported statistics only regarding the signifi-
cant relationships but failed to report statistics for their nonsignificant relation-
ships, given that often a single article would provide several useful data points.
Finally, articles were also excluded if the grade in a class was based, in part, on
class attendance (e.g., Freeman et al., 2007; Snell & Mekies, 1995). Inclusion of
such articles would also have resulted in an upwardly biased effect size estimate.
In addition to the correlation between attendance and grades or GPA, any
reported correlations between attendance and student characteristics (cognitive
ability, achievement motivation, conscientiousness, age, gender, SAT, HSGPA,
etc.) were also recorded. Data sources were also coded according to relevant
demographic data (i.e., number of participants, type of class). Finally, we carefully
screened all data sources to ensure that data that had been published more than
once (e.g., Farsides & Woodfield, 2003; Woodfield, Jessop, & McMillan, 2006)
were included only once in our analysis.
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Coding Procedure
Relevant information from all articles were coded by the first two authors using
standardized coding sheets that increase the accuracy of coding by cuing the coder
to attend to specific study details. The two coding sheets for each study were com-
pared to each other by the third author, who found more than 95% agreement. The
remaining discrepancies in coding typically involved differences in sample sizes
because of inconsistencies in the manner in which data were reported in coded
articles (e.g., text vs. tables) and were resolved via discussion among the authors.
Final Database
The final database for the relationship of class attendance with academic out-
comes consisted of 99 correlations from 90 independent samples representing data
from a total of 28,034 students. In addition, the database also included 83 correla-
tions for the relationship between attendance and other student characteristics,
representing data from 33 independent samples and 11,110 students. The data set
contained articles and dissertations covering 82 years, from 1927 to 2009, and
consisted of 52 published articles and 16 unpublished dissertations or papers.
Criterion and Predictor Categories
We restricted our analyses to two main criterion categories: grades obtained in
an individual class and college GPA. Our examination of possible predictors of
attendance was restricted to a relatively small number of variables because of the
limited number of factors reported in the extant attendance literature. We con-
ducted meta-analyses only for those categories where information from at least
three independent samples was available. We therefore examined only demo-
graphic variables (age and gender), trait variables (e.g., Big Five Traits, core self-
evaluations), prior achievement (SAT scores, and HSGPA), and variables reflecting
interest and motivation (academic motivation, time spent studying).
Examined Moderators
The nature of the published data allowed examination of only two moderators
of the attendance–grade relationship: the type of class (science classes vs. non-
science classes) and time of publication. There are two broad reasons why we
suspect that attendance may be more important in science than nonscience classes.
First, science classes may be more likely to include hands-on demonstrations and
applications of principles that have been covered than nonscience classes. Missing
such activities and illustrations may represent a serious challenge to performing
well. Second, material in science classes may be more cumulative in nature than
material in most nonscience classes. For example, an organic chemistry student
who has missed lectures on stereochemistry is likely to also experience difficulty
understanding material presented later in the same class that assumes knowledge
of stereochemistry. A student taking a class on personality psychology who has
missed lectures on psychodynamic theories of personality may not be similarly
affected when later lectures focus on biopsychological theories of personality.
Our expectation that effect sizes might be negatively correlated with year of pub-
lication is based on the notion that the increasing quality of textbooks and, more
recently, the availability of online class material might reduce the necessity of
class attendance. Thus, we expect larger relationships in older studies.
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Analyses
The analysis was completed using the Schmidt and Le (2004) software based
on the Hunter and Schmidt (2004) psychometric meta-analytic method. A random
effects model was used, which not only allows for the estimation of the population
correlation between the predictor and criterion variables but also provides an esti-
mate of the variation in the population parameter across samples after accounting
for variation because of both sampling error and differences in study artifacts (e.g.,
unreliability in the measurement of predictor and/or criterion variables). This esti-
mate of the variation in the population parameter (SDr) provides an indication of
the presence and size of unaccounted for moderators—nonzero SDr values indi-
cate that different studies provide different estimates of the population correlation
even after taking into account sampling error and any examined study artifacts
(e.g., unreliability in measurement). The SDr values were used to establish the
upper and lower bounds of the 90% credibility interval. If the credibility interval
overlaps zero, it is possible the true population correlation (r) is actually zero in
some cases; the credibility interval is used in determining the distribution of
parameter values and is useful in determining the existence of moderators (Hunter
& Schmidt, 2004).
Because not all of the studies included in this meta-analysis reported informa-
tion on the reliability of scores of examined variables, we used the interactive
meta-analytic procedure outlined by Hunter and Schmidt (2004). Available reli-
ability information was used to construct separate reliability distributions for
criterion and predictor variables, and the sample-size-weighted distribution of
observed correlations was then disattenuated using the reliability distributions of
the predictor and criterion variables. In instances in which no reliability informa-
tion was available for a variable, no reliability corrections were performed for that
variable in that meta-analysis, except for GPA (see below). Similarly, we conser-
vatively assumed that class attendance was measured with perfect reliability
because more than 85% of attendance data came from class records rather than
being based on student self-reports.
Given the lack of reliability information for GPA among the examined studies,
we based our artifact distribution for this criterion on four published estimates of
the reliability of GPA (Barritt, 1966; Bendig, 1953; Reilly & Warech, 1993;
Stricker, Rock, Burton, Muraki, & Jirele, 1994). We did not correct for unreliabil-
ity in grades for individual classes because of the lack of available information.
Results
Class Attendance and Outcomes
Meta-analytic results for the relationship between class attendance and academic
performance are shown in Table 1. In support of Hypothesis 1, attendance correlates
strongly with both performance in an individual class (k = 69, N = 21,195, r = .44)
and college GPA (k = 33, N = 9,243, r = .41), although the relatively large credibil-
ity intervals suggest likely moderators of these relationships. According to Cohen
(1988), a correlation of .50 represents a large effect size. Table 1 also provides
results for one of our two examined moderators: science versus nonscience classes.
In line with our expectations, the attendance–grade relationship was slightly stronger
for science classes (k = 12, N = 8,524, r = .49) than for nonscience classes (k = 57,
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FIGURE 2. Scatterplot of the relationship between observed attendance–grade
correlations and year of publication.
N = 12,394, r = .41). The correlation between year of publication and the attendance–
performance relationship was negligible for both class grade, r(69) = .09, ns, and
GPA, r(33) = –.16, ns, suggesting that the importance of class attendance has
not significantly changed over time. Thus, it appears that use of online classroom
resources and improved textbooks have not decreased the importance of attending
class. A scatterplot of the observed correlations against year of publication (Figure 2)
also does not suggest a dramatic change in attendance–grade correlations at the
approximate point of the introduction of Web-based technologies.
Correlates and Antecedents
Results for the relationship of class attendance with student characteristics
(Hypothesis 2) are presented in Table 2. The relationships represented effect sizes
in the small to medium range for most variables, including the Big Five personal-
ity traits, SAT scores, and intelligence. According to Cohen (1988), a correlation
of .10 represents a small effect size and a correlation of .30 represents a medium
effect size. The strongest relationships were observed for the number of hours
spent studying (k = 7, N = 1,532, r = .20), high school GPA (k = 5, N = 963, r =
.16), and conscientiousness (k = 6, N = 1,874, r = .24). These effect sizes probably
reflect the influence of an overall conscientiousness factor. Core self-evaluations
exhibited a slight positive relationship with attendance (k = 7, N = 763, r = .18),
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TABLE 1
Meta-analytic results for relationship of class attendance with class grades and
GPA
File
Criteria N k robs ρ SDρ 10%CV 90%CV Drawer x
whereas year in college also exhibited a slight negative relationship with atten-
dance (k = 3, N = 4,141, r = –.11), such that students in their junior and senior years
are less likely to attend class. Thus, Hypothesis 2—suggesting that class atten-
dance will exhibit positive relationships with individual difference variables that
reflect students’ levels of conscientiousness, motivation, core self-evaluations, and
cognitive ability—received weak to moderate levels of support.
Table 2 also presents meta-analytic estimates of the attendance–grade relation-
ship derived from just the subsample of studies that were used to calculate the
relationship between attendance and each student characteristic. For example, the
correlation between attendance and SAT scores was estimated to be r = –.01 based
on six studies, whereas the estimate of the attendance–grade relationship from
these same six studies is r = .45. The range of these estimates of the attendance–
grade relationship was from r = .24 to r = .52, with a mean of r = .43 and a median
of r = .46. These results suggest that the findings that (a) attendance–grade rela-
tionships are strong whereas (b) the student characteristic—attendance relation-
ship is weak to moderate is not simply a function of deriving estimates of these
relationships from different samples.
The lack of strong relationships between attendance and student characteristics
coupled with the finding that attendance–grade relationships remain strong even within
the same subset of studies suggests that a mediated effects model (Hypothesis 3,
Alternative 1) is unlikely to be valid for these student characteristics and that a
unique effects model (Alternative 2) may better capture the relationships among
attendance, grades, and student characteristics.
Incremental Validity
As a further test of Hypothesis 3 (Alternative 2), hierarchical regression was
used to assess whether class attendance explains incremental variance in GPA
beyond the variance explained by the two of the most commonly used predictors
of academic performance (SAT scores and high school GPA). These two predictors
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TABLE 2
Meta-analytic results for relationship of attendance with student characteristics
Student
Characteristics N k robs ρ SDρ 10%CV 90%CV rAttend-Grade
are chosen not only because they represent important student characteristics (cog-
nitive ability and prior achievement) but also because the relationship of these two
variables with college grades has been so well illustrated. Our regression analysis
was based on the meta-analytic estimates from this study and imported validities
from a large-scale meta-analytic review of the relationship among SAT scores,
HSGPA, and college GPA (Hezlett et al., 2001). Specifically, we used the opera-
tional validity of .35 for SAT scores and .40 for HSGPA. For each of the two
analyses the utilized sample size was the harmonic mean of the sample sizes asso-
ciated with each meta-analytic estimate. Results indicate that attendance explains
a very large amount of incremental validity over SAT scores (adj. DR2 = .19, p < .01)
and over HSGPA (adj. DR2 = .13, p < .01)—not surprising given the relative inde-
pendence of attendance from both SAT scores and HSGPA. These results are in
general support of Hypothesis 3 (Alternative 2).
Effect of Mandatory Attendance Policy
In exploration of Alternative 3 of Hypothesis 3 regarding the effect of mandatory
attendance policies, we were able to identify only three studies (Berenson, Carter,
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50
45
40
Percentage of Class
35
30
Attendance Required
25
Attendance Not Required
20
15
10
5
0
A B C D or F
Grade Obtained
& Norwood, 1992; Chan, Shum, & Wright, 1997; Kooker, 1976) that examined the
effects of a mandatory attendance policy on class grades and that reported data in
a manner that allowed inclusion in a meta-analysis. Meta-analysis of these three
studies revealed a small increase in average grades associated with a mandatory
attendance policy (k = 3, N = 1,421, d = .21), thus providing some tentative support
for Hypothesis 3 (Alternative 3). Other authors (e.g., Hancock, 1994) note dra-
matic differences in test grades between classes with and without an attendance
policy but did not provide data that allowed inclusion. The manner in which data
were presented by Kooker (1976) also allowed a more detailed secondary exami-
nation of the data that showed that an attendance policy may be disproportionately
beneficial for low performing students. Specifically, a reanalysis of Kooker’s data
(N = 835) shows that the proportion of students getting a D or an F in an experi-
mental psychology class was 12.6% when attendance was not mandatory and that
this dropped to 3.9% when class attendance was mandatory (see Figure 3). This
difference is significant (p < .01), whereas the difference in the proportion of A grades
obtained in the two conditions (21.5% vs. 20.6%) was not significant (p > .05).
There was no significant difference (p < .05) in the proportion of students who
withdrew from class under the two conditions (7.4% when attendance was manda-
tory and 9.6% when attendance was not mandatory).
Curvilinear Effects of Attendance on Grades
Given Kooker’s (1976) finding that an attendance policy may be particularly
effective at reducing the number of failures while having weaker effects on the
number of A’s received by students, we also decided (post hoc) to examine whether
the general relationship between class attendance and grades also exhibited similar
relationships. Two authors (Gendron & Pieper, 2005; Hyde & Flournoy, 1986) not
only reported a correlational table but also presented their data in a manner that
allowed us to substantially recreate the original data and test for possible curvilinear
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35
30
Percentage of Students
25
20
Highest Quintile of
15 Grades
10 Lowest Quintile of
Grades
5
0
0-19 20-39 40-59 60-79 80-100
Percentage of Classes Attended
90.0
Average Grade Percentage
80.0
70.0
60.0
50.0
40.0
30.0
10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
Percentile of Class Attendance
attendance and students with average attendance was larger than the difference
between students with average attendance and students with very good attendance.
In aggregate, our findings that suggest that (a) attendance is strongly related to
grades, (b) attendance is only weakly to moderately related to student characteris-
tics, and (c) a mandatory attendance policy has a (small) positive effect on average
grades provide strongest support for the unique effects model (Figure 1). The lack
of evidence for student characteristics that are strongly related to both grades and
attendance suggests that the mediated effects model is unlikely to be valid, whereas
the positive effects of an attendance policy suggest that the attendance–grade rela-
tionship is unlikely to be an artifact of a common causal variable.
Discussion
This article has provided meta-analytic summaries of the relationships of class
attendance with both grades in a class and overall GPA while also providing meta-
analytic estimates of the relationships between class attendance and a variety of
student characteristics. Our results show that class attendance is strongly corre-
lated with class grades and GPA in college—indeed, the observed correlations with
grades are larger even than those observed in meta-analytic reviews of the validi-
ties of both SAT scores and HSGPA (Hezlett et al., 2001) and study habits and
study skills (Credé & Kuncel, 2008). As such, class attendance provides a dramatic
increase in the amount of variance in grades that can be explained from student
characteristics and behaviors. Such a finding is in clear agreement with theories of
learning and training that emphasize the importance of repeated and extensive
contact with information and repeated practice of skills.
Our results, however, do not only show that class attendance is very strongly
related to academic performance and moderately related to specific student char-
acteristics (e.g., conscientiousness). Rather, they can also be used to shed light on
the validity of a number of competing models exploring the nature of the relation-
ship among class attendance, grades, and student characteristics. The relatively
weak relationships between class attendance and student characteristics suggest
that neither a mediated effects model nor a common cause model (see Figure 1) is
likely to be valid—at least for the examined student characteristics. That is, our
results do not suggest that students with high class attendance are simply those with
dramatically higher levels of motivation or conscientiousness—characteristics
that would account for the higher grades observed among students with high levels
of attendance. Rather, the results are most supportive of a unique effects model in
which class attendance and student characteristics make unique contributions
toward academic performance, especially when considering other evidence sug-
gesting that student characteristics such as prior achievement (e.g., Hezlett et al.,
2001) and certain personality traits (Poropat, 2009) are related to grades. That is,
student characteristics and attendance are more strongly related to grades than to
each other.
We are, of course, hesitant to make inferences of causality on the basis of cor-
relational data despite the strong relationship between class attendance and grade
and the lack of examined student characteristics that could act as common causal
variables of both attendance and grades. It may, for instance, be that educational
researchers have simply not examined the full range of such possible common
causal variables (see our discussion of this below). Alternatively, it may be that
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Credé et al.
class attendance and grades are so strongly related not because attendance fosters
learning but because instructors use class time to communicate information
to students that is not effectively captured in textbooks or notes posted on class
websites. Such unique information may include instructor expertise that extends
beyond textbook material but may also contain explicit or implicit information
about what questions are most likely to be asked on tests and exams or how assign-
ments should best be completed or approached. In this latter case the attendance–
grade relationship would simply be an artifact of students being better able to
anticipate test questions or the criteria used to evaluate other assignments.
At the same time, it is important to note that our findings would have strong
implications for educational practices and policies if even a relatively small pro-
portion of the attendance–grade relationship is causal in nature. The low levels of
support that our results show for a mediated effects model or a common causal
model and the better support that appears evident for a unique effects model sug-
gest that some causal relationship is certainly plausible. Our theoretical under-
standing of the learning process (e.g., the importance of overlearning) is also
broadly supportive of at least some causal relationship. Any such causal relation-
ship would, in turn, be strongly supportive of efforts to boost class attendance
rates—particularly if the goal is to reduce failure rates in classes (Kooker, 1976).
Indeed, our findings that attendance is a better predictor of class grades than any
other known predictor (including HSGPA, SAT scores, and study habits) suggest
that the benefits of better attendance in college classes are likely to be substantial.
Not only are all students likely to learn more from their classes, but also failure
rates are likely to be substantially decreased. Assuming an approximately normal
distribution of grades, even a small benefit that accrues equally to all students will
result in a relatively large reduction in those students falling below the cut line that
distinguishes passing grades from failing grades. If, for example, we assume a
normal distribution of grades in a class and a 10% failure rate, then an even moder-
ate across-the-board increase in grades (d = .5) would reduce the failure rate to less
than 4%—a more than 60% reduction in the failure rate. Evidence from individual
studies (e.g., Kooker, 1976) that attendance disproportionately benefits lower abil-
ity students would suggest that the reduction in failure rates may be even larger.
Of course, the benefits of reducing failure rates accrue not only to the individual
student but also to the college or university and society in general. Failing even one
class can defer students’ graduation by a semester, resulting in additional tuition
fees, deferred entry into the labor market, and subsequent reduced life earnings.
Public universities, whose funding may be linked to graduation rates or time-to-
degree-completion statistics, are also likely to benefit from lower class failure
rates—as will the taxpayers who fund such institutions.
Experimental or quasi-experimental data will ultimately be most useful for
evaluating the causal nature of the attendance–grade relationship, but such data are
sparse in the educational literature. Indeed, our results regarding the effect of man-
datory attendance policy are, unfortunately, based on only three studies and repre-
sent only a small effect size. We present them largely to summarize the existing
evidence and argue for further work on this important issue. The weak positive
effect for attendance policies, based on a small total sample, cannot in itself make
the argument for mandatory attendance policies. However, we do believe that
the results are of interest, especially the effects of a mandatory attendance policy
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on weaker students. Even though there is emerging evidence that lectures can be
entirely replaced with an online presentation of material coupled with small group
interactive discussions of material without loss of learning (e.g., Scheines,
Leinhardt, Smith, & Cho, 2005), Figure 2 shows no decrement on attendance–
grade relationships evident since the beginning of the Internet age. Thus, it appears
that even though during the past 10 years or so more instructional material has
been available online, class attendance is still important in the majority of classes.
Indeed, our findings regarding the importance of class attendance for science
classes suggest that attendance will remain important, and perhaps even gain
importance, if the proportion of students taking increasingly complex science
classes were to increase.
It is our position that the question of whether attendance policies are appropri-
ate is ultimately as much a question of educational philosophy as a question of
empirical findings. The argument that adult students should be free to decide on
how to best use their time and whether classes are worth attending is a compelling
one (e.g., Romer, 1993), as is the counterargument that state-funded universities
cannot ethically afford to allow students to cut an unlimited number of classes
(e.g., Street, 1975). Ultimately, instructors and universities should allow their
decision regarding mandatory attendance policies to be guided by a joint consid-
eration of the best available empirical evidence and an evaluation of their educa-
tional philosophy.
Most educators are likely to agree, however, that class attendance is a generally
desirable behavior, and there is encouraging evidence that mandatory policies are
not necessary for dramatically improving class attendance or class performance.
Moore et al. (2003), for example, found that simply stressing the importance of
attendance to students at the beginning of a semester raised average grades by 9%
when compared to a similar class in which attendance was not stressed—and
reduced the failure rate by 70% (from 23% to 7%).
Limitations and Future Research
Any meta-analytic review is restricted to a consideration of the existing litera-
ture in a particular domain. The literature on class attendance provides clear evi-
dence that attendance is strongly associated with grades but provides significantly
less evidence on two related important questions. First, the evidence relating to the
effect of an attendance policy on grades is very limited. This is understandable
given the very real practical difficulties of comparing grades when attendance is
voluntary to grades when attendance is mandatory, but we hope that future research
will examine this important policy issue in more detail. Second, the determinants
of voluntary class attendance also remain poorly understood. We have presented
evidence that some student characteristics are weakly to moderately related to
attendance, but studies examining the role of these characteristics were relatively
few, and the overall sample size for these analyses was moderate, such that the
findings regarding relationships between attendance and student characteristics
need to be interpreted with some caution. Future researchers should not only
attempt to explore the role of the variables that we have discussed in greater detail
but also expand their examination of the influences on voluntary class attendance
to other variables.
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