Rereading Eric Voegelin's "Order and History"

Order and History, 5 vols. = The Collected Works of Eric Voegelin, vols. 14-18 by Eric
Voegelin; Maurice P. Hogan; Athanasios Moulakis; Dante Germino; Michael Franz; Ellis Sandoz
Review by: Klaus Vondung
International Journal of the Classical Tradition, Vol. 11, No. 1 (Summer, 2004), pp. 80-94
Published by: Springer
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REVIEWARTICLES

RereadingEricVoegelin'sOrderandHistory

Eric Voegelin, Orderand History,5 vols. = TheCollectedWorksof EricVoegelin,vols. 14-

18 (Columbia and London: University of Missouri Press); vol. I: Israeland Revelation.
Edited with an Introductionby MauriceP. Hogan (2001),619 pp.; vol. II: TheWorldof
the Polis. Edited with an Introductionby Athanasios Moulakis (2000),477 pp.; vol. III:
Platoand Aristotle.Edited with an Introductionby Dante Germino(2000),X + 488 pp.;
vol. IV: The EcumenicAge. Edited with an Introductionby Michael Franz (2000), 444
pp.; vol. V: In Searchof Order.Edited with an Introductionby Ellis Sandoz (2000),
150pp.
The republicationof OrderandHistoryin the CollectedWorksedition offers an apposite
opportunity to reread Eric Voegelin's magnumopus, and invites a reappraisal,for al-
most fifty years have passed since the original publication of the first three volumes
(1956/57) and almost twenty since Voegelin's death (1985).BeforeI set out to present
the results of my renewed reading of OrderandHistory,a few personal remarksare in
order.Being neither a philosophernor a political scientist,my perspectiveon Voegelin's
work has been characterizedby disciplinary distance but, at the same time, by schol-
arly as well as personal proximity. As a student of Voegelin's at the University of
Munich in the 1960s, I 'grew up' with the first three volumes of OrderandHistoryand
Voegelin's other works. Although Political Science was not my 'major',Voegelin's
theoretical approach as well as the interdisciplinaryscope of his scholarshipwas the
strongest and most attractivestimulus of my student years and had a lasting effect on
my subsequent scholarly endeavors.During my postdoctoralresearchat StanfordUni-
versity in 1972 and 1973, I witnessed the final stages of Voegelin's writing and com-
pleting of volume IV of OrderandHistory,TheEcumenicAge, published in 1974.During
subsequent visits, Voegelin entrustedto me - a frequentpracticeof his towards former
students and friends in order to draw them into discussions - typescripts of newly
written essays that were meant to become part of volume V, In Searchof Order,like the
chapter The Beginningof the Beginning,or that formed part of the context of this final
volume, like TheBeginningand theBeyond,also published posthumously.'
For a reviewer of Orderand Historywho has been familiar with Voegelin's work
for more than forty years, yet is not an expert in all of the pertinent fields, it is
advisable to control rereading impressions by consulting the secondary studies on
Voegelin that have been published in recent years as well as older reviews, and espe-
cially the introductions written for the republication of Orderand Historyin the Col-
lectedWorksedition. Furthermore,a German translationof Orderand Historyis in the
process of being published, and the volumes of that edition also contain very knowl-
edgable introductionsand epilogues.2
1. The CollectedWorksof Eric Voegelin,vol. 28: WhatIs History?And OtherLate Unpublished
by ThomasA. Hollweckand PaulCaringella,Baton
Editedwith an Introduction
Writings.
Rougeand London:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1990.
2. EricVoegelin,Ordnung ed. PeterJ.OpitzandDietmarHerz,Munich:Wilhelm
undGeschichte,

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Review
Articles 81

A survey of Voegelin's magnumopus requires various perspectives, considering

the time span between the first three volumes of 1956/57 and the fifth volume, pub-
lished posthumously in 1987, and considering the developments or even 'breaks' in
Voegelin's thinking during the last twenty years of his life, as reflectedin TheEcumenic
Age and In Searchof Order.A first perspective must examine the individual volumes
and look for the lasting significance of the respective materialstudies, especially with
regardto the first three volumes that were published almost fifty years ago. Secondly,
the developments and 'breaks' in the ongoing series mentioned above have to be
evaluated. Finally, a comprehensive appraisal of Orderand History 'as a whole' is
certainlydesirable,if at all possible. The publishing history and the changing structure
of OrderandHistorythemselves suggest that these three perspectives cannot always be
neatly kept separatein the course of this review.
The first three volumes of OrderandHistorythemselves representeda 'break'with
a preceding monumentalwork of Voegelin's, the Historyof PoliticalIdeas,almost com-
plete in the early fifties, but never published during Voegelin's lifetime.3 Voegelin
used the first parts of the Historyof PoliticalIdeasas a materialbasis for the first three
volumes of Orderand History,but revised and expanded the previous text and, above
all, refashioned it in accordancewith his new theoreticalconcept, developed in 1951
while he was preparingthe WalgreenLecturesat the University of Chicago, published
under the title TheNew Scienceof Politics.4Voegelin himself explained succinctly why
he abandoned the Historyof PoliticalIdeasand set out afresh in his Autobiographical
Reflections:"I had to give up 'ideas' as objectsof a history and establish the experience
of reality - personal, social, historical, cosmic - as the reality to be explored histori-
cally. These experiences,however, one could explore only by exploring their articula-
tion through symbols."5 In retrospect, these sentences captured the most important
principle of Voegelin's new approach, as outlined in the Preface and Introductionto
Israeland Revelation:To understand "the order of man, society, and history to the
extent to which it has become accessible to science," one cannot resort to 'ideas' as
'objects'of study, but must take recourse to man's experience as a participantin the
"primordialcommunity of being" - God and man, world and society -, and must
analyze man's endeavors to endow his experiences with meaning in symbolic forms
that constitute "truthconcerning the order of being of which the order of society is a
part."6

Fink,2002ff. Theoriginalfive volumeshavebeendivided,forthe purposeof thisGerman

edition,intotenvolumes;so farvols.I andIV-VIIhavebeenpublished.
3. Withtheexceptionof one portion:EricVoegelin,FromEnlightenmenttoRevolution,
ed. John
H. Hallowell,Durham,N.C.:DukeUniversityPress,1975.Meanwhile,the Historyof Politi-
cal Ideashas been published as part of The CollectedWorksof Eric Voegelin,vols. 19-26,
ColumbiaandLondon:Universityof MissouriPress,1997-1999.
4. Thehistoryof the Historyof PoliticalIdeas,the developmentand finalabandonmentof this
workin favorof OrderandHistory, hasbeenverywell documented by ThomasA. Hollweck,
Ellis Sandoz, and Athanasios Moulakis in their introductionsto TheCollectedWorksof Eric
Voegelin,vol.19:HistoryofPolitical
Ideas,vol. I:Hellenism,
Rome,andEarlyChristianity.
Edited
with an Introductionby AthanasiosMoulakis,Columbiaand London:Universityof Mis-
souriPress,1997,pp. 1-57.
5. EricVoegelin,Autobiographical Reflections.Edited,with an Introduction,
by EllisSandoz,
BatonRougeandLondon:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1989,p. 80.
6. IsraelandRevelation
(= OrderandHistoryI),pp. 24,39.

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82 International oftheClassical
Journal Tradition
/ Summer
2004

OrderandHistorywas meant, as Voegelin summarized at the end of the Prefaceto

vol. I, to be "a philosophical inquiry concerning the order of human existence in
society and history."7 This was a concept commonly labelled 'philosophy of history',
and that Voegelin did indeed aspire to this philosophical genre is demonstratedby his
references to, and discussions with, Toynbee, Jaspers,and Spengler in the first three
volumes, especially in vols. I and II. At the same time, however, he claimed, in com-
parison with those philosophers of history, to offer a new approachto philosophizing
about the history of mankind and, consequently, offer new insights. And Voegelin still
remained a political scientist. The broad philosophical perspective notwithstanding,
his "philosophicalinquiry"clearlyhad political and social relevance,always including
analyses of political and social orderand disorder.Above all, these analyses, as well as
the whole enterprise, were motivated by the ideological and political disorder of his
time. The "search for truth concerning the order of being" emanates, as Voegelin
pointed out, "froma man's awarenessof his existence in untruth."Thus, the enterprise
of Orderand History was also meant to have a "remedial effect" for contemporary
society. 8
The first sentence of Orderand Historyread: "The order of history emerges from
the history of order."Consequently,the program of Orderand History,as envisaged in
vol. I, was to lay out and analyze "a sequence of orders, intelligibly connected with
one another as advances toward, or recessions from, an adequate symbolization of
truth concerning the order of being of which the order of society is a part."9 The first
three volumes, covering the civilizations of the ancient Near East, Mesopotamia and
Egypt, Israel, archaic Greece and the Hellenic Polis, finally Plato and Aristotle, dealt
with three major forms of symbolizations:the compact myth of ancient cosmological
societies and the differentiatedsymbolisms of revelation and philosophy in Israel and
Hellas. The breaks with the 'compactness' of the cosmological myth that occurred
independently of each other Voegelin called "leaps in being;"10they produced, in
Voegelin's view, "a new truth about the order of being"": revelation with conse-
quences primarily for the order of history and the order of society in its immediacy
under God, philosophy with consequencesfor the order of the psyche of man, directed
towards the agathon.Although Voegelin already cautioned the reader on the first page
of Orderand History that "there is no simple pattern of progress or cycles running
through history"12(a foreshadowingof the later revision of his concept), the first three
volumes give the impression of a "sequence",of a process of differentiationthat cul-
minates - the equivalence of revelationand philosophy notwithstanding- in Plato.
The general principles of Voegelin's study, the supposition of man's participatory
existence within the "quarternarianstructure"of God and man, world and society;13
the consideration of symbolic forms as expressions or "exegeses" of experiences;the
understanding that symbols are self-interpretations of experiences within the
'quarternarian'field of existence with the goal to endow these experiences with mean-
ing and finally to arrive at "truthconcerningthe order of being;"the insight that there

7. Ibid.,p. 24.
8. Ibid.
9. Ibid.,p. 19.
10. See especiallyIsraelandRevelation,
pp. 48, 52, 89-90;TheWorldof the Polis(= Orderand
HistoryII),pp. 67-90.
11. TheWorldof thePolis,p. 67.
12. IsraelandRevelation,p. 19.

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Review
Articles 83

are stages of compactnessand differentiationof experiencesand symbolization as well

as recessions and degradations, and, in addition, the methodological principle that
'theory'is not an a prioridogma, but the result of carefullyconducted materialstudies-
these principleswere truly innovative and yielded new, and often surprising,insights.
Thus, Voegelin's overall view and many of his results have lost nothing of their merit
(depending, of course, on whether one goes along with his philosophical and method-
ologicalapproach).If one goes into detail,however, the situationlooks slightly different.
It is no surprise that after almost half a century we detect shortcomings and
doubtful, even erroneous, interpretationsin the first three volumes of Orderand His-
tory. This is due to the fact that scholarship has advanced, that a wealth of new
materialhas been made accessible during that period of time, especially with respect
to the societies of Mesopotamia,Egypt, Israel, the Minoan and Mycenaean cultures.
Thereare new and better translationsof texts, more precise datings, new archeological
findings, more sophisticated analyses in the pertinent disciplines of orientalism,
Egyptology, biblical theology, archeology, philology of ancient oriental languages.
Voegelin himself was always aware that researchwould continue and that his analy-
ses did not have the characterof 'last words'. A second reason for certain shortcom-
ings can be seen in Voegelin's selection of material for the basis of his study. And
finally, we look back now to the first three volumes of Orderand History with an
awarenessof the developments and advances Voegelin himself made in his later work.
That Voegelin began his study with the ancient civilizations of Mesopotamiaand
Egypt was quite unusual for the time, the works of Spengler and Toynbee notwith-
standing. Not an orientalisthimself, he had to resort to pertinent scholarly investiga-
tions and to translationsof texts. Yet, it was his good fortune that especially the works
of the Chicagoschool of orientalists,above all Henri Frankfort'sand JohnA. Wilson's,
provided a highly advanced 'state of the science'. Not equally reliablewere the trans-
lations Voegelin had to use, nor their datings. The 'MemphiteTheology', for instance,
is apparentlymore than 2000 years younger than Voegelin had to assume and there-
fore cannot maintainthe significanceVoegelin ascribedto it.14
Contemporaryorientalists and Egyptologists list as shortcomings of Voegelin's
interpretationsof the Mesopotamian and Egyptian civilizations his selection of texts,
excluding important ones that would have allowed a more complex image of these
civilizations; they criticize a certain negligence of pragmatic aspects, especially the
importanceof rites for the order and self-interpretationof the pertinent societies, and
they criticize some of Voegelin's interpretationsas outdated. It is interesting, though,
that especially renowned scholars, like the orientalist Peter Machinist and the
Egyptologist Jan Assmann, despite their criticism still appreciate Voegelin's general
approach as well as some of his particularanalyses, as for instance the interpretation
of "divine manifestationin the Pharaoh."'15 They both maintainthat the history of the
Mesopotamian societies and of Egypt was more complicatedthan Voegelin's presenta-
tion suggested and, above all, that these civilizations were not as mythologically 'com-
pact' as Voegelin's image of the cosmological societies implied a problem that Voegelin
himself tried to solve later on with his concept of 'historiogenesis'.But they nonethe-
less value this "firstattempt to do justice to the forms of thinking of the early civiliza-
tions in a comprehensive theory of evolution," and they appreciate Voegelin as a

13. Ibid.,p. 39.

14. Ibid.,pp. 127-135.
15. Ibid., pp. 106-121.

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84 Journalof theClassicalTradition/ Summer2004
International

"pioneer and stimulating mind who challenges continuous research and thinking,
refutation,contradiction,as well as approval."16
We encounter a similar mixture of criticism and appreciation with respect to
Voegelin's analysis of Israel. In an early review, H. H. Rowley had criticized that
Voegelin accentuated "paradigmatichistory" while neglecting "pragmatic history"
and he warned that "it is important to establish how far the history is reliable in a
work which is devoted to Orderand History."'7This criticism is still maintained in
recent biblical theology and Jewish thought, as for instance by BernhardW. Anderson
and Moshe Idel, as well as by Maurice P. Hogan in his introduction to Israeland
Revelation.And in a way similar to Machinist's and Assmann's critique, Moshe Idel
criticizesVoegelin's "marginalizationof ritual".In his view, ritual, in interrelationship
with myth, played a much more importantrole in the "generaleconomy of Judaism"
than Voegelin recognized.18In addition, recent archaeological,historical, and philo-
logical research suggests that the history of pre-exile Judaism is even more character-
ized by "pluralisticsymbolization"than Voegelin admitted and, in Anderson's view,
this "is also evident in the Bible".19
Although biblical studies have moved in new directionsduring recent decades, as
Hogan states in his introductionto vol. I, biblical hermeneutics,for all its new methods
and approaches, "still needs a philosophy of history such as Voegelin presents."20
Thus Voegelin's study is still important because of its philosophical perspective on
what makes Israel exceptional:that in Israel a breakthroughto a more differentiated
understanding of "the order of being of which the order of society is a part"occurred,
cast in the symbolization of the Exodus from the cosmological society of Egypt and the
revelation of the transcendentGod in the thornbushepisode, and that, in consequence,
Israeldeveloped an understandingof being a people with a 'history'in the presence of
the transcendentGod and thus createdhistory as a symbolic form of existence.
It was Voegelin's problem, and it remains one for many retrospectiveevaluations,
that he was an 'outsider' for orientalists, classicists, theologians, philosophers, and
historians who could point to shortcomings from their respective professional view-
points. Not very often do we find specialists who are able to combine their (justified)
criticism of Voegelin's handling of certain subject matters or particulardetails with a
congenial understanding of the theoretical approach and general importance of his
enterprise.Such a balanced evaluation is, however, presented by AthanasiosMoulakis
in his competent and highly informative introduction to vol. II of Orderand History,
TheWorldof thePolis.Again, as in Voegelin's treatmentof the older civilizations in vol.

16. See the introductionandepiloguesby JanAssmannand PeterMachinistin: EricVoegelin,

Ordnung ReichedesAltenOrients-Mesopotamien
vol. I:Diekosmologischen
undGeschichte, und
Agypten, ed. JanAssmann, Munich: WilhelmFink, 2002;quotationspp. 17,224(my transla-
tion).
ofBiblical
(1956),in:Journal
17. H. H. Rowley,reviewof IsraelandRevelation Literature
76 (1957),
p. 157.
18. Bernhard W.Anderson,"RevisitingVoegelin'sIsraelandRevelation
afterTwenty-FiveYears";
MosheIdel,"Voegelin'sIsraelandRevelation:SomeObservations"; bothin: GlennHughes,
Steven A. McKnight,GeoffreyL. Price,eds., Politics,OrderandHistory.Essayson the Workof
EricVoegelin,Sheffield:SheffieldAcademicPress,2001,pp. 284-326;see especiallypp. 290,
309-310.
19. Ibid.,p.295.
20. IsraelandRevelation,
p. 13.

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 Articles
Review 85

I, some of his interpretations,especially with respect to the Minoan and Mycenaean

cultures, have been proven erroneous or at least problematicby more recent archeo-
logical and historical studies. And again, Voegelin is not so much interested in the
pragmatic history of the Greek poleis, the internal constitutional processes and the
process of colonization. His focal point is the process of spiritualsymbolization.There
is another reason for Voegelin's neglecting several aspects of Greek history and for
some of his questionableinterpretations,as Moulakis has pointed out: The structureof
vol. II as well as the selection and interpretation of materials is governed by the
directionto Plato as the final breakthroughof philosophy, the second "leap in being".
The intention to construct a continuity that leads to the telos of Platonic philosophy
determines and, as Moulakis remarks,"in many respects overdetermines"Voegelin's
interpretations(e.g. of the Minoan culture, of Homer and Solon) and his idealized
image of the Athens of Marathonin contrast to Plato's Athens.21On the other hand,
Voegelin clearlyworked out that in Hellas the break with the myth and the differentia-
tion between transcendenceand immanence was a gradual process and that therefore
the cosmological characterof the early Greek societies was different from that of the
ancient orientalones. He recognized that Homer's epic already was no longer 'cosmo-
logical', and, of course, he attributed decisive steps in the development toward the
final breakthroughof philosophy to the Pre-Socratics,in particularto Parmenides,and
even to the Sophists, despite his general criticismof their method.
In his introduction to vol. II, Moulakis deplores, in parallel to some critiques of
vol. I, Voegelin's neglect of non-verbal forms of symbolization that would have pro-
vided additional insights: rituals and games and, above all, the visual arts: architec-
ture, sculpture,vase painting.22This criticismreflects recent developments in the dis-
cipline of cultural studies (Kulturwissenschaft) with an increased interest in the sym-
bolic meaning of 'material'culture. Non-verbal symbolizations were not ignored by
Voegelin. I rememberthat in the early 1970s Voegelin visited prehistoric,in particular
megalithic,monuments and archeologicalsites in Turkey,Malta,Englandand Ireland,
and at the same time engaged in intensive discussions and correspondencewith the
prehistorian and ethnologist Marie E. P. K6nig, who had published, among other
pertinentstudies, a book on the symbolicmeaning of prehistoricpictographs.23Voegelin
showed so much interest in this matter that speculations arose on whether he might
write a volume 'zero' for Orderand Historyon prehistoric orders of symbolization.
Obviously, he did not. Certainly, the main reason was that in analyzing prehistoric
non-verbalsymbols one does not stand on very firm ground. This episode seems to be
symptomatic for Voegelin's general tendency to maintain a distance from interpreta-
tions of non-verbalsymbolic forms. In his view, only language can express symbols of
order in their relationshipto the engendering of experiences on the differentiatedlevel
he was interestedin; thus he had to concentrateon written sources.
In vol. III,PlatoandAristotle,Voegelin engaged in his most detailed and penetrat-
ing interpretationof single authors' works, especially of Plato's dialogues. Nonethe-
less, 'pragmatic'history still plays a role, if only - although this is of great importance
- as the 'background'of motivating experiences. The corruptionand degeneration of
the polispresented, in Voegelin's view, a decisive stimulus for Plato to concentratehis

21. TheWorldof thePolis,p. 27.

22. Ibid.,pp. 38,46.
23. MarieE. P. Konig,AmAnfangderKultur.Die Zeichensprache
desfraihenMenschen,
Berlin:
Mann,1973.

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86 International
Journalof theClassicalTradition
/ Summer2004

philosophy on the soul of the individual as the center of experiencing the order of
being. In the Republic,Voegelin argued, Plato "issued the appeal of the Idea, and was
still bound to the polis through his hope for a response."Still, for Voegelin the Republic
was neither a 'utopian' vision nor a call for action, but an existential and political
paradigm. From the Phaedruson, however, Plato was "resigned to the fact that the
polis has rejected his appeal," the Phaedrusis "the manifesto that announces the emi-
gration of the spirit from the polis."24As Voegelin saw it, the turn away from deliber-
ating on the political order of the polis culminated in the Laws,where, instead, the
order of the individual soul becomes the centerof contemplation.
Thus, Plato's work for Voegelin had not only meaning for the "historyof order",
but also existential meaning. There was a greater distance between Plato's (and
Aristotle's)works and the order of the surroundingsociety than there had been in the
cosmological societies and even in Israel between the creatorsof symbolic order and
the pragmaticorder of society. Whereasthe revelatory "leap in being" in Israelconsti-
tuted the historical existence of the chosen people in the present under God, the
breakthroughof the parallel differentiationof philosophy brought to consciousness
the divine order of being that might also extend into society and history, but has its
center in the soul of the philosopher. The lasting existential meaning of - especially -
Plato's philosophy is clearly shown by Voegelin's placing himself in a "Platonicposi-
tion"with respect to the ideological and political corruptionof his own time.25
For both volumes II and III,Voegelin took advantage of the pioneering studies of
BrunoSnell, WernerJiger, and FrancisM. Cornford,and departed from their views in
essential points, as was his custom even when he was influenced by, and in general
accordancewith, brilliant scholarship.In comparisonwith Aristotle, Plato clearly had
pivotal importance for Voegelin, as shown not only by the respective internalpropor-
tions of vol. III, but also by the recurrenttreatment of Plato in volumes IV and V.
Voegelin's presentation of Aristotlewas more in accord with the academicscholarship
of his time than his understanding of Plato. He was indebted to a high degree to
WernerJiger's book on Aristotle (which is now considered to be outdated in many
respects).26For Voegelin Aristotle was the 'theoretician',while Plato seemed closer to
the motivating experiences of symbols. It was mainly Voegelin's persistent search for
the interrelationshipbetween experiencesand symbolization, I think, that earned him
raised eyebrows, to say the least, from certainPlato scholars,apart from his "occasion-
ally shooting from the hip", as Dante Germinonicely put it in his introductionto Plato
andAristotle.27The "noetic"dimension of experiences,as Voegelin called it, was not to
be separated from the motivating experiences in the field of politics and society; this
was demonstrated in particularin the central chapter on the Republicwith Voegelin's
interpretationof the "way up" and the "way down" as symbols with existential as
well as political meaning.28Again, we have to rememberthat Voegelin was after all a
political scientist;Carl J. Friedrichput the accent correctlywhen in his review of 1958
he judged that Voegelin's "discourseis politicaltheoryin the highest sense."29

24. PlatoandAristotle(= OrderandHistorymI),p. 193.

25. Ibid.,p. 91.
26. Cf. ibid., p. 325, note 1, with additionalreferences.
27. Ibid.,p.30.
28. Ibid.,pp. 100-188.
29. Carl J. Friedrich,"Symbolsof Order and History?",JewishFrontier25 (1958),No. 12, p. 11
(my emphasis).

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ReviewArticles 87

The relationship between Voegelin and scholarship on Plato was characterized

mainly by mutual disregard,although in some cases there would have been points of
convergence and the possibility of mutual benefit. An interesting and telling example
is the philosophical debate about Plato's 'unwritten doctrines'.Of the older studies on
this subject by Harold Cherniss, Cornelia J. de Vogel, Walter Br6cker,and others,
Voegelin mentions only Cherniss with a reference in a footnote.30The books and
articles by Konrad Gaiser and Hans-JoachimKrimer that dealt with the problem of
Plato's 'unwrittendoctrines'on a new and highly sophisticatedlevel, as well as subse-
quent studies, came out too late for Plato and Aristotle.31Apparently, Voegelin read
Gaiser'sbook afterfinishing his own, but it seems that he did not make use of it for his
later publicationson Plato (nor is Voegelin mentioned in any of the studies referredto
in note 31). Yet, there are important points of convergence: (1) Voegelin's constant
stress on the symbolic quality of language as an exegetic expressionof experiencesand
his perpetual warning against 'hypostasizing' symbols into 'objects' of cognition,
parallellingPlato'swarning in the Phaedrusand in the SecondLetteragainst trustingtoo
much in the truthof "writtendiscourse"as opposed to the superior"livingdialogue",32
(2) the 'mystic' quality attributedby Gaiser and others to the knowledge of the first
principlesin Plato's 'unwrittendoctrines';which would seem to be in accordancewith
Voegelin's understanding of Plato as a 'mystic philosopher',33(3) the center of this
mystic quality, the accentuation of the 'One' (hen) as an equivalent of the 'Good'
(agathon)of the written dialogues. In my opinion, the last point could have readily
been integratedinto Voegelin's interpretationof Plato. Probably,Voegelin stayed away
from Plato's 'unwrittendoctrines'because he was sceptical about the trustworthyness
of Aristotle's respective references to the hen in Plato's theory of ideas (not clearly

30. PlatoandAristotle,p. 60, note 1.

31. Konrad Gaiser, Platonsungeschriebene Lehre.Studienzur systematischenund geschichtlichen
Begriindungder Wissenschaften in der PlatonischenSchule,Stuttgart:Klett, 1963;id., ed., Das
Platonbild.
ZehnBeitrdge zumPlatonverstiindnis, Hildesheim:Olms, 1969;Hans-JoachimKraimer,
Arete bei Platon und Aristoteles.Zum Wesen und zur Geschichteder platonischenOntologie,
Heidelberg: Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1959; id., "Retraktationenzum Problem des
esoterischen Platon",MuseumHelveticum21 (1964), pp. 137-167;cf. also Jiirgen Wippern,
ed., Das Problemder ungeschriebenen LehrePlatons.Beitriigezum Verstdndnisderplatonischen
Wege der Forschung186, Darmstadt:Wiss. Buchgesell.,1972.- The follow-
Prinzipienlehre,
ing studies, published after Voegelin's death, may be of service for readers interested in
Plato's "unwrittendoctrines":Thomas Alexander Szlezaik,Platonund die Schriftlichkeit der
Philosophie.Interpretationenzu denfrihen und mittlerenDialogen,Berlin-NewYork:Walterde
Gruyter 1985; id., ComeleggerePlatone. Presentazione di Giovanni Reale, ser. Problemi
attuali,Milan:RusconiLibriS.p.A.,1991;id., Platonlesen,Legenda1, Stuttgart-BadCannstatt:
Frommann-Holzboog,1993;Hans-JoachimKrimer, Platoand theFoundations of Metaphysics:
A Workon the Theoryof the Principlesand UnwrittenDoctrinesof Platowitha Collectionof the
Fundamental Documents.Edited and Translatedby John R. Catan,Albany:State University
of New YorkPress,1990;GiovanniReale,Perunanuovainterpretazione di Platone,Milan:Vita
e pensiero,1997.
32. Phaedrus,275-278; SecondLetter,314c, 341b-342,344c-345c.- Voegelin refers to these,pas-
sages in PlatoandAristotle,pp. 73-74.
33. For the 'mystic' aspect (and cognizant of the 'unwritten doctrines')cf. ChristophRiedweg,
Mysterienterminologie bei Platon,Philon und Klemensvon Alexandrien,Untersuchungen zur
antikenLiteraturund Geschichte26, Berlin-NewYork:Walterde Gruyter,1987.

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88 Journalof theClassicalTradition
International / Summer2004

substantiated by the dialogues),34not to mention the unreliabilityof the reports of

Pythagoreanizingwitnesses like Aristoxenosand laterPlatonists.
The first three volumes of Orderand Historyformed a unit, based on the concept
laid out in vol. I and also finding expression in their swift publicationwithin one year.
Seventeen years passed until the publication of vol. IV, under the title The Ecumenic
Age instead of Empireand Christianity,as had been originally announced. The book
came as a surprise for many Voegelin readersand even as a disappointment for some
of them. Disappointed was, for instance, Carl J. Friedrich'sexpectation (in his review
of vols. I-III)that in the following volumes "the Christianera is linked to these studies
of Israel and Hellas as the final word on the meaning of man's existence, its order and
its history."35Now, not only had Christianitydisappeared from the title, but it also
did not figure as the ultimate telos of a process of differentiationthat ran from myth
via revelation and philosophy to Christ.And Voegelin did not deal with the person of
Jesus Christ,but with "The Pauline Vision of the Resurrected",contemplating on the
"pneumatic"symbolization of experienceas being equivalent to the "noetic"one - not
from a Christian,but from a philosophicalviewpoint.36
The perspective of TheEcumenicAge was much broaderthan originally projected.
Takingthe title seriously, the book included not only a chapteron the Chinese ecumene,
but above all considerations on the consequences of ecumenic empires for historio-
graphic thinking and general reflectionson the process of history in the light of spiri-
tual differentiations,as well as contemplations on universal humanity. Nonetheless,
and this was the biggest surprise, there was no "finalword", but a new beginning, as
it seemed. The first sentence of the Introductionto vol. IV reads: "Thepresent volume,
TheEcumenicAge, breaks with the program I have developed for Orderand Historyin
the Preface to Volume I of the series."37In the Prefaceto vol. I, Voegelin had enumer-
ated five types of order to be covered by his study: cosmological societies and the
symbolic form of myth; the revelatory form of existence in history (Israel);the devel-
opment of philosophy in Hellas; the multicivilizationalempires since Alexander, and
the emergence of Christianity;the modem national state, and the emergence of mod-
em Gnosticism as the symbolic form of order. These five types of order and symbol-
ization, Voegelin now explained, "turned out to be regrettably limited." He main-
tained that nothing was "wrongwith the principle of the study" and that, with respect
to the first three volumes, "there was really an advance in time from compact to
differentiated experiences of reality and, correspondingly,an advance from compact
to differentiatedsymbolizations of the order of being." But from a broaderperspective
that included the materials to be analyzed for the second sequence of volumes as well
as a retrospectivelook at the preceding symbolizationsof order, Voegelin realized that
the empirical types of order could not be subordinated to an overall concept that
insinuated a 'course' of history. Thus, he conceded, the original, general conception

1,988a10f.;988b 4-5.
34. Metaphysics,
"Symbolsof OrderandHistory?"
35. CarlJ.Friedrich, (above,n. 29),p. 11.
36. Someof the critiquesfroma Christianviewpointarepresentedin the Introductionto The
EcumenicAge(= OrderandHistoryIV),p. 18-19,note41.TheyincludeFrederick
D. Wilhelmsen,
"ProfessorVoegelin and the ChristianTradition,"in: id., ChristianityandPoliticalPhilosophy,
Athens,GA:Universityof GeorgiaPress,1978,pp. 195-196,201,205;BruceDouglass:"The
PoliticalScienceReviewer
Breakin Voegelin'sProgram," 7 (1977),p. 14;GerhartNiemeyer:
"EricVoegelin's Philosophy and the Dramaof Mankind,"ModernAge 20 (1976),p. 34.
37. TheEcumenicAge,p. 45..

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ReviewArticles 89

"was untenable because it had not taken proper account of the important lines of
meaning in history that did not run along lines of time."38The task could not be to
construct the meaning of history, as so many philosophies of history had tried to do,
but to trace and analyze the events where meaning in history had been experienced
and symbolized.39In consequence,the analyses of TheEcumenicAge do not, as in the
preceding volumes, follow a general chronologicalline, but move "througha web of
meaning with a plurality of nodal points" and with several "dominantlines of mean-
ing" reachingfrom cosmological civilizations up to modem times.4AThis complicated
compositionof the book does not make for easy reading.
A decisive stimulus for Voegelin's change of concept was the analyticalclarifica-
tion of a symbolism for which he coined the name "historiogenesis".He presented his
analysis of this type of speculation in great detail in the first chapter of vol. IV.41By
'historiogenesis',Voegelin meant a fourth type of cosmological symbolization,in addi-
tion to cosmogony, theogony, and anthropogony, a type of myth that constructed a
'course'of history running from Gods via heroes to dynasties and kings and that could
be found in several cosmological societies. Proposing this type of speculation meant a
certainrevision of the 'compactness'Voegelin had ascribedto the cosmological societ-
ies. On the other hand, the idea of a unilinearhistory apparentlywas not, as Voegelin
had previously assumed, engendered by the differentiating events that led to the
conception of history in Israel and later in Christianity,but turned out to be a cosmo-
logical symbolism. Consequently,he had to registerthe persistenceof a 'cosmological'
type of speculation up to the modem philosophies of history of the 18th and 19th
centuries (with different content, but the same structure),which raised the question:
"Whatexactly was modem about modernity?"42This was a majorreason for Voegelin
himself not to fall into the trap of historiogeneticspeculation in his own philosophy of
history.
Apart from 'historiogenesis',Voegelin introduced some other new terms in The
EcumenicAge in order to create precise linguistic instruments for centralpoints of his
analyses, as, for instance, "egophany" for the revolt of the 'ego' against the divine
order of being that became luminous in 'theophanic'or 'hierophanic'events. The most
important term, however, which also became focal for Voegelin's subsequent philo-
sophical contemplations, was the Greek metaxy(between). Voegelin derived it from
Diotima's mythic tale about the birth of Eros and the discussion about love and the
spiritual man (daimoniosaner) in Plato's Symposium.43The word occurs there in the
description of man's existence between ignorance and wisdom, between deficiency
and plenitude, between mortality and immortality.44Now, 'between' is just an ordi-
nary preposition and one may question whether there is real textual evidence that
Plato himself charged this particularword with philosophical meaning, however fre-
quently it occurs. But it was a congenial stroke, I think, to capture with this simple
preposition what indeed was contemplated in Plato's dialogue: the 'in-between exist-

38. Ibid.,p. 46.

39. Cf. ibid., pp. 223-224,251-252.
40. Ibid.,p. 106.
41. Firstpublished in EricVoegelin, Anamnesis.Zur Theorieder Geschichteund Politik,Munich:
Piper,1966,for TheEcumenicAge revised and substantiallyenlarged.
42. TheEcumenicAge,pp. 51-52.
43. Alreadyin Anamnesis,pp. 266-269;in TheEcumenicAge,pp. 245-246.
44. Symposium, 202-204.

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90 Journalof theClassicalTradition/ Summer2004
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ence' of man; and it is characteristicof Voegelin's interpretationof Plato that it amounts

to continued philosophizing 'along Plato's line'.45
TheEcumenicAge represented an additional 'break',not so much with the first
three volumes, but with the original program for the second sequence of volumes. In
the Introductionto TheEcumenicAge, Voegelin declared as his 'conclusion'for revising
the program:"Theprocess of history, and such order as can be discerned in it, is not a
story to be told from the beginning to its happy, or unhappy, end."46The original
program of OrderandHistorysuggested a ratherunhappy ending:the Gnostic disorder
of modernity. But the insight that the process of history is not a story to be told from
beginning to end, but "a mystery in process of revelation",ruled out not only the tale
of a consecutive sequence of differentiations,but also the respective tale of the perti-
nent deformations.47Deformation of differentiations,Voegelin stated, "is a force in
world history of the same magnitude as differentiationitself."48The obvious conclu-
sion is that it does not run along chronological lines any more than the process of
differentiationdoes.
For this but also for other reasons, the Gnosticismthesis that originally seemed to
mark the final point of OrderandHistorylost weight in TheEcumenicAge as well as in
vol. V.49 On several occasions before the publication of The EcumenicAge, Voegelin
already had relativized his Gnosticism thesis, as, for instance, in his Autobiographical
Reflections,dictated in 1973: "Since my first applications of Gnosticism to modern
phenomena in TheNew Scienceof Politicsand in 1959 in my study on Science,Politics,
and Gnosticism,I have had to revise my position." Although the "applicationof the
category of Gnosticism to modem ideologies" was still valid in his view, he admitted
that "in a more complete analysis, however, there are other factorsto be considered in
addition. One of these factors is the metastatic apocalypse deriving directly from the

in connectionwith the seman-

45. ThereareotherPlatoscholarswho enterintointerpretations
tics of metaxyand mrson:Giovanni Reale, Erosd~monemediatoree il gioco dellemascherenel
Simposiodi Platone(Milan:Rizzoli, 1997) (cf. id., "Alles, was tief ist, liebt die Maske," in:
Thomas Alexander Szlezaik,ed., PlatonischesPhilosophieren.Zehn Vortraige zu EhrenHans
JoachimKrdimers, Spudasmata82, Hildesheim-Ziirich-New York: Georg Olms Verlag, 2001,
pp. 87-108.) - As for the "question whether there is real textual evidence that Plato himself
charged this particular word (sc. with
metaxy) philosophical meaning" see in the affirmative
(even though the term is usually L*oov rather than Konrad Gaiser, Platons
ungeschriebene Lehre,chs. on "Der mathematischeund der werthafte Aspekt der 'Mitte':
Platos Lehrvortriige'Uber das Gute'" (pp. 67-88) and "Die ontologische Mittelstellung der
'Mathematika'und die Seele"(pp. 89-106).
46. TheEcumenicAge,p. 51.
47. Ibid.
48. Ibid.,p. 86.
49. Some of Voegelin's critics, especially in Germany,still identify him solely with his Gnosti-
cism thesis, due to the impact of TheNew Scienceof Politics(Germantranslation:Die neue
Wissenschaft der Politik,Munich:Pustet, 1959) and Wissenschaft, Politikund Gnosis,Munich:
Kosel, 1959 (English translation:Science,Politicsand Gnosticism. Chicago: Henry Regnery,
1968).The suspicion suggests itself that these criticshave not read Voegelin's later work. -
See for instance Richard Faber, "Eric Voegelin. Gnosis-Verdacht als polit(olog)isches
Strategem,"in:JacobTaubes,ed., GnosisundPolitik(= Religionstheorie undpolitischeTheologie,
ed. J.Taubes,vol. 3), Miinchen-Paderborn-Wien-Ziirich: WilhelmFink/FerdinandSch6ningh,
1987,pp. 230-248;HubertCancik,"Neuheidenund totalerStaat.VclkischeReligionam Ende
der WeimarerRepublik"(1982),in: id., Antik-Modern.Beitrigezur r6mischenund deutschen
Kulturgeschichte, ed. RichardFaber,i.a., Stuttgart-Weimar: J.B. Metzler,1998,p. 202.

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Review
Articles 91

Israelite prophets."50In addition, he mentioned neo-Platonism and, on other occa-

sions, hermeticism, alchemy, and magic.5' In The EcumenicAge, the modified assess-
ment of Gnosticism as only one component of modernity came into effect. On the one
hand, it is true, Voegelin maintained his critical thrust against the "essentialcore" of
Gnosticism,as he indicated in the Introduction:"Theessential core is the enterpriseof
returningthe pneuma in man from its state of alienation in the cosmos to the divine
pneuma of the Beyond through action based on knowledge."52On the other hand, he
now referredmore explicitly to historicalforms of Gnosticism as a "variablepart of a
Gnostic system," and he concluded for the treatment of Gnosticism in vol. IV: "The
Gnostic deformation of consciousness must be put into the pragmatic and spiritual
context of the Ecumenic Age."53This meant for antiquity that Voegelin placed the
apocalypse, as it originated in Judaism,as an equivalent symbolism of revolt against
the order of being alongside Gnostic speculations. If one interpretsthe Jewish apoca-
lypse as a deviation from "propheticpneumatism",as Voegelin did, one could even
view the apocalypse as a predecessorin the process of pneumatic deformation.4
Voegelin now placed Gnosticismand apocalypse side by side as equivalentforces
also when dealing with modern forms of political and spiritualdisorder,55 and it even
seemed as though he wanted to introduce, with the combination of both, a new,
modified general concept for the dominant characteristicof modernity, i.e., the revolt
against the order of being through immanentization: "While these early (Gnostic)
movements attempt to escape from the Metaxy by splitting its poles into the hy-
postases of this world and the Beyond, the modernapocalyptic-Gnostic movementsat-
tempt to abolish the Metaxyby transformingthe Beyond into this world."56
In vol. V of Orderand History,In Searchof Order,Voegelin once again character-
ized what in his view was the "essential core" of Gnosticism and at the same time
distinguished ancient from modern Gnosticism:"At the extreme of the revolt in con-
sciousness, 'reality'and the 'Beyond'become two separate entities, two 'things', to be
magically manipulated by suffering man for the purpose of either abolishing 'reality'
altogetherand escaping into the 'Beyond' or of forcing the order of the 'Beyond' into
'reality'.The first of the magic alternativesis preferredby the gnostics of antiquity,the
second one by the modem gnostic thinkers."57The characteristicof the second variant
is true rather of the apocalypticmovements of modernity, I think, if one understands
"forcing"in a straightforwardpolitical and activist sense, and if one understands"the
order of the 'Beyond"'that is to be obtained by force as the imagination of a state of
redemption that produces, as we all know, inhuman perversion if realization is at-
tempted. If, however, one understands "forcing"as a forcible speculation, one will
indeed detect a relationship between Gnostic speculations of redemption and some
modern thinkers, as, for instance, Hegel, who for Voegelin was king's evidence for

50. Autobiographical p. 66. Fora detaileddiscussionof Voegelin'sGnosticismthesis

Reflections,
cf. my article"Gnosis,Apokalypseund Moderne",in:MichaelLey,HeinrichNeisser,Gil-
bertWeiss,eds.,PolitischeReligion?Politik,ReligionundAnthropologie
imWerkEricVoegelins,
Munich:Fink,2003,pp. 63-75.
51. Ibid.,pp. 63-64;Autobiographical
Reflections,p. 67.
52. TheEcumenic Age,p. 66.
53. Ibid.,p.67.
54. Ibid.,pp. 24-27.
55. Ibid.,p. 96, cf. p. 243.
56. Ibid.,p. 302, my emphasis.

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92 International oftheClassical
Journal Tradition 2004
/ Summer

modern Gnosticism, or in the last century Ernst Bloch, who started out as an
apocalypticistand later on confessed to "revolutionaryGnosis."51
Apart from the quotation cited above, there are only a few remarks concerning
Gnosticism in vol. V. Instead of the title originally planned for the final volume of
Orderand History,The Crisisof WesternCivilization,the volume now bore the title In
Searchof Order,thus shifting the accent from the negative to the positive, as it were,
from the presentationand analysis of the disorder of the modern age to the existential
quest for truth concerningthe orderof being.
In Searchof Orderwas published posthumously as a fragment, it contained only
two major essays, The Beginningof the Beginningand ReflectiveDistancevs. Reflective
Identity.It seems that Voegelin had planned, at the time of completing TheEcumenic
Age and in the following years, to use some other articles and essays for vol. V,
published already during his lifetime or posthumously, like The Gospeland Culture,
Equivalences and Symbolization
of Experience in History,On Hegel:A Studyin Sorcery,The
Moving Soul, TheBeginning and theBeyond.59But certainly,he would have revised them
for inclusion in vol. V, and since he did not complete that task and since, towards the
end of his life, he apparentlyoften referredto the two essays mentioned above as the
core of volume V, the editor decided to include those two only. Nonetheless, the other
essays, in particularthe ones in the volume LateUnpublishedWritings,must be seen as
closely related to In Searchof Order.
In Searchof Orderrepresentednot a new 'break'with the preceding volume, but
again a change with respect to theoreticalapproach and method. In terms of 'genre', it
definitely was no longer an analyticalstory of the "historyof order",but a philosophi-
cal meditation on the "order of history" concerning the topics Voegelin had been
struggling with all the time: the beginning and the end of history; the 'course' of
history and meaning in history; the participatoryexistence of man and the tension of
existential reality; the experience of untruth and the search for truth concerning the
order of being as well as the order of the soul; the experiencesof transcendenceas the
heart of philosophizing and the endeavors to find adequate symbolic expressions for
their exegesis. The authors Voegelin dealt with in vol. V were now examples for his
own problem-orientedmeditations. It is, however, revealing that in his final volume
he returnsto Hegel, his main philosophicaladversary,as it were (nonethelessadmired
for his intellectual stature), and on the other hand to Hesiod, Parmenides and, above
all, to Plato.
A central problem discussed in vol. V is the question how the exegesis of the
experiences of existential tension in consciousness are adequately expressed in lan-
guage symbols, considering the fact that words necessarily have 'object character'
(Gegenstandsfdrmigkeit) and seem to refer to 'objects'.Thus, as Ellis Sandoz points out

57. In Searchof Order(= OrderandHistoryV), p. 51.

58. Cf. my bookDieApokalypsein Deutschland,
Munich:DeutscherTaschenbuch Verlag,1988,
in Germany.
pp. 455-458= TheApocalypse Translated
fromthe Germanby StephenD. Ricks,
ColumbiaandLondon:Universityof MissouriPress,2000,pp. 372-374.
59. Cf. Voegelin's notes in TheEcumenicAge,pp. 243 note 7,251 note 9, 261 note 12, 264 note 14.
These articles were subsequentlypublished in TheCollectedWorksof Eric Voegelin,vol. 12:
PublishedEssays1966-1985.Edited with an Introductionby Ellis Sandoz, Baton Rouge and
London: LouisianaState University Press, 1990;and in vol. 28: Whatis History?And Other
LateUnpublished Editedwith an Introduction
Writings. by ThomasA. Hollweckand Paul
Baton
Caringella, Rougeand London:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1990.

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 Articles
Review 93

in his introduction to vol. V, there is the permanent danger of "intentionalistfal-

lacy."60Voegelin contemplates this problem in the first chapter with respect to the
intricacies of what it means to tell a story with a beginning and an end, and in the
second chapterunder the heading of "reflectivedistance"with the example of Plato's
Timaeus.What Voegelin says about Plato - "Platois struggling for a language that will
optimally express the analytical movements of existential consciousness within the
limits of afides of the Cosmos."61- applies to Voegelin's own struggle to express the
analyticalmovements of existential consciousness within the limits of "existencein the
Between of thing-reality, including the bodily location of consciousness, and of Be-
yond-reality,"and within the limits imposed by "the complex consciousness-reality-
language."62In his epilogue to In Searchof Order,Jiirgen Gebhardt stresses that for
Voegelin "the recovery of experiences of reality implies the emancipation from de-
formed language that is dissociated from the engendering experiences,"and that from
The EcumenicAge on "Voegelin had pursued this problem to the point at which the
language of the questioning itself became the subjectof reflection."63
In Searchof Orderwas left incomplete, and thus, one could say, the whole enter-
prise of OrderandHistory.On the other hand, it seems fitting that a volume bearing the
title In Searchof Orderwas not finished. This searchcannot come to an end; there is no
"finalword", such as CarlJ. Friedrichhad hoped for, and there is no "ultimatetruth",
as Voegelin stated, "that would transform the search into a possession of truth."64
Consequently,there is no final word about the order of history either. Nonetheless, it
is challengingto make an attempt at an evaluation of Orderand History'as a whole'.
Voegelin's Orderand Historyhad its own history that could well bear the title of
vol. V, In Searchof Order,as superordinatetitle. What is most admirablein Voegelin, I
think, is his continuous intellectual development, his never being satisfied with a
particular'state of the science' already achieved, his incessant pressing forward and
posing new questions, and his readiness to give up positions he regardedto be unten-
able, his willingness to revise his position and to try to differentiatehis theoretical
endeavors further and further. This characteristicof Voegelin's intellectual stature is
one importantbond that holds the five volumes of Orderand Historytogether. There
are others, of course. I have delineated the 'break' between the original program of
Orderand Historyand vol. IV as well as the renewed changes of vol. V. Nonetheless,
the five volumes do not fall apart into separate entities. In his erudite introductionto
TheEcumenicAge, Michael Franz points out that many early reviewers have overem-
phasized the departures from the first three volumes, perhaps being misled by
Voegelin's use of the term "break",and he rightly stresses the continuitiesdespite the
obvious revisions of the programand the more differentiatedanalyticalapproaches.65
That the order of history emerges from the history of order, as the first sentence of
Orderand Historyread, maintained its validity for the whole enterprise. There was,
however, a certainchange in the meaning of this sentence over the years and a shift of
accent. The "historyof order"was no longer viewed as a continuous process of differ-

60. InSearch p. 23-24.

ofOrder,
61. Ibid.,p. 108.
62. Ibid.,p.45.
63. Ibid.,p. 130.
64. EricVoegelin:"Equivalencesof Experience
andSymbolizationin History",in:TheCollected
WorksofEricVoegelin,
vol. 12:Published p. 129.
Essays1966-1985,
65. TheEcumenicAge,pp. 5, 18-19.

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94 Journalof theClassicalTradition/ Summer2004
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entiation, and, consequently, the "orderof history" not as a configurationthat can be

described from the outside, but as an open field structuredby spiritual outbursts that
illuminate man's perpetual search of order from the inside. "Yetthe unfinished story
of Orderand Historyacquires an end," Jiirgen Gebhardtwrites in his epilogue to In
Searchof Order,referringto Voegelin's own words, "acquiresan end, or telos,in itself at
the very moment of being read by other men and women. It becomes 'an event in a
vast social field of thought and language, of writing and reading about matters that
the members of the field believe to be of concern for their existence in truth.'"66

Klaus Vondung
UniversitaitSiegen
FachbereichSprach-,Literatur-und
Medienwissenschaften- Germanistik

66. In Searchof Order,p. 125;quotationp. 27.

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