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The Empire in Transition SUNY Series in Near Eastern

Studies
Tabari.; Powers, David Stephan.
State University of New York Press
0791400727
9780791400722
9780585153933
English
Islamic Empire--History--661-750.
1989
DS38.2.T313 1985eb
909/.1 s
Islamic Empire--History--661-750.

cover

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The History of al-Tabari

An Annotated Translation
Volume XXIV
The Empire in Transition
The Caliphateds Of Sulayman, Umar, and Yazid
A.D. 715724/A.H. 97-105

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The History of al-Tabari

Editorial Board
Ihsan Abbas, University of Jordan, Amman
C. E. Bosworth, The University of Manchester
Jacob Lassner, Wayne State University, Detroit
Franz Rosenthal, Yale University
Ehsan Yar-Shater, Columbia University (General Editor)
SUNY
SERIES IN NEAR EASTERN STUDIES
Said Amir Arjomand, Editor
The preparation of this volume was made possible in part by a grant from the National Endowment for the
Humanities, an independent federal agency.

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Bibliotheca Persica
Edited by Ehsan Yar-Shater

The History of al-Tabari

(Ta'rikh al-rusul wa'l muluk)
Volume XXIV
The Empire in Transition
translated and annotated
by
David Stephan Powers
Cornell University
State University of New York Press

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Disclaimer:
This book contains characters with diacritics. When the characters can be represented using the ISO 8859-1
character set (http://www.w3.org/TR/images/latin1.gif), netLibrary will represent them as they appear in the
original text, and most computers will be able to show the full characters correctly. In order to keep the text
searchable and readable on most computers, characters with diacritics that are not part of the ISO 8859-1 list will
be represented without their diacritical marks.
Published by
State University of New York Press, Albany
1989 State University of New York
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America
No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission except in
the case of brief quotations embodied in critical articles and reviews.
For information, address State University of New York
Press, State University Plaza, Albany, N.Y., 12246
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Tabari, 838?-923.
[Ta'rikh al-rusul wa-al-muluk. English. Selections]
The Empire in transition / translated and annotated by David
Stephan Powers.
p. cm. (The history of al-Tabari = Ta'rikh al-rusul wa'l
muluk, v. 24] (SUNY series in Near Eastern studies) (Bibliotheca
Persica)
Translation of extracts from: Ta'rikh al-rusul wa-al-muluk.
Bibliography: p.
Includes index.
ISBN 0-7914-0072-7. ISBN 0-7914-0073-5 (pbk.)
1. Islamic EmpireHistory66 x-750. I. Powers, David Stephan.
II. Title. HI. Series. IV. Series: Tabari, 838?-923. Ta'rikh al
-rusul wa-al-muluk. English; v. 24. V. Series: Bibliotheca
Persica (Albany, N.Y.)
DS38.2.T313 1985 vol. 24
[DS38.5]
909'.1 sdc19
[909'.097671'01]
88-39752
CIP
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

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PREFACE
The History of Prophets and Kings (Ta'rikh al-rusul wa'lmuluk) by Abu Ja'far Muhammad b. Jarir al-Tabari (839923), here rendered as the History of al-Tabari, is by common consent the most important universal history
produced in the world of Islam. It has been translated here in its entirety for the first time for the benefit of nonArabists, with historical and philological notes for those interested in the particulars of the text.
Tabari's monumental work explores the history of the ancient nations, with special emphasis on biblical peoples
and prophets, the legendary and factual history of ancient Iran, and, in great detail, the rise of Islam, the life of the
Prophet Muhammad, and the history of the Islamic world down to the year 915. The first volume of this translation
will contain a biography of al-Tabari and a discussion of the method, scope, and value of his work. It will also
provide information on some of the technical considerations that have guided the work of the translators.
The History has been divided here into 38 volumes, each of which covers about two hundred pages of the original
Arabic text in the Leiden edition. An attempt has been made to draw the dividing lines between the individual
volumes in such a way that each is to some degree independent and can be read as such. The page numbers of the
original in the Leiden edition appear on the margins of the translated volumes.
A1-Tabari very often quotes his sources verbatim and traces the chain of transmission (isnad) to an original source.
The chains of transmitters are, for the sake of brevity, rendered by only a dash

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() between the individual links in the chain. Thus, "According to Ibn HumaydSalamahIbn Ishaq" means that alTabari received the report from Ibn Humayd, who said that he was told by Salamah, who said that he was told by
Ibn Ishaq, and so on. The numerous subtle and important differences in the original Arabic wording have been
disregarded.
The table of contents at the beginning of each volume gives a brief survey of the topics dealt with in that particular
volume. It also includes the headings and subheadings as they appear in al Tabari's text, as well as those
occasionally introduced by the translator.
Well-known place names, such as, for instance, Mecca, Baghdad, Jerusalem, Damascus, and the Yemen, are given
in their English spellings. Less common place names, which are the vast majority, are transliterated. Biblical
figures appear in the accepted English spelling. Iranian names are usually transcribed according to their Arabic
forms, and the presumed Iranian forms are often discussed in the footnotes.
Technical terms have been translated wherever possible, but some, such as dirham and imam, have been retained
in Arabic forms. Others that cannot be translated with sufficient precision have been retained and italicized as well
as footnoted.
The annotation aims chiefly at clarifying difficult passages, identifying individuals and place names, and discussing
textual difficulties. Much leeway has been left to the translators to include in the footnotes whatever they consider
necessary and helpful.
The bibliographies list all the sources mentioned in the annotation.
The index in each volume contains all the names of persons and places referred to in the text, as well as those
mentioned in the notes as far as they refer to the medieval period. It does not include the names of modern
scholars. A general index, it is hoped, will appear after all the volumes have been published.
For further details concerning the series and acknowledgments, see Preface to Volume 1.
EHSAN YAR-SHATER

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CONTENTS
Preface

Abbreviations

xi

Translator's Foreword

xiii

The Caliphate of Sulayman b. 'Abd al-Malik

The Events of the Year 96 (cont'd) (714/715)

3
5

The Slaying of Qutaybah b. Muslim

The Events of the Year 97 (715/716)

30
31

The Appointment of Yazid b. al-Muhallab as Governor of Khurasan

The Events of the Year 98 (716/717)

39
39

Maslamah b. 'Abd al-Malik Besieges Constantinople

42
[The Conquest of Jurjan and Tabaristan]
The Events of the Year 99 (717/718)

61
61

[The Death of Sulayman b. 'Abd al-Malik]

62
Aspects of His Character

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The Caliphate of 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz

The Events of the Year 99 (cont'd) (717/718)

69
69

The Reason Why Sulayman 'Appointed 'Umar as Caliph

The Events of the Year 100 (718/719)

76
76

The Revolt of the Kharijites

79
The Capture of Yazid b/ al-Muhallab
82
The Dismissal of al-Jarrah b. 'Abdallah
85
'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz Appoints 'Abd al-Rahman b. Nu'aym and 'Abd alRahman b. 'Abdallah al-Qushayri over Khurasan
87
The Beginning of the Da'wah
The Events of the Year 101 (719/720)

89
89

The Escape of Yazid b. al-Muhallab

91
[The Death of 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz]
93
Aspects of His Character
98
A Supplement to the Biography of 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz That Is Not Part of
Abu Ja'far's [al-Tabari's] Book, to the Beginning of the Caliphate of Yazid b.
'Abd al-Malik b. Marwan
The Caliphate of Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik b. Marwan
The Events of the Year 101 (cont'd) (719/720)

105
108

The Slaying of Shawdhab the Kharijite

111

Yazid b. al-Muhallab Renounces His Allegiance to Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik

The Events of the Year 102 (720/721)

127
127

The Slaying of Yazid b. al-Muhallab

150
Maslamah Appoints Sa'id Khudhaynah as Governor of Khurasan

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152

Sa'id's Dismissal of Shu'bah and the Battle at the Fortress of a.-Bahili

158
Sa'id Khudhaynah's Military Expedition against the Soghdians
162
The Dismissal of Maslamah from Iraq and Khurasan
165
The Slaying of Yazid b. Abi Muslim
The Events of the Year 103 (721/ 722)

166
166

The Dismissal of Sa'id Khudhaynah as Governor of Khurasan

168
'Umar b. Hubayrah's Appointment of Sa'id al-Harashi as Governor of Khurasan
169
The Sogdians Leave Their Country for Farghanah
The Events of the Year 104 (722/723)

172
172

The Battle between al-Harashi and the Soghdian Army

180
Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik's Dismissal of 'Abd al-Rahman b. al-Dahhak from
Medina
183
'Umar b. Hubayrah's Dismissal of Sa'id b. 'Amr al-Harashi as Governor of
Khurasan
187
The Appointment of Muslim b. Sa'id as Governor of Khurasan
The Events of the Year 105 (723/724)

192
193

Muslim b. Sa'id's Expedition against the Turks

193
The Death of Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik

194
Aspects of His Character
Bibliography of Cited Works

197

Index

201

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ABBREVIATIONS
El:
The Encyclopaedia of Islam, first edition
EI2: The Encyclopaedia of Islam, second edition
GAS: F. Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums. Leiden, 1967-

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TRANSLATOR'S FOREWORD
During the ten-year period covered in this volume, the reins of Umayyad power were held by three caliphs bearing
distinctive personalities: Sulayman b. 'Abd al-Malik (r. 96-99/715-717), a man with a reputation for luxurious
living who is nevertheless favorably remembered for reversing the policies of al-Hajjaj and appointing 'Umar b.
'Abd al-'Aziz as his successor; the pious 'Umar It. 99-101/717-720), a quasi-messianic figure whose ac cession to
the caliphate, engineered by Raja' b. Haywah, constituted a virtual coup d'tat; and Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik (r. 101105/20-724), a profligate whose own demise was caused by his inconsolable grief for his singing slave girl,
Hababah.
By the year 96/714-715, the Arab conquests had reached what ultimately would become their farthest limits in both
the East and the West. With the exception of the disastrous third and final campaign against Constantinople,
Sulayman adopted a cautious policy that favored the consolidation of previous conquests over further expansion.
This policy was taken to its logical extension by 'Umar II, who recalled Maslamah from the campaign against
Constantinople, ordered a complete stop to every expedition on the eastern front, and called for a general
withdrawal of the Arab soldiers from Transoxiana. Initially, this same cautious policy was continued by Yazid II,
whose governor over Khurasan, Sa'id b. 'Abd al-'Aziz, did not pass beyond Samarqand. On the two occasions on
which he crossed over the Oxus River, he punished his own raiding parties, and was dubbed ''Khudhaynah,'' "the
little princess," by his own soldiers because of his perceived weakness. But the governorship of Khudhaynah's
successor, Sa'id al-Harashi,

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marked a return to a more aggressive policy that resulted in the brutal pacification of Soghdia and the subjugation
of Kiss and Rabinjan.
Internally, the unity of the Umayyad Empire was threatened by several phenomena, the most important being the
rise of tribal factionalism. Although scholars disagree over whether the terms "Qays" and "Yaman" refer to tribal
confederations, political par ties, or interest groups, it is generally accepted that the Qays stood for the expansion of
the empire and the exclusion of non-Arab clients, while the Yaman criticized the policy of expansion and
advocated equal status for Arab Muslims and non-Arab converts to Islam. The accession of Sulayman, who had
allied himself with the Yamanis while serving as governor of Palestine, signaled a shift in the balance of power
away from the Qaysis, as the new Caliph proceeded to dismiss the Qaysi governors appointed by his predecessors,
replacing them with men from the Yaman. In distant Farghanah, the Qaysi commander, Qutaybah b. Muslim alBahili, realizing that his political usefulness had come to an end, tried to raise a revolt against the new Caliph, but
his supporters, both Arab and non-Arab, turned against him, slew him, and returned to their homes. An effort to
mollify tribal factionalism was made by 'Umar II, who chose governors over whom he had control and whom he
believed to be competent, irrespective of their tribal affiliations. This policy was short-lived, however, as 'Umar
reigned for only two years. Under his successor, Yazid II, who sought to reestablish the old order, the Qaysis
returned to power, embittered by the humiliations they had suffered since the accession of Sulayman; they were
determined to take revenge. It was during the caliphate of Yazid II, in the year 101 / 719-720, that Yazid b. alMuhallab al-Azdi staged his revolt, an episode to which Tabari devotes considerable attention. Although this was
not, strictly speaking, a tribal conflictIbn al-Muhallab's own tribe of the Azd sided against himit nevertheless
contributed to the intensification of the factional schism as Qaysis were installed in Iraq and the East in its
aftermath. More than any other factor, these tribal rivalries, which spanned the entire empire, contributed to the
downfall of the Umayyads.
The administrative boundaries of Iraq and the eastern provinces shifted several times during the short span of ten
years

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covered in this volume. Previously, Khurasan had been governed from the usual seat of the governor in Iraq, but
Yazid b. al Muhallab persuaded Sulayman to let him govern from Khurasan itself, which became the base of his
campaigns against Jurjan and Tabaristan. Under 'Umar II, who supervised the actions of his governors to an
unprecedented degree, the vast eastern governor ate was broken up into different units, each responsible to the
Caliph. Under Yazid II, Maslamah was given joint control over al Kufah, al-Basrah, and Khurasan, appointing his
own governors over each locality. These shifts in administrative policy point to the fact that by the turn of the
century the Umayyad government had effectively lost control of the administration of Khurasan and the East.
In addition to the conduct of the Holy War, another major concern of the provincial governors was the collection
and distribution of tribute money. The governors, the Arab tribesmen, and the Caliph were divided over the issue of
whether the income from the yearly tribute should be disposed of in its entirety in the provinces or conveyed to the
central government. In the year 97/715-716, Sulayman, sensitive to the complaints of his subjects in Iraq, who had
suffered under the fiscal policy of al-Hajjaj, sought to keep the fiscal affairs of that province under his own control
by appointing his own personal representative there with special responsibility for taxation. Yazid b. al-Muhallab
was arrested by 'Umar II in the year 100/718-719 because of his failure to convey to the treasury the fifth of the
booty that he had collected during the conquest of Jurjan and Tabaristan, a sum of six million dinars about which
he had vainly boasted in a letter to Sulayman. Similarly, Maslamah was dismissed by his half brother Yazid in the
year 102/720-721 when he failed to send surplus revenue to the Caliph in Damascus. His replacement, 'Umar b.
Hubayrah, introduced a plan according to which the right of the Arab tribesmen to the yearly tribute was limited to
the amount of their stipends, while the surplus belonged to the central treasury. These struggles further reflect the
breakdown of central control.
Another major source of discontent was the non-Arabs who expected to be relieved of certain taxes upon
converting to Islam. This expectation posed a dilemma for the central government which, in an effort to prevent a
decline in revenues, either tried to

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prevent conversion to Islam or took no note of it when collecting taxes. The issue seems to have reached a climax
during the caliphate of 'Umar II, who instituted his famous fiscal rescript designed to address the problems related
to conversion. According to the rescript, non-Arab clients were to be freed from the kharaj tax and stipends were
to be paid to every Muslim who accepted his military obligation, regardless of whether he was an Arab or a
convert. These reforms, however, were allowed to lapse upon 'Umar's death.
Religious opposition also posed a threat to the Umayyad regime A Kharijite revolt in the year 100/718-719, led by
Shawdhab, was initially handled in a diplomatic manner by 'Umar II, "the righteous man," who summoned
representatives of the rebels to enter into negotiations. After 'Umar's untimely death, the revolt was brutally
suppressed by Yazid II. Religious opposition was a factor in the revolt of Yazid b. al-Muhallab, who summoned
his followers to "the Book and the Sunnah," and received support from both the Kharijites and the Murji'ites. But
the main source of religious opposition was the clandestine 'Abbasid movement that would eventually topple the
dynasty. Tabari reports that 'Abbasid propaganda began in earnest in the year 100/718-719, when three emissaries
who were sent to Khurasan by Muhammad b. 'Ali b. 'Abdallah b. 'Abbas succeeded in enlisting seventy recruits for
the movement. Even if the suspicions of Western scholars regarding the chronological accuracy of this report are
justified, it is nevertheless the case that the 'Abbasid propaganda was in place by the year 104/722-23.
Tabari presents the events of the years 96-105/715-724 in considerable detail and with great vividness. We listen to
the stirring speeches of Qutaybah b. Muslim in which he urges his followers to renounce their allegiance to
Sulayman; are present at the disastrous third and final attempt to take Constantinople; watch from behind the
scenes as Raja' b. Haywah skillfully engineers the accession of 'Umar II; and follow the remarkable career of
Yazid b. al-Muhallab, first as a governor and conqueror, then as a prisoner, and finally as a rebel. Throughout this
volume we observe the struggle of the Umayyad regime to maintain control over a rapidly expanding but
increasingly dissatisfied subject population. Governors are appointed and dismissed with dizzying

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rapidity, administrative boundaries are drawn and redrawn, Arab tribesmen express dissatisfaction with the
diminishing rewards of military conquest, non-Arab converts chafe at the differential treatment they receive, and
religious opponents revolt in the name of "the Book and the Sunnah." Important in their own respect, the events of
this period also constitute an essential key to understanding the 'Abbasid revolution that was about to unfold.
There remains the pleasant duty of acknowledging the indispensable assistance of friends and colleagues who
contributed to the making of this translation. My colleague, Samia Mehrez, read through much of the Arabic text
with me and helped to clarify the meaning of many difficult expressions. Richard Jacquemond offered valuable
comments on an early draft of the manuscript. Three members of the Tabari editorial board who read parts or all of
the manuscript with great care, Franz Rosenthal, Jacob Lassner, and Ihsan Abbas, were especially helpful with
difficult sections of the Arabic text and poetry. Finally, I am grateful to Judith Ginsburg for assistance with the
Latin glosses of the Leiden text, to Penny Beebe for help with matters of style, and to Raihana Zaman for her
patience and fortitude when called upon to type seemingly endless drafts of the translation. Needless to say, the
responsibility for any mistakes that remain are mine and mine alone.
DAVID STEPHAN POWERS

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THE CALIPHATE OF SULAYMAN B. 'ABD AL-MALIK

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The Events of the Year 96 (cont'd)

(September 16, 714September 4, 715) 1

[1281]

Abu Ja'far (al-Tabari) said: In this year, the oath of allegiance was
rendered to Sulayman b. 'Abd al-Malik as Caliph. 2 This took place
in al-Ramlah on the day on which al-Walid b. 'Abd al-Malik died. 3
In this year, Sulayman b. 'Abd al-Malik dismissed the governor
of Medina, 'Uthman b. Hayyan. 4 Muhammad b. 'Umar mentioned
that Sulayman removed 'Uthman from Medina on the twentyfourth of Ramadan in the year 96 (June 3, 715). Abu Ja'far continued: He served as governor of Medina for three years. It is also
said: His term of office was two years, less seven nights.

[1282]

According to al-Waqidi: 'Uthman b. Hayyan consented to a

1 For other sources on the caliphate of Sulayman b. 'Abd al-Malik, see Ibn
Qutaybah, Ma'arif, 360-61, Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh, III, 38-45; Kufi, Futuh, VII, 252306; FHA, 16-37; Mas'udi, Muruj (Beirut), III, 173-81; Ibn Kathir, Bidayah, IX,
166-84; Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom, 257ff.
2. See Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, I, 314; Ibn Kathir, Bidayah, IX, 166.
3. Al-Walid died on a Saturday in the middle of Jumada II in the year 96 (February 23, 715). See text above, II/1269-70.
4. That is, 'Uthman b. Hayyan al-Murri, who al-Walid had appointed in Sha'ban
of the year 93 (May 13June 10, 712) or Shawwal of 94 (June 30July 28, 713).
See text above, II/1255, 1258ff.; Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh, III, 39.

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request from Abu Bakr b. Muhammad b. 'Amr b. Hazm5 for permission to sleep (late) the following morning and not to grant an
audience to the people, so that he might observe the twenty-first
night of Ramadan.6 Ayyub b. Salamah al-Makhzumi, who was on
bad terms with Abu Bakr b. 'Amr b. Hazm, was with 'Uthman at
that time, and he said to him, "Have you not considered what
that one is saying? He is merely making a show of piety."
'Uthman answered, "I thought of that, but, if I do not find him
holding court tomorrow morning when I send for him, then as
surely as I am my father's son, I shall flog him one hundred lashes
and shave his head and his beard." Ayyub said, "Pleasantly surprised by his statement, I hastened at dawn to his house, through
which I found my way by candlelight. I said (to myself), 'al-Murri
(that is, 'Uthman) has also come in haste (to fulfill his oath).' "But
lo and behold, Sulayman's messenger had already arrived, carrying orders to appoint Abu Bakr as governor and to have 'Uthman
dismissed and flogged.7 Ayyub continued, "I entered the governor's residence, and there was Ibn Hayyan sitting on the floor,
while Abu Bakr was sitting on a chair saying to the blacksmith,
'Put the chains on this man's feet.' 'Uthman looked at me and
recited:
They turned their backs and fled
But things are not forever the same."
In this year, Sulayman removed Yazid b. Abi Muslim from Iraq,
replacing him with Yazid b. al-Muhallab.8 He put Salih. b. 'Abd alRahman in charge of the fiscal administration and ordered him to
torture and kill the family of Abu 'Aqil.9
5. Abu Bakr b. Muhammad b. 'Amr b. Hazm was chief qadi of Medina, apparently from the year 88 (706-07). See text above, II/191, 1255.
6. It is particularly meritorious to undertake the i'tikafa period of retreat in a
mosque during which the believer fasts, prays, and recites the Qur'an. It occurs
during the last ten days of the month of Ramadan, when the laylat al-qadr (night
on which the Qur'an was first revealed) is presumed to have taken place. See El,
s.v. Ramadan; EI2, s.v. I'tikaf.
7. 'Uthman was reportedly flogged twice, once for drinking wine, and a second
time in retaliation for an accusation he had leveled against 'Abdallah b. 'Amr b.
'Uthman b. 'Affan. See Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh, III, 39.
8. See Ya'quibi, Ta'rikh, III, 40.
9. That is, the family of al-Hajjaj b. Yusuf, who had slain Salih's brother, Adam.
See Crone, Slaves, 43; EI2, s.v. al-Hadjdjadj b. Yusuf; Baladhuri, Futuh. (Cairo), III,
540.

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According to 'Umar b. Shabbah'Ali b. Muhammad: Salih

reached Iraq, where he took charge of the fiscal administration,
while Yazid was in charge of military affairs. Yazid then sent
Ziyad b. al-Muhallab to serve as governor of 'Uman,10 saying to
him, "Correspond with Salih, and, when you write to him, mention his name first." (Upon reaching Iraq) Salih seized the family
of Abu 'Aqil and tortured them; 'Abd al-Malik b. al-Muhallab
administered the torture.

[1283]

In this year, Qutaybah b. Muslim11 was slain in Khurasan.12

The Slaying of Qutaybah b. Muslim
The circumstances surrounding this: Al-Walid b. 'Abd al-Malik
wanted to designate his son, 'Abd al-'Aziz b. al-Walid, as the heir
apparent, and he secretly conveyed his intent to the generals and
the poets.13 Jarir14 said with regard to this:
When they ask, "Which man would be the best Caliph?"
the fingers point to 'Abd al-'Aziz.
They consider him the most deserving of all the people,
and they were not mistaken when they hurried and swore
the oath of allegiance to him.15
Jarir also recited, urging al-Walid to nominate 'Abd al-'Aziz:
Toward 'Abd al-'Aziz the eyes of the people turned,
when the rulers were at a loss about whom to choose.
To him his merits call attention, when
the pillars of state and the heavens fall down.
And the leaders of Quraysh say,
10. See El, s.v. 'Oman.
11. Qutaybah is Abu Hafs Qutaybah b. Abi Salih. Muslim b. 'Amr al-Bahili. He
was an Arab commander who extended Arab power over the boundaries of
Khurasan. See EI2, s.v. Kutayba b. Muslim; Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom, 434-35;
Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat, IV, 86-91.
12. See Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, I, 318; Baladhuri, Futuh. (Cairo), III, 519-22; Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh, III, 40-41; Kufi, Futuh., VII, 253-80, FHA, 17-19; Ibn Kathir,
Bidayah, IX, 167-69; Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom, 439ff.
13. 'Abd al-Malik had stipulated in his succession covenant that Sulayman was
to succeed al Walid as Caliph. See text above, II/1170.
14. Jarir b. 'Atiyyah b. al-Khatafah (Hudhayfah) b. Badr (d. 110/728-29) was one
of the most famous poets of the Umayyad period. See EI2, s.v. Djarir.
15. Fa-bayi'uhu wa-sari'u; read fa-baya'uhu wa-sara'u, following Band P. See
Naka'id Jarir wa-l-Farazdaq, I, 351.

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"We must swear the oath of allegiance now that the race
has reached its end."
They consider 'Abd al-'Aziz to be the heir apparent,
and they have not made a mistake or done wrong.
What do you wait for, when you are the ones that bear
onerous deeds and rise to glory?
So pass it (that is, the caliphate) on to him wholly,
O Commander of the Faithful, if you so desire.
For the people have already extended their hands to him,
and the matter has become generally known.

[1284]

And had they given the oath of allegiance to you as heir

apparent,
the balance would have been even and the building would
have been straight.16
A1-Hajjaj b. Yusuf and Qutaybah concurred in the renunciation
of Sulayman. Then al-Walid died, and Sulayman b. 'Abd al-Malik
assumed power. This was why Qutaybah feared him.
According to 'Ali b. MuhammadBishr b. Isa, al-Hasan b. Rushayd and Kulayb b. KhalafTufayl b. Mirdas and Jabalah b.
FarrukhMuhammad b. 'Uzayz al-Kindi, Jabalah b. Abi Rawwad,17 and Maslamah b. Muharibal-Sakin b. Qatadah: When
Qutaybah learned of the death of al-Walid b. 'Abd al-Malik and
the accession of Sulayman, he feared Sulayman because, together
with al-Hajjaj, he had worked for the nomination of 'Abd al-'Aziz
b. al-Walid. Thus, he feared that Sulayman would appoint Yazid
b. al-Muhallab as governor of Khurasan.18
Qutaybah wrote a letter to Sulayman in which he congratulated him on becoming Caliph, consoled him about al-Walid, and
informed him of his achievements and of his obedience to 'Abd alMalik and al-Walid. He also indicated that Sulayman could count
on the same measure of obedience and sincere advice as had the
former two, provided he did not remove him from Khurasan. He
(also) wrote him another letter in which he informed him of his
conquests and his ferocity against the enemy, of his exalted
16. Ibid., I, 350-51.
17. Text: Dawud; read Rawwad, following the Cairo ed.
18. Ten years earlier, in 86/705, al-Hajjaj had dismissed Yazid b. al-Muhallab as
governor of Khurasan and appointed Qutaybah in his place. See text above,
II/1178ff., sub anno 86.

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standing among the non-Arab rulers, of the awe he inspired in

their hearts, and of his great renown among them. He also disparaged al-Muhallab and his family and swore by God that if
Yazid b. al-Muhallab were appointed governor of Khurasan, he
(that is, Qutaybah) would throw off his allegiance to Sulayman.
And (finally) he wrote a third letter in which he renounced his
allegiance to him.

[1285]

Qutaybah sent the three letters with a man from the tribe of
Bahilah, saying: ''Give the first letter to the Caliph. If Yazid b. al
Muhallab is present and the Caliph reads it and then hands it to
him, give him the second letter. If the Caliph reads it and gives it
to Yazid, give him the third letter. But if he reads the first letter
and does not give it to Yazid, hold on to the other two.''
Qutaybah's messenger arrived and presented himself to Sulayman, who was with Yazid b. al-Muhallab. The messenger gave
the letter to the Caliph, who read it and then showed it to Yazid.
The messenger gave the Caliph another letter, which he read and
threw at Yazid. Then he gave him the third letter. The Caliph
read it, and the color of his face changed. He called for some clay,
sealed the letter, and kept it in his possession.
According to Abu 'Ubaydah Ma'mar b. al-Muthanna: The first
letter contained slanderous remarks about Yazid b. al-Muhallab,
noting his perfidy, infidelity, and ingratitude. The second letter
contained praise of Yazid. The third letter contained the following statement: "If you do not confirm me in my present position
and if you do not grant me a writ of safe conduct, I will renounce
my allegiance to you as quickly as one removes a shoe, and I will
fill the earth around you with horsemen and foot soldiers."
He also said: When Sulayman read the third letter, he put it
between two mattresses under him and made no comment.
Returning to the account of 'Ali b. Muhammad: Then hethat
is, Sulaymanordered that Qutaybah's messenger be provided
with accommodations, whereupon the latter was transferred to
the guest house. That evening, Sulayman called for him. He gave
him a purse containing some dinars and said, "Here is your re
ward, and here is your master's document of appointment as governor of Khurasan. Be on your way in the company of my messenger, who is carrying Qutaybah's document of appointment."

[1286]

The Bahili tribesman set out, and Sulayman sent with him a

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man from the tribe of 'Abd al-Qays, one of the Banff Layth by the
name of Sa'sa'ah or Mus'ab. When they reached Hulwan,19 the
people informed them that Qutaybah had renounced the Caliph.
The 'Abdi tribesman turned back, having given the document of
appointment to Qutaybah's messenger, although Qutaybah had
already renounced the Caliph. There was considerable confusion.20 The messenger gave the document of appointment to
Qutaybah, who then sought the counsel of his brothers. They
said, "Sulayman will not trust you, after-this."
According to 'Alione of the 'Anbarissome of their
shaykhsTawbah b. Abi Asid al-'Anbari: Salih21 arrived in Iraq
and sent me to Qutaybah in order to find out about the latter's
situation. I was accompanied by a man from the Banff Asad, who
asked me about the nature of my journey, but I concealed it from
him. While we were traveling, a bird passed from our left to our
right, causing my companion to look at me and say, "I think that
you are on an important mission and that you are hiding it from
me." I continued on my way. When I reached Hulwan, the people
informed me that Qutaybah had been slain.
According to 'AliAbu al-Dhayyal, Kulayb b. Khalaf and Abu
'Ali al-JuzjaniTufayl b. Mirdas, Abu al-Hasan al-Jashami, and
Mus'ab b. Hayyan22his brother, Muqatil b. Hayyan, Abu
Mikhnaf, and others: When Qutaybah was contemplating renouncing his allegiance to the Caliph, he sought the counsel of
his brothers. 'Abd al-Rahman said to him, "Dispatch an army and
include in it all those whom you fear: Send one contingent to
Marw;23 then you set out, until you reach Samarqand.24 Then say
to those who are with you, 'Whoever wants to stay will receive
his share of the booty; whoever wants to leave will not be com
pelled to stay, and no evil will befall him.' In this way, only those
19. An ancient town situated near the entrance to the Paytak Pass through the
Zagros range, on the Khurasan highway. See EI2, s.v. Hulwan.
20. According to Kufi, Futuh., VII, 258-59, the Caliph's messenger returned to
Syria, taking the document of appointment with him, thereby causing Qutaybah
to regret his actions.
21. That is, Salih b. 'Abd al-Rahman.
22. Text: Habban; read Hayyan, following the Cairo ed.
23. Marw was the capital and most famous city in Khurasan. See EI, Supplement, s.v. Merw al-Shahidjan; Le Strange, Lands, 397ff.
24. Samarqand and Bukhara were the principle towns of Transoxiana. See El,
s.v. Samarkand; Le Strange, Lands, 463ff.

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[1287]

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who are loyal will remain with you."25 'Abdallah said to him,
"Repudiate the Caliph right here, and call on the soldiers to repudiate him, for no one will oppose you."
Qutaybah accepted 'Abdallah's advice: He renounced his allegiance to Sulayman and called on the troops to repudiate him,
saying:
I have brought you together from 'Ayn al-Tamr26 and Fayd
al-Bahr.27 I have united brother with brother and son with
father. I have distributed your booty among you, and I have
paid you your stipends in full and without delay. You have
had experience with the governors who preceded me:
Umayyah28 came to you and wrote to the Commander of
the Faithful, saying, 'The tribute of Khurasan does not
support29 the expenses of my kitchen.' Then Abu Sa'id30
came to you and he spun you around for three years, during
which time you did not know whether you were in obedience or in disobedience. He did not collect any levies or
hurt an enemy. Then his son, Yazid,31 came to you, after
him, a stallion for whom women compete.32 Your Caliph
is (as foolish as) Yazid b. Tharwan Habbanaqat al-Qaysi.33
25. Kufi, Futuh., VII, 2600, adds: "Then renounce your allegiance to Sulayman."
26. 'Ayn al-Tamr was a small town in Iraq on the borders of the desert, between
Anbar and al-Kufah, that commanded the military approaches to Iraq. See EI2, s.v.
'Ayn al-Tamr.
27. Fayd al-Babr was a well-known canal in al-Basrah. See Yaqut, Mudjam, IV,
285.
28. Umayyah b. 'Abdallah was the governor of Khurasan under 'Abd al-Malik
until 78/697-98. See text above, II/1032ff.; Crone, Slaves, 232, n. 289.
29. Text: la yuqimu. The Cairo ed. has la yaqumu.
30. Abu Sa'id al-Muhallab b. Abi Sufrah, deputy governor of Khurasan under al
Hajjaj, reopened the campaigns towards Central Asia. He died in 82/701-02 and
was succeeded by his son, Yazid. See text above, II/1033ff., sub anno 78; EI2, s.v.
'Abd al-Malik b. Marwan.
31. Yazid b. al-Muhallab was appointed governor of Khurasan by al-Hajjaj in the
year 82/701-02., upon the death of his father, al-Muhallab. See text above,
II/1085ff.
32. Text: fahlun tabara ilayhi al-nisa'. If one were to read tabaza instead of
tabara the sense would be, "a stud to whom women raise their hips." Jahiz,
Bayan, II, 134, has thumma atakum banuhu ba'dahu mithla atba'i-l-kalbah
minhum Ibn al-Dahmah, "Then their sons came to you, after hire, like bitch's
teats, among them Ibn al-Dahmah (that is, Yazid b. al-Muhallab)."
33. Yazid b. Tharwan (his nickname was Dhu al-Wada'at) would give his fat
camels much fodder and pasture, to the neglect of his thin ones. Likewise, Sulayman would confer favors on the wealthy and prosperous and neglect others. See
Baladhuri, Futuh. (Cairo), III, 519-20.

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Our source continued: But no one responded, so Qutaybah be

came angry and said:
May God never give strength to whomever you support.
By God, were you to unite in order to attack a goat, you
would not break its horn. O people of lowly placesI do
not say people of elevated places34O rabble of the alms
tax, I have gathered you, just as the camels of the alms tax
are brought together from all directions. O tribe of Bakr b.
Wa'il, O people of pretense, lying, and stinginess, during
which of your two days do you boast? The day you go out
to war or the day you make peace? By God, I am more
powerful than you, O followers of Musaylimah,35 O
blameworthy onesI do not call you upright ones36O
people of weakness and perfidy. You used to call "perfidy," during the pre-Islamic era (jahiliyyah), "Kaysan."37
O followers of Sajah.,38 O tribe of 'Abd al-Qays, the farters,39 you have taken up the pollination of palm trees in
exchange for horses' reins. O tribe of Azd, you have taken
ships' cables in exchange for the reins of fleet40 stallions.
This is innovation in Islam! And the Bedouins? What are
the Bedouins? May the curse of God be on the Bedouins.
O refuse of al-Kufah and al-Basrah, I have brought you
together from the places where wormwood, southern
wood, and wild senna41 are grown.42 You were riding

[1288]

34. Text: ya ahl al-safilah wa-lu aqulu ahl al-'aliyah. It is a pun.

35. Musaylimah was a prophet of the Banff .Hanifah in al-Yamamah; he was
contemporary with Muhammad. See EI, s.v. Musailimah.
36. Text: ya bani dhamim wa-la aqulu tamim. This is a pun on the tribe of
Tamira, who are being addressed here.
37. Kaysan is a name for perfidy. It is not related to Kaysan, the companion of
al-Mukhtar. See Lisan, s.v. k-y-s.
38. Sajah, Umm Sadir bt. Aws b. Hikk b. Usamah, or Bint al-Harith b. Suwayd b.
'Uqfan, was a prophetess and soothsayer who appeared in Arabia during the riddah
wars. See EI, s.v. Sadjah.
39. Text: qusat, "the cruel ones"; read fusat. I owe this point to Professor Ihsan
Abbas.
40. Text: al-husun, "horses." This should be amended to read al-hudur. I owe
this point to Professor Abbas.
41. Text: al-filfil, "pepper." Read: al-qilqil, as in Jahiz., Bayan, II, 133. There are
no pepper trees in Arabia.
42. These three plants grow in the desert.

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cows and donkeys on the island of Ibn Kawan,43 and,

when I gathered you, just as the scattered portions of
clouds44 are brought together at the beginning of winter,
you started saying such and such! By God, I am the son of
his father and the brother of his brother. By God, I will
draw you together and beat you as one does the salamah
tree.45 Verily, around the silliyan plant is neighing.46 O
army of Khurasan, do you know who your leader is? Your
leader is Yazid b. Tharwan. It is as if I am confronted by a
commander from the Ha' and the Hakam47 who came to
you and displaced you from your homes and your
abodes.48 There is a fire over there. Shoot at it, and I will
shoot with you. Aim for your farthest mark! Abu Nafi',
Dhu al-Wada'at, has been put in charge of you.49 Syria is a
father who is treated with filial respect, while Iraq is a
father who is treated with ingratitude. How long will the
Syrian army50 continue to lie in your courtyards and under the roofs of your homes? O army of Khurasan, if you
investigate my ancestry, you will find that I have an Iraqi
mother, an Iraqi father, an Iraqi birthplace, and Iraqi in
clinations, opinions, and religion. Today, as you know,
43. The largest island in the Persian Gulf, situated off the southern coast of
Persia between 'Uman and al-Bahrayn; it takes its name from a certain al-Harith b.
Imru 'l-Qays. See EI2, s.v. Kishm; Yaqut, Mudjam, II, 139, s.v. Jazirat Kawan.
44. Text: qara'; read qaza', following the Cairo ed.
45. A salamah tree has thorns and leaves; the latter are used to tan hides. The
leaves are removed by drawing the branches of the tree together, binding them
tightly with a rope, and beating them with a staff. See Lane, Lexicon, pt. 4, P. 1414.,
46. The silliyan is a plant known as "the bread of the camels." The phrase bawl
al-silliyan al-zamzamah is a proverbial expression applied to a man who hovers
round a thing without making apparent his desire. See Lane, Lexicon, pt. 3, P.
1248.
47. The .Ha' are a tribe from the Madhhij, and the Hakam are a tribe from the
Yemen. See Jahiz, Bayan, II, 132, n. 7.
48. Text: ka-anni bi-amir mizja' wa-hakam qad ja'akum fa-ghalabakum 'ala
fay'ikum wa-azlalikum. My translation follows Jahiz., Bayan, II, 132-33: ka-anni
bi-amir rain ha' wa-bakam qad atakum. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, V, 14, has ka-anni
bi-amir ja' akum fa-ghalabakum 'ala fay'ikum wa-zilalikum.
49. That is, Yazid b. Tharwan.
50. Text: ahl al-Sham. The Imperial Army were composed of warriors from
Syria unequivocally loyal to the Umayyad rulers; they were stationed in fortified
cities and sensitive areas where disturbances were expected to break out. See
Sharon, Black Banners, 61-2.

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you enjoy a state of safety and well-being. God has laid

open countries to you and made your roads secure, so that
a woman can travel in a litter from Marw to Balkh51
without an escort. So praise God for the blessing He has
bestowed on you and ask Him for forgiveness and
increase.

[1289]

Then Qutaybah stepped down and entered his house. The

members of his household came to him and said: "We have never
seen a day like today.52 By God, you did not limit yourself to the
Ahl-'Aliyah, who are your close friends, but you even included
the Bakr, your followers. Not satisfied with that, you included the
Tamim, your brothers. Still not satisfied, you included the Azd,
your supporters."
Qutaybah said: "When I spoke, and not a single person re
sponded, I became angry, and I did not know what I was saying.
The Ahl al-'Aliyah are like the camels of the alms tax that have
been gathered from every direction;53 the Bakr are like a slave girl
who does not ward off a sexual advance; the Tamim are like
mangy camels; the 'Abd al-Qays are that part of the wild ass that
he hits with his tail; and the Azd are wild assesthe worst that
God created. Were I their master, I would brand them."54
The troops were angry and unwilling to throw off allegiance to
Sulayman, and the tribes were also angry, because of the abusive
terms that Qutaybah had cast at them. They all agreed to oppose
and denounce Qutaybah. The first to speak in this matter were
the Azd, who approached .Hudayn b. al-Mundhir55 and said,
"That one has called for what he has called for, namely, throwing
off allegiance to the Caliph; however, that way will lead to corruption in matters of both religion and the temporal world. Not
51. An important city in Khurasan situated at the meeting place of the trade
routes; the city was subdued by Qutaybah b. Muslim. See EI2, s.v. Balkh; Le
Strange, Lands, 420ff.
52. Text: ma ra'ayna ka-l-yawmi qatt. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, V, 14, has ma
ra'aynaka ka-l-yawmi qatt: "We have never seen you behave as you did today."
53. The Ahl al-'Aliyah were a heterogeneous group made up of sundry tribes.
54. This statement may be an allusion to al-Hajjaj, who branded peoples' hands.
For parallel versions of Qutaybah's speeches, see al-Jahiz., Bayan, II, 132-35; Kufi,
Futuh., VII, 261-65.
55. Hudayn b. al-Mundhir was a notable and poet of al-Basrah, who was head of
the Bakr b. Wa'il; he died ca. 100/718-19. See EI2, s.v. al-Hudayn b. al-Mundhir;
Crone, Slaves, 113.

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satisfied with this, he has humiliated and reviled us. What do you
recommend, O Abu .Hafs?" His nom de guerre was Abu Sasan; it
is also said that his patronymic is Abu Muhammad. Hudayn said
to them, "The Mudar in Khurasan are equal to the other three
tribal groups (khurns), and within the Mudar the Tamim form the
majority. They are the heroes of Khurasan who will never agree
that the ruling power pass from the Mudar. Thus, if you exclude
them from power, they will support Qutaybah."56 The Azd said,
"Qutaybah wronged the Banff Tamim by the slaying of Ibn al
Ahtam."57 Hudayn said, "Do not pay any attention to that, for
the Banff Tamim are partisans of the Mudar confederation.'' The
Azd left, rejecting .Hudayn's advice. They wanted to put 'Abdallah
b. Hawdhan al-Jahdami58 in charge, but he refused. After arguing
among themselves, with each refusing to be the leader, they went
back to Hudayn and said, "We have debated the question of lead
ership and decided to put you in charge of us, for the Rabi'ah will
not oppose you." He said, ''I will have nothing to do with this
matter." They said, "What do you suggest?" He said, "If you give
the leadership to the Tamim, you will be powerful." They said,
"Whom do you recommend from the Tamim?" He said, "Only
Waki'."59

[1290]

Hayyan, a client of the Banff Shayban, said: "Only that Bed

ouin, Waki', will take charge of this affair, enduring its heat,
shedding his blood, and exposing himself to death, and, if a governor comes, he will punish him for what he has done though the
credit goes to somebody else, for he is a brave man who neither
cares what he mounts nor what the consequences will be. He has
many loyal kinsmen and a score to settle; he has a claim against
Qutaybah because of the leadership that the latter took from him
and gave to Dirar b. Husayn b. Zayd al-Fawaris b. Husayn b. Dirar
56. See Sharon, Black Banners, 60.
57. During the campaign against Bukhara in the year 91 (709-10), Qutaybah had
appointed 'Abdallah b. al-Ahtam as his deputy governor in Marw. 'Abdallah had
taken the opportunity to intrigue with al-Hajjaj against Qutaybah, but fared badly
and was forced to flee to Syria. Qutaybah made 'Abdallah's brothers pay the
penalty in his steadhe slew some of them and cut off the arms and legs of the
others, thereby calling down upon himself the revenge of Tamim. See text above,.
II/1218; Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh, III, 40; Baladhuri, Futuh. (Cairo), III, 522-231; Well
hausen, Arab Kingdom, 441-42.
58. Abdallah b. Hawdhan al-Jahdami was one of the chiefs of the Azd. See Kufi,
Futuh., VII, 266.
59. Abu Mutarrif al-Ghudani, Waqi' b. Hassan b. Qays b. Abi Sud al-Tamimi.

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al-Dabbi."60 The troops then began to consult with one another

in secret.
Someone said to Qutaybah, "No one creates dissension among
the troops except Hayyan." Qutaybah therefore wanted to murder
him; however, .Hayyan had ingratiated himself with the servants
of the governors,61 who would not conceal anything from him.
Qutaybah summoned a man and ordered him to kill Hayyan. But
one of the servants heard him, came to Hayyan and told him of
the order. Thus, when Qutaybah sent a message to Hayyan, sum
moning him, the latter was on his guard and reigned illness.
Meanwhile, Waki' accepted the soldiers' request that he serve as
their leader.
(Waki') cited the verse of al-Ashhab b. Rumaylah:
I will reap what I have sown. Verily, my power
rests on a solid foundation.
In Khurasan there were at that time nine thousand warriors
from the Basran army representing the Ahl al-'Aliyah; seven thousand from the Bakr, headed by al-Hudayn b. al-Mundhir; ten
thousand from the Tamim, led by Dirar b. Husayn al-Dabbi; four
thousand from the 'Abd al-Qays, led by 'Abdallah b. Alwan
al-'Awdhi;62 and ten thousand from the Azd, headed by 'Abdallah
b. Hawdhan. There were seven thousand from the Kufan army,
led by Jahm b. Zahr or 'Ubaydallah b. 'Ali, and seven thousand of
the clients (mawwali),63 led by Hayyan. Some say that Hayyan is
from al-Daylam,64 while others say that he is from Khurasan. He
is called "Nabati" (the Nabataean) because of his mispronunciation of Arabic.65

[1291]

60. Waki' had sworn to take vengeance on Qutaybah because the latter had
removed him from his position as head of the Banff Tamira in Khurasan, replacing
him with al-Dabbi. See Baladhuri, Futuh. {Cairo), III, 523; EI2, s.v. Dabba.
61. Text: hasham al-wulat. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, V, 15, has khadam al-wulat,
which means the same thing.
62. Text: 'Awdhi; read al-'Awdhi, following the Cairo ed.
63. A mawla (pl. mawali) was a non-Arab convert to Islam who attached him
self to an Arab tribe. See Crone, Slaves, 49ff.
64. A region encompassing the entire southern coast of the Caspian and the
lands forming a belt to the south of the Alburz range. See EI2, s.v. Daylam.
65. Text: li-luknatihi. Hayyan apparently had difficulty pronouncing the gut
tural consonants of the Arabic language, such as ha and 'ayin. See FHA, 68-69,
where examples of his speech are quoted.

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Hayyan sent to Waki', saying, "If I leave you alone and lend you
my support, will you assign me the land tax of one side of the
Balkh River for as long as I am alive and you are governor?" When
Waki' agreed, Hayyan said to the non-Arabs, "Those (Arabs) are
fighting over something other than religion, so let them kill one
another." They agreed and swore allegiance to Waki' in secret.
Dirar b. Husayn approached Qutaybah, saying, "The troops are
going back and forth to Waki', swearing allegiance to him." Now
Waki' was in the habit of visiting 'Abdallah b. Muslim al-Faqir at
his house, where the two of them would drink together. 'Abdallah
said, "That one (that is, Dirar) is envious of Waki', and this claim
is false. Waki' is in my house, drinking, becoming intoxicated,
and shitting in his clothes, yet Dirar claims that they are swearing allegiance to him."
Waki' then came to Qutaybah and said, "Beware of Dirar, for I
do not trust him with you." Qutaybah therefore attributed what
they said to their mutual envy. Waki' pretended to be sick, where
upon Qutaybah sent Dirar b. Sinan al-Dabbi to Waki' as a spy.
Dirar swore allegiance to Waki' secretly. In this manner,
Qutaybah learned that the soldiers were, in fact, swearing allegiance to Waki', and Qutaybah now said to Dirar (b. Husayn),
"You spoke the truth." He replied, ''I reported to you nothing but
what I knew, but you attributed what I said to my envy. I have
fulfilled my obligation." "You were right," said Qutaybah.

[1292]

Now Qutaybah sent a message to Waki', summoning him, but

Qutaybah's messenger found him with a sticky substance
smeared on his foot and beads and shells placed on his leg.66 He
was attended by two men from the Zahran, who were uttering
incantations over his foot. When the messenger said to Waki',
"Answer the governor," the latter replied, "You see the problem
with my foot." The messenger then returned to Qutaybah, who
sent him back to Waki', saying, "Qutaybah says to you,' Come to
me carried on a litter.' "Waki' answered, "I cannot.'' Qutaybah
said to Sharik b. al-Samit al-Bahili, one of the Banff Wa'ilthe
commander of his guardand to a man from the Ghani, "Go to
Waki' and bring him to me. If he refuses, cut off his head." He sent
66. Text: wa''ala saqihi kharazan wa-wada'an. See Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, V, 16:
wa-'allaqa 'ala ra'sihi hirzan, "He tied an amulet on his head."

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horsemen with themsome say that Warqa' b. Nasr al-Bahili

was the commander of the guard in Khurasan.
According to 'AliAbu al-DhayyalThumamah b. Najidh
al-'Adawi: Qutaybah sent someone to fetch Waki', and I said, "I
will bring him to you, may God cause you to prosper." Qutaybah
said, "Bring him to me." So I went to Waki', who had already been
informed that the horsemen were on their way. When he saw me,
he said, "O Thumamah, summon the troops.'' I called out, and
the first one to arrive was Huraym b. Abi Tahmah, with eight
men.
A1-Hasan b. Rushayd al-Juzjani related: Qutaybah sent for
Waki', and Huraym said, "I will bring him to you," whereupon
Qutaybah replied, "Go." Huraym reported: "I mounted my horse,
fearing that he would recall me, and I went to Waki'. But he had
already set out."
Kulayb b. Khalaf said: Qutaybah sent Shutbah b. Zahir,67 one of
the Banff Sakhr b. Nahshal, to Waki'. When he arrived, Waki'
exclaimed, "O Ibn Zahir, wait a while until the cavalry catch up."
Then Waki' called for a knife and cut off the beads that were on
his legs. Next, he put on his armor and quoted the verse:

[1293]

Tightly tie my navel so that it will not burst.

One day for the Hamdan and one day for the .Sadif.68
Waki' set out by himself, and some women who noticed him said,
"Abu Mutarrif69 is alone." It was at this moment that Huraym b.
Abi Tahmah arrived with eight men, including 'Amirat al-Barid70
b. Rabi'ah al-'Ujayfi.
According to Hamzah b. Ibrahim and others: Waki' set out and
was met by a man who asked, "What is your tribe?" He answered,
"The Banff Asad." The man then asked, "What is your name?"
He replied, "Dirghamah." He asked, ''The son of whom?" He
answered, "Ibn Layth." The man said, "Take this banner."
According to al-Mufaddal b. Muhammad al-Dabbi: Waki' gave
his banner to 'Uqbah b. Shihab al-Mazini.
Then returning to our original chain of transmission, our
67. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, V, 16: .Zuhayr; cf. below, pp. 150-53, 159.
68. See Kufi, Futuh., VII, 270.
69. Waki's patronymic was Abu Mutarrif. See note 59 above.
70. Text: 'Amirah b. al-Barid; read 'Amirat al-Barid, following the Cairo ed.

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source said: When Waki' set out, he ordered his servants, saying,
"Take my baggage to (my) paternal cousins." They replied, "We
do not know where their camp is." He said, "Look for two spears
that have been tied together, one on top of the other, with a
nosebag on top of them. They are my paternal cousins." There
were five hundred of them in the army.
Waki' called out to the troops, who approached him, one company after the other, from every direction. He set out, leading the
troops, saying:
A brave man who, when he is required to carry out an onerous
task,
keeps his ribs and his bosom tightly drawn.71
Some people said that when Waki' set out he recited:
Do we face Luqman b. 'Ad72 and his type?
Bring me my sword. They shall not carry off an unarmed
man.
Qutaybah was joined by the members of his household and the
chiefs from among his companions and trusted supporters, in
cluding: Iyas b. Bayhas b. 'Amr, Qutaybah's paternal cousin, who
was closely related, and 'Abdallah b. Wa'lan al-'Adawi, with men
from his tribe, the Banff Wa'il. Hayyan b. Iyas al-'Adawi came to
him with ten men, including 'Abd al-'Aziz b. al-Harith.

[1294]

Maysarah al-Jadali, who was a brave man, came to him, saying,

"If you want, I will bring you Waki''s head." He said, "Stay where
you are." Qutaybah ordered one of his men, saying, "Call out
among the soldiers, 'Where are the Banff 'Amir?' "73 He called
out, "Where are the Banff 'Amir?'' Mihfan b. Jaz' al-Kilabi74 said,
"Where you placed them''Qutaybah had treated them roughly.
Qutaybah then said, "Call out, 'I remind you of God and our
kinship.' " But Mihfan called out, "You severed the ties of rela71. This saying means that a brave man gets himself fully ready for the task. See
text below, II/1298, where the verse is repeated with a slight variant; see also Kufi,
Futuh., VII, 271.
72. Luqman b. 'Ad was a legendary hero of pre-Islamic Arabia, famous for his
wisdom and longevity. See EI2, s.v. Lukman.
73. The Banu 'Amir b. Sa'sa'ah, of the Qays. See Caskel, Gamharah *, I, 92.
74. Ibn al-Athir (Kamil, V, 16) gives his name as Muhaqqir b. Jaz' al-'Ala'i. Both
men were from the Qays.

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tionship." Qutaybah said, "Call out, 'Accept our conciliation.' "

But Mihfan, or someone else, called out, "No, may God never
forgive us if we do." Qutaybah then recited:
O my soul, endure the pain with patience,
since I have not found equals to the tribe's eminent ones.
Then Qutaybah called for a turban that his mother had sent
him, put it onit was his custom to wear it in times of difficultyand called for one of his well-trained horses that he con
sidered lucky in war.75 The horse was brought close to him so
that he might mount it, but it started to jump about until it
exhausted him. When Qutaybah saw this, he returned to his
couch, lay down, and said, "Let it be, for this is God's will."76
Hayyan al-Nabati approached, leading the non-Arabs, and made
his stand, even though Qutaybah was angry with him, and 'Abdallah b. Muslim77 made his stand next to him. 'Abdallah said to
Hayyan, "Attack both wings." When he answered, "It is not time
for that," 'Abdallah became angry and said, "Give me my bow.''
Hayyan said, ''This is not a day for the bow." Waki' then sent a
message to Hayyan that said, "I am waiting for you to fulfill your
promise." Hayyan said to his son, "When you see me turn my cap
around and move in the direction of Waki's troops, bring to me
the non-Arabs who are with you." Ibn Hawan stood with the
non-Arabs and, when Hawan turned his cap around, they moved
in the direction of Waki''s troops, whereupon his followers ex
claimed, "God is great."

[1295]

Qutaybah sent his brother, Salih, to the soldiers, but he was

wounded in the head by a man from the Banff Dabbah known as
Sulayman al-Zanjirj, that is, the Carob78some say that he was
shot by one of (Waki''s) paternal cousins.79 Salih was carried to
Qutaybah, his head leaning to the side, and placed in his prayer
room. Qutaybah shifted his position and sat with Salih for a
while. Then he went back to his couch.
75. Text: kana yatatayyir ilayhi fi-l-zuhuf.
76. Text: fa-inna hadha amrun yurad. Compare text below, II/1295, where a
parallel passage specifies inna lahu la-sha'n.
77. That is, Qutaybah's brother.
78. Text: al-Khurnub. Kufi (Futuh., VII, 273) gives his nickname as Barih Atranj.
79. Text: Bal'amm, an abbreviated form of banu-l-'amm, "the paternal
cousins."

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Abu al-Sari al-Azdi said: Salih was shot and felled by a man
from the Banff Dabbah; he was then stabbed by Ziyad b 'Abd alRahman al-Azdi, one of the Banff Sharik b. Malik.
Abu Mikhnaf said: A man from the Ghani attacked the troops
and saw a man who was wearing a coat of mail.80 He mistook him
for Jahm b. Zahr b. Qays and stabbed him, saying:
The Ghani are mighty and trustworthy
when they go to war, even if the other soldiers quarrel
among themselves.
But the man who was stabbed was a non-Arab, and the troops
were aroused. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Muslim advanced toward them,
but he was stoned to death by the market people and the rabble.
The soldiers set fire to an enclosure containing Qutaybah's cam
els and riding animals; they closed in on him. Fighting for him
was a man from the Bahilah, from the Banff Wa'il, and Qutaybah
said to him, "Save yourself." But he replied, "How miserable a
repayment, in that case, for you gave me bread to eat and soft
clothes to wear."81
Qutaybah now called for a riding animal. A horse was brought
to him, but it would not stand still long enough for him to mount
it. He said, "There is something the matter with it."82 So he did
not mount the horse but sat, and the troops advanced toward the
tent. When the troops reached the tent, Iyas b. Bayhas and 'Abdal
lah b. Wa'lan fled, abandoning Qutaybah. 'Abd al-'Aziz b. al
Harith went out looking for his son, 'Amror 'Umar; al-Ta'i met
him but was wary of engaging him, so that 'Abd al-'Aziz found his
son, who mounted the horse behind his father.

[1296]

Qutaybah observed al-Haytham b. al-Munakhkhal, who was

one of those who had plotted against him, and said:
I used to teach him to shoot every day.
However, when his arm became well-trained with the
bow,83 he shot at me.
80. Text: mujaffaf, from tijfaf, which Lane defines as "a kind of armor with
which a horse is clad in war, in the manner of a coat of mail." See Lexicon, pt. 2, p.
432.
81. Kufi, who identifies the man as a certain Junadah, adds: "So he fought and
was slain." See Furtuh, VII, 275.
82. Text: inna lahu la-sha'n. See note 76, above.
83. Text: istadda; the Cairo ed. has ishtadda, "when he became powerful."

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Slain along with Qutaybah were his brothers, 'Abd al-Rahman,

'Abdallah, .Salih, Husayn, and 'Abd al-Karim, the sons of Muslim.
His son, Kathir b. Qutaybah, was also slain, as were several members of his household. But his brother, Dirar, escaped, having been
saved by his maternal unclesthe latter's mother was Gharra' bt.
Dirar b. al-Qa'qa'b. Ma'bad b. Zurarah.
Some people said: 'Abd al-Karim b. Muslim was killed in
Qazwin.84
According to Abu 'UbaydahAbu Malik: They slew Qutaybah
in the year 96/715. Eleven of Muslim's descendants were slain
Waki' crucified them. Seven of them were the sons of Muslim,
and four were grandsons: Qutaybah, 'Abd al-Rahman, 'Abdallah
al-Faqir, 'Ubaydallah, Salih, Bashshar, and Muhammad, the sons
of Muslim; and Kathir b. Qutaybah and Mughallis b. 'Abd alRahman (and two others, the grandsons).85 None of Muslim's
sons escaped, except for 'Amr, who was the governor of al-Juzjan,86 and Dirar, whose mother was al-Gharra' bt. Dirar b. alQa'qa' b. Matbad b. Zurarah; his maternal uncles came and removed him (from his position), thereby saving him.87

[1297]

A1-Farazdaq recited about this:

The evening that Ibn Gharra' did not wishwhen he called
outthat he had parents from a tribe other than us.88
Iyas b. 'Amr, the nephew of Muslim b. 'Amr, was wounded in
the collarbone, but he lived.
The source continued: When the tribe overran the great tent,
they cut its ropes.
According to Zuhayr: Jahm b. Zahr said to Said,89 "Dismount
and cut off his head, for he has been weakened by the wounds."
84. A famous city 102 km. from al-Rayy and 72 km. from Abhar. See Yaqut,
Mu'jam, IV, 342-44; EI2, s.v. Kazwin; Le Strange, Lands, 218-20.
85. Compare Kufi, Futuh, VIII, 274-75; Ibn al-Athir, KamiI, V, 17.
86. A1-Juzjan was one of the districts of Balkh, in Khurasan. See Yaqut' Mu'jam,
II, 182-83.
87. Text: najjawhu; read nahhawhu, following the Cairo ed. Compare Ibn al
Athir, Kamil, V, 17-18, where it is 'Umar [sic] b. Muslim, who is saved by his
maternal uncles.
88. See Diwan, II, 332. "Ibn Gharra'" refers to Dirar b. Muslim, Qutaybah's
brother, who was dismissed as governor of Khurasan by Sulayman b. 'Abd al
Malik. Compare text below, II/1301.
89. This man was probably Sa'd b. Najd al-Azdi. See Kufi, Futuh., VII, 275.

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Sa'd replied, "I fear that the horses will bolt." Jahm exclaimed,
"You are afraid, though I am next to you!" Sa'd dismounted, split
the top of the tent, and cut off his head. Hudayn b. al-Mundhir
recited:
Verily, Ibn Sa'd and Ibn Zahr took turns
with their swords on the head of the crowned hero.
The evening that we brought Ibn Zahr and you brought
a black-nosed (man) with brands on his arms, blackish,
Deaf, from the Ghudanah, as if his forehead
were a blot of ink on a skin that had been scrawled over.90
When Maslamah slew Yazid b. al-Muhallab, he appointed Sa'id
Khudhaynah b. 'Abd al-'Aziz b. al-Harith b. al-Hakam b. Abi al-'As
governor of Khurasan, and Yazid's subgovernors were imprisoned.91 Among those imprisoned was Jahm b. Zahr al-Ju'fi, who
was tortured by a man from the Bahilah. Someone said to the
Bahili tribesman, "This is Qutaybah's murderer," whereupon he
tortured him to death. Sa'id criticized him for this, but the man
retorted, "You ordered me to extract money from him; I tortured
him, and it was his time to die."
On the day that Qutaybah was slain, one of his Khwarazmian
slave girls was with him; when he was slain, she fled. Subsequently, Yazid b. al-Muhallab captured her. She is Umm Khulaydah.

[1298]

According to 'AliHamzah b. Ibrahim and Abu al-Yaqzan:

When Qutaybah was slain, 'Umarah b. Junayyah92 al-Riyahi as
cended the pulpit and spoke at length. Waki' said to him, "Spare
us your filth and gossip." Then Waki' began to speak, saying,
"The likes of me and the likes of Qutaybah are as the first one
said:
He who fucks an ass fucks a catamite.93
Qutaybah sought to slay me, but I am deadly.
90. Text: ka-anna jabinahu lutakhat niqs fi adim mumajmaj. See Naka'id Jarir
wa-l-Farazdaq, I, 362.
91. See text below, II/1417, sub anno 102.
92. The vocalization of Junayyah is conjectural.
93. See text above, 1/901.

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They tried me once; then they tried me again,

from a distance of two bow shots and from a distance of a
hundred bow shots.,
Until, when I grew old and they gave me white hair,
they gave up on my rein and avoided me.,
I am Abu Mutarrif!"
According to Abu Mu'awiyahTalhah b. Iyas: Waki' recited on
the day that Qutaybah was slain:
I am the son of Khindif.94 Her tribes ascribe
good deeds to me. And my paternal uncle is Qays 'Aylan.95
Then he grabbed his beard and recited:
A shaykh who, when he is required to carry out an onerous
task,
keeps his ribs and his bosom tightly drawn.96
"By God, I will slay, indeed I will slay, and I will crucify, indeed I
will crucify. I want to taste blood. This Marzuban97 of yours, the
son of the adulteress, has inflated the prices of your goods. By
God, if he does not set the price of one qafiz98 in the market
tomorrow at four (dirhams), I will crucify him. Remember the
Prophet in your prayers." Then he stepped down from the pulpit.
According to 'Alial-Mufaddal b. Muhammad and a shaykh
from the Banff Tamim, and Maslamah b. Muharib: Waki' de
manded Qutaybah's head and his signet ring but was told, "The
Azd have taken it." Waki' emerged, saying, "You have added
falsehood to falsehood, O Sa'd the blacksmith."99

[1299]

94. The Khindif was a major division of the Mudar that included the Hudhayl,
the Tamim, and the Kinanah. See EI2, s.v. Djazirat al-'Arab.
95. Qays 'Aylan was one of the two subdivisions of Mudar. See EI2, s.v. Kays
'Aylan.
96. Compare text above, II/1293.
97. By referring to Qutaybah as a Marzuban, the Arabic form of the title of
provincial governors in the Sasanian Empire, Waki' likened him to an alien grandee after the Iranian fashion. See EI, s.v. Marzuban.
98. A qafiz is a measure of dry goods equivalent to eight makakik or twelve sa'.
See Kazimirski, Dictionnaire, II, 788; Hinz, Islarnische Masse und Gewichte, 4850.
99. Text: Duh 'durrayni Sa'd alqayni, a proverbial expression. See Lane,
Lexicon, pt. 3, PP. 922-23, s.v. dahdara.

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On which of my two days will I escape100 from death,

a day that has not been ordained or a day that has been?
There is no good in a broad-breasted horse, the fleet
ones that run in the races,
Is there a day on which I will neither frighten (others)
nor be frightened (myself)?
"By Godthan Whom there is no other GodI will not leave
until either Qutaybah's head is brought to me, or my head is
added to his." Then he brought some wooden stakes and said,
"These horses must have riders"thereby alluding to the threat
of crucifixion. Hudayn said to him, ''O Abu Mutarrif, it will be
brought to you, so calm down."
Hudayn came to the Azd and said, "Are you fools? We swore
allegiance to Waki' and accepted his leadership. He exposed him
self to danger, and then you take Qutaybah's head! Give it up,"
that is, the head, "may God curse it." They brought out the head,
saying, "O Abu Mutarrif, this person is the one who cut it off, so
reward him." He agreed and gave him three thousand dirhams.
He sent the head (to Sulayman) with Salit b. 'Abd al-Karim al
Hanafi and men from the various tribeswho were led by Sailt
but he did not send anyone from the Banff Tamim.
According to Abu al-Dhayyal: Among those who accompanied
the head was Unayf b. Hassan, one of the Banff 'Adi.
According to Abu Mikhnaf: Waki' paid Hayyan al-Nabati in
return for what the latter had given him.101

[1300]

According to Khuraym b. Abi Yahyashaykhs from the Qays:

Sulayman asked al-Hudhayl b. Zufar, when Qutaybah's head and
the heads of the members of his household were put in front of
him, "Does this distress you, Hudhayl?"102 He replied, "If it
distresses me, it distresses many others as well." Then Khuraym
b. 'Amr103 and al-Qa'qa' b. Khulayd104 spoke to Sulayman saying,
100. Text: afir; read afirru, following the Cairo ed.
101. See text above, II/1291.
102. Zufar's family were considered to be the very incarnation of Qaysiyyah.
See Crone, Slaves, 108.
103. Khuraym b. 'Amr al-Murri seems to have been implicated in Qutaybah's
revolt. See text below, II/1312, sub anno 97; Crone, Slaves, 98, no. 6.
104. A1-Qa'qa' appears to have supported al-Walid's efforts to deprive Sulayman
of the succession. See text below, II/1312, sub anno 97; Crone, Slaves, 105-6, n.
15.

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"Grant permission to bury their heads." He said, "Certainly, for I

did not want any of this."
According to 'AliAbu 'Abdallah al-SulamiYazid b. Suwayd:
A Persian from the army of Khurasan said: "O ye Arabs, you have
slain Qutaybah. By God, had Qutaybah been one of us and had he
died among us, we would have put him in a coffin that would
have served as a mascot for us in our raids. Nobody ever accomplished in Khurasan what Qutaybah did. Nevertheless, he be
trayed (us). This is because al-Hajjaj wrote to him, saying, 'Lay a
trap for them and slay them, for the sake of God.' "
According to al-Hasan b. Rushayd: The isbahbadh105 said to a
man, "O ye Arabs, you have slain Qutaybah and Yazid,106 the two
lords of the Arabs." The man asked, "Which of the two, in your
opinion, was more awesome and commanded more respect?" The
isbahbadh replied, "If Qutaybah were in the Maghrib, in the
deepest hole in the earth, tied up in chains, and Yazid was with us,
in our country, serving as our governor, Qutaybah would still be
more awesome and more highly respected than Yazid."
According to 'Alial-Mufaddal b. Muhammad al-Dabbi: A
man approached Qutaybah on the day he died, while he was holding court, and said, "Today the King of the Arabs will be slain"
they considered Qutaybah to be the King of the Arabs. Qutaybah
said to him, "Sit down!"
According to Kulayb b. Khalafa man from among those who
were with Waki' when Qutaybah was slain: On Waki''s order, a
man called out, "No spoils are to be taken from any corpse." But
Ibn 'Abid al-Hajari passed by Abu al-Hujr al-Bahili and stripped
him. When Waki' was informed of this, he cut off the man's head.

[1301]

According to Abu 'UbaydahAbdallah b. 'Umar from the

Taym Allat: Waki' mounted his horse one day, and they brought
him a man who was drunk. On his order, the man was killed.
Someone said to Waki', "He deserved to be flogged,107 not killed."
He replied, "I punish with the sword, not the whip."
105. Isbahbadh in Persian means "army chief"; it is the Islamic form of a
military title used in the pre-Islamic Persian Empires. See EI2, s.v. Ispahbadh.
106. Yazid b. al-Muhallab was slain in the year 102/720-21. See text below,
II/1405, sub anno 102.
107. Text: hadd, a term that refers to certain acts, namely, unlawful intercourse, false accusation of unlawful intercourse, drinking wine, theft, and highway robbery, which have been forbidden or sanctioned by punishments in the
Qur'an. The punishment for drinking wine is eighty lashes. See EI2, s.v. Hadd.

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Nahar b. Tawsi'ah108 recited:

We used to cry because of al-Bahili,
but this Ghudani is much more evil.109
He also recited:
When we saw al-Bahili, Ibn Muslim,
acting tyrannically, we struck him on the head with a
sharp sword.
A1-Farazdaq recited, recalling the battle of Waki':
To us belongs the one who drew swords and sheathed them,
the evening of the battle of the Gate of al-Qasr, from
Farghanah. 110
The evening that no tribe could defend its sons
by invoking an Iraqi or Yemenite glory.
The evening that Ibn Gharra' did not wishwhen he called
outthat he had parents from a tribe other than us.
The evening that the Hawazin of 'Amir and Ghatafan
did not cover the nakedness of Ibn Dukhan.111
The evening that the people wished to be our slaves,
when the two armies were fighting.
They saw one mountain towering over the others,112 when the
heads of their two leaders met, butting together.
Men for Islam who, as soon as they fought
for religion, caused it to spread in every place.

[1302]

Until a herald called out from the walls of every city,

issuing the call to prayer.
But Waki' will be rewarded in the name of the community,
since he realized
its solidarity with a cutting sword and spearhead.
A reward for the deeds of men, just as a reward was given
at Badr and al-Yarmuk from the shades of Paradise.113
108. See Ibn Qutaybah, Shir, I, 448-49, no. 95.
109. "A1-Bahili" refers to Qutaybah, and "Ghudani" to Waki'.
110. See EI2, s.v. Farghana.
111. Ibn Dukhan is the nickname of Bahilah, Qutaybah's tribe.
112. The text is ya'lu-l-jibal. Diwan, II, 332, has daqqa-l-jibal, "They saw one
mountain crushing the others."
113. See Diwan, II, 331-32.

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A1-Farazdaq also recited about this:

I received the news, when my saddlebags were in Medina,
about a battle waged by the family of Tamim; it was
satisfying and comforting. 114
According to 'AliKhuraym b. Abi Yahyaone of his paternal
unclesshaykhs from the Ghassan: We were in the gap of
al-'Uqab115 when suddenly we encountered a man carrying a stick
and a leather bag who looked like one of the Caliph's messengers.
We asked, "Where have you come from?" He replied, "From
Khurasan." We asked, "Is there any news?" He replied, ''Yes,
Qutaybah b. Muslim was slain yesterday." We were amazed at his
statement, and, seeing that we did not believe him, he asked,
"How far shall I be from Ifriqiyah tonight, do you think?'' He set
off and we followed him on our horses, but he was so fast that he
disappeared at the blink of an eye.
A1-Tirimmah116 recited:
Had it not been for the horsemen of Madhhij, the daughter of
Madhhij, and (the horsemen of) Azd, the army would have
been discomfited and plundered
And dispersed in the lands, and nobody bringing news
about them would have returned to the army of Iraq.
The bonds of the community would have been loosened, scorn
heaped on the authority of the Caliph, and illicit doings
would have become permissible.
People who slew Qutaybah by violence,
while the horses were racing inclined to the ground,
covered with dust.
In the meadow, the meadow of al-Sin, where
the Mudar of Iraq understood who was the noblest and
greatest.
When all of Rabi'ah gave themselves up to despair,
114. Text: aq'adat kulla qaim, literally, "It caused every standing person to
sit down." See ibid., II, 310, 1.4.
115. A gap in the mountains overlooking the oasis of Damascus. See Yaqut,
Mu'jam, IV, 133.
116. A1-Tirimmah b. Hakim al-Ta'i was a celebrated poet of the first century of
Islam. See EI, s.v. al-Tirimmah; Ibn Qutaybah, Shirr, II, 585-90, no. 160.

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and the Mudar and those who claimed to belong to the

Mudar were scattered abroad.
And the Azd of Iraq and the Madhhij advanced
toward death, one common ancestor uniting them both.
The Qahtan were smiting the head of every full-armed warrior;
they protect their eyes, but they do not see.117
And the Azd know that under their standard is either a
glorious sovereignty or bloody death.
For by our strength the Prophet Muhammad triumphed,
and through us it has come to pass that the pulpit is firmly
established in Damascus. 118
'Abd al-Rahman b. Jumanah al-Bahili recited:
It is as if Abu Hafs Qutaybah never led
one army to the other, and never ascended a pulpit.
And the flags did not flutter when the tribe was standing
around him, and the people never witnessed an army under
his command.
The Fates called him, so he answered his Lord
and went to Paradise, chaste and pure.
Islam did not suffer a loss-after Muhammad
like that of Abu Hafs. So mourn him, 'Abhar.119
"'Abhar" refers to an umm walad120 belonging to Qutaybah.
A1-Asamm b. al-Hajjaj recited, elegizing Qutaybah:
Is it not time for the living to recognize (our distinction) for us?
Surely we are the people most deserving of praise and
glory.
We lead the Tamim, the clients, and the Madhhij,
the Azd, 'Abd al-Qays, and the tribe from Bakr.
We massacre whomever we wish by the power of our
sovereignty,

[1304]

117. Text: tahmi basa'irahunna idh 1a tubsiru. See Diwan al-Tirimmah., p. 251,
where the text is wa-'ala basa'iriha wa-idh 1a tubsiru "(smiting the head of every
full-armed warrior) and their eyes, and so they become unable to see."
118. See The Diwas of at-Tufail and at-Tirimmah, 147 (Arabic text), and 62
(translation).
119. See Naka'id Jarir wa-l-Farazdaq, I, 363.
120. An umm walad is a slave girl who has borne her master a child; she
becomes free on the death of her master. See El, s.v. Umm al-Walad.

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and force whomever we wish to succumb to disgrace and

subjugation.
SulaymanMany are the soldiers that we rounded up for you
by our spears while our horses were riding at full speed.
Many are the impregnable fortresses that we ravaged.
And many are the lowlands and the rocky mountains.
And towns which no soldiers had raided before us,
we raided, driving the horses month after month.
Our horses became used to protracted raids, and to be quiet at
the sight of charging warriors so that they were no longer
frightened by them.
Even if the fire is kindled, and they are forced
toward the fire, they rush into the brunt of fire in war.
With their breasts they toy with spearheads and lances,
while death is surging with black waves.
With these horses we have ravaged many a city
of unbelievers, until they passed beyond the place where
the dawn breaks.
And if Fate had not hurried us, they would have carried
us beyond Dhu al-Qarnayn's wall of rock and molten
brass.121
But the good Banff 'Amr met their preordained fate
when their life-span came to an end.
In this year, Sulayman b. 'Abd al-Malik dismissed Khalid b.
'Abdallah al-Qasri as governor of Mecca, replacing him with Tal
hah b. Dawud al-Hadrami.

[1305]

In this year, Maslamah b. 'Abd al-Malik raided Byzantium in a

summer expedition and conquered a fortress (hisn) known as
"Hisn 'Awf."122
In this year, Qurrah b. Sharik al-'Absi, the governor of Egypt,
died, in the month of Safar (October 16-November 13), according
to some of the biographers. Others said: Qurrah died during the
121. Text: wa-l-qatri, "and rain"; read wa-l-qitri, which means molten brass.
Dhu al-Qarnayn ("the two-horned one") refers to Alexander the Great who, ac
cording to Qur'an 18:82-98, was given power on earth. In response to an appeal
from oppressed people, he built a rampart of iron and brass against the incursions
of Gog and Magog. See EI2, s.v. al-Iskandar.
122. I have not been able to identify Hisn 'Awf.

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lifetime of al-Walid (b. 'Abd al-Malik), in the year 95/714, in the

month in which al-Hajjaj died.123
In this year, the pilgrimage was led by Abu Bakr b. Muhammad
b. 'Amr b. Hazm al-Ansaras I was told by Ahmad b. Thabit, on
the authority of the one he mentionedon the authority of Ishaq
b. 'Isaon the authority of Abu Ma'shar; and the same was related by al-Waqidi and others.
The governor of Medina in this year was Abu Bakr b. Muham
mad b. 'Amr b. Hazm, and the governor of Mecca was 'Abd
al-'Aziz b. 'Abdallah b. Khalid b. Asid.124
In Iraq, Yazid b. al-Muhallab was in charge of military and religious affairs, and Salih. b. 'Abd al-Rahman was in charge of the
fiscal administration. Sufyan b. 'Abdallah al-Kindi, serving on
behalf of Yazid b. al-Muhallab, was governor of al-Basrah. 'Abd alRahman b. Udhaynah was in charge of the judiciary there.
In charge of the judiciary in al-Kufah was Abu Bakr b. Abi Musa.
Waki' b. Abi Sud was responsible for military affairs in
Khurasan. 125
123. A1-Hajjaj died in Ramadan. See EI2, s.v. al-Hadjdjadj b. Yusuf.
124. The identification of 'Abd al-'Aziz as the governor of Mecca may be a
mistake. See text below, II/1314, sub anno 97, where Tabari indicates that Talhah
b. Dawud continued to serve as governor of Mecca until the year 97/715-16 at
which time he was replaced by 'Abd al-'Aziz b. 'Abdallah b. Khalid b. Asid.,
125. See Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh, III, 41; Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom, 444-45.

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The Events of the Year 97

(September 5, 715August 2,4, 716)
Among the events taking place in this year: Sulayman b. 'Abd alMalik equipped the armies and dispatched them to Constantinople. He put his son, Dawud b. Sulayman, in charge of the summer
campaign, which resulted in the capture of Hisn al-Mar'ah.126

[1306]

According to al-Waqidi, in this year Maslamah b. 'Abd al-Malik

raided Byzantium and conquered the fortress that had previously
been taken by al-Waddah, the leader of the Waddahiyyah.127
In this year, 'Umar128 Hubayrah al-Fazari undertook a naval
expedition against Byzantium, where he spent the winter.
In this year, 'Abd al-'Aziz b. Musa b. Nusayr was killed in alAndalus and Habib b. Abi 'Ubayd al-Fihri brought his head to
Sulayman.
In this year, Sulayman b. 'Abd al-Malik appointed Yazid b. alMuhallab as governor of Khurasan.129
126. "The Woman's Fortress" was in the region of Malatyah. See text below,
II/1335, sub anno 98.
127. The Waddahiyyah were a separate military regiment of non-Arabs, named
after their commander, a Berber freedman of 'Abd al-Malik. See Crone, Slaves, 38.
128. Text: 'Amr; read 'Umar, following the Cairo ed.
129. See Ibn Khayya.t, Ta'rikh, I, 319; Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh, III, 41; Kufi, Futuh, VII,
278-85; Ibn Kathir, Bidayah, IX, 170.

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The Appointment of Yazid b. al-Muhallab as

Governor of Khurasan
The circumstances: When Sulayman b 'Abd al-Malik became
Caliph, he put Yazid b. al-Muhallab in charge of military, re
ligious, and fiscal affairs in Iraq.
According to Hisham b. MuhammadAbu Mikhnaf: Upon
being given these responsibilities in Iraq, Yazid reflected as follows: "Iraq has been mined by al-Hajjaj. Today I am the hope of
the people of Iraq. But if I go there and force the people to pay the
tribute and punish them for nonpayment, I will have become just
like al-Hajjaj, throwing the people into conflict and returning
them to those prisons from which God had released them. On the
other hand, if I do not send Sulayman an amount equal to what
was collected by al-Hajjaj, he will not be pleased with me."
Therefore, Yazid approached Sulayman, saying, "I should like to
bring to your attention a man who is very skillful in collecting
the tribute, and whom you may want to put in charge of that
function, so that you will receive it from him: ,Salih b. 'Abd alRahman, a client of the Banff Tamim." Sulayman said to him,
"We accept your suggestion.'' Whereupon Yazid set off for Iraq.

[1307]

According to 'Umar b. Shabbah'Ali: Salih preceded Yazid to

Iraq, where he established himself in Wasit.130
According to 'Ali'Abbad b. Ayyub: Yazid approached, and the
troops went out to meet him. Someone said to Salih, "Yazid is
here, and the troops have gone out to meet him." However, he did
not go out until Yazid drew near to the city. Then salih went out,
wearing a tunic (durr'ah)131 and (carrying) a small, yellow mace.
He was leading four hundred men from the Syrian army. He met
Yazid and traveled along with him. When Yazid entered the city,
Salih pointed to a house, saying, "I have emptied this house for
you." Yazid dismounted and Salih went to his residence.
Salih placed severe restraints upon Yazid, refusing to transfer
any money to him. Yazid prepared one thousand tables to feed his
130. Wasit was built by al-Hajjaj b. Yusuf in 83-84/702-3 and served as the
capital of Iraq for most of the Umayyad period; the city was called "Wasit"
(middle) because it was equidistant between al-Kufah and al-Basrah. See EI, s.v.
Wasit.
131. See Dozy, Vetements, 177-81.

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men, but Salih seized them. Yazid said to him, "Charge the cost
of the tables to me." Yazid purchased many goods and wrote
checks132 to Salih. for the benefit of the vendors; however, Salih
would not accept the checks, and they referred to Yazid Yazid
became angry and said, "I have brought this upon myself." Soon
thereafter, Salih came, and Yazid set aside a place for him. He sat
down and said to Yazid, "What are these checks? The levies are
not to be used for those purposes. Several days ago I cashed a
check for one hundred thousand dirhams, and I have paid your
(soldiers') stipends promptly, and when you asked for money for
the army, I gave it to you. But this expense cannot be covered.133
The Commander of the Faithful will not be pleased, and you will
be questioned about it." Yazid said to him, "O Abu al-Walid,
accept these checks, just this once.'' And he joked with him. Salih.
asked, ''If I allow them, will you not ask me again?" Yazid re
plied, "No, I will not."

[1308]

According to 'Ali b. MuhammadMaslamah b. Muharib, Abu

al-'Ala' al-Taymi, al-Tufayl b. Mirdas al-'Ammi, and Abu Hafs al
Azdihis sourceJahm b. Zahr b. Qays and al-Hasan b. RushaydSulayman b. Kathir and Abu al-Hasan al-Khurasamal
Kirmani, 'Amir b. Hafs, and Abu Mikhnaf'Uthman b. 'Amr b.
Mihsan al-Azdi, Zuhayr b. Hunayd, and othersthe reports of
some of these men contain details not contained in the reports of
others, and I (that is, Tabari) have collated them: Sulayman b.
'Abd al-Malik appointed Yazid b. al-Muhallab as governor of Iraq,
not of Khurasan. Sulayman b. 'Abd al-Malik asked 'Abd al-Malik
b. al-Muhallab, when the latter was in Syria and Yazid was in
Iraq, "What would you think, O 'Abd al-Malik, if I appointed you
as governor of Khurasan?" He replied, "The Commander of the
Faithful will find me wherever he wants." Subsequently, how
ever, Sulayman's attention was diverted from that.
Our source continued: 'Abd al-Malik b. al-Muhallab wrote to
Jarir b. Yazid al-Jahdami and to some of his close associates, say
ing, "The Commander of the Faithful has offered me the governorship of Khurasan." The news reached Yazid b. al-Muhallab in
132. On the use of checks and other instruments of credit, see Dictionary of the
Middle Ages, s.v. Banking, Islamic.
133. Salih is referring to the expense for the one thousand tables.

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Iraq, where he was greatly vexed because Salih b. 'Abd al-Rahman

was placing severe constraints upon him in such a way that Yazid
could not attain anything he wanted. Yazid summoned 'Abdallah
b. al-Ahtam, saying, "I need your assistance in a matter that has
been troubling me and I want you to resolve it for me." He said, "I
am at your command." He said, "As you see, I am in straitened
circumstances, and this has made me uneasy. At the same time,
Khurasan has no governor, and I have learned that the Commander of the Faithful has offered this position to 'Abd al-Malik
b. al-Muhallab. Is there any stratagem we might employ (to get
it)?'' He said, "Yes. Send me to the Commander of the Faithful,
and I hope to bring you your document of appointment as governor of Khurasan." Yazid said, ''Don't tell anyone about our conversation." Yazid wrote two letters to Sulayman: In the first, he
mentioned the condition of Iraq and spoke highly of Ibn alAhtam, stressing the latter's knowledge of the country. He dispatched Ibn al-Ahtam on a post-horse, giving him thirty thousand
dirhams. He traveled for seven nights bringing Yazid's letter to
Sulayman. When he reached Sulayman, the Caliph was dining, so
he sat off to the side and ate two hens that were brought to him.

[1309]

Ibn al-Ahtam entered, and Sulayman said to him, "I will receive you on another occasion." Then Sulayman summoned him
three nights later and said to him, "Yazid b. al-Muhallab wrote to
me, praising you and mentioning your expertise with regard to
Iraq and Khurasan. What is the extent of your knowledge about
these countries?" Ibn al-Ahtam replied, "I know more about
them than anyone, for I was born and raised there, and I have
knowledge and information about them and their people." Sulayman said, "The Commander of the Faithful needs someone like
you to advise him about Iraq and Khurasan. Whom do you recommend that I appoint as governor of Khurasan?" Ibn al-Ahtam
answered, "The Commander of the Faithful knows best whom he
wants to appoint as governor, but if he mentions the name of a
candidate, I will tell him whether or not I think he is qualified for
the appointment."
Sulayman mentioned the name of a man from the Quraysh, and
Ibn al-Ahtam said, "O Commander of the Faithful, he is not the
real man for Khurasan." Sulayman then said, "Then 'Abd alMalik b. al-Muhallab." He said, "No." The Caliph enumerated

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the names of many men, the last one being that of Waki' b. Abi
Sud. Ibn al-Ahtam said, "O Commander of the Faithful, although
Waki' is bold, fearless, courageous, and brave, he is not right for
the job, for he has neither led three hundred men nor acknowledged that he owes submission to anyone."134 The Caliph responded, "You are right, woe unto you, so whom?" Ibn al-Ahtam
said, "There is one man whom I know and whose name you have
not mentioned.'' He asked, "Who is he?" Ibn ab-Ahtam replied, ''I
will not disclose his name unless the Commander of the Faithful
assures me that he will keep this matter secret, and that he will
protect me from the person in question should the latter learn of
it." The Calioh said, "Agreed. Name him. Who is he?" He said,
"Yazid b. al-Muhallab." [The Caliph] said, "But he is in Iraq,
which he prefers to Khurasan." He said, "That is true, O Commander of the Faithful, but if you compelled him to transfer, he
would appoint a deputy governor over Iraq and go." At that, the
Caliph said, "That is a good idea." Sulayman then wrote a document in which he appointed Yazid as governor of Khurasan. He
also wrote him a letter, saying: "I found Ibn al-Ahtam to be as
intelligent, pious, virtuous, and as wise as you mentioned." He
gave the letter to Ibn al-Ahtam, together with Yazid's document
of appointment. Seven nights after setting out, Ibn al-Ahtam
reached Yazid, who asked him, "What news have you brought
me?"

[1310]

Ibn al-Ahtam gave him the letter, causing Yazid to exclaim,

"Woe is you! Don't you have anything better than this?" Then he
gave him the document of appointment, whereupon Yazid ordered that provisions be made for setting out immediately; he
summoned his son, Makhlad,135 sending him ahead to Khurasan.
Makhlad set out that very day, and Yazid set out soon thereafter, having designated al-Jarrah. b. 'Abdallah al-Hakami as his
representative in Wasit, and 'Abdallah b. Hilal al-Kilabi as his
deputy in al-Basrah. He assigned to Marwan b. al-Muhallab,
134. Text: fa-ra'a li-ah. ad 'alayhi .ta'atan. See Kufi, Futuh., VII, 279: wathiqa bithalathimi'ah rajul min ashabihi la yara li-ahad 'alayhi rajah, "If he trusts three
hundred of his soldiers, he will not obey anyone who is over him."
135. The text gives Makhlad, here, but Mukhallad below, II/1312. I vocalize
this name as Makhlad throughout the translation

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whom he considered the most trustworthy of his brothers, the

responsibility for his personal wealth and affairs in al-Basrah.
Abu al-Baha' al-Iyadi recited to Marwan:
I found Abu Qabisah every day
to be the most noble among them under all circumstances.
When they refused to undertake
[1311]
the heavy part of the affair, he took on what he could.
And if they are overwhelmed by something,
you excel them in magnanimity and generosity.
As for Abu 'Ubaydah Ma'mar b. al-MuthannaAbu Malik:
When Waki' b. Abi Sud sent an expression of his obedience, to
gether with Qutaybah's head, to Sulayman, that made a great
impression on the Caliph. But Yazid b. al-Muhallab promised
'Abdallah b. al-Ahtam one hundred thousand dirhams on the con
dition that he denounce Waki' in the presence of Sulayman.
Therefore, Ibn al-Ahtam said to the Caliph: "May God cause the
Commander of the Faithful to prosper! By God, there is no one
who is more deserving of my gratitude and no one who has rendered me greater services than Waki' He took blood revenge on
my behalf and dealt with my enemy to my contentment. Nevertheless, my duty to the Commander of the Faithful is greater and
more compelling, and the obligation to provide good counsel requires me to inform the Commander of the Faithful that Waki'
never assembled one hundred horsemen without thinking of an
act of perfidy. He is nobody where the collective good is con
cerned, but remarkable in mischief." Sulayman said, "He is not,
therefore, one of those upon whom we can call for help."
Now the Qays were claiming that Qutaybah had not thrown off
allegiance to the Caliph. When Sulayman put Yazid b. al
Muhallab in charge of military affairs in Iraq, he gave him the
following order: "If the Qays can prove that Qutaybah did not
throw off allegiance and did not withdraw obedience, then retaliate against Waki' for him." But Yazid acted treacherously. He did
not give 'Abdallah b. al-Ahtam what he had promised him and he
sent his son, Makhlad b. Yazid, against Waki'.
The transmission of the account returns to 'Ali. According to
'AliAbu Mikhnaf'Uthman b. 'Amr b. Mihan and Abu al-

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Hasan al-Khurasanial-Kirmani: Yazid sent his son, Makhlad, to

Khurasan. When Makhlad approached Marw, he sent ahead 'Amr
b. 'Abdallah b. Sinan al-'Ataki (also, al-Sunabihi). Upon his arrival
in Marw, 'Amr sent a message to Waki', saying, "Meet me." But
he refused, and 'Amr sent to him, saying, "You stupid, foolish,
crude Bedouin, come out to meet your commander." The leading
men from the army of Marw went out to meet Makhlad, but
Waki' held back from going out until 'Amr al-Azdi forced him to
go out. When they reached Makhlad, all of the soldiers dismounted, except for Waki, Muhammad b. Humran al-Sa'di, and
'Abbad b. Laqit, one of the Banff Qays b. Thaqabah. Eventually,
however, they were forced to dismount. When Makhlad reached
Marw he put Waki' in prison and tortured him, and he seized his
followers and tortured them. This took place prior to the arrival
of his father.

[1312]

According to 'AliKulayb b. KhalafIdris b. Hanzalah: When

Makhlad reached Khurasan, he put me in prison, whereupon Ibn
al-Ahtam came to me, saying, "Do you want to save yourself?" I
said, "Yes." He said, "Take out the letters that al-Qa'qa' b.
Khulayd al-'Absi and Khuraym b. 'Amr al-Murri wrote to Qutay
bah about throwing off allegiance to Sulayman.'' I asked him, "O
Ibn al-Ahtam, are you tricking me out of my religion?" Then Ibn
al-Ahtam called for some papyrus and said, "You are a fool.'' He
wrote letters to Qutaybah in the name of al-Qa'qa' and certain
men from the Qays, saying, "Al-Walid b. 'Abd al-Malik has just
died, and Sulayman will send this Mazuni136 to Khurasan. So
renounce your allegiance to Sulayman." I said, "O Ibn al-Ahtam,
by God, you are destroying yourself. By God, if I enter into his
presence, I will surely tell him that the letters were written by
you."
In this year, Yazid b. al-Muhallab went to Khurasan as 'its
governor.
According to 'Ali b. MuhammadAbu al-Sari al-Azdihis pa
ternal uncle: After Qutaybah was slain, Waki' served as governor
of Khurasan for nine or ten months. Yazid b. al-Muhallab arrived
136. Mazuni refers to an 'Umani or southern Arab; Mazun is one of the names of
'Uman. See Yaqut, Mu'jam, V, 122. The allusion is to Yazid b. al-Muhallab.

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[1313]

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in the year 97/715-16. According to 'Alial-Mufaddal b.

Muhammadhis father: Yazid drew near to himself the army of
Syria137 and a group from the army of Khurasan. (With respect to
this,) Nahar b. Tawsi'ah recited:
We never expected from any governor
what we expected from Yazid.
But we were wrong about him and it has been our custom
to abstain from dealing with the unworthy.
If a governor did not give us justice,
we set out toward him like lions.
So gently, O Yazid, come back to us,
and let aside the company of slaves.
We come, but you turn away from us,
although we send greetings from afar.
And we return disappointed, without any gifts.
What is the reason for the sour face and aversion?
According to 'AliZiyad b. al-Rabi'Ghalib al-Qattan: I saw
'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz standing at 'Arafat138 during the Caliphate
of SulaymanSulayman had performed the pilgrimage that
yearsaying to 'Abd al-'Aziz b. 'Abdallah b. Khalid b. Asid, "How
strange that the Commander of the Faithful appointed (such) a
man as governor of the Muslims' best frontier post! I have learned
from one of the merchants coming from that direction that that
governor gives one of his slave girls a stipend equal to that of a
thousand soldiers. By God, the Caliph's appointment of him as
governor was not done for the sake of God!" Knowing that 'Umar
was referring to Yazid and the Juhani woman,139 I said to him,
"He is rewarding them for their tribulations during the war
against the Azariqah."140
137. The Syrian government troops had been kept away from Khurasan by alHajjaj, who employed them exclusively in India. See Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom,
446.
138. 'Arafat is a plain about twenty-one km. east of Mecca; it is the site of the
central ceremonies of the annual Pilgrimage. See EI2, s.v. 'Arafa.
139. The Juhani woman was Yazid b. al-Muhallab's concubine.
140. The Azariqah were a Kharijite sect named after their leader, Nafi b. alAzraq, who maintained that all adversaries should be put to death with their
wives and children. The Azariqah were defeated by Yazid's father, al-Muhallab b.
Abi Sufrah, in 78/692, after several years of fighting. See EI2, s.v. Azarika; Dixon,
The Umayyad Caliphate, 181.

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Our source continued: Yazid bestowed a gift upon 'Abd alMalik b. Sailam al-Saluli, whereupon the latter recited:
Your copious rain, O Yazid, kept falling on my need141
until my thirst was quenched, and your generosity cannot
be denied.
You are the spring by means of which, when starvation
prevails,
the sick and the destitute live.
The cloud of spring has spread over all your lands,
so they drank their fill; and rain-bearing clouds yielded
copious rain.

[1314]

May God send you, wherever you are, a cloud full

of rain, every evening and every morning.142
In this year, Sulayman b. 'Abd al-Malik led the pilgrimage. I was
told that by Ahmad b. Thabithis sourceIshaq b. 'IsaAbu
Ma'shar.
In this year, Sulayman dismissed Talhah b. Dawud al-Hadrami
as governor of Mecca.143
According to al-WaqidiIbrahim b. Nafi'Ibn Abi Mulaykah:
When Sulayman b. 'Abd al-Malik returned from the pilgrimage,
he dismissed Talhah b. Dawud al-Hadrami as governor of Mecca
after the latter had served in office for six months, and he appoint
ed in his place 'Abd al-'Aziz b. 'Abdallah b. Khalid b. Asid b. Abi
al-'Is b. Umayyah b. 'Abd Shams b. 'Abd Manaf.
The governors of the garrison towns in this year were the same
as they had been in the previous year, with the exception of
Khurasan, where Yazid b. al-Muhallab was responsible for military, fiscal, and religious affairs. His representative in al-Kufah
according to somewas Harmalah b. 'Umayr al-Lakhmi, who
served for a few months, after which he was dismissed; he was
replaced by Bashir b. Hassan al-Nahdi.
141 Text: hawbah, which means the same as h. hajah.
142. See Kufi, Futuh., VII, 285.
143. But see text above, II/1305, sub anno 96.

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The Events of the Year 98

(August 25, 716August 13, 717)
Maslamah b. 'Abd al-Malik Besieges Constantinople
Among the events which took place that year: Sulayman b. 'Abd
al-Malik sent his brother, Maslamah b. 'Abd al-Malik, to Constantinople, and ordered him to stay there until he either conquered the city or received Sulayman's order to return. So he
spent the winter and the summer there.144
According to Muhammad b. 'UmarThawr b. YazidSulay
[1315]
man b. Musa: When Maslamah approached Constantinople, he
ordered every horseman to load two mudds145 of food on the back
of his horse so that he might bring it to Constantinople. Upon his
command, the food was heaped as high as certain mountains.
Then Maslamah said to the Muslims, "Do not eat any of this
food; rather, attack their lands and sow for yourselves." He built
houses made of wood and passed the winter in them. The soldiers
144. See Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh, III, 44; Kufi, Futuh., VII, 298-306; FHA, 25ff.; Ibn
Kathir, Bidayah, IX, 174-75; Maqdisi, Bad', VI, 43-44.
145. Text: muddayn. The Cairo ed. has mudyayn. A mudd is a dry measure for
grain, used in Syria and Egypt. See Tabari, Glossary, CDLXXXII; Hinz, Islamische
Masse, 45-47.

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cultivated the land, while the aforementioned food remained in

the desert, totally exposed; the soldiers ate what they obtained
from raiding and, later, from what they had sown. Maslamah
remained, besieging Constantinople and oppressing its inhabi
tants; he was accompanied by the most illustrious commanders
of the Syrian army: Khalid b. Ma'dan, 'Abdallah b. Abi Zakariyya'
al-Khuza'i, and Mujahid b. Jabr. He remained there until he
learned of Sulayman's death. A poet recited:
It carries her two mudds and the two mudds of Maslamah.
According to Ahmad b. Zuhayr'Ali b. Muhammad: When Su
layman became Caliph he raided the Byzantines, setting up camp
in Dabiq146 and sending Maslamah ahead. The Byzantines feared
him. Leo147 came up from Armenia148 and said to Maslamah,
"Send someone to negotiate with me." Maslamah sent Ibn
Hubayrah, who asked Leo, "What do you consider to be the
height of stupidity?" He replied, "The man who fills his stomach
with everything that he finds."149 Ibn Hubayrah said to him, ''We
are men of religion, and our religion calls for obedience to our
leaders." Leo said, "You are right. In the past, we used to fight one
another and get angry for the sake of religion. Today, however, we
fight for the sake of conquest and sovereignty. (But, if you withdraw) we will give you one dinar for the head of every (soldier who
leaves).'' Ibn Hubayrah returned to the Byzantines the next day
and said, "Maslamah does not accept your terms. I approached
him after he had eaten the morning meal, filled his stomach, and
taken a nap. When he woke up, he was groggy150 and did not
understand what I said."

[1316]

The Byzantine commanders said to Leo, "If you rid us of Maslamah, we will make you emperor." And they bound themselves
to him by the oath. Then Leo came to Maslamah and said, "The
146. A village in the 'Azaz district north of Aleppo, situated on the edge of a
plain where the Umayyad armies prepared for their annual summer raids into
Byzantine Anatolia. See EI2, s.v. Dabik.
147.- Leo III, the Isaurian.
148. See EI2, s.v. Arminiya.
149. This saying is an allusion to Sulayman, who reportedly consumed one
hundred ratl of food daily. See Mas'udi, Muruj (Beirut), III, 175; FHA, 34; Ibn
Kathir, Bidayah, IX, 180.
150. Literally, this means, "The phlegm had overcome him."

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people (of Constantinople) know that you will not advance

against them in a bold attack and that you intend to prolong the
siege as long as you have food. But if you were to burn the food,
they would submit." So Maslamah burned it. Then the enemy
became strong, while the Muslims entered into dire straits until
they were on the point of death. This was their situation until
Sulayman died.
When Sulayman b. 'Abd al-Malik set up camp in Dabiq he
swore to God that he would not leave until the army that he had
sent against the Byzantines entered Constantinople.
When the Byzantine emperor died, Leo came to (Sulayman),
gave him the news, and assured him that he would deliver the
land of the Byzantines (to the Caliph). So the latter sent Maslamah with Leo, and Maslamah set up camp there, collected all
the food around Constantinople, and laid siege to the city. But
Leo went to the inhabitants of the city, who made him emperor.
He then wrote to Maslamah informing him of what had taken
place and asking him to allow enough food to enter the city to
feed the people; in this way, the people would believe that his
word and Maslamah's word were one and that they were safe
from being captured and expelled from their lands; he also asked
Maslamah to give them permission to gather food one night.
Meanwhile, Leo had prepared ships and men. Maslamah agreed to
his request, and the inhabitants of the city carried away large
quantities of food from those enclosures in a single night. At this
point, Leo began to act in a hostile manner, having deceived Maslamah by means of a trick that would shame even a woman. The
Muslim army suffered what no army had suffered previously, to
the extent that a soldier was afraid to leave camp by himself.
They ate animals, skins, tree roots, leavesindeed, everything
except dirt. Meanwhile, Sulayman, who was residing in Dabiq,
was unable to send reinforcements due to the arrival of winter.
This was the situation until Sulayman died.151

[1317]

In this year, Sulayman b. 'Abd al-Malik had the oath of allegiance taken to his son, Ayyub b. Sulayman, making him his heir
apparent. 152
According to 'Umar b. Shabbah'Ali b. Muhammad: 'Abd al151. For the Byzantine perspective, see The Chronicle of Theophanes, 82-90.
152. See Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh, III, 43, Ibn Kathir, Bidayah, IX, 175.

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Malik had charged al-Walid and Sulayman to take the oath of

allegiance on behalf of Ibn 'Atikah,153 and to Marwan b. 'Abd alMalik after him.
According to Tariq b. al-Mubarak: Marwan b. 'Abd al-Malik
died during the Caliphate of Sulayman, on his way out of Mecca,
whereupon Sulayman took the oath of allegiance on behalf of
Ayyub. He withheld (the nomination) from Yazid, waiting for
something bad to happen to him and hoping that he would die.
But (it was) Ayyub (who) died while he was heir apparent.
In this year, the city of the Slavs154 was conquered.
According to Muhammad b. 'Umar: In the year 98/716-717,
Burjan155 attacked Maslamah b. 'Abd al-Malik when he was short
of men. Sulayman b. 'Abd al-Malik dispatched either Mas'adah or
'Amr b. Qays with reinforcements, but the Slavs tricked them.
Then God put them to flight after they had slain Sharahil (b. 'Abd)
b. 'Abdah.156
According to what has been claimed by al-Waqidi, in this year
al-Walid b. Hisham and 'Amr b. Qays carried out a raid in which
some soldiers from the army of Antioch were killed. Al-Walid
killed people living on the outskirts of Byzantium, taking many
of them captive.
[The Conquest Of Jurjan And Tabaristan]157
In this year, Yazid b. al-Muhallab raided Jurjan158 and Tabaristan.159
153. Ibn Atikah is Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik, whose mother was 'Atikah bt. Yazid
b. Mu'awiyah b. Abi Sufyan.
154. The city of the Slavs was a city immediately beyond the Byzantine border.
See EI2 s.v. Slavs.
155. Burjan is the name of the most important Bulghar state and its inhabitants.
See EI2 s.v. Bulghar.
156. Sharahil is Abu 'Amir al-Sha'bi. The words within parentheses [b. 'Abd] are
added by the Cairo ed.
157..The text lacks the rubric, which is supplied by the Cairo ed. See Ibn
Khayyat, Ta'rikh, I, 319-20; Baladhuri, Futuh. (Cairo), II, 412-17; Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh,
III, 41; Kufi, Futuh., VII, 286-98; Maqdisi, Bad', VI, 42-43; FHA, 21-24; Ibn
Kathir, Bidayah, IX, 175-76; Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom, 446-48.
158. Jurjan is a province situated at the southeastern corner of the Caspian Sea.
See EI2, s.v. Gurgan; Le Strange, Lands, 376-81.
159. Tabaristan is a Persian province north of Mount Alburz, called "the land of
Tabar" because of the thick forests that cover the country. See EI, s.v. Tabaristan;
Le Strange, Lands, 368-76.

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According to Hisham b. MuhammadAbu Mikhnaf: Yazid b.

al-Muhallab reached Khurasan, where he remained for three or
four months; then he advanced toward Dihistan160 and Jurjan,
sending his son, Makhlad, to serve (as deputy governor) over
Khurasan. When he reached Dihistan, which was inhabited by a
tribe of Turks, he established himself there and besieged its inhabitants. With him were the armies of al-Kufah, al-Basrah, and
Syria, together with the leading men from the armies of Khurasan
and al-Rayy.161 He had one hundred thousand soldiers, not including clients, slave soldiers, and irregular volunteers.162 The
Muslims attacked the enemy, quickly putting them to flight and
causing them to return to their fortress. Later, they would emerge
from time to time and fight with intensity.
Jahm and Jamal, the two sons of Zahr, had a favored position
with Yazid, who honored them. Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Rahman b.
Abi Sabrah al-Ju'fi was an eloquent and courageous man, except
for the fact that he used to corrupt himself with drink. However,
it was not his custom to visit Yazid and his household frequently.
Perhaps the good influence they had on the two sons of Zahr,
Jahm and Jamal, kept him away. Now, when the herald would cry
out, "O ye horsemen of God, mount up and rejoice at the good
news," Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Abi Sabrah would be
the first horseman from among the troops to hasten to the brunt
of battle. One day, the call went out to the soldiers, and Ibn Abi
Sabrah preceded all the others. He was standing on a mound when
'Uthman b. al-Mufaddal passed by him and said, "O Ibn Abi
Sabrah, I have never been able to beat you to the muster." He
replied, "What good is that to me, when you prefer the boys of the
Madhhij and ignore the worth of the elderly men of experience
and prowess?" He said, "Had you wanted what we have, we
would not have withheld from you what you deserve.''

[1318]

[1319]

Our source continued: The troops went out and fought with
160. A rich agricultural region located to the north of the lower Atrek. Its
capital, Akhur, was a four-day journey to the north of Jurjan, on the road to
Khwarazm. See EI2, s.v. Dihistan; Le Strange, Lands, 379-80.
161. The capital of al-Jibal; its ruins can be seen five miles south-southeast of
modern Tehran. See Yaqut, Mudjam, III, 116-22; EI, s.v. Raiy; Le Strange, Lands,
214-17.
162. Text: wa-l-mutatawwi'in. On these unpaid and/or irregular volunteers, see
Crone, Slaves, 53.

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intensity. Muhammad b. Abi Sabrah attacked a Turk, whom the

other soldiers had avoided. They exchanged blows, and the Turk's
sword became fixed in Ibn Abi Sabrah's helmet. But Ibn Abi
Sabrah struck him dead. Then he advanced, bloody sword in
hand, with the Turk's sword stuck in his helmet, and the soldiers
witnessed the finest spectacle that they had ever seen on the part
of a horseman. When Yazid saw the glitter of the two swords, the
helmet, and the armor, he asked, "Who is that?" They answered,
"Ibn Abi Sabrah." He said, ''How excellent a father who gave
birth to such a son! 163 What a man he would be, were it not for
the fact that he drinks to excess!"
Subsequently, Yazid went out one day, seeking a place from
which he might attack the enemy. Suddenly, a band of Turks
attacked him from out of nowhere. With him at the time were the
leading soldiers and their horsemen. He had approximately four
hundred men, while the enemy had approximately four thousand.
After fighting the Turks for a while, Yazid's men said to him, "O
Commander, leave and we will fight for you." But he refused.
Yazid himself engaged in the fighting on that day, like one of his
soldiers. Ibn Abi Sabrah, the two sons of Zahr, al-Hajjaj b. Jariyah
al-Khath'ami, and his most distinguished followers fought valiantly. Finally, when they wanted to leave, Yazid put al-Hajjaj b.
Jariyah in charge of the rear guard; he fought those who were
behind him until the others reached water, for they were thirsty.
They drank, and the enemy moved away without gaining anything from them.
Sufyan b. Safwan al-Khath'ami recited:
Were it not for Ibn Jariyah, the white-faced one,
you would have been given a bitter cup to drink.

[1320]

He protected you with his horsemen and his horses

until you reached water, unafflicted.
Then Yazid persisted in the siege, stationing the troops on
every side of the city, 164 thereby cutting off its supplies. When
the Turks tired and were unable to fight the Muslims, for the
163. Text: lillahi abuhu, which means, to God alone belongs the power to
create the likes of this man from whom has proceeded this wonderful action. See
Lane, Lexicon, pt. 1, p. 11.
164. Probably the city of Dihistan.

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siege and trial weighed heavily on them, Sul, the dihqan165 of

Dihistan, sent to Yazid, saying, "I will make peace with you on
the condition that you provide safe-conduct for me, for the members of my household, and for my animals, in which case, I will
deliver the city to you, together with its contents and its inhabitants." Yazid made peace with Sul, who submitted to him; he
carried out the agreement. He entered the city and seized the
animals, treasures, and numberless captives, and put to the sword
fourteen thousand defenseless Turks. He wrote about this to Sulayman b. 'Abd al-Malik.
Then he set out, making his way to Jurjan. Now, it had been
customary for the Jurjanis to pay the army of al-Kufah one hundred thousand, two hundred thousand, and sometimes even three
hundred thousand (dirhams) in return for peace. These were the
terms upon which they would make peace with them. When
Yazid came to them, they presented themselves to him with the
peace treaty, for they regarded him with awe, and they offered
him more than they were accustomed to paying. He appointed a
man from the Azd by the name of Asad b. 'Abdallah as their
governor.
Yazid then entered the territory of the ispahbadh in Tabaristan,
accompanied by laborers who cut down trees and smoothed the
roads. Finally, they reached him, and Yazid set up camp, besieging the ispahbadh and occupying his land. The ispahbadh sued
Yazid for peace, offering him more than it was his custom to pay.
But Yazid refused, hoping to conquer the land by force. One day,
he sent out his brother, Abu 'Uyaynah, leading the armies of alKufah and al-Basrah; he climbed into the mountains making his
way toward the ispahbadh. Meanwhile, the ispahbadh had sent
to Daylain, summoning additional military forces. The two armies met in battle, and the Muslims prevailed over them for a
while, putting them to flight. When the chief of al-Daylam166
came forward, challenging the Muslims, Ibn Abi Sabrah went out
to engage him in combat and he slew him. The rout continued

[1321]

165. The dihqan was the village head and a member of the lesser feudal nobility
of Sassanian Persia who, after the Arab conquest, continued to be responsible for
local administration and the collection of tribute. In Transoxiana, the local rulers
were designated by the term dihqan. See EI2 s.v. Dihkan.
166. The chief of Daylam is identified by Kufi (Futuh, VII, 290) as Sulayman alDaylami.

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until the Muslims reached the opening of the mountain pass. As

they began their ascent, the enemy soldiers, who were looking
down on them, opened fire on them with arrows and stones. The
soldiers fled from the opening of the mountain pass without suffering great losses, for the enemy did not have the strength to
pursue them and search for them. But the Muslims began to press
on one another, to the point that they began to fall over one
another into the ravines, and the men rolled from the top of the
mountain until they reached Yazid's army, oblivious to their
misfortune. 167
Yazid held his ground, unperturbed. Meanwhile, the ispahbadh
wrote to the army of Jurjan, asking them to attack Yazid's followers and to cut off his supplies and the roads between him and
the Arabs, and promising to compensate them for their efforts.
Accordingly, they fell upon the Muslims that Yazid had left behind, slaying those that they could. The survivors assembled and
fortified themselves in a secluded spot, where they remained until Yazid rescued them. Yazid continued to press against the ispahbadh in his land until he made peace with him in return for
seven hundred thousand dirhams, four hundred thousand in
cash,168 two hundred thousand (garments),169 four hundred donkeys loaded with saffron, and four hundred slaves; on the head of
each slave, he requested a cloak, and on the cloak a scarf, a silver
cup, and a piece of fine white silk170previously they had sued
for peace in exchange for two hundred thousand dirhams. Then
Yazid and his followers left, looking as if they had been defeated!
Had it not been for the actions of the Jurjanis, he would not have
left Tabaristan until he had conquered it by force.
As for sources other than Abu Mikhnaf on the subject of the
encounter between Yazid and the Jurjanis: According to Ahmad
b. Zuhayr'Ali b. MuhammadKulayb b. Khalaf and others:
Sa'id b. al-'As 171 made peace with the people of Jurjan.172 Subse-

[1322]

167. Text: shaft, which may also mean "danger."

168. Text: naqdan. Ibn Kathir, Bidayah IX, 176, has dinars.
169. The text states "two hundred thousand." Ibn Kathir, Bidayah, IX, 176,
adds the word thawb, "garments."
170. See Baladhuri, Futuh. (Cairo), II, 414.
171. Sa'id b. al-'As died in 59/768-9. See EI, s.v. Sa'id b. al-As.
172. For further details on the initial conquest of Jurjan, see Baladhuri, Futuh
(Cairo), II, 411.

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quently, however, they refused to pay and violated their treaty.173

No Muslim went to Jurjan after Sa'id, for they blocked that road.
Indeed, no one could travel the Khurasan road from that direction
except in fear and dread of the Jurjanis. This was the road to
Khurasan from Fars174 to Kirman. The first person to traverse the
road from Qumis175 was Qutaybah b. Muslim, when he became
governor of Khurasan. Then Masqalah raided Khurasan, in the
days of Mu'awiyah, leading ten thousand soldiers. But he was
slain when his army was in Ruyan,176 which is adjacent to Tabaristan. They died in one of the wadis of that region when the
enemy attacked them in the mountain passes, killing all of them.
Therefore, it is called "Masqalah's Wadi." Our source said: He is
the one referred to in the proverb, "Until Masqalah returns from
Tabaristan."177
According to 'AliKulayb b. Khalaf al-'AmmTufayl b. Mirdas al-'Ammi and Idris b. Hanzalah: Sa'id b. al-'As. concluded a
peace treaty with the people of Jurjan. Sometimes they would
bring one hundred thousand (dirhams) and say, "This is our settlement." And sometimes two hundred thousand, and sometimes
three hundred thousand. Sometimes they would pay one of these
amounts; at other times they would refuse to pay. Then they
refused to pay and violated the treaty.178 They failed to pay the
tribute until Yazid b. al-Muhallab came to them, for no one opposed him when he reached Jurjan. When he made peace with Sul
and conquered al-Buhayrah and Dihistan, he concluded a peace
treaty with the people of Jurjan on the same terms they had re
ceived from Sa'id b. al-'As.
[1323]
According to Ahmad'AliKulayb b. Khalaf al-AmmiTu173. The text specifies wa-kafaru, which literally means "and they turned away
from Islam." But since the Jurjanis had not become Muslims upon payment of the
poll tax, the word kafaru here should be taken in the sense of naqadu-l-'ahd,
"they violated the treaty." I owe this point to Professor Abbas.
174. A Persian province bounded on the northwest by Khuzistan, on the north
east by Isfahan, on the east by Kirman, and on the west and southwest by the
Persian Gulf. See EI2, s.v. Fars; Le Strange, Lands, 248-98.
175. A small province lying to the south of the Alburz chain watershed between
al-Rayy and Nishabur. See EI2, s.v. Kumis; Le Strange, Lands, 264-68.
176. Ruyan was an independent district attached to Tabaristan. See EI, s.v.
Ruyan; Yaqut, Mu'jam, III, 104-5; Le Strange, Lands, 373-74.
177. See Baladhuri, Futuh. (Cairo), II, 411-12.
178. See note 173 above.

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fayl b. Mirdas and Bishr b. 'IsaAbu Safwan179Ali said (I was

told this also by Abu Hafs. al-AzdiSulayman b. Kathir, and others): Sill the Turk used to camp at Dihistan and at al-Buhayrah, an
island in the (Caspian) sea five farsakhs (30 km.) from Dihistan,
both of which were part of Jurjan, on the side of Khwarazm. Sul
used to carry out raids against Fayruz b. Qul, the Marzuban of
Jurjanthey were twenty-five farsakhs (150 km.) apartduring
which he would kill their noble men and then return to alBuhayrah and Dihistan. Now, a dispute broke out between Fayruz
and one of his paternal cousins, who was called, "the Marzuban,"
as a result of which the Marzuban separated himself from Fayruz
and settled in al-Bayasan.180 Fearing that the Turks would carry
out raids against him, Fayruz set out for Yazid b. al-Muhallab in
Khurasan. Meanwhile, Sill seized Jurjan. When Fayruz reached
Yazid b. al-Muhallab, the latter asked him, "Why have you come
here?" Fayruz replied, "I was afraid of Sill, so I fled." Yazid asked
him, "Is there any stratagem we might use to fight him?" Fayruz
answered, ''Yes, there is one thing which, if you attain it, either
you will kill him or he will submit." Yazid asked, ''What is it?"
Fayruz counseled, "If he leaves Jurjan in order to establish camp
in al-Buhayrah, and then you come to him there and lay siege to
the island, you will be victorious over him. Therefore, write a
letter to the ispahbadh in which you ask him to trick Sill by
having him remain in Jurjan. Pay him something for this and
promise him more. He will then send your letter to Sul, seeking
to ingratiate himself with him, because he regards him with great
honor. As a result, Sill will leave Jurjan and set up camp in alBuhayrah."
Yazid b. al-Muhallab therefore wrote to the leader of Tabaristan: "I intend to carry out a raid against Sill while he is in Jurjan,
but I fear that if he learns of my intention he will leave for alBuhayrah and set up camp there. If he does go there, I will not be
able to attack him. Now, he listens to you and considers you to be
a faithful adviser. If you were to confine him in Jurjan this year, so
that he would not go to al-Buhayrah, I will convey to you fifty-

[1324]

179. Text: Safwan. The Cairo ed. specifies Abu Safwan.

180. A village in Marw al-Shahijan. See Yaqut, Mudjam, I, 528.

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thousand mithqals.181 So devise some stratagem to keep him in

Jurjan, for, if he stays there, he will be mine." When the
ispahbadh saw the letter, he sought to ingratiate himself with Sill
by sending the letter to him. When the letter arrived, Sill ordered
the troops to depart for al-Buhayrah; he loaded foodstuffs so that
he would be secure there.
Yazid learned that Sill had traveled from Jurjan to al-Buhayrah;
he determined to leave for Jurjan. He set out, leading thirty thousand men, accompanied by Fayruz b. Qul. He appointed Makhlad
b. Yazid as his deputy in Khurasan, designated his son, Mu'awiyah
b. Yazid, as his deputy in Samarqand, Kiss,182 Nasaf,183 and
Bukhara, and appointed Hatim b. Qabisah b. al-Muhallab as his
deputy in Tukharistan.184 He marched to Jurjan which, at that
time, was not a city, but rather a locality surrounded by mountains, with gates and rugged roads185when a man stood at one of
the gates, no one could advance against him. Yazid entered Jurjan
without encountering any resistance and he captured great wealth.
The Marzuban fled, and Yazid set out, with his soldiers, for alBuhayrah, where he laid siege to Sill.
When he attacked them, he recited:
The sword flashed and his hands trembled;
By him, himself, souls were saved.
Our source continued: He besieged them. Sill would come out
toward him during the day and fight, and then return to his fortress. With Yazid were the armies of al-Kufah and al-Basrah.
Then he mentioned the story of Jahm b. Zahr and his brother,
and Muhammad (b Abi Sabrah), more or less as was reported by
181. A unit of weight for gold, taken over by 'Abd al-Malik from the Roman
solidus of the Constantinian system, equivalent to 65.6 grains or 4.25 grams.
"Mithqal" is used as a synonym for "dinar." See El, s.v. Mithkal.
182. A town near Samarqand. See Yaqut, Mu'jam, IV, 460.
183. A town in the district of Bukhara. See EI, s.v. Nakhshab; Yaqut, Mujam, V, 285.
184. Tukharistan was the region situated between Balkh and Badakhshan. See
EI2 s.v. Badakhshan.
185. See Baladhuri Futuh. (Cairo), II, 413: "Surrounded by a wall of baked bricks
that reached to the sea." See also Kufi, Futuh, VII, 286; FHA, 21; Ibn al-Athir,
Kamil, V, 29.

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Hisham, except that he said, regarding the Turk's striking of Ibn

Abi Sabrah: "The Turk's sword became caught in Ibn Abi Sabrah's shield."186

[1325]

According to 'Ali b. Muhammad'Ali b. Mujahid'Anbasah:

Muhammad b. Abi Sabrah fought the Turks in Jurjan. They surrounded him, taking turns against him with their swords. Three
swords broke in his hand.
Then, returning to our original chain of transmission, our
source said: They, that is, the Turks, were under siege for six
months, during which time they would emerge, fight, and then
return to their fortress. 187 Finally, they were reduced to drinking
ground water, whereupon they were afflicted with a disease
known as al-su'ad188 and began to die. At this point Sul sued for
peace, but Yazid b. al-Muhallab said, "No, not unless he submits
to my rule." Sul refused and sent a message to Yazid, saying: "I
will make peace with you on behalf of myself, my belongings, and
three hundred members of my household and companions, on the
condition that you provide safe passage for me. If you accept these
terms, you may occupy al-Buhayrah." Yazid agreed to these
terms, and Sul emerged with his belongings and three hundred of
his favorites and joined Yazid. Then Yazid put to the sword four
teen thousand defenseless Turks, letting the others go without
killing any of them. The soldiers said to Yazid, "Give us our
stipends,'' so he summoned Idris b. Hanzalah al-'Ammi, saying,
"O Ibn Hanzalah, give us an account of al-Buhayrah's wealth so
that we may pay the troops." Idris entered al-Buhayrah, but he
was unable to estimate the value of its wealth. He said to Yazid,
"I am unable to assess its wealth because it is stored in receptacles. We will have to count the sacks, make a sign indicating the
contents of each sack, and say to the soldiers, 'Enter and take.' In
this way, when someone takes something, we will announce
what he took, that is, wheat, barley, rice, sesame, and honey.'' At
that, Yazid said, "That is a good idea." They determined the
186. See text above, II/1319, where it is stated that the sword became stuck in
Ibn Abi Sabrah's helmet.
187. Wellhausen argues that the siege could not have lasted six months. See
Arab Kingdom, 447, n. 1.
188. A disease that attacks the liver as a result of drinking brackish water. See
Lane, Lexicon, pt. 4, P. 1462.

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number of sacks, put a sign on each sack indicating its contents,

and said to the soldiers, "Take." As each man left al-Buhayrah,
having taken clothing, food, or whatever could be carried away,
the number of sacks he had taken would be recorded in his name.
They took considerable amounts.

[1326]

According to 'AliAbu Bakr al-Hudhali: Shahr b. Hawshab,189

who was in charge of Yazid b. al-Muhallab's coffers, was accused
of stealing a leather purse.190 Yazid asked him about it, and Shahr
brought it to him. Then Yazid summoned the person who had
made the accusation, rebuked him, and said to Shahr, "It's
yours." Shahr said, "I have no need for it."
The following was recited by al-qutami al-Kalbi191some say
by Sinan b. Mukammal al-Numayri:
Shahr sold his religion for a purse of leather.
Now who will trust the Qur'an reciters192 after you, O
Shahr?
You received for it something insignificant and sold it
to Ibn Junabudh. Verily, this is perfidy.
Murrah al-Nakha'i recited, with regard to Shahr:
O Ibn al-Muhallab, what did you have in mind for a man
who193
were it not for you, would have been an upright reciter (of
the Qur'an)?
According to 'AliAbu Muhammad al-Thaqafi: Yazid b. alMuhallab acquired a crown in Jurjan in which there was a precious stone and he asked, "Do you know anyone who would not
desire this crown?" They replied, "No." Yazid then summoned
Muhammad b. Wasi al-Azdi and said, "Take this crownit's
yours.'' He said, "I have no need for it." Yazid said, ''I insist." So
Muhammad took it and left. Then Yazid ordered someone to
189. Abu Sa'id Shahr b. Hawshab al-Ash'ari (d. 111 or 112/730 or 731), a Syrian
transmitter of hadith. See Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalani, Tahdhib, IV, 369-72.
190. Ibn Kathir, Bidayah, IX, 176, adds: "With one hundred dinars in it."
191. A1-Husayn b. Jammal b. Habib al-Qutami al-Kalbi, d. 101/720. See Sezgin,
GAS, II, 339; and EI2 s.v. al-Kutami.
192. Text: al-qurra', which could also mean "officials." See note 408 below.
193. Text: ma aradta ila-mri'in.

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observe what he would do with the crown. Muhammad met a

beggar and gave it to him. Yazid's agent took the beggar, brought
him to Yazid, and told him what had happened. Yazid took the
crown and gave the beggar a large sum of money in return.

[1327]

According to 'Ali: Every time that Qutaybah made a new con

quest, Sulayman b. 'Abd al-Malik would say to Yazid b. alMuhallab, "Don't you see what God is accomplishing through
Qutaybah?" Yazid would reply, "What about Jurjan, which sepa
rated the soldiers from the 'Main Road,'194 and thus disrupted
things in Qumis and Abrashahr?"195 Yazid would also say, "These
conquests are nothing. Jurjan is what counts." Thus, when Yazid
b. al-Muhallab became governor, his sole ambition was to conquer
Jurjan. It is said: Yazid b. al-Muhallab had one hundred and twenty
thousand fighting men, including sixty thousand soldiers from the
Syrian army.
According to 'Alithe one who mentioned the Jurjan report
on their authority, supplemented by 'Ali b. MujahidKhalid b.
Subayh: After Yazid b. al-Muhallab made peace with Sill, he had a
great desire to conquer Tabaristan. Having resolved to travel
there, he designated 'Abdallah b. al-Mu'ammar al-Yashkuri as his
governor in al-Bayasan and Dihistan, leaving him with four thou
sand men. Then he advanced toward the nearest parts of Jurjan,
adjacent to Tabaristan. He designated Asad b. 'Amror b. 'Abdal
lah b. al-Rub'ahas his governor in Andarastan, 196 which is adja
cent to Tabaristan, leaving him with four thousand men. Then
Yazid entered the lands of the ispahbadh, who sent to him, suing
for peace and asking him to leave Tabaristan. But Yazid refused,
for he hoped to conquer it by force. He then sent his brother, Abu
'Uyaynah, in one direction, his son, Khalid b. Yazid, in another,
and Abu al-Jahm al-Kalbi in a third, saying, "When you join
forces, Abu 'Uyaynah is to be in command of the troops." Yazid
said to Abu 'Uyaynah, as the latter set out leading the armies of

[1328]

194. Text: al-tariq al-a'zam. Kufi, Futuh., VII, 287, has "Khurasan" instead of "
the Main Road."
195. Abrashahr, the ancient name of Nishapur, was the capital of one of the four
quarters of the province of Khurasan. See EI2, s.v. Abrashahr; also EI, s.v. Tus; Le
Strange, Lands, 383.
196. A village in Khwarazm, about one day's march south of Jurjaniyyah. See Le
Strange, Lands, 453.

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al-Kufah and al-Basrah, accompanied by Huraym b. Abi Tahmah,

"Take counsel with Huraym, for he is a faithful adviser." Yazid
remained in the camp.
The ispahbadh sought support from the people of Jilan and alDaylam, and they came to him. The two opposing armies met
near the foot of a mountain.197 The polytheists were put to rout,
and the Muslims pursued them until they reached the mouth of
the mountain pass. But when the Muslims entered the passage
way, the polytheists climbed up into the mountains, pursued by
the Muslims. The enemy then shot at them with arrows and
stones, putting Abu 'Uyaynah and the Muslims to flight. They
pressed on one another, falling over one another from the mountain, not stopping until they reached Yazid's troops. At this point,
the enemy gave up the chase.
The ispahbadh, fearing the Muslims, wrote to the Marzuban,
the paternal cousin of Fayruz b. Qul, who was at the farthest
reaches of Jurjan, adjacent to al-Bayasan, saying, "We have slain
Yazid [sic] and his followers,198 so kill the Arabs in al-Bayasan."
The Marzuban and his men joined the army of Bayasan, having
reached a consensus to kill the Muslims, who were (carelessly
asleep) in their dwellings. They were all slain during a single
night. 'Abdallah b. al-Mu'ammar was slain, together with four
thousand Muslimsnot one of them escaped; fifty of the Banu
1-'Amm were slain, among them al-Husayn b. 'Abd al-Rahman
and Isma'il b. Ibrahim b. Shammas. The Marzuban wrote to the
ispahbadh that he should take control of the mountain passes
and the roads.
When Yazid learned that 'Abdallah b. al-Mu'ammar and his
followers had been slain, his men were distressed and frightened.
Yazid, therefore, sought the assistance of Hayyan al-Nabati, saying, "Do not let the misunderstanding between us prevent you
from serving the Muslims.199 We have heard the news from Jut
jan, where that one (that is, the ispahbadh) has seized control of

[1329]

197. Text: fi sanad jabal, "near the face of a mountain." The translation fol
lows Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, V, 31, who specifies fi safh. jabal, "near the foot of a
mountain."
198. Text: Yazid wa-ashabahu. Baladhuri, Futuh. (Cairo), II, 413, has ashab
Yazid, "Yazid's followers," which makes better sense.
199. The misunderstanding will be explained below.

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the roads, so make peace." Hayyan agreed and approached the

ispahbadh, saying, "I am one of you, even if religion has separated us.200 I will give you good advice, for you are dearer to me
than Yazid. He has summoned reinforcements, and his soldiers
are nearby. Since the Jurjanis eliminated only one segment of his
army, I am concerned that you will not be able to withstand him.
So relieve yourself from him and make peace with him, for, if you
make peace with him, he will turn his weapons against the Jurjams,201 who deceived and killed many Muslims." The ispah
badh made peace with Yazid, agreeing to pay seven hundred
thousand dirhams.
According to 'Ali b. Mujahid: The terms were five hundred
thousand dirhams,202 four hundred loads of saffron or their value
in ready money, and four hundred slaveseach slave wearing a
cloak and a scarf and carrying a silver vessel, a piece of silk cloth
and a suit of clothes.203
Then Hayyan returned to Yazid b. al-Muhallab, saying, "Send
some people to carry away the terms of the agreement that I have
concluded with them." He asked, "Who is paying, we or they?"
He replied, "They are." Yazid, who would have been happy to
give them whatever they asked for and return to Jurjan, sent some
people to carry away the terms of the agreement that Hayyan had
worked out with them, and he set out for Jurjan. Previously,
Yazid had penalized Hayyan two hundred thousand dirhams.
This was why he feared that Hayyan would not provide him with
good counsel.
The circumstances of his having penalized Hayyan in this man
ner were related to me as follows by 'Ali b. MujahidKhalid b.
Subayh: I was serving as a tutor to Hayyan's son, when he sum
moned me, saying, "Write a letter to Makhlad b. Yazid." Makh
lad, at that particular time, was in Balkh, while Yazid was in
Marw. I took up a scroll of papyrus, and he said, "Write: 'From
Hayyan, the client of Masqalah, to Makhlad b. Yazid.'" But Mu-

[1330]

200. It is reported that Hayyan was originally from al-Daylam. See text above,
II/1291.
201. Text: sayyara haddahu 'ala ahl Jurjan. Kufi, Futuh., VII, 292, has yakunu
harbuhu wa-satwatuhu 'alayhim, "His war and attack will be against them."
202. Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, I, 320, mentions seven hundred thousand dirhams.
203. See text above, II/1321, for another version of the agreement.

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qatil b. Hayyan gestured to me, indicating, "Don't write that."

Then he approached his father and said, "O my father! You write
to Makhlad and yet mention yourself first!" He said, "Yes, my
son, and if he does not like it he will suffer the same fate as
Qutaybah." Then he said to me, "Write.'' So I wrote. He had
Makhlad bring the letter to his father. This was why Yazid made
Hayyan pay two hundred thousand dirhams.
In this year, Yazid reconquered Jurjan after the Jurjanis had
treacherously waylaid his army and broken the agreement.204
According to 'Alithe group that transmitted to him the report
about Jurjan and Tabaristan: Then, when Yazid made peace with
the army of Tabaristan, he headed for Jurjan. He swore to God
that if he triumphed over them, he would neither loosen his hold
on them nor raise the sword from them until he mixed blood into
the wheat, made bread out of the mixture, and ate the bread.
When the Marzuban learned that Yazid had made peace with
the ispahbadh and was making his way toward Jurjan, he gathered his supporters and went to al-Wajah205 where he fortified
himself. Whoever controls al-Wajah needs no reserves of food or
water. Meanwhile, Yazid arrived and surrounded the place, while
the Marzuban and his men fortified themselves inside. Al-Wajah
was surrounded by dense thickets, so that only one way in and
out was known. Yazid maintained the siege for seven months206
without making any progress against them, for he did not know of
any way to approach them except from the one side. The Marzuban and his men would emerge during the day, fight, and then
return to their fortress. Now, while matters were like this, it
happened that a manone of the Persians from Khurasan who
was with Yazidwent out to hunt, accompanied by members of
his Shakiriyyah corps.207

[1331]

According to Hisham b. MuhammadAbu Mikhnaf: One of

his soldiers, from the tribe of Tayyi', went out to hunt and spotted
an antelope climbing in the mountains. He followed it, saying to
his companions, "Stay where you are." He climbed the mountain
following the tracks. Suddenly he came upon their army, where204. See Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, I, 320-21; Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh, III, 41; FHA, 23.
205. Apparently, the name of a fortress in the mountainous region of Jurjan.
206. Kufi, Futuh., VII, 293-94, specifies "four months."
207. On this term, see Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom, 496.

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upon he turned back seeking his companions. Afraid that he

would not be able to find his way back, he began to tear up his
garment and tie markers on the trees. Finally, he reached his
companions and then returned to the army camp. It is said: the
man who was hunting was al-Hayyaj b. 'Abd al-Rahman al-Azdi, a
resident of Tus208 and an avid hunter. When he returned to the
army camp, he approached 'Amir b. Aynam al-Washiji, who was
the commander of Yazid's guard. But they would not let him
enter, so he cried out, "I have important information."
According to HishamAbu Mikhnaf: Finally, he brought the
matter to the attention of the two sons of Zahr b. Qays, who took
him and brought him to Yazid. A1-Hayyaj gave him the report,
and Yazid gave him an assurance, confirmed by al-Juhaniyyah, a
slave girl of his who had borne him a child,209 to pay him an
agreed-upon sum.
According to 'Ali b. Muhammadhis companions: Yazid called
for al-Hayyaj and asked, "What information do you have?" He
replied, "Do you want to enter Wajah without a fight?" He said,
"Certainly." He said, ''What will you give me?" He said, ''Name
your price." He said, "Four thousand." He said, "You are entitled
to blood payment (diyah)."210 He said, "Give me four thousand
now and whatever you give me later will be a gratuity." Whereupon Yazid gave an order to pay him four thousand dirhams. Then
he called out to his soldiers, fourteen hundred of whom responded.
A1-Hayyaj said, "Due to the density of the thickets, the path will
not bear such a large group." Yazid therefore chose three hundred
and sent them off under the command of Jahm b. Zahr.

[1332]

Some sources said: He put his son, Khalid b. Yazid, in command of them, saying, "You may be deprived of life, but you
cannot be deprived of death.211 God help you if I see you in my
presence after having been put to flight." He sent Jahm b. Zahr
along with him. Yazid asked the man who called out to the sol208. A district in Khurasan containing the towns of Nawqan and Tabaran. See
EI, s.v. Tus; Le Strange, Lands, 388-90.
209. See text above, II/1313, sub anno 97.
210. A specified amount of money (either one thousand din firs or twelve thou
sand dirhams), or goods, due in cases of homicide or other injuries unjustly com
mitted upon the person of another. See EI2, s.v. Diya.
211. Text: in ghulibta ' ala-l-hayat fa-la tughlibanna 'ala-l-mawt, that is, "Do
not let fear of death dampen your courage."

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diers, "When will you reach them?" He replied, "Tomorrow at

noon, in the interval between the two prayers."212 He said, "Go,
with the blessing of God, and I will endeavor to engage them
tomorrow at the time of the noon prayer." They set out. The next
day, shortly before the time of the afternoon prayer, Yazid ordered
his men to set fire to some wood that he had collected and put
into piles during the course of the siege. They' set fire to the piles
of wood, and before the sun had declined from the meridian, his
army was surrounded by mountain-like flames of fire. When the
enemy saw the fire, they were frightened by the magnitude of
what they saw and they came out toward them. When the sun
had declined from the meridian, Yazid ordered his men to pray,
and they combined the two prayers. Then they marched off toward them, and the two armies met in battle.
Meanwhile, the other contingent marched for the remainder of
that day and the morrow, and attacked the Turk's army shortly
before the time of the afternoon prayer. The Jurjanis, engaged in
combat with Yazid on the one side, and, believing themselves to
be secure on the other, did not sense anything until the moment
when they heard the takbir213 behind them, whereupon they all
headed for their fortress, with the Muslims in hot pursuit. They
surrendered, submitting to Yazid's rule. He captured their women
and children and slew their soldiers,' crucifying them at a distance
of two farsakhs (12 km.) to the left and right of the road. He also
drove twelve thousand of them to al-Andarhaz,214 the Wadi of
Jurjan,215 and said, "Whoever seeks blood revenge from them
may slay whomever he wishes." A single Muslim slew as many
as four or five men in the wadi, turning the wadi's water into
blood. There was a millstone by the wadi, and Yazid was able to
mix blood into the ground wheat, thereby reieasing himself from
his oath.216 He ground wheat, made bread, ate, and built the city
of Jurjan.

[1333]

Some sources said: Yazid killed forty thousand of the people of

212. The noon and midday prayers.
213. The takbir is the formula "God is great." See EI, s.v. Takbir.
214. Ibn Khayyat, Ta'Rikh, I, 321, has al-Andar rather than al-Andarhaz.
215. The Wadi of Jurjan is the modern Gurgan river. See EI2, s.v. Gurgan; Le
Strange, Lands, 376-77.
216. See text above, II/1330.

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Jurjan. There had been no city there previously. Then he returned

to Khurasan, leaving Jahm b. Zahr al-Ju'fi as his governor of
Jurjan.
According to Hisham b. Muhammad-Abu Mikhnaf: Yazid
summoned Jahm b. Zahr and sent four hundred men with him.
They began with the place to which they had been directed, having been instructed by Yazid as follows: "When you reach the
city, wait until daybreak, then pronounce the takbir and proceed
toward the city gate. You will find me there, having already
rushed all of the men to the gate." Accordingly, when Ibn Zahr
entered the city he waited until the hour at which Yazid had
ordered him to attack and then ordered his men to advance. They
slew every single one of the guards that they encountered and
pronounced the takbir. The inhabitants of the city were filled
with terror the likes of which they had never experienced pre
viously. All of a sudden they saw the Muslims with them in their
city pronouncing the takbir, which astonished them. God cast
terror in their hearts until they didn't know in which direction
they were turning. However, one group of mennot a large one
advanced toward Jahm b. Zahr, and the two sides fought for a
while. Jahm's hand was broken, but he and his men held their
positions; it was not long before they killed most of them. When
Yazid b. al-Muhallab heard the takbir, he drove the soldiers to
ward the gate, where they found that the guards had been drawn
away by Jahm b. Zahr; thus, there was no one there to keep Yazid
from entering, or to put up serious resistance. He stormed the
gate and entered the fortress at that very hour. He brought out the
soldiers that were inside and, after erecting palm trunks at a
distance of two farsakhs (12 km.) to the right and left of the road,
he crucified them over the course of four farsakhs (24 km.). Yazid
then captured the inhabitants of the fortress and took possession
of its contents.

[1334]

According to 'Alihis authorities: Yazid wrote to Sulayman b.

'Abd al-Malik: "Now then, God has made a great conquest on
behalf of the Commander of the Faithful and He has performed
the greatest favor for the Muslims. Praise be to our Lord for His
blessings and His kindness, for He has granted us victory, during
the caliphate of the Commander of the Faithful, over Jurjan and
Tabaristansomething which had escaped Saber Dhu al-Ak-

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taf,217 Kisra b. Qubadh,218 and Kisra b. Hurmuz.219 Likewise, alFaruq 'Umar b. al-Khattab, 'Uthman b. 'Affan, and the Caliphs of
God who succeeded them were unable to achieve this, until God
made this conquest on behalf of the Commander of the Faithful,
in order to bestow His honor upon him, and in order to increase
the blessing He has bestowed upon him. Now, I have in my possession the fifth220 that God has bestowed upon the Muslims,
after every man took the share of the booty to which he was
entitled, which amounts to six million (dinars),221 and I shall
bring this to the Commander of the Faithful, if God wills."
But his scribe, al-Mughirah b. Abi Qurrah, a client of the Banff
Sadus, said to him, "Do not mention a specific amount of money,
for you will be caught between two possible responses: Either he
will consider it to be a large sum of money, in which case he will
order you to bring it to him; or he will express disdain for it222
and confer it on you, in which case you will be obligated to make
a gift. In the latter case, he will find whatever he receives from
you to be insignificant.223 It seems to me that you would risk all
that you have named without impressing him. The amount you
name will remain forever in their records as a debit against you.
Thus, if someone assumes authority after him, he will claim it
from you; furthermore, if the person who assumes authority does
not favor you, he will not accept even twice that sum from you.
Therefore, do not send your letter; rather, write about your victory and ask him for permission to appear before him so that you
can speak to him directly about whatever you desire. But shorten
your account, for it is more appropriate to abbreviate the account

[1335]

217 Shapur II b. Hurmizd (A. D. 310-79) was called Dhu al-Aktaf because he had
the shoulders of Arab prisoners dislocated or pierced. See EI, s.v. Shapur.
218. Khusraw Ib. Kawadh (r. 531-79), a Sasanian King of Persia, known in
Persian sources as Anushirvan (of the immortal soul). See EI, s.v. Sasanians.
219. Khusraw II Parviz (The Victorious) b. Hurmizd (r. 590-628), a Sasanian
King of Persia. See EI, s.v. Sasanians.
220. The khums is the share of God and the Prophet that is to be spent on the
community as a whole. See EI2, s.v. Bayt al-Mal.
221. The translation follows FHA, 24, where dinars are specifically mentioned.
Kufi, Futuh, VII, 297, mentions "twenty million dirhams."
222. Text: sakhat nafsuhu laka bihi. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, V, 35, has samahat
nafsuhu laka bihi, "He will treat you generously regarding it."
223. Text: istaqallahu; the Cairo ed. has istaqbalahu: "He will accept it."

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you wish to make than to exaggerate it." But Yazid refused and he
sent the letter.
Some said: The letter mentioned the figure of four million
dirhams.224
Abu Jafar (al-Tabari) said: In this year, Ayyub b. Sulayman b.
'Abd al-Malik died.225 According to 'Ali b. Muhammad'Ali b.
Mujahida shaykh from al-Rayy who was a contemporary of
Yazid: After finishing with Jurjan, Yazid b. al-Muhallab went to
al-Rayy, where he learned of Ayyub b. Sulayman's death while he
was walking in the vineyard of Abu Salih, near the gate of alRayy. A poet recited some rajaz verse226 in his presence:
Although Ayyub has died,
Dawud has taken his place,
Restoring whatever power had been lost.227
In this year, the city of the Slavs was conquered.228
In this year, Dawud b. Sulayman b. 'Abd al-Malik raided the
land of the Byzantines and conquered "Hisn al-Mar'ah,"229 which
is near Malatyah.230
In this year, the pilgrimage was led by 'Abd al-'Aziz b. 'Abdallah
b. Khalid b. Asid who, at that time, was governor of Mecca. I was
informed of this by Ahmad b. Thabiton the authority of the one
he mentionedIshaq b. 'IsaAbu Ma'shar.

[1336]

The governors of the garrison towns in this year were the same
as in the year 97/715-716, as noted earlier, except that Yazid b.
al-Muhallab's governor over al-Basrah in this year was, according
to some, Sufyan b. 'Abdallah al-Kindi.
224. Baladhuri, Futuh. (Cairo), II, 414, mentions the figure of twenty-five million
dirhams.
225. Ayyub was the heir apparent. See text above, II/1317.
226. Rajaz verse is the simplest and, according to the tradition, the oldest meter
of Arabic poetry. See EI2 s.v. 'Arud.
227. See Kufi, Futuh., VII, 307.
228. See text above, II/1317, note 154. See also Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, I, 321;
Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh, III, 44; FHA, 25.
229. See text above, 11/1306, sub anno 97, note 126.
230. An old city, not far from the upper Euphrates, that served as headquarters
for the summer campaign against Byzantium. See EI, s.v. Malatya; Yaqut, Mujam,
V, 192-93.

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The Events of the Year 99

(August 14, 717August 2, 718)
[The Death Of Sulayman B. 'Abd Al-Malik]231
Among the events taking place that year was the death of Sulay
man b. 'Abd al-Malik.232 1 was told on the authority of Hisham
Abu Mikhnaf, that he died in Dabiq, in the province of Qin
nasrin,233 on Friday the nineteenth of Safar (October 1, 717).
Thus, his term of office was two years and eight months, less five
days.
It is said that he died on the tenth of Safar (September 22,
717).234 According to some, his caliphate lasted two years and
seven months, while others maintain that it lasted two years,
eight months, and five days.
According to al-Hasan b. HammadTalhah Abu Muham231. The text lacks the rubric, which is supplied from the Cairo ed.
232. See Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, I, 322; Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh, III, 44; Kufi,
Futuh, VII, 306; Mas'udi, Muruj (Beirut), III, 173; FHA, 33-34; Ibn Kathir, Bidayah, IX, 177-79.
233. One of the provinces of Syria. See EI2, s.v. Kinnasrin.
234. The discrepancy in the date is apparently due to confusion as to whether
Sulayman died ten days into the month of Safar, or ten days before the end of the
month. (Safar has twenty-nine days.)

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madhis shaykhs: Sulayman b. 'Abd al-Malik served as caliph

after al-Walid for three years. 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz prayed over
his body.
According to Ahmad b. Thabithis sourceIshaq b. 'IsaAbu
Ma'shar: Sulayman b. 'Abd al-Malik died on Friday the nineteenth
of Safar in the year 99 (October 1, 717). His caliphate lasted three
years, less four months.
Aspects of His Character
According to 'Ali b. Muhammad: The people used to say, "Sulayman is the key to goodness." When al-Hajjaj left them and Sulayman assumed power he freed the captives, released the prisoners,
treated the people well, and designated 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz as
his successor.235

[1337]

Ibn Bid recited:

Your grandfather and your father both assumed the caliphate,
amidst the anger of the malcontent, or the obedient one.236
Your grandfather and your father, then your brother became the
third, and on your forehead is the light of the kingship of
the fourth.
According to 'Alial-Mufaddal b. al-Muhallab: I went in to see
Sulayman at Dabiq on Friday, and he called for some robes. He
put them on, but he did not like them, so he called for othersfor
green Susi237 robes that had been sent by Yazid b. al-Muhallab.
After he put them on and arranged his turban, he asked, "O Ibn alMuhallab, do you like them?" I replied, "Yes." He uncovered his
forearms and said, "I am a king in the prime of his manhood."
Then he prayed the Friday prayers for the last time. He wrote his
last will and testament and summoned Ibn Abi Nu'aym, the
bearer of the seal, who sealed it.
According to 'alisome of the scholars: One day Sulayman
235. Sulayman was called "the key to goodness" (miftah.-1-khayr) because his
reign opened and closed with acts of goodness. See FHA, 17.
236. This is a conjectural translation. The text gives min bayna sukhtati sakhit
aw ta
237. Sus was a town in Khuzistan famous for its weaving and silk. See El, s.v. alSus; Le Strange, Lands, 240.

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put on a green robe and a green turban and he looked in the mirror
and said, "I am a king in the prime of his manhood." He lived
only one week after that.
According to 'AliSuhaym b. Hafs: A slave girl belonging to
Sulayman looked at him one day, and he asked, "How do you like
what you see?" She recited:
You are the best object of delightif only you would last.
But man does not possess immortality.
I do not know of any blemish in you
[1338]
that other people have, except that you will pass away.
He then unwound238 his turban.
According to 'Ali: Sulayman's qadi was Sulayman b. Habib alMuharibi. Ibn Abi 'Uyaynah used to tell stories in his presence.
According to Abu 'UbaydahRu'bah b. al-'Ajjaj: Sulayman b.
'Abd al-Malik performed the pilgrimage, accompanied by the
poets, myself included. When he was in Medina, on the way back,
the troops came to meet him with approximately four hundred
Byzantine prisoners. Sulayman sat down and the person sitting
closest to him was 'Abdallah b. al-Hasan b. al-Hasan b. 'Ali b. Abi
Talib. The Byzantine commander was brought forward, and Sulayman said, "O 'Abdallah, strike off his neck." 'Abdallah stood
up, but no one gave him a sword; eventually, one of the guards
handed him his sword, and 'Abdallah smote the commander, severing his head and cutting off his forearm and part of the chains.
Sulayman exclaimed, "By God, it is not because of the excellence
of the sword that the stroke was exquisite, but because of his
ancestry." Sulayman continued to hand over the rest of the prisoners to the commanders and men for execution. Eventually, he
gave one of the prisoners to Jarir, into whose hand the Banff tabs
thrust a sword sheathed in a white scabbard, whereupon he smote
him and severed his head. Then one of the prisoners was given to
al-Farazdaq, but he could not find a sword. Into his hand they
thrust a crooked,239 blunt sword that would not cut, and he
smote the prisoner with it several times, but nothing happened.
Sulayman and the people laughed, and the Banff tabs, Sulayman's
238 Text: fa-nafa.da, "to shake off." This should be amended to read fa-na.
qada. I owe this point to Professor Abbas.
239. Text: matin, "strong, solid"; read muthniyyan, following the Cairo ed.

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maternal uncles, delighted in al-Farazdaq's misfortune. He threw

down the sword and began to speak, making excuses to Sulayman
and recalling how the sword of Warqa' glanced off the head of
Khalid:

[1339]

If there was ever an unreliable sword, or a fate which delayed

the soul of someone whose destiny has yet to arrive.
Then it is the sword of the Banff tabs; they struck with it,
through the hand of Warqa', and it glanced off Khalid's
head.
Such are the swords of India; sometimes their edges have no
effect.
Although sometimes they cut necks.240
Warqa' is Warqa' b. Zuhayr b. Jadhimah al-'Absi, who struck
Khalid b. Ja'far b. Kilab. Khalid was on top of Warqa's father,
Zuhayr, smiting him with the sword and felling him. Warqa' b.
Zuhayr approached and struck Khalid, but the blow had no effect,
and so the former recited:
When I saw Zuhayr under Khalid's chest,
I approached, running, like a mother bereft of her child,
hurrying.
May my right hand be paralyzed if I smite Khalid,
and double armor protects him from me.241
A1-Farazdaq recited at the same session:
Are the people surprised that I made the best of them laugh,
God's Caliph, by whom rain is invoked?
The sword did not fail due to cowardice or bewilderment in
the presence of the Imam; rather, his day was delayed by
fate.
Had I struck his neck with the intent to kill,242
his body would have fallen separated from his head.
(It would have rolled away from him when I smote him,
240. See Diwan al-Farazdaq, I, 157.
241. See Aghani (Beirut), XI, 84.
242. The text is 'ala 'Amrin. This should be amended to read 'amdan. I owe this
point to Professor Abbas.

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[1340]

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like a stone that rolls off a slippery spot).243

The soul is not hastened before its preordained time of death
by a two-handed grip, or by the sharp sword itself.244
Jarir recited in connection with this:
With the sword of Abu Raghwan, the sword of Mujashi',
you struck. But you did not strike with the sword of Ibn
Zalim.
You struck with it in the presence of the Imam, and your
hands
trembled. So they said, "That is an inexperienced sword,
not a cutting one."245
According to 'Abdallah b. Ahmadhis fatherSulayman
'Abdallah b. Muhammad b. 'UyaynahAbu Bakr b. 'Abd al-'Aziz
b. al-Dahhak b. Qays: Sulayman b. 'Abd al-Malik attended a fu
neral in Dabiq at which the corpse was buried in a field. He
picked up some of the soil and said, "How good and how fine is
this soil!" Before a week or so had passed, he was buried next to
that grave.
243. This verse, omitted by Tabari, is supplied from Diwan al-Farazdaq, I, 291,
where the text has idhan tadahda' 'anhu hina adribuhu kama tadahda ani-lzuhlufati al-hajaru.
244. See Diwan al-Farazdaq, I, 291.
245. See Naka'id Jarir wa-l-Farazdaq, I, 413, 11. 15-16.

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THE CALIPHATE OF UMAR B. ABD

AL-'AZIZ

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The Events of the Year 99(Cont'd)

(August 14, 717-August 2, 718)246
In this year 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz b. Marwan b. al-Hakam was
appointed as Caliph.247
The Reason Why Sulayman Appointed 'Umar As
Caliph248
According to al-HarithIbn Sa'dMuhammad b. 'UmaralHaytham b. Waqid: 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz was appointed as Ca
liph at Dabiq, on Friday, the tenth of Safar, in the year 99 (Sep
tember 22, 717).
According to Muhammad b. 'UmarDawud b. Khalid b.

[1341]

246. For other sources on the caliphate of 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz, see Ibn
Qutaybah, Ma'arif, 362-63; Dinawari, Akhbar, 332, Ya'qubi, Ta'rfkh, III, 45-53;
Kufi, Futuh, VII, 306-23; Mas'udi, Muruj (Beirut), III, 182-95; FHA, 37-64; Ibn
Kathir, Bidayah, IX, 184-219.
247. See Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, I, 322; Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh, III, 44-45; Mas'udi,
Muruj (Beirut), III, 182; FHA, 37.
248. See Ibn Qutaybah, Ta'rikh, I, 92-96; Mas'udi, Muruj (Beirut), III, 183; Ibn
Kathir, Bidayah, IX, 181-83.

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DinarSuhayl b. Abi SuhaylRaja' b. Haywah:249 On Friday,

Sulayman b. 'Abd al-Malik put on green robes made of silk and
looked in the mirror, saying, ''By God, I am a king in the prime of
his manhood.'' Then he went out to lead the people in the Friday
prayers. Upon his return, however, he fell ill. When his condition
deteriorated, he entrusted the succession, in a document he wrote
himself, to one of his sons, a youth who had not yet attained
puberty.250 I said to him, "What are you doing, O Commander of
the Faithful? One of the things that preserves a caliph in his grave
is the appointment of an upright man251 to serve as his successor
over the Muslims." Sulayman replied, "I will ask God for guidance, and I will consider the matter, for I have not made up my
mind yet."
Sulayman tarried a day or two and then tore up the document.
He called for me and asked, "What is your opinion of Dawud b.
Sulayman?" I replied, "He is away in Constantinople, and you do
not know whether he is dead or alive." He asked me, "Whom
would you propose, then?" I replied, "The decision is yours, O
Commander of the Faithful." I wanted to see whom he would
mention. He asked, "What is your opinion of 'Umar b. 'Abd
al-'Aziz?" I replied, "By God, I know him to be a worthy, excellent man and a sincere Muslim." He said, "By God, he is exactly
as you describe him." Then he said, "But if, by God, I appoint him
and do not appoint anyone else, there will surely be civil strife, for
(the Banff 'Abd al-Malik) will never allow him to rule over them,
unless one of them is put next in succession." Now Yazid b. 'Abd
al-Malik was away at that moment on the pilgrimage. Sulayman
said, "Therefore, I will appoint Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik to be Caliph after him; that should placate them, and they will accept
him." I said, "The decision is yours."
Then Sulayman wrote, "In the name of God, the Merciful, the
Compassionate. This is a document from the servant of God,

[1342]

249. Abu al-Miqdam Raja' b. Haywah b. Khanzal al-Kindi (d. 112/7301. On this
figure see C. E. Bosworth, "Raja' ibn Haywa al-Kindi and the Umayyad Caliphs,"
36-80. The translation of the following section, from p. 70 to p. 74, may be
compared to that by Bosworth in the aforementioned article, pp. 52-59.
250. According to Dinawari, Akhbar, 332, Sulayman's oldest son, Mu.hammad,
was twelve years old when his father died.
251. An allusion to 'Umar, who was known as al-rajuI al-salih, "the upright
man." See text below, II/1375.

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Sulayman, Commander of the Faithful, to 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz. I

have appointed you to be my successor to the caliphate, and you
are to be succeeded by Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik. Therefore, hearken
to him, O people, and obey; fear God and avoid dissension, lest
enemies take advantage of you." He sealed the document and
sent a message to Ka'b b. Hamid al-'Absi, his Commander of the
Guard, saying, "Order the members of my household to assemble." Ka'b ordered them to assemble, and they did so. After they
had gathered, Sulayman said to Raja', "Take this document of
mine to them, tell them that it is my document, and order them
to swear the oath of allegiance to whomever I have appointed."
Raja' did as he was told. When Raja' said that to them they asked,
"May we go in to greet the Commander of the Faithful?'' He
replied, "Yes.'' They entered, and Sulayman said to them, "This
document"to which he was directing their attention and at
which they were looking, in the hand of Raja' b. Haywah"is my
succession covenant, so listen, obey, and swear allegiance to the
person I have named in this document." Accordingly they swore
allegiance to him, individually. Then the document was taken
out, still sealed, in the hand of Raja' b. Haywah.252
Raja' said: After they had dispersed, 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz approached me and said, "I fear that Sulayman has involved me in
this matter. I beseech you by God, and by your deference to and
your affection for me, let me know if this is the case so that I
might ask to be excused now, before a situation develops in
which I am unable to accomplish what I can accomplish at the
present moment." Raja' answered, "No, by God, I will not tell
you a single word." Thus, 'Umar went away, furious.

[1343]

Raja' continued: Hisham b. 'Abd al-Malik met me and said, "O

Raja', you have a long-standing feeling of deference to and affection for me, and I owe you a debt of gratitude, so tell me about
this affair. If I have been appointed, I will be aware of it; and if
someone else has been appointed, I can speak up, for a man like
me cannot be sold short. Tell me, and I swear to you in the name
of God that I will never mention anything about this." Raja' said:
But I refused, saying, "By God, I will not tell you a single word of
252. The validity of this document, for which there were apparently no witnesses, was subsequently disputed by the jurists. See Ibn Kathir, Bidayah, IX, 197.

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what has been confided to me." Hisham departed in despair,

striking one hand over the other and saying, "In favor of whom
have I been passed over? Will the caliphate pass out of the hands
of the sons of 'Abd al-Malik?"
Raja' said: I went in to see Sulayman and found him dying.
When the agony of death came over him, I set about turning him
toward the qiblah, but whenever he recovered his senses he
would say, "The time for. that has not yet arrived, Raja'." I did
this twice, and on the third attempt he said, "Do it now, Raja', if
you wish to do something. I bear witness that there is no God but
God and I bear witness that Muharemad is His servant and His
messenger."253 1 turned him toward the qiblah and he died. After
shutting his eyes, I covered him with a green velvet coverlet and
locked the door. His wife sent a messenger to me, asking, "How is
he?" I replied, "He is sleeping and has covered himself.'' The
messenger looked at him, wrapped in the coverlet. He returned
and told her this report, which she accepted, imagining that he
was asleep.
Raja' said: I stationed a trustworthy man in front of the door
and ordered him not to leave until I returned and not to let any[1344]
one go in to the Caliph. I left and sent a message to Ka'b b. Hamid
al-'Absi, who gathered the household of the Commander of the
Faithful. When they had assembled in the mosque of Dabiq, I
said, "Swear the oath of allegiance." They replied, "We have
already sworn once. Why should we swear again?" I said, "This is
the Commander of the Faithful's command, so swear allegiance,
in accordance with his command, to the person named in this
sealed document." They then swore the oath of allegiance a second time, individually.
Raja' continued: When they had sworn the oath of allegiance
after Sulayman's death, and I realized that I had put the matter on
a solid footing, I said, "Rise out of reverence for your master, for
he has just died." They recited, "Surely we belong to God, and to
him we return."254 Then I read the document to them. When I
reached the point at which 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz is mentioned,
Hisham b. 'Abd al-Malik cried out, "We will never swear alle253. That is, he died with credo of the faith (shahadah) on his lips.
254. Qur'an 2:156.

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giance to him." I said, "By God, then I will cut off your head. Rise
and swear allegiance." Reluctantly, he stood up.
Raja' said: While he was reciting inna lillahi on account of
what had happened to him, I took 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz by the
arms and seated him on the pulpit. At the same time Hisham was
reciting inna lillahi on account of what had escaped him. When
Hisham finally reached 'Umar, the latter exclaimed, "'Surely we
belong to God, and to Him we return,'255 when what I dislike has
come to me, "because he did not want to become Caliph. Meanwhile, (Hisham) was reciting, "'Surely we belong to God, and to
him we return,' when I have been passed over."
Sulayman's body was washed and wrapped in a shroud, and
'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz prayed over him. When the burial ceremony had been completed, the caliphal stable of animals was
brought out to 'Umar: There were slow-paced horses, swift riding
horses, and mules, each animal with its own groom. 'Umar asked,
"What is this?" They replied, "The Caliph's stable." He said,
"My own mount will suffice." Then 'Umar mounted it and, after
those animals had been sent away, he departed.256 Someone
asked, "Will you occupy the Caliph's residence?" 'Umar replied,
"The family of Abu Ayyub (that is, Sulayman) is still living there,
and my own pavilion will suffice until they leave.'' He therefore
remained in his own living quarters until they eventually vacated
the Caliph's residence.

[1345]

Raja' said: On the evening of the same day, 'Umar said, "O
Raja', summon a scribe for me." I called one. Now up to this point
I was pleased with everything that he had done, that is, the actions he had taken with regard to the riding animals and Sulayman's residence. I said to myself, "How is he going to handle
writing? Will he make drafts or what?" When the scribe had
taken his seat, 'Umar dictated a single letter, directly from his
mouth to the hand of the scribe, without any preliminary drafts.
He dictated in the finest, most eloquent and most succinct manner possible. He then decreed that copies of the letter should be
sent to every land.
255. Qur'an 2:156.
256. Ibn Kathir, Bidayah, IX, 183, adds: "Then he rode to Damascus with the
soldiers."

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Meanwhile, 'Abd al-Aziz b. al-Walid, who was away at the

time, learned of the death of Sulayman b. 'Abd al-Malik. Since he
was unaware of the fact that the people had sworn allegiance to
'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz and that Sulayman had designated 'Umar as
his successor, he unfurled the banner and summoned the people
to acknowledge him as the next Caliph. Subsequently, when he
learned that the people had sworn allegiance to 'Umar in accord
ance with Sulayman's succession covenant, he went to see 'Umar
b. 'Abd al-'Aziz. 'Umar said to him, "I have been informed that
you made your supporters swear the oath of allegiance to you and
that you wanted to enter Damascus." 'Abd al-'Aziz replied, "Both
of those things are true, but I only acted in that manner because I
was told that the Caliph, Sulayman, had not appointed a successor; I feared that the holdings of the treasury would be plundered." 'Umar said, "If the oath of allegiance had been sworn to
you257 and if you had taken power, I would not have opposed you;
indeed, I would have remained in my house." 'Abd al-'Aziz said,
"There is no one beside you that I would like to have seen assume
power.'' He then swore the oath of allegiance to 'Umar b. 'Abd
al-'Aziz. People invoked God's blessings upon Sulayman because
he appointed 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz as his successor and passed
over his own children.258
In this year, 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz sent a message to Maslamah,
who was in Byzantine territory, ordering him to return together
with the Muslims who were accompanying him.259'Umar sent
him swift and excellent horses and considerable quantities of
food; he urged the people to render assistance to Maslamah and
his men. According to some sources, the number of purebred
horses that he sent to him was five hundred.

[1346]

In this year, the Turks attacked Adharbayjan,260 killing a group

of Muslims and causing serious damage.261 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz
dispatched Ibn Hatim b. al-Nu'man al-Bahili,262 who killed those
257. Text: baya'ta; read buyi'ta, following the Cairo ed.
258. See note 250 above.
259. See Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, I, 326; Kufi, Futuh, VII, 307-11; FHA, 39; Ibn
Kathir, Bidayah, IX, 184.
260. Adharbayjan was a Persian province. See El2, s.v. Adharbaydjan; Le
Strange, Lands, 159-71.
261. See Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, I, 326.
262. Some sources give his name as 'Abd al-'Aziz b. Hatim, others as Hatim b.
(footnote continued on next page)

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Turks; only a small number managed to escape. He brought fifty

of them as prisoners to 'Umar in Khunasirah.263
In this year, 'Umar dismissed Yazid b. al-Muhallab from Iraq.264
He sent 'Adi b. Artat al-Fazari to serve as governor of al-Basrah
and its surrounding territory. He dispatched 'Abd al-Hamid b.
'Abd al-Rahman b. Zayd b. al-Khattab al-A'raj al-Qurashi, one of
the Banu 'Adi b. Ka'b, to serve as governor of al-Kufah and its
surrounding territory, accompanied by Abu al-Zinad, who was
'Abd al-Hamid b. 'Abd al-Rahman's scribe. 'Adi b. Art. at sent Musa
b. al-Wajih al- Himyari in pursuit of Yazid b. al-Muhallab.
In this year, the pilgrimage was led by Abu Bakr Muhammad b.
'Amr b. Hazm, who was 'Umar's governor in Medina.
'Umar's governor in Mecca in this year was 'Abd al-'Aziz b.
'Abdallah b. Khalid b. Asid. A1-Kufah and its surrounding territory
were governed by 'Abd al-Hamid b. 'Abd al-Rahman, while alBasrah and its surrounding territory were governed by 'Adi b.
Artat. Khurasan was governed by al-Jarrah b. 'Abdallah. The judiciary of al-Basrah was in the charge of Iyas b. Mu'awiyah b. Qurrah al-Muzani. As mentioned earlier, 'Adi had initially appointed
al-Hasan b. Abi al-Hasan,265 but when the latter complained, he
asked Iyas b. Mu'awiyah to take charge of the judiciary. The judiciary of al-Kufah in this year was reportedly in the charge of 'Amir
al-Sha'bi.

[1347]

Al-Waqidi had reported: A1-Sha'bi was in charge of al-Kufah's

judiciary in the days of 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz, serving on behalf of
'Abd al-Hamid b. 'Abd al-Rahman, while al-Hasan b. Abi al-Hasan
al-Basri was in charge of al-Basrah's judiciary, serving on behalf of
'Adi b. Artat. But when al-Hasan asked 'Adi to excuse him from
that office, the latter complied with his request and appointed
Iyas in his place.
(footnote continued from previous page)
al-Nu'man. See Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, I, 326; Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh, III, 47; Ibn al-Athir,
Kamil, V, 43; Ibn Kathir, Bidayah, IX, 183.
263. See Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, I, 326; Ibn Kathir, Bidayah, IX, 185. Khunasirah
is a settlement located sixty kin. to the southeast of Aleppo and one hundred km.
to the northeast of Hamah where 'Umar had a stronghold constructed in which he
resided frequently. See El2, s.v. Khunasira.
264. See Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, I, 326; Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh, III, 46; FHA, 39-40.
265. That is, Abu Sa'id b. Abi al-Hasan Yasar al-Basri, known as Hasan al-Basri,
d. 110/728. See El2, s.v. Hasan al-Basri.

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The Events of the Year 100

(August 3, 718July 23, 719)
Among those events was the revolt of the Kharijites,266 who rebelied against 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz in Iraq.267
The Revolt of the Kharijites
According to Muhammad b. 'UmarIbn Abi al-Zinad: The Haruriyyah268 in Iraq rose up in rebellion, and 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz
wrote to 'Abd al-Hamid b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Zayd b. al-Khattab,
his governor in Iraq, ordering him to summon the rebels to act in
accordance with the Book of God and the sunnah of His Prophet.269 When they ignored his summons,270> 'Abd al-Hamid sent an
266. The Kharijites were members of the earliest religious sect in Islam. See El2,
s.v. Kharijites.
[1348]
267. See Ibn Qutaybah, Ta'rikh, I, 99-100; Mas'udi, Muruj (Beirut), III, 190-93;
FHA, 41-47; Ibn Kathir, Bidayah, IX, 187.
268. That is, the Kharijites, who are also known as the Haruriyyah, after a town
two miles from al-Kufah, where they first assembled. See El2, s.v. Kharijites.
269. Text: al-'amal bi-kitab allah wa-sunnat nabihi. On the significance of this
phrase, see Crone and Hinds, God's Caliph, 62.
270. Text: fa-lamma a'dhara fi du'a'ihim.

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army against them, but it was defeated by the Haruris. Upon

being informed of this, 'Umar sent Maslamah b. 'Abd al-Malik
against them leading a regiment of the Syrian army that he had
equipped in al-Raqqah.271 'Umar wrote to 'Abd al-Hamid as follows: "Having learned of the defeat of your armythe evil
armyI have dispatched Maslamah b. 'Abd al-Malik, who is to be
given free access to the rebels." Maslamah engaged them in battle, leading the Syrian army, and it was not long before God
granted him victory over them.
Abu 'Ubaydah Ma'mar b. al-Muthanna mentioned that the person who headed the revolt against 'Abd al-Hamid b. 'Abd alRahman, in Iraq, during the caliphate of 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz,
was Shawdhabhis real name was Bistamone of the Banu
Yashkur. His rebellion was based in Jukha,272 where he commanded eighty horsemen,273 most of them from the tribe of
Rabi'ah. 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz wrote to 'Abd al-Hamid, saying,
"Do not engage them in combat unless they shed blood or274
cause corruption in the earth. But if they do act in that manner,
intervene so as to prevent that. Choose a man who is strong and
endowed with good judgment and send him against them with a
detachment of soldiers, having charged him as I have commanded
you." As a result, 'Abd al-Hamid put Muhammad b. Jarir b.
'Abdallah al-Bajali in command of two thousand Kufans, charging
him as he had been charged by 'Umar.
Meanwhile, 'Umar wrote to Bistam, summoning him and asking him about his revolt. Bistam received 'Umar's letter after
Muhammad b. Jarir had arrived and deployed his troops opposite
him, without, however, engaging him in combat or provoking
him. 'Umar's letter to Bistam contained the following statement:
"I have been informed that you have rebelled in anger for the sake
of God and His Prophet. But you have no better right to that than I
do. Come to me, then, so that I may discuss the matter with you:
271. Capital of Diyar Mudar in al-Jazirah, on the left bank of the Euphrates. See
El, s.v. Rakka; Le Strange, Lands, 101-3.
272. A district in the Sawad of Baghdad, between Khaniqin and Khuzistan. See
Yaqut, Mu'jam, II, 179; Morony, Iraq, 137ff. According to Mas'udi, the revolt took
place in al-Jazirah. See Muruj (Beirut), II, 190.
273. It is also reported that Bistam commanded either three hundred or six
hundred horsemen. See FHA, 47.
274. Text: aw. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, V, 45, has wa, "and."

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if we are in the right, you will join (the community) in what the
people (believe); but if you are in the right, we will reconsider our
position."275 As a result, Bistam did not engage the Caliph's
forces in combat and he wrote to 'Umar, saying, "You have been
fair, and I am therefore sending you two men who will confer and
debate with you."

[1349]

According to Abu 'Ubaydah: One of the two men who were sent
by Shawdhab to 'Umar was Mamzuj, a client of the Banu
Shayban,276 and the other was a descendant of the Banff Yashkur.
Our source continued: It is reported that Bistam sent a group of
men that included the aforementioned two, but that 'Umar sent a
message to the group calling upon them to choose two men. They
chose these two, who then went in to visit 'Umar. They engaged
him in debate, saying, "Tell us about Yazid. Why do you acknowledge him to be your successor as Caliph?"277 'Umar replied, "Someone else appointed him as my successor." They said,
"Consider the following case: Suppose you were administering
some property that belonged to someone else and you then entrusted it to someone who was unreliable. Do you think that you
would have conveyed the trust to its owner?"278
'Umar said, "Give me three days," and the two men left. The
Banff Marwan279 were afraid that 'Umar would confiscate the
properties that they owned and administered and that he would
renounce Yazid; therefore, they had someone poison his drink.
He died less than three days after the two men left him.280
275. A longer version of 'Umar's letter is cited in FHA, 41-42.
276. Some sources give the client's name as 'Asim and indicate that he was an
Ethiopian. See Mas'udi Muruj (Beirut), III, 190; FHA, 43.
277. For longer versions of this debate, see Ibn Qutaybah, Ta'rikh, I, 99-100;
Mas'udi, Muruj (Beirutl, III, 191-92; FHA, 43-46; Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, V, 45-47.
278. Text: a-turaka kunta addayta al-amanah ila man itamanaka. Ibn alAthir, Kamil, V, 48, has a-tarahu adda-l-haqq alladhi yalzamuhu lillahi aw tarahu qad salama, "Do you think that he fulfilled the obligation incumbent upon
him (in the eyes) of God, or do you consider him blameless?" See also FHA, 46.
279. The Banu Marwan were the descendants of Marwan b. al-Hakam, the
fourth Umayyad Caliph and father of the Marwanid branch of the Umayyad family. See El, s.v. Marwan b. al-Hakam.
280. It is also reported that one of the two messengers acknowledged the validity of 'Umar's arguments and stayed with the Caliph, who awarded him a stipend;
and that 'Umar died not three, but fifteen days later. See Ibn Qutaybah, Ta'rikh, I,
100; Mas'udi, Muruj (Beirut) III, 192-93; FHA, 47; and Ibn al-Athir, Kamil,V,
48. The claim that 'Umar was poisoned by the Marwanids was discounted by Well(footnote continued on next page)

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In this year, 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz sent al-Walid b. Hisham alMu'ayti and 'Amr b. Qays al-Kindi, from the army of Hims,281 on
the summer campaign.
In this year, 'Umar b. Hubayrah al-Fazari went to al-Jazirah282
in order to serve as "Umar's governor over that province.
In this year, Yazid b. al-Muhallab was transported from Iraq to
'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz.283
The Capture of Yazid b. Al-Muhallab

[1350]

The biographers disagree on this subject. According to Hisham b.

MuhammadAbu Mikhnaf: When Yazid b. al-Muhallab made
his way to Wasit and then embarked on ships with the intention
of sailing to al-Basrah, 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz sent 'Adi b. Artat to
al-Basrah to serve as governor. 'Adi dispatched Musa b. al-Wajih
al-Himyari, who arrested Yazid after overtaking him at the Basrah
bridge of the Ma'qil Canal.284 'Adi sent Yazid to 'Umar b. 'Abd
al-'Aziz in the custody of Musa b. al-Wajih. When the prisoner
arrived, 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz summoned him. Now 'Umar, who
detested Yazid and his household, used to say, "They are tyrants,
and I do not approve of people like them." Yazid b. al-Muhallab,
likewise, hated 'Umar and used to say, "I suspect that he is a
hypocrite." But when 'Umar came to power Yazid learned that
'Umar was anything but a hypocrite. 'Umar summoned Yazid and
asked him about the moneys that the latter had mentioned in his
letter to Sulayman b. 'Abd al-Malik.285 Yazid replied, "You know
what my position was in the eyes of Sulayman. I wrote to Sulayman only in order to augment his reputation among the people; I
knew that Sulayman would not hold me accountable for something that I said (and I did not fear that he would treat me) in an
(footnote continued from previous page)
hausen (Arab Kingdom, 311), but more recently supported by Crone and Hinds
(God's Caliph, 76-77).
281. Hims is a town (Horns) in Syria on the eastern bank of the Orontes; it is
situated midway along the route joining Aleppo and Damascus. See El2, s.v. Hims.
282. The northern part of the territory situated between the Tigris and the
Euphrates. See EI2, s.v. al-Djazira; Le Strange, Lands, 86-114.
283. See Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, I, 326; Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh, III, 46; Kufi, Futuh., VII,
311-22; FHA, 47-50; Ibn Kathir, Bidayah, IX, 188.
284. A canal in al-Basrah named after Ma'qil b. Yasar al-Mazani. See Yaqut,
Mudjam, V, 323-24.
285. See text above, II/1334-35, sub anno 98.

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unpleasant manner."286 'Umar said to him, "I see no alternative

in your case but to put you in prison. Fear God and hand over
whatever is in your possession, for it belongs to the Muslims and
it is not in my power to abandon it." The Caliph returned Yazid
to his place of confinement.287 Then he sent a message to alJarrah b. 'Abdallah al-Hakami,288 ordering him to leave for Khurasan (where he would serve as governor).
Meanwhile, Makhlad b. Yazid advanced from Khurasan, distributing stipends to the soldiers and bestowing large sums of
money on the inhabitants of every district through which he
passed. Then he left Khurasan and made his way to 'Umar b. 'Abd
al-'Aziz. When he went in to see the Caliph, he praised God and
said, "O Commander of the Faithful, God has favored the Muslim
community by putting you in charge. But we (that is, the
Muhallabids) have been smitten by you. Let us not be reduced to
the utmost destitution on account of your taking power. On what
grounds have you imprisoned this old man? I will take responsibility for whatever he owes. Make an agreement with me for (part
of) the amount that you are asking from him." 'Umar said, "No,
not unless you take responsibility for the entire amount that we
seek from him." He replied, "O Commander of the Faithful, if
you have clear proof, produce it, but if you do not have clear proof,
accept what Yazid says as the truth. If you do not believe him, ask
him to swear the oath; if he refuses to swear, work out a compromise with him." 'Umar said to him, "I have no alternative but to
hold him accountable for the entire sum of money." When
Makhlad left, 'Umar said, ''I prefer him to his father." But
Makhlad died shortly thereafter. Thus, when Yazid refused to
give any of the money to 'Umar, the latter had him dressed in a
wool garment and placed on a camel. Then he said, ''Take him to
Dahlak."289 When Yazid had been taken out and paraded in front

[1351]

286. Text: wa-la bi-amrin akrahuhu. I suspect that the text is defective here.
My translation follows Kufi, Futuh, VII, 318: wa-la kuntu akhafu an ya'tiyani
min qibalihi amrun akrahuhu.
287. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, V, 49, adds: "in the fortress of Aleppo."
288. Abu 'Uqbah al-Jarrah b. 'Abdallah al-Hakami, an Umayyad general, called
"hero of Islam" and "cavalier of the Syrians." See El2, s.v. al-Djarrah b. 'Abdallah;
Crone, Slaves, 132, no. 16.
289. A group of islands off the west coast of the Red Sea, opposite Eritrea;
Dahlak al-Kabir, one of the largest islands, was used as a place of exile or prison by
the Umayyad caliphs. See EI2, s.v. Dahlak.

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of the soldiers, he exclaimed, "Have I no kinsmen? Why should I

be transported to Dahlak? Only sinners, disquieters, and thieves
are sent to Dahlak. Praise be to God! Have I no kinsmen?" Then
Salamah b. Nu'aym al-Khawlani approached 'Umar and said, "O
Commander of the Faithful, send Yazid back to his place of confinement, for I fear that if you send him away, his tribe will
attempt to recover him. Indeed, I know that his tribe is angry on
his behalf."290 'Umar therefore sent him back to prison. And it
happened that Yazid was still in prison when he learned that
'Umar had taken ill.

[1352]

As for sources other than Abu Mikhnaf: 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz

wrote to 'Adi b. Artat, ordering him to arrest Yazid b. alMuhallab291 and deliver him to the soldiers at 'Ayn al-Tamr. 'Adi
b. Artat sent Yazid with Waki b. Hassan b. Abi Sud al-Tamimi,
bound in chains, on a boat. When he had been brought as far as
the Aban Canal,292 some men from the tribe of Azd confronted
Waki in an effort to seize Yazid. But Waki leapt down, drew his
sword and cut the ship's cable. Then he took Yazid b. alMuhallab's sword and swore a weighty oath293 to the effect that
he would strike off Yazid's head unless they dispersed. Yazid b. alMuhallab called out to them, informing them of Waki''s oath,
whereupon they dispersed. Waki' proceeded until he had delivered Yazid to the soldiers at 'Ayn al-Tamr, and he then returned to
'Adi b. Artat. The soldiers who were at 'Ayn al-Tamr took Yazid b.
al-Muhallab to 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz, who threw him into prison.
Abu Ja'far (al-Tabari) said: In this year, 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz
dismissed al-Jarrah b. 'Abdallah from Khurasan, replacing him
with 'Abd al-Rahman b. Nu'aym al-Qushayri.294 A1-Jarrah's term
of office in Khurasan had been one year and five months; he had
290. Text: qad ghadibu lahu. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, V, 50, has qad 'asabu lahu,
"has rallied to his defense."
291. Text: bi-tawjih Yazid b. al-Muhallab. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, V, 48, has biinfadh Yazid b. al-Muhallab ilayhi muthaqan, "to deliver Yazid b. al-Muhallab to
him in shackles."
292. The Aban Canal, below Wasit, was one of the navigable waterways by
means of which the Tigris flowed into the Great Swamp. See Le Strange, Lands,
40-41.
293. Literally: "On the condition that he divorce his wife."
294. See Baladhuri, Futuh. (Cairo), III, 524; ya'qubi, Ta'rikh, III, 46-47; Ibn Kathir, Bidayah, IX, 188.

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gone there in the year 99/717-718 and left toward the end of the
month of Ramadan in the year 100 (March 27-April 25, 719).
The Dismissal of Al-Jarrah b. 'Abdallah
The reason for this, according to 'Ali b. MuhammadKulayb b.
KhalafIdris b. Hanzalah and al-Mufaddalhis grandfather and
'Ali b. MujahidKhalid b. 'Abd al-'Aziz: When Yazid b. alMuhallab left Jurjan, he designated Jahm b. Zahr as governor of
that province.295 But when Yazid's fate took a turn for the
worse,296 the governor of Iraq sent someone from Iraq to serve as
governor of Jurjan. The (new) governor approached Jurjan from the
direction of Iraq, but Jahm b. Zahr seized him, together with a
group of men who had accompanied him, and bound them in
shackles. Then Jahm set out, leading fifty of the Yaman, headed
for al-Jarrah in Khurasan, whereupon the people of Jurjan released
their governor from prison. A1-Jarrah. said to Jahm, "Were it not
for the fact that you are my paternal cousin, I would not have
allowed you to do that." To which Jahm replied, "Were it not for
the fact that you are my paternal cousin, I would not have come
to you" (Jahm was related to al-Jarrah by ties of marriage, since
their respective wives were the daughters of Husayn b. al-Harith;
the two men were also paternal cousins, because their respective
fathers, al-Hakam and Ju'fi, were the sons of Sa'd). A1-Jarrah said
to Jahm, "You have defied your Imam and risen up in rebellion.
Carry out a raid; perhaps, if you are successful, you can improve
your position with your Caliph." He therefore sent him toward
Khuttal.297 Jahm left and, upon approaching them, he traveled in
disguise together with three men, having left in command of his
army his paternal cousin, al-Qasim b. Habib, who was also the
husband of his daughter, Umm al-Aswad. When he finally made
his way into the presence of the leader of the Khuttal, he said to
him, "Come with me so that we can speak privately." They met
privately. Jahm claimed to be the son of so-and-so, whereupon the

[1353]

295. See text above, II/1333, sub anno 98.

296. Text: fa-lamma kana rain amri Yazid ma kana. The reference is to Yazid's
imprisonment.
297. A region on the right bank of the Oxus River, lying between the Wakhsh
and the Panj Rivers. See EI2, s.v. Khuttalan.

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leader of the Khuttal came down from his throne and gave him
whatever he needed. They say: The Khuttal are the clients of al
Nu'man; thus, he acquired booty.
A1-Jarrah then wrote to 'Umar. He also sent a delegation that
included two Arab tribesmen and a client of the Banff Dabbah.
The latter went by the patronymic of Abu al-Sayda' and his name
was Salih. b. Tarif; he was virtuous in matters of religion. According to one source: The client was Sa'id, the brother of Khalid or
Yazid al-Nahwi. The two Arab tribesmen spoke, while the other
delegate remained in his seat. 'Umar asked him, "Are you not a
member of the delegation?" He replied, "Yes, I am." He said,
"Then what prevents you from speaking?" He said, "O Commander of the Faithful, there are twenty thousand clients who
make raids without receiving any stipend or allowance, and there
are a similar number of 'protected people' (ahl al-dhimmah)298
who have converted to Islam, yet are still made to pay the tribute.
Our governor is a partisan of the Arabs, a rough man who stands
on the pulpit and proclaims, 'I come to you out of solicitude.
Today, I am a partisan of the Arabs and, by God, one man from
my tribe is dearer to me than a hundred men who are not.' His
harshness reached the point that the sleeve of his coat of mail is
equal in value to one-half of another's coat of mail.299 He is, after
all,300 one of the swords of al-Hajjaj, who committed acts of tyranny and oppression." 'Umar said, ''Let them send messengers
like you."

[1354]

'Umar then wrote to al-Jarrah, saying, "Whoever prays with you

in the direction of the qiblah is to be relieved of the poll tax." As a
result, many people hastened to accept Islam. Someone said to alJarrah., "The people are rushing to accept Islam in order to avoid
the poll tax, so test them by requiring that they submit to circumcision." A1-Jarrah conveyed this suggestion to 'Umar, who wrote
back, "God sent Muhammad in order to summon people to Islam,
not to circumcise them."
'Umar said, "Find me a trustworthy man who can advise me
about the situation in Khurasan." Someone replied, "You have
298. That is, non-Muslim adherents of a revealed religion. See EI2, s.v. Dhimma.
299. Text: yablaghu nisf dir'ihi. The translation is conjectural.
300. Text: ba'du. The reading yu'addu, "He is considered," is also possible.

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already found him. You must summon Abu Mijlaz." 'Umar then
wrote to al-Jarrah, saying, "Come here and bring Abu Mijlaz with
you. Put 'Abd al-Rahman b. Nu'aym al-Ghamidi in charge of military affairs in Khurasan and put 'Ubaydallahor 'Abdallahb.
Habib in charge of fiscal affairs."
A1-Jarrah then addressed the soldiers, saying, "O army of
Khurasan, I came to you wearing the clothes that are on my back
and riding my own horse. I have not taken any of your wealth,
except for the ornamentation on my sword." Indeed, he had nothing except a horse and a she-mule whose faces had turned white.
He set out in the month of Ramadan (March 27-April 25), leaving
'Abd al-Rahman b. Nu'aym as his deputy. When he arrived, 'Umar
asked him, "When did you set out?" He replied, "In the month of
Ramadan." He said, "Whoever described you as being coarse
spoke the truth! Why didn't you wait there until you had broken
the fast before setting out?'' A1-Jarrah used to proclaim, "By God,
I am a partisan of the Arabs who travels during Ramadan in order
to promote the cause of the Arabs."301

[1355]

Now, when al-Jarrah first arrived in Khurasan, he had written

to 'Umar, saying, "I have reached Khurasan and found people who
have become arrogantly seditious, leaping and bounding in mischief. There is nothing that they would like better than to revolt
so that they might withhold what they owe God. Nothing will
check them except the sword and whip, but I would not want to
undertake that without your permission." 'Umar wrote back, saying, "O son of the mother of al-Jarrah, you desire sedition even
more than they do! Do not apply the whip to a believer or to one
of the tributaries unless he deserves it and do not inflict punishment, for you will arrive in the presence of one who 'knows the
treachery of the eyes and what the breasts conceal'302 and you
will recite a Book 'that leaves nothing behind, small or great, but
it has numbered it.' "303
When al-Jarrah was preparing to leave Khurasan on his way to
'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz, he took twenty thousand dirhamsaccording to some sources: ten thousandfrom the Public Treasury and said, "I am borrowing this until I turn it over to the
301. Text: 'asabi 'aqabi yuridu min al-'asabiyyah. The translation is
conjectural.
302. Qur'an 40:20.
303. Qur'an 18:49.

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Caliph." He reached 'Umar, who asked him, "When did you set
out?" He replied, "At the end of the month of Ramadan. I owe
money, so settle the debt.''304 He said, "Had you set out after you
broke the fast, I would have settled it for you." As a result, his
kinsmen paid for him out of their stipends.
'Umar b. 'Abd Al-'Aziz Appoints 'Abd Al-Rahman b.
Nu'aym and 'Abd Al-Rahman b. 'Abdallah Al
Qushayri over Khurasan

[1356]

The reason for this, according to what was reported to me: alJarrah. b. 'Abdallah was dismissed from his position in Khurasan
at the time that the complaint was lodged against him. He was
summoned by 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz and went to see him, as I
have already reported above.305
According to 'Ali b. MuhammadKharijah b. Mus'ab al-Dabb'i
and 'Abdallah b. al-Mubarak, and others: Then, when 'Umar wanted to appoint someone as governor of Khurasan, he said, "Find me
a trustworthy man who might advise me about conditions in
Khurasan." Someone said to him, "Abu Mijlaz Lahiq b. Humayd."
The Caliph wrote a letter summoning Abu Mijlaz, who came to
him. Abu Mijlaz, who was not the type of man who stands out in a
crowd, went in to see 'Umar, together with a group of people. But
'Umar did not recognize him, and he left with the other men. Later,
when 'Umar asked about him, he was told, "He entered with the
group of men and then left." 'Umar then summoned him and said,
"O Abu Mijlaz, I did not recognize you." He responded, "When
you failed to recognize me, why didn't you ask about my identity?''
He said, "Tell me about 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Abdallah." He said,
"He rewards those who are competent but treats enemies with
hostility. He is a military commander who acts independently and
will advance boldly if he finds supporters." 'Umar asked, "What
about 'Abd al-Rahman b. Nu'aym?" He replied, "Soft, flexible,
forgiving, and gentle."306 'Umar said, "I prefer the one who is
304. Text: wa-'alayya dayn fa-qdihi. See Baladhuri, Futuh. (Cairo), III, 524,
where the text is kana 'alayhi dayn fa-qadahu, which Murgotten (Origins, II, 197)
translates as "'Umar owed him a debt, but paid him."
305. See text above, II/1352-55.
306. Text: ta'atta lahu. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, V, 52, has wa-l-ta'anni. The two
verbs are synonymous.

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forgiving and gentle." He therefore put 'Abd al-Rahman b. Nu'aym

in charge of prayer and military affairs and 'Abd al-Rahman alQushayrihe was one of the Banu al-A'war b. Qushayrin charge
of the fiscal administration. 'Umar wrote to the army of Khurasan
as follows: "I have put 'Abd al-Rahman b. Nu'aym in charge of your
military affairs and 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Abdallah in charge of your
fiscal administration, not on the basis of any personal knowledge
of them and without choosing them from a list of candidates, but
rather on the basis of what was reported to me about them. If you
are satisfied with them, praise God; but if they act in a manner that
displeases you, seek help from God, for there is no power and no
strength, save in God."

[1357]

According to 'AlAbu al-Sari al-AzdiIbrahim al-Sa'igh:

'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz wrote to 'Abd al-Rahman b. Nu'aym as
follows: "Now then, if you are a sincere servant of God with
regard to His servants, no reproach that anyone might utter will
have any effect on you in the cause of God, for God is closer to
you than the people are, and what you owe Him is greater than
what you owe them. Do not commission anything in the affairs of
the Muslims except that which is known to be good for them and
that which promotes their welfare, and be faithful to what is
entrusted to you. Beware lest you incline toward anything but
what is right, for the unseen is not concealed from God.307 And
do not walk along a path that leads away from God, for there is no
refuge from God, except with Him."
According to 'AliMuhammad al-BahiliAbu Nuhayk b.
Ziyad and others: 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz sent the document of
appointment in which he put 'Abd al-Rahman b. Nu'aym in
charge of military affairs in Khurasan and Sijistan308 in the hands
of 'Abdallah b. Sakhr al-Qurashi. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Nu'aym was
still in office in Khurasan when 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz died, and
he remained in office until Yazid b. al-Muhallab was slain, at
which time Maslamah appointed Sa'id b. 'Abd al-'Aziz b. al-Harith
b. al-Hakam.309 Thus, 'Abd al-Rahman's term of office was more
than a year and a half; he took office in the month of Ramadan in
307. See Qur'an 69:18.
308. The border district between Persia and Afghanistan. See EI2, s.v. Sistan; Le
Strange, Lands, 334-51.
309. That is, Sa'id Khudhaynah. See text below, II/1417ff., sub anno 102.

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the year 100 (March 27-April 25, 719) and was dismissed in the
year 102/720-721, after Yazid b. al-Muhallab was slain.
According to 'Ali: 'Abd al-Rahman b. Nu'aym's term of office in
Khurasan was sixteen months.
The Beginning of the Da'wah310

[1358]

Abu Ja'far (al-Tabari) said: In this year, that is to say, the year
100/718-719, Muhammad b. 'Ali b. 'Abdallah b. 'Abbas sent Maysarah311 from the land of the Sharat312 to Iraq, and he313 sent
Muhammad b. Khunays, Abu 'Ikrimah al-Sarraj, that is, Abu Muhammad al-Sadiq,314 and Hayyan al-Attar, the maternal uncle of
Ibrahim b. Salamah, to Khurasan. At that time, Khurasan was
governed by al-Jarrah b. 'Abdallah al-Hakami, on behalf of 'Umar
b. 'Abd al-'Aziz. Muhammad b. 'Ali ordered them to recruit for
him and for the members of his household. They met with certain
people and then departed, bearing letters to Muhammad b. 'Ali
from those people who had responded to their call. They conveyed these letters to Maysarah, who sent them on to Muhammad b. 'Ali, Abu Muhammad al-Sadiq chose for Muhammad b.
'Ali the following twelve chiefs: Sulayman b. Kathir al-Khuza'i;
Lahiz b. Qurayz al-Tamimi; Qahtabah b. Shabib al-Ta'i; Musa b.
Ka'b al-Tamimi; Khalid b. Ibrahim Abu Dawud, one of the Banu
'Amr b. Shayban b. Dhuhl; al-Qasim b. Mujashi' al-Tamimi;
'Imran b. Isma'il Abu al-Najm, a client of the family of Abu
Mu'ayt; Malik b. al-Haytham al-Khuza'i; Talhah b. Zurayq al310. Da'wah refers to propaganda for an 'Abbasid descendant of the Prophet's
family. See EI2, s.v. Daiwa; Maqdis, Bad', VI, 59-60; Ibn Kathir, Bidayah, IX, 189;
Cahen, "Points de vue"; F. Omar, The Abbasid Caliphate, 67-74; Sharon, Black
Banners, 73-99; Lassnet, Islamic Revolution, 62ff.
311. Abu Riyah Maysarah al-Nabbal (or al-Rahhal), a client of the Azd (or of the
Banu Asad). See Sharon, Black Banners, 134, 149-50.
312. Text: ard al-sharat, a reference to the homeland of the 'Abbasids in Jordan.
See Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, V, 53; Sharon, Black Banners, index, s.v. Humaymah
313. The subject here could be either Muhammad or Maysarah. See text below,
II/1434, sub anno 102 where Maysarah is specifically mentioned. But according
to Dinawari, Akhbar, 334, and Ibn Kathir, Bidayah, IX, 189, it was Muhammad b.
'Ali who sent Abu 'Ikrimah and Hayyan al-'Attar to Khurasan. See Akhbar al
dawlah for the fullest version of this report.
314. Abu 'Ikrimah al-Sarraj Muhammad b. Salih b. Dinar al-Madani, d.
168/784-85. See Dhahabi Kashif, III, 53.

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Khuza'i; 'Amr b. A'yan Abu Hamzah, a client of the Khuza'ah;

Shibl b. Tahman Abu 'Ali al-Harawi, a client of the Banff Hanifah;
and 'Isa b. A'yan, a client of the Khuza'ah. Abu Muhammad alSadiq also chose seventy men, and Muhammad b. 'Ali wrote a
letter to them so that they might have a plan of action to follow.315
In this year, the pilgrimage was led by Abra Bakr b. Muhammad
b. 'Amr b. Hazm. This was related to me by Ahmad b. Thabit
the person he mentionedIshaq b. 'IsaAbu Ma'shar. The same
was reported by al-Waqidi.

[1359]

The governors of the garrison towns in this year were the same
as in the previous year, as mentioned above,316 with the exception of Khurasan, for its governors, at the end of the year, were
'Abd al-Rahman b. Nu'aym, who was in charge of prayer and
military matters, and 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Abdallah, who was in
charge of the fiscal administration.
315. Compare text below, II/1988, sub anno 130, where Tabari mentions a
second list of twelve chiefs. References to 'Abbasid propaganda in the years following A.H. 100 have been collected by Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom, 506-14. The
problem of the organization of the Da'wah is discussed in Sharon, Black Banners,
153-200.
316. See text above, II/1346-47, sub anno 99.

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The Events of the Year 101

(July 24, 719July 11, 720)
These events include the escape of Yazid b. al-Muhallab from the
prison of 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Azia.317
The Escape of Yazid b. Al-Muhallab
According to Hisham b. Muh. ammadAbu Mikhnaf: 'Umar b.
'Abd al-'Aziz, upon being addressed on behalf of Yazid b. alMuhallab at the time that he wanted to banish him to Dahlak
that is, when someone said to him, "We fear that his tribe will
attempt to recover him"sent Yazid back to prison,318 where he
remained until he learned that 'Umar had taken ill. At this
point, Yazid began to plot his escape from prison, due to his fear
of Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik, whose in-laws, the family of Abu
'Aqil,319 had been tortured by him.320 Umm al-Hajjaj, the daugh317. See Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, I, 328; Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh, III, 52; Kufi, Futuh., VII,
322. Azdi, Ta'rikh, 3; FHA, 50; Ibn Kathir, Bidayah, IX, 191; Wellhausen, Arab
Kingdom, 313.
318. See text above, II/1351, sub anno 100.
319. The text specifies 'Uqayl.
320. See text above, II/1282, sub anno 96.

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ter of Muhammad b. Yusuf, the brother of al-Hajjaj b. Yusuf, was

married to Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik and she bore him al-Walid b.
Yazid, who would later be slain.321
Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik had sworn to God that if God would
enable him to overcome Yazid b. al-Muhallab, he would cut off
one of his limbs. Fearing such an outcome, Yazid b. al-Muhallab
sent a message to his clients, who prepared some camels for him.
Now 'Umar had taken ill in Dayr Sim'an,322 and when his illness
became more severe Yazid called for his camels, which were
brought to a spot near the prison. When it became clear to Yazid
that 'Umar was seriously ill, he slipped out of the prison and set
off on foot until he reached the place that he had agreed upon
with his clients.323 But he did not find them there, and his comrades-in-flight became anxious and annoyed.324 Yazid said to
them, "Do you think that I am going to return to prison? No, by
God, I will never return." Finally, the camels arrived, and he
mounted and set off, accompanied by his wife, 'Atikah, the
daughter of al-Furat b. Mu'awiyah al-'Amiriyyah, one of the Banu
al-Bakka, who rode in the enclosure of the camel litter. He traveled for a while and when he had gone a certain distance he wrote
to 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz as follows: "By God, if I knew that you
were going to live, I would not have left my place of confinement;
but I do not trust Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik." 'Umar exclaimed, ''O
God, if Yazid (b. al-Muhallab) wishes evil on this community,
ward off his evil deed, and turn this hostile action back on his
own neck." Yazid b. al-Muhallab proceeded until he passed by
Hadath al-Zuqaq,325 where al-Hudhayl b. Zufar, accompanied by
tribesmen from the Qays, was present. The Qaysis pursued Yazid
b. al-Muhallab at the point where he had passed by them and
managed to capture part of his traveling apparatus and some of his

[1360]

321. Umm al-Hajjaj had been tortured by Yazid b. al-Muhallab, despite Yazid b.
'Abd al-Malik's efforts to intervene on behalf of his wife. See Ibn al-Athir, Kamil,
V, 57. On al-Walid b. Yazid, see text below, II/1775ff., sub anno 126.
322. Site of a Christian monastery near Damascus named after Simon Peter. See
Yaqut, Mu'jam, II, 517; EI2, s.v. Dayr Sam'an.
323. Yazid reportedly secured his release from prison by bribing both the guards
and the governor of Aleppo. See FHA, 50; Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, V, 58.
324. Ibn Kathir, Bidayah, IX, 191, states that Yazid escaped with a group of
people, including his wife.
325. A site in the Palmyra Desert. See EI2, s.v. al-Hadath.

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young slaves. But al-Hudhayl b. Zufar sent after the Qaysis, and
when they had come back, he asked, "Tell me what you want. Do
you seek blood revenge from Yazid b. al-Muhallab or from one of
his kinsmen?" They replied, "No." He asked, ''Then what do you
want? He is merely a man who fled from captivity out of fear for
his life."

[1361]

Al-Waqidi maintained that Yazid b. al-Muhallab did not escape

from prison until after 'Umar's death.
In this year 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz died.326
[The Death of 'Umar b. 'Abd Al-'Aziz]327
According to Ahmad b. Thabitthe person he mentionedIshaq
b. 'IsaAbu Ma'shar: 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz died on the twentyfifth of Rajab in the year 101 (February 10, 720). Muhammad b.
'Umar reported likewise.
According to al-HarithIbn Sa'dMuhammad b. 'Umar
'Amr b. 'Uthman: 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz died on the twentieth of
Rajab in the year 101 (February 5, 720).
According to HishamAbu Mikhnaf: 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz
died on Friday the twenty-fifth of Rajab, in Dayr Simian, in the
year 101 (February 10, 720). He was thirty-nine years and a few
months old and had been Caliph for two years and five months.
He died in Dayr Simian.
According to al-HarithAlmad b. Sa'dMuhammad b.
'Umarhis paternal uncle, al-Haytham b. Waqid: I was born in the
year 97/715-716, and 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz was appointed a
Caliph in Dabiq on Friday the nineteenth of Safar in the year 99
(October L 717). I have three dinars that were distributed by
him.328 He died in Khunasirah on Wednesday the twenty-fifth of
Rajab in the year 101 (February 10, 720) after an illness that lasted
for twenty days. He had been Caliph for two years, five months,

[1362]

326. See Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, I, 328; Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh, III, 52; Kufi, Futuh., VII,
323; Mas'udi, Muruj (Beirut), III, 182; FHA, 63-64; Ibn Kathir, Bidayah, IX, 193,
212.
327. The rubric, which is not in the Leiden ed., is added from the Cairo ed.
328. Text: fa-asabani min qismihi, which may also mean, "that were minted
by him."

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and four days. He died at the age of thirty-nine years and a couple of
months and was buried in Dayr Simian.
Some sources report: He was thirty-five years and five months
old on the day he died. According to other sources: He was forty
years old.
Hisham reported: 'Umar died at the age of forty years and a few
months. His patronymic was Abu Hafs. The following verses
were addressed to 'Umar by al-'Uwayf after the two of them had
witnessed a funeral procession together:
Answer me, Abu Hafs. Did you meet Muhammad
at his pool, giving good tidings to those who were behind
you?
You are a man whose two hands are both useful.
Your left hand is better than the right of others.
His mother was Umm 'Asim, the daughter of 'Asim b. 'Umar b. alKhattab. He was known as "The Umayyad with the scar on his
forehead" because one of his father's riding animals had wounded
him in the face.
According to al-HarithIbn Sa'dSulayman b. Harbal-Mubarak b. Fadalah'Ubaydallah b. 'UmarNafi': I frequently used
to hear Ibn 'Umar329 say, "Would that I knew who from among
the children of 'Umar will have a sign on his face. That one will
fill the world with justice."
According to Mansur b. Abi MuzahimMarwan b. Shuja'
Salim al-Aftas: When 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz was a child in
Damascus, he was kicked by an animal and carried to his mother,
Umm 'Asim, the daughter of 'Asim b. 'Umar b. al-Khattab, who
took him in her arms and wiped the blood from his face. His
father came in to see her while she was taking care of the boy, and
she turned to him and scolded him, blaming him for the accident,
saying, "You have destroyed my son! Why didn't you make sure
that he had a servant or a nurse to protect him from something
like this?" He said to her, "Be quiet, Umm 'Asim. All is well that
ends well, since he is destined to be 'The Umayyad with the scar
on his forehead.'"

[1363]

329. That is, 'Abdallah b. 'Umar b. al-Khattab, who died in 73/693. See EI2, s.v.
'Abdallah b. 'Umar

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Aspects of His Character

According to 'Ali b. MuhammadKulayb b. KhalafIdris b.
Hanzalah and al-Mufaddalhis grandfather and 'Ali b. Mujahid
Khalid: When 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz became Caliph, he wrote to
Yazid b. al-Muhallab as follows: "Now then, Sulayman was one
of God's servants upon whom God bestowed His blessing and
then took him away. He designated me as his successor and he
designated Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malikif he is still aliveto succeed
me. The office that God has entrusted and allotted to me is not
easily borne. Were it my desire to take many wives and acquire
wealth, then the sums that He has already given me are greater
than that attained by any of his creatures.330 But I fear, in connection with the office for which I have been chosen, a difficult
reckoning and a painful questioning, except for whatever defense
from trial God may grant me, in His mercy. Those at our end have
sworn the oath of allegiance, so now let those at your end do the
same."
The letter was brought to Yazid b. al-Muhallab, who showed it
to Abu 'Uyaynah. After the latter had read it, (Yazid) Said, "I will
not be one of his governors." Abu 'Uyaynah asked, "Why not?"
He replied, ''This is not the way that members of his household
have spoken in the past, and he does not intend to follow their
example." Nevertheless, the soldiers swore the oath of allegiance
after Yazid called on them to do so. He said: 'Umar then wrote to
Yazid, saying, ''Appoint someone as your representative in Khurasan and come to me." He designated his son, Makhlad, as his
representative.

[1364]

According to 'Ali'Ali b. MujahidAbd al-A'la b. Mansur

Maymun b. Mihran: 'Umar wrote to 'Abd al-Rahman b. Nu'aym
as follows: "Indeed, Action ('amal) and Knowledge (Film) are
closely related,331 so be one who is knowledgeable of God and one
who acts on His behalf. There have been people who were knowledgeable but did not act; their knowledge was detrimental to
them."
330. Text: kana fi-lladhi a'tani min dhalika ma qad bi afdal ma balagha bi-ahad rain khalqihi.
331. The Arabic words for "action" and "knowledge," 'amal and 'ilm, have the
same three-letter roots.

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According to Mus'ab b. HayyanMuqatil b. Hayyan: 'Umar

wrote to 'Abd al-Rahman as follows: "Now then, act like a man
who knows that God will not repair the deeds of those who cause
corruption."
According to 'AliKulayb b. KhalafTufayl b. Mirdas: 'Umar
wrote to Sulayman b. Abi al-Sari as follows: "Establish inns in
your lands so that whenever a Muslim passes by, you will put
him up for a day and a night and take care of his animals; if he is
sick, provide him with hospitality for two days and two nights;
and if he has used up all of his provisions and is unable to continue, supply him with whatever he needs to reach his hometown." When Sulayman received 'Umar's letter, the people of
Samarqand said to him, "Qutaybah deceived us, defrauded us,
and seized our land.332 But now that God has made justice and
equity to triumph, grant us permission to send a delegation to the
Commander of the Faithful in order to present our grievances. If
we are in the right, then the land will be given back to us, and we
are certainly in need of that." He gave his permission, whereupon
they sent a group of their people to visit 'Umar, who then wrote
on their behalf to Sulayman b. Abi al-Sariyy: ''The people of
Samarqand have complained to me about the injustice they were
made to suffer and the mistreatment they received from Qutaybah, who expelled them from their land. Therefore, when my
letter reaches you, have the judge sit and consider their complaint. If he decides in their favor, expel (the Arabs) to their campgrounds, thereby restoring the status quo to what it had been
prior to Qutaybah's conquest of Samarqand."333

[1365]

Sulayman therefore ordered Jumay' b. Hadir al-Qadi al-Naji to

carry out a judicial investigation. He decreed that the Arabs of
Samarqand should be sent back to their campgrounds and that the
two sides should fight on equal terms, so that there would either
be a new peace treaty or victory by force. The army of al-Sughd334
332. Qutaybah b. Muslim had conquered Samarqand in the year 93/711-12,
turning the city into an Arab garrison town. See text above, II/1249ff., sub anno
93.
333. See Baladhuri, Futuh. (Cairo), III, 519.
334. A1-Sughd (also spelled al-Sughd) is the name of a district in Transoxiana
comprising the lands east of Bukhara from Dabusiyah to Samarqand, the latter
being its capital. See Yaqut, Mu'jam, III, 222-23; EI2, s.v. Soghd; Le Strange,
Lands, 460-73.

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said, "But we are satisfied with the old agreement and we will not
initiate hostilities." The two sides came to terms on that basis.
The wise people335 among them said, "These tribesmen have
mixed with us, and we dwell with them. They trust us and we
trust them. But if a judgment is rendered in our favor, we will
return to war, and we do not know who will be victorious; and if
the judgment is not in our favor, we will have brought hostility
into the struggle."336 Therefore, they left things as they were.
They were satisfied and they did not fight.
'Umar wrote to 'Abd al-Rahman b. Nu'aym ordering him to
recall the Muslims who were in Transoxiana, together with their
women and children. But they refused, saying, "Marw does not
suffice us." 'Abd al-Rahman wrote to 'Umar about this, and 'Umar
wrote back to him saying, "By God, I have already fulfilled my
obligation. Therefore, do not send the Muslims on any more military campaigns. Let them be satisfied with the victories that God
has already granted them."337
Our source continued: He also wrote to 'Uqbah b. Zur'ah alTa'i, whom he had put in charge of the fiscal administration, after
al-Qushayri: "Sovereignty has several pillars, without which it
will not endure: The governor is a pillar; the judge is a pillar; the
head of the Public Treasury is a pillar; and I am the fourth pillar.
There is no Muslim frontier that is of greater concern to me or
that I consider to be as important as the Khurasan frontier. Therefore, collect the tribute in its entirety and guard it without committing any injustice: If it proves to be sufficient to cover their
stipends, that is the path of God; if not, write to me and I will
transfer the money to you, thereby making it possible for you to
pay them their stipends in full measure." 'Uqbah arrived and
determined that the tribute they collected was greater than the
stipends to which they were entitled. He therefore wrote to 'Umar
notifying him of this, and 'Umar wrote back to him saying, "Distribute the surplus among the needy."

[1366]

335. The text specifies ahl al-Rayy, "the people of al-Rayy." This should be
amended to ahl al-ra'i. I owe this point to Professor Abbas.
336. Text: qad ijtalabna 'adawah fi-l-munaza'ah, which could also mean "introduced animosity."
337. See Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh, III, 47, where it is reported that 'Umar praised the
Muslims for their decision to remain in Transoxiana.

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According to 'Abdallah b. Ahmad b. Shabbawayhhis father

SulaymanAbdallahMuhammad b. TalhahDawud b. Sulayman al-Ju'fi: 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz wrote as follows: "Greetings from the servant of God, 'Umar, the Commander of the
Faithful, to 'Abd al-Hamid. Now then, the army of al-Kufah has
been stricken by trial, hardship, and deviation from the judgments of God, as well as by corrupt customs that were imposed
on them by evil governors. The foundation of religion is justice
and the performance of good deeds, and there is nothing more
important to you than your soul. Remember that even the smallest sin is significant. Do not treat uncultivated land like cultivated land, nor cultivated land like uncultivated land. Examine
the uncultivated land, take from it whatever it can bear, and
improve it so that it will flourish. Nothing should be taken from
cultivated land, except the rate of the tribute. Take it gently,
leaving the peasants338 unruffled. Do not take as tribute anything
but the weight of seven.339 The following levies are not permitted: tolls;340 the wages of mint officials; presents at the Nawruz
and Mihrajan festivals;341 and fees for official papers, for couriers,
for housing, and for weddings. No tribute shall be levied on those
peasants who convert to Islam.342 Follow my instructions in this
matter, for I have commissioned you to carry out what I was
commissioned to do by God. Furthermore, do not hasten, on your
own initiative, to cut off the arm of the thief or to crucify someone until you have consulted with me on the matter. Finally,
consider the request of women and children who desire to go on
pilgrimage and immediately pay them one hundred dirhams by
means of which they may perform the pilgrimage. Farewell."

[1367]

338. Text: ahl al-ard.

339. Text: wazn sab'ah, that is, a din fir weighing seven mithqals. See Baladhuri,
Futuh. (Cairo), III, 571ff.
340. Text: ayin. On this term, see Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom, 303.
341. The spring and autumn festivals of Nawruz and Mihrajan were the pivots
of the Sassanian administrative and ceremonial year. Public audiences were held,
and gifts were presented to the monarch on both occasions. The requirement for
gifts at Nawruz and Mihrajan was revived by 'Abdallah b. Darraj, perhaps in his
capacity as royal agent, who added ten million dirhams in gifts to the income from
taxes. See Morony, Iraq, 73; EI1, s.vv. Nawruz and Mihrgan.
342. See Gibb, "The Fiscal Rescript of 'Umar 11," 1-16.

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According to 'Abdallah b. Ahmad b. Shabbawayhhis father

SulaymanAbdallahShihab b. Shari'ah al-Mujashi'i: 'Umar b.
'Abd al-'Aziz included the wives and children of the soldiers who
received stipends (in the Diwan). Lots were cast among them, and
those on whom the lot fell were assigned one hundred (dirhams),
while those on whom the lot did not fall were assigned forty. He
distributed money to the poor people of al-Basrah, giving each
man three dirhams and giving the chronically ill fifty dirhams
each.
He said: And I think he also awarded stipends to children upon
weaning.343
According to 'Abdallahhis fatheral-Fudayl'Abdallah: I
was told that 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz wrote to the Syrian army as
follows: "Peace upon you, and the mercy of God. Now then,
whoever contemplates death frequently speaks little, while he
who knows that death is certain is satisfied with a little.
Farewell."
[1368]
According to 'Ali b. Muhammad: Abu Mijlaz said to 'Umar:
"You have put us in a wasteland,344 so send us money." He
replied, "O Abu Mijlaz, you have reversed the matter." He said,
"O Commander of the Faithful, does the money belong to us or to
you?'' 'Umar said, "Indeed, it belongs to you when the amount
you collect does not cover your stipends." He said, "But you have
neither carried it to us, nor carried us to it,345 and you have put
one part of it upon the other." He said, ''I will have it carried to
you, God willing." But he fell ill that very night and died.
'Abd al-Rahman b. Nu'aym's tenure of office in Khurasan was
sixteen months.
Abu Ja'far (al-Tabari) said: In this year, 'Umarah b. Ukaymah alLaythi, whose patronymic was Abu al-Walid, died at the age of
seventy-nine.
343. Text: rizq al-fatm. On this practice, see Baladhuri, Futuh (Cairo) III, 562.
344. Text: bi-munqata'i-l-turab.
345. Text: wa-la nahmiluhu ilayka"and we have not carried it to you"; read
wa-la tahmiluna ilayhi, as suggested in footnote (g) of the Leiden text. I owe this
point to Professor Abbas.

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A Supplement to the Biography of 'Umar b. 'Abd

al-'Aziz That Is Not Part of Abu La'far's [al-Tabari's]
Book, to the Beginning of the Caliphate of Yazid b.
'Abd al-Malik b. Marwan
According to 'Abdallah b. Bakr b. Habib al-Sahmi: We were told
by a man in the mosque of al-Junabidh346 that 'Umar b. 'Abd
al-'Aziz delivered a sermon to the people in Khunasirah in which
he said:
O people, you were not created in vain, nor will you be
left to yourselves.347 Rather, you will return to a place in
which God will descend in order to judge among you and
distinguish between you. Destitute and lost are those
who forsake the all-encompassing mercy of God, and they
will be excluded from Paradise, the borders of which are
as wide as the heavens and the earth. Don't you know348
that protection, tomorrow, will be limited to those who
feared God (today), and to those who sold something
ephemeral for something permanent, something small for
something great, and fear for protection? Don't you realize that you are the descendants of those who have perished, that those who remain will take their place after
you, and that this will continue until you are all returned
to God?349 Every day you dispatch to God, at all times of
the day, someone who has died,350 his term having come
to an end. You bury him in a crack in the earth and then
leave him without a pillow or a bed. He has parted from
his loved ones, severed his connections with the living,
and taken up residence in the earth, whereupon he comes
face to face with the accounting. He is mortgaged to his
deeds: He needs his accomplishments, but not the material things he left on earth.

[1369]

346. One of the districts of Nishapur. See Yaqut, Mu'jam, 11, 165.
347. See Qur'an 75:36.
348. Text: a-la wa-'lamu. The translation follows Ibn Kathir, Bidayah, IX, 199,
where the text is a-lam ta'lamu: "Don't you know?"
349. Text: ila khayri-l-warithin. Literally, "to the best heir," applied to God,
who causes those who worship him to inherit Paradise.
350. Text: wa-fi kulli yawmin tushayyi'una ghadiyan wa-ra'ihan ila-llahi qad
qada nahbahu. The expression qad qada nahbahu is Qur'anic. See Qur'an 33:23.

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Therefore, fear God before death descends and its appointed times expire.351 I swear by God that I say these
words to you knowing that I myself have committed
more sins than any of you; I therefore ask God for forgiveness and I repent. Whenever we learn that one of you
needs something, I try to satisfy his need to the extent
that I am able. Whenever I can provide satisfaction to one
of you out of my possessions, I seek to treat him as my
equal and my relative, so that my life and his life are of
equal value. I swear by God that had I wanted something
else, namely, affluence, then it would have been easy for
me to utter the word, aware as I am of the means for
obtaining this. But God has issued an eloquent Book and a
just example (sunnah) by means of which He guides us to
obedience and proscribes disobedience.
He lifted up the edge of his robe and began to cry and sob,
causing the people around him to break into tears. Then he
stepped down. That was the last sermon he gave before he died,
may God have mercy on him.352
According to Khalaf b. Tamim'Abdallah b. Muhammad b.
Sa'd: I learned that when one of 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz's sons died,
one of his governors wrote to him in an effort to console him over
the loss of his son.353 'Umar said to his scribe, "Answer him in
my name," whereupon the scribe began to sharpen a reed pen.
Then 'Umar said to the scribe, "Make the pen very thin because
in that way the papyrus will last longer and the words will be
more concise.354 Write, 'In the name of God the Merciful, the
Compassionate, now to the matter at hand. We had prepared

[1370]

351. Text: qabla nuzul al-mawt wa-nqida' mawaqi'ihi, or "before death descends and overtakes you"; read mawaqitihi, following Tabari, Addenda et
Emendanda, vol. 14, DCXCI.
352. For variant versions of this sermon, see Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, Sirah, 43-45,
132-33; Ibn Kathir, Bidayah, IX, 199.
353. See Ibn Kathir, Bidayah, IX, 208, where the son is identified as 'Abd alMalik b. 'Umar.
354. 'Umar was known for the scrupulous attention he paid to the proper use of
public funds. Elsewhere we find him quibbling with the governor of Medina about
the latter's consumption of candle wax and wicks. See Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, Sirah,
64ff.

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ourselves for this event, so that when it occurred, we did not

reject it.355 Farewell.'"
According to Mansur b. MuzahimShu'ayb, that is, Ibn SafwanIbn 'Abd al-Hamid: 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz said:
He who gives sincere advice to his brother in matters of
religion and looks out for the well-being of the latter's
daily affairs has fulfilled his brotherly obligation and carried out the duty that was incumbent upon him. Fear
God. Accept these words, for they are offered as sincere
advice to you with regard to your religion; and cling fast
to them, for they constitute a warning that will save you
in the afterlife. The sustenance has been apportioned;
therefore, let no believer exceed356 what has been apportioned to him, and be united in seeking the good. In contentment there is abundance, subsistence, and sufficiency. The term of this life is in your necks, and Gehenna
lies before you. What you see will pass away, what has
been is as if it never was, and all will soon be dead. You
have seen the stages of the dying man, both when he is in
the agony of death, and then after his demise when he has
tasted death and the people all around him are saying,
"He has passed away, may God have mercy on his soul."
You have witnessed the hasty manner in which he is
removed, and the division of his estate, when his face is
lost, his memory forgotten, and his doorway forsaken, as
if he had not mixed with those who keep their word, nor
inhabited the lands. Therefore, beware the horror of a day
on which not so much as the weight of an ant on the scale
will be despised.357
According to Sahl b. MahmildHarmalah b. 'Abd al-'Azizhis
fatherone of 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz's sons: 'Umar ordered us to
355. Text: lam nadhkurhu: "We did not mention it"; read lam nunkirhu, following the Cairo ed.
356. Text: yaghdira, "betray"; the text should be amended to read ya'duwa. I
owe this point to Professor Ihsan Abbas.
357. See Qur'an 4:40, 10:61, and 34:3.

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buy the plot for his grave, so we bought it from the monk. He
said: One of the poets358 recited:

[1371]

Now that 'Umar's death has been announced to me, I say:

May the mainstay of justice and religion be not far away.
The people have left behind, in the tomb that they dug
in Dayr Simian, the balance of the scales.
According to 'Abd al-Rahman b. MahdiSufyan: 'Umar b. 'Abd
al-'Aziz said: "He who acts without knowledge359 causes more
corruption than good, and he who does not consider his speech to
be part of his actions sins repeatedly. Satisfaction is scarce, and
the true believer should rely on patience: God never bestowed a
blessing upon one of His servants and then took it away from
him, giving him patience in return for that which was taken
away, except that the replacement was better than what was
taken away from him." Then he recited the following verse:
"Surely the patient will be paid their wages in ,full without
reckoning."360
Abd al-Rahman b. Nu'aym received the following letter from
him: "Do not destroy a church, synagogue, or fire temple with
respect to which an agreement has been concluded with you, and
do not permit the construction of a new church or fire temple.361
Do not drag the lamb to its place of slaughter or sharpen the knife
over the head of the animal. Do not combine two prayers without
an excuse."

[1372]

According to 'Affan b. Muslim'Uthman b. 'Abd al-Hamidhis

fatherFatimah, the wife of 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz, said: He be
came extremely uncomfortable one night, and we stayed up with
him. The next morning I instructed one of his servants, by the
name of Marthid, saying, "Marthid, stay with the Commander of
the Faithful so that if he needs anything you will be close at hand."
358. The authorship of this poem is disputed. Mas'udi, Muruj (Beirut), III,
records a variant version of the poem in which al-Farazdaq is specified as the
author. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, V, 59, identifies the poet as Kuthayyir 'Azzah (d.
ros/723).
359. Text: 'amila 'ala ghayr 'ilma pun See text above, II/1364, note 331.
360. Qur'an 39:10.
361. On the status of non-Muslim places of worship in Muslim lands, see EI2
s.vv. Dhimma, Kanisa.

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Then we left, and our heads were throbbing362 because we had

stayed up so late. At midday I awoke and went to him, but I found
Marthid sleeping outside of his room. I woke him up, saying,
"Marthid, who told you to leave?" He said, "(The Caliph) did. He
said, 'Marthid, leave me for by God I see something that is neither
human nor jinn.' As I left, I heard him reciting this verse: 'That is
the Last Abode; we appoint it for those who desire not exorbitance
in the earth, nor corruption. The issue ultimate is to the godfearing.' "363 Marthid said: When I reentered the room, I found that he
had turned his face toward the qiblah and closed his eyes. He was
dead, may God have mercy on him.364
362. Text: fa-darabna bi-ru'usina. Literally this means "we were striking our
heads."
363. Qur'an 28:83.
364. This is the end of the supplement. Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam preserves a variant
version of 'Umar's deathbed scene in which Maslamah b. 'Abd al-Malik is reported
to have been present. See Sirah, 116-117.

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THE CALIPHATE OF YAZID B. 'ABD ALMALIK B. MARWAN

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The Events of the Year 101 (cont'd)

(July 24, 719-July 11, 720)365
In this year Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik b. Marwanhis patronymic
was Abu Khalidcame to power. He was twenty-nine years old
at the time, according to Hisham b. Muhammad. Upon assuming
the caliphate, he dismissed Abu Bakr b. Muhammad b. 'Amr b.
Hazm as governor of Medina, replacing him with 'Abd al-Rahman
b. al-Dahhak b. Qays al-Fihri. According to al-Waqidi, the latter
arrived on a Wednesday toward the end of the month of Ramadan
(April 10, 720). 'Abd al-Rahman put Salamah b. 'Abdallah b. 'Abd
al-Asad al-Makhzumi in charge of the judiciary.

[1373]

According to Muhammad b. 'Umar'Abd al-Jabbar b. 'UmarahAbu Bakr b. Hazm: When 'Abd al-Rahman b. al-Dahhak arrived in Medina to replace me, I went in to see him. I greeted him,
but he didn't welcome me. I said, "This matter (that is, the governorship of Medina) is one over which the Quraysh will not award
365. For other sources on the caliphate of Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik b. Marwan, see
Ibn Qutaybah, Ma'arif, 364; Dinawari, Akhbar, 334-36; Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh, III, 5358; Azdi, Ta'rikh, 5-21; Mas'udi, Muruj (Beirut) III, 195-204; FHA, 64-82, Ibn
Kathir, Bidayah, IX, 219-33.

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the Helpers (Ansar)366 jurisdiction."367 Then I returned to my

residence. I was afraid of himhe was a reckless young manand
indeed he let me know that he was saying, "Only old age prevents
Ibn Hazm from coming to me, and I am aware of his deception." I
realized then that my fears had materialized and when I was sure
that he had uttered that statement, I said to my informant, "Tell
him, 'It is not my custom to deceive, and I do not like those who
do. The governor imagines that he is going to remain in power
forever. But how many governors and caliphs have occupied this
residence before you and then left it, so that now all that is left of
them is stories, for better or for worse? Fear God and do not pay
attention to what is said by a transgressor or an envious person.'"
Relations between the two men continued to deteriorate until a
man from the Banu Fihr and another from the Banff al-Najjar
appealed to Ibn al-Dahhak to resolve a dispute between them.
Abu Bakr had previously rendered a decision in favor of the Najjari and against the Fihri with regard to some land, of which they
each owned one-half. Abu Bakr had awarded the land to the Najjari The Fihri sent to the Najjari and to Abu Bakr b. Hazm, calling
on them to present themselves before Ibn al-Dahhak. The Fihri
complained about Abu Bakr b. Hazm, saying, "He took my property out of my hands and awarded it to this Najjari" Abu Bakr
responded, "I beg God's forgiveness, but you know that I examined the dispute between you and your co-owner for several days,
after which I decided to dispossess you of your land. Furthermore,
I sent you to the legal scholars (muftis) who advised me in the
matter, Sa'id b. al-Musayyab368 and Abu Bakr b. 'Abd al-Rahman
b. al-Harith b. Hisham, and you questioned them." The Fihri said,
"Indeed, but their word is not binding on me." At this point, Ibn
al-Dahhak felt beaten and he interjected, saying, ''Stand up."

[1374]

366. The term Ansar designates Muhammad's Medinese supporters in distinction from his Meccan following, known as the "emigrants" (muhajirun). See EI2,
s.v. Ansar.
367. This is a conjectural translation. Text: hadha shay'un la tamlikuhu
qurayshun al-ansara; read li-l-ansari, following the Cairo ed. 'Abd al-Rahman was
a Qurashi, while Abu Bakr was one of the Helpers.
368. This dispute must have occurred at least six years earlier, since Sa'id b. alMusayyab, one of the first specialists in religious law whose activity can be
regarded as historical, died in 95/713-14. See EI2, s.v. Fikh.

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They stood up, and he said to the Fihri, "You acknowledge to him
that you questioned the muftis about their judgment, but then
you say to me, 'Give me my land back.' You are a fool! Leave, for
you are not entitled to anything."
But Abu Bakr continued to fear Ibn al-Dahhak. Subsequently,
Ibn Hayyan369 asked Yazid to allow him to retaliate against Abu
Bakr, who had administered the hadd punishments to him on
two occasions. Yazid said, "I won't allow it, for that man was
chosen and trusted by the members of my household. I will, how
ever, appoint you as governor of Medina." He said, "I do not want
that, for if I were to punish him by virtue of my authority, that
would not constitute retaliation." Yazid then wrote to 'Abd alRahman b. al-Dahhak as follows: "Now to the matter at hand.
Investigate Ibn Hazm's punishment of Ibn Hayyan: If the punishment was a result of an obvious transgression, don't concern
yourself with it; and if the punishment was a result of a matter
that was subject to dispute, don't concern yourself with it; but if
the punishment was a result of some other cause, allow Ibn Hayyan to retaliate against him."
'Uthman brought the letter to 'Abd al-Rahman b. al-Dahhak,
who said, "You have not accomplished anything. Do you think
that Ibn Hazm punished you as a result of something that was not
subject to dispute?" Then 'Uthman said to 'Abd al-Rahman, "If
you want to do me a favor, now is the time to do so." He said,
"Now you have achieved your objective." 'Abd al-Rahman sent
for Ibn Hazm and administered the hadd punishment to him
twice, on a single occasion, without asking him a single question.
Then Abu al-Maghra'370 b. Hayyan371 returned, saying, "I am
Abu al-Maghra'372 b. al-Hayyan [sic]. By God, I have not had any
relations with women from the day that Bin Ham did what he
did to me until this very day. Today, I shall resume my relations
with women."373

[1375]

369. 'Uthman b. Hayyan al-Murri, a former governor of Medina. See text above,
II/1281.
370. Text: al-Ma'za; read al-Maghra', following the Cairo ed.
371. That is, 'Uthman b. Hayyan. See note 369, above.
372. See note 370 above.
373. See Ya'qubi Ta'rikh, III, 56.

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Abu Ja'far (al-Tabari) said: In this year, Shawdhab the Kharijite

was slain.374
The Slaying of Shawdhab the Kharijite
We have already mentioned the report about the delegation that
Shawdhab sent to 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz in order to argue about
his revolt against the Caliph.375 According to Ma'mar b. al-Muthanna, when 'Umar died, 'Abd al-Hamid b. 'Abd al-Rahman, de
sirous of winning the favor of Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik, wrote to
Muhammad b. Jarir ordering him to attack Shawdhab and his
men. Now at that moment, Shawdhab, whose two messengers
had not yet returned, was unaware of 'Umar's death. Thus, when
the Kharijites saw Muhammad b. Jarir preparing for battle,
Shawdhab sent to him, asking, ''What prompts you to engage in
hostilities prior to the expiration of the time period upon which
we had agreed? Did we not promise one another not to fight 'until
Shawdhab's two messengers return?'" But Muhammad replied,
saying, "We cannot leave you in this state."
Sources other than Abu 'Ubaydah: The Kharijites said: These
people would not have acted in this manner but that the righteous man376 has died.
According to Ma'mar b. al-Muthanna: Shawdhab went forth
into battle against them, and the two sides engaged in combat.
Several of the Kharijites were wounded, but they killed many of
the Muslims.377 The latter turned and fled, with the Kharijites in
hot pursuit, until they reached the wooden houses of al-Kufah,
where they took refuge with 'Abd al-Hamid. Muhammad b. Jarir
himself was wounded on the buttocks. Afterwards, Shawdhab
returned to his camp where he remained, waiting for the return of
his two messengers. They arrived and informed him of the de
mands they had made upon 'Umar and of the fact that he had died.

[1376]

Yazid confirmed 'Abd al-Hamid as governor of al-Kufah and

374. See Azdi, Ta'rikh, 6-8; FHA, 64-6S; Ibn Kathir, Bidayah, IX, 219.
375. See text above, II/1347ff.
376. That is, 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz. See note 251, above.
377. Text: ahl al-qiblah. On this term see EI2' s.v. ahl al-Kibla. Note, however,
that Azdi, Ta'rikh, 7, and Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, V, 68, have ahl al-Kufah, "the
Kufan army."

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sent Tamim b. al-Hubab on his behalf, with two thousand sol

diers. Tamim sent a message to the Kharijites in which he in
formed them that Yazid would not leave them intact on the same
terms as 'Umar had. But they cursed him and they cursed Yazid,
whereupon Tamim attacked them. But they slew him and put his
men to flight: some of them took refuge in al-Kufah, while the
others made their way back to Yazid.378 Then Yazid sent against
them Najdah b. al-Hakam al-Azdi, leading a military division, but
they slew him and put his men to flight. Next he sent against
them al-Shahhaj b. Wada', leading two thousand soldiers. The two
sides exchanged messages, and then the Kharijites slew al-Shahhaj. But several of their men were slain, including Hudbah alYashkuri, the paternal cousin of Bistam, who was a pious man;
and Abu Shayban379 Muqatil b. Shayban, whom they considered
to be a virtuous man. Abu Thaliabah Ayyub b. Khawali380 recited
the following, elegizing them:
We left Tamim in the dust, torn to pieces,
mourned by his wife and his kinsmen.

[1377]

Qays abandoned Tamim and Malik,

just as al-Shahhaj was abandoned by his kinsmen
yesterday.
He came from Harran carrying a standard,
seeking to overcome the command of God, but God
overcame him.
O Hudbah, to war, O Hudbah to the muster,
O Hudbah to the tenacious adversary who attacks him!
O Hudbah! How many a cornered man381 have you rescued,
when his Fate had delivered him to the spears?
Abu Shayban was the best fighter382
to be sought after. His strength was feared by those who
fought him.
378. Yazid was in Damascus.
379. Text: Shubayl; read Shayban, as in the sixth verse of the poem that follows;
and as in Azdi, Ta'rikh, 7.
380. Azdi, Ta'rikh, 7, gives his name as Tha'labah b. Ayyub b. Khawali b.
Bayham.
381. Text: mulham. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, V, 69, has muljim.
382. Text: muqatil, a pun on Abu Shayban's name, Muqatil.

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He triumphed and met God with many good deeds to his

credit.
His slayer smote him with the sword while he was fighting
in the path of God.
He provisioned himself with implements of this world: armor,
mail,
and a sharp sword whose edges did not betray him.
And a short-haired sturdy horse, as if it were,
when it attacks, (a bird of prey,) full-feathered with crooked
claws.383
When Maslamah entered al-Kufah, the residents of the city
complained to him about Shawdhab, who had terrified them and
slain many of their men. Maslamah summoned Sa'id b. 'Amr alHarashi, who was a horseman, put him in command of ten thou
sand men, and sent him against Shawdhab, who was at his camp.
Confronted by these insurmountable forces, Shawdhab said to his
men, "For those of you who are seeking God, the time to die as a
martyr has arrived; as for those of you who only came out because
of this world, know that this world has come to an end, while
everlasting life is to be found in the next abode." Upon hearing
this, they smashed the sheaths of their swords and attacked, repeatedly putting Sa'id and his men to flight, so that he was afraid
of being disgraced. Then he rebuked his men, saying, "Woe to
you384, are you fleeing from such a small number of men? O
Syrians, beware of a distressing day!"

[1378]

Our source continued: The Syrians attacked the Kharijites,

crushing them to pieces, leaving not one of them alive. They slew
Bistamthat is, Shawdhaband his horsemen, including alRayyan b. 'Abdallah al-Yashkuri, who was among those who were
submissive to God.385 His brother, Shimr b. 'Abdallah, recited the
following elegy:
I was distressed about chiefs and horsemen
from the Banff Shayban who kindled the fire of war.
383. See Azdi, Ta'rikh, 8.
384. Text: la aba lakum, literally, "may you have no father." This proverbial
expression is used as an imprecation. See Lane, Lexicon, pt. 1, pp. 10-11.
385. Text: min al-muhiththin, "one of the instigators"; read min al-mukhbitin,
following the Cairo ed.

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The accidents of time detained and destroyed them,

leaving me by myself, brotherless.
Sad, with grief ringing in my heart,
like a fire, because of my deep feelings for the loss of alRayyan.
And (about) horsemen who sold their souls to God,
from the Yashkur, proving themselves knights in battle.
Hassan b. Ja'dah recited the following elegy:
O eye! Shed copious tears on your own,
and cry for Bistam's men, and for Bistam.
As long as you live, you will never see the likes of them,
none more pious or more perfect, gentle and wise.
They took their equals as an example during their time of
difficulty,
and had no wish to hold back from enemies.

[1379]

Until they went to meet the one on whose behalf they had
rebelled,
leaving us landmarks and signposts as an inheritance.
Verily I know that they have been made to dwell in rooms
of Paradise, where they will live in eternity, and obtained
there servants.
May God water the lands where they met their deaths
with abundant spring rains!
Abu Ja'far (al-Tabari) said: In this year, Yazid b. al-Muhallab
reached al-Basrah and took control of the city. He arrested Yazid
b. 'Abd al-Malik's governor, 'Adi b. Artat al-Fazari, threw him into
prison, and renounced his allegiance to Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik.386
Yazid b. Al-Muhallab Renounces His Allegiance to
Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik
Having already mentioned the report of Yazid b. al-Muhallab's
escape from the prison in which he had been confined by 'Umar b.
386. See Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, I, 328; Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh, III, 54; Kufi, Futuh., VIII,
1-11; Azdi, Ta'rikh, 8-10; Mas'udi, Muruj (Beirut) III, 199-200; FHA, 51-60; Ibn
Kathir, Bidayah, IX, 219-20; Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom, 312ff.

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'Abd al-'Aziz,387 I will discuss here his actions following his escape in the year 101/719-20. On the very day that 'Umar b. 'Abd
al-'Aziz died, the oath of allegiance was sworn to Yazid b. 'Abd alMalik. Upon being informed of Yazid b. al-Muhallab's escape, the
Caliph wrote to 'Abd al-Hamid b. 'Abd al-Rahman, ordering him
to search for the fugitive and confront him. The Caliph also wrote
to 'Adi b. Artat, informing him of Yazid's escape; he ordered 'Adi
to prepare for the confrontation and to arrest those members of
Yazid's household who were in al-Basrah.
According to Hisham b. MuhammadAbu Mikhnaf: 'Adi b.
Artat arrested several of Yazid's brothers and threw them into
prison: al-Mufaddal, Habib, and Marwan, the sons of al-Muhallab.
Meanwhile, Yazid b. al-Muhallab advanced until he passed by
Sa'id b. 'Abd al-Malik b. Marwan.388 Yazid said to his men, "Let's
block his way, seize him, and take him with us." But his men
replied, "No. Rather, advance with us and leave him alone." He
marched forward, climbing up above Qutqutanah.389

[1380]

'Abd al-Hamid b. 'Abd al-Rahman dispatched Hisham b. Musahiq b. 'Abdallah b. Mukhrimah b. 'Abd al-'Aziz b. Abi Qays b. 'Abd
Wudd b. Nasr b. Malik b. Hisl b. 'Amir b. Luwayy al-Qurashi,
leading a segment of the Kufan army that included the security
force, the notables, and the powerful people. 'Abd al-Hamid instructed Hisham as follows, "Set off until you come face to face
with Yazid, who will today pass by the shore of al-'Udhayb."390
Hisham traveled a short distance but then returned to 'Abd alHamid and asked him, "Shall I bring him to you dead or alive?"
He replied, "That's up to you." This statement greatly astonished
those who heard it. Hisham made his way to al-'Udhayb, where
he set up camp at a point not far from where Yazid was located.
But Hisham and his men avoided attacking Yazid, who marched
off in the direction of al-Basrah. The poet recited, referring to
Yazid:
Ibn al-Muhallab traveled without stopping,
387. See text above, II/1359ff.
388. Sulayman b. 'Abd al-Malik's brother, who would later serve as governor of
Mosul and Palestine respectively. He died in 132/749-50. See Crone, Slaves, 129.
389. Located near al-Kufah, facing the desert. See Yaqut, Mu'jam, IV, 374.
390. A body of fresh water between al-Qadisiyyah and al-Maghithah, four miles
from the former and thirty-two miles from the latter. See Yaqut, Mu'jam, IV, 92.

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while Dhu al-Qatifah, from the Kinanah, rested during the

night.
He took the left side, thus taking the wise course,
and he did not approach the fortresses of Qutqutanah.391
Dhu al-Qatifah refers to Muhammad b. 'Amr, (whose father,
'Amr) b. al-Walid b. 'Uqbah b. Abi Mu'ayt is known as Abu Qatifah. He was given the name Dhu al-Qatifah because his beard,
face, and chest were very hairy. Muhammad is also known as
Dhu al-Shamah ("The one with the birthmark").
When Yazid b. al-Muhallab drew near, Hisham b. Musahiq returned to 'Abd al-Hamid, and Yazid then marched toward alBasrah. Meanwhile, 'Adi b. Artat had rallied the Basran army, dug
a trench around the city, and put al-Mughirah b. 'Abdallah b. Abi
'Aqil al-Thaqafi in command of the Basran cavalry.

[1381]

'Abd al-Malik b. al-Muhallab said to 'Adi b. Artat, who was

from the Banff Fazarah: "Take my son, Humayd, and put him in
prison in my place. I give you my solemn pledge that I will divert
Yazid from al-Basrah and make him retreat to Fars, where he will
seek a promise of safe-conduct for himself and be far removed
from you." But 'Adi refused. When Yazid arrived with his soldiers,
al-Basrah was surrounded with men, for Muhammad b. al-Muhallab, who was not one of those who had been imprisoned, had
assembled some men and youths from his household together
with some of his clients and gone out to rendezvous with Yazid.
He advanced with a detachment of cavalry that struck fear in the
hearts of those who saw it.
'Adi had summoned the army of al-Basrah and put one man in
command of each tribal division (khums): He put al-Mughirah b.
Ziyad b. 'Amr al-'Ataki in command of the Azd; Muhriz b.
Humran al-Sa'di, from the Banff Minqar, in command of the Banu
Tamim; and 'Imran b. 'Amir b. Misma', from the Banu Qays b.
Tha'labah, in command of the Bakr b. Wa'il. But Abu Minqar, a
tribesman from the Qays b. Tha'labah, said, "We will not be
victorious unless the the Banu Malik b. Misma' carry the standard." 'Adi then summoned Nuh b. Shayban b. Malik b. Misma'
and put him in command of the Bakr b. Wa'il; he summoned
391. See Kufi, Futuh., VIII, 2-3

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Malik b. al-Mundhir b. al-Jarud and put him in command of the

'Abd al-Qays; and he summoned 'Abd al-A'la b. 'Abdallah b. 'Amir
al-Qurashi and put him in command of the Ahl al-'Aliyah. The
'Aliyah are composed of the following tribes: Quraysh, Kinanah,
Azd, Bajilah, Khath'am, all of Qays 'Aylan and Muzaynah. In alKufah the Ahl al-'Aliyah are known as the "Ahl al-Madinah
fourth-division" (rub'), and in al-Basrah they are known as the
"Ahl al-'Aliyah fifth-division" (khums). In al-Kufah there were, at
first, five divisions, but Ziyad b. 'Ubayd reorganized them into
four.

[1382]

According to HishamAbu Mikhnaf: Yazid b. al-Muhallab advanced, but every horseman and tribal unit that he encountered
turned away from him, allowing him to continue. Finally, he was
confronted by al-Mughirah b. 'Abdallah al-Thaqafi, who was leading the cavalry. Muhammad b. al-Muhallab attacked him with
his horsemen, but al-Mughirah and his men moved out of his
way. Yazid proceeded to his house, where the people came to visit
him in turns. He began to send messages to 'Adi b. Artat, saying,
"If you deliver my brothers to me, I will conclude a peace agreement with you with regard to al-Basrah. I will leave you and the
city alone so that I might acquire what I want from Yazid b. 'Abd
al-Malik."392 But 'Adi rejected his offer. Earlier, Humayd b. 'Abd
al-Malik b. al-Muhallab had gone to see Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik,
who sent him back, accompanied by Khalid b. 'Abdallah al-Qasri
and by 'Umar b. Yazid al-Hakami. They were carrying a promise
of safe-conduct for Yazid b. al-Muhallab and his household.393
Yazid b. al-Muhallab began to award stipends to the soldiers who
joined him, distributing pieces of gold and silver, thereby causing
the soldiers to be well-disposed toward him. 'Imran b. 'Amir b.
Misma' joined him because he was angry with 'Adi b. Artat for
taking the standardthat is, the standard of the Bakr b. Wa'il
from him and giving it to his paternal cousin. Also joining Yazid
were the tribes of Rabi'ah, the remainder of Tamim, Qays, and
many individual soldiers, including 'Abd al-Malik and Malik, the

[1383]

392. Yazid wanted a guarantee of safe-conduct. See Kufi, Futuh., VIII, 3, where
the parallel passage has, "so that I might acquire a guarantee of safe-conduct."
When Yazid b. al-Muhallab arrived in al-Basarah after escaping from prison, he
wrote to the new Caliph asking for a promise of safe-conduct. See FHA, 52.
393. 'Umar reportedly awarded the promise on the condition that Yazid stay
put. See FHA, 67.

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two sons of Misma'. There were also some soldiers from the Syrian
army with him.
'Adi, on the other hand, could offer each man only two dirhams.
He would say, "I cannot give you a single dirham from the Public
Treasury without the authorization of Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik. Be
content with this until such authorization is granted." A1-Farazdaq recited in connection with this:
I suspect that the "two-dirham men" are driven
to death by their Fate and by their destined ends.
The most sensible one among them is he who remains inside
his house,
certain that the end is inevitable.394
The Banff 'Amr b. Tamim split off from 'Adi's men and established themselves in al-Mirbad.395 Yazid b. al-Muhallab sent
against them one of his clients, known as Daris, who attacked
them and put them to flight. A1-Farazdaq recited with regard to
this:
The 'Reds'396 scattered when Daris shouted,
for they could not endure the sharp swords.
God repaid Qays for 'Adi as a reproach.
Couldn't they hold fast until the fighting broke out?397
After the soldiers had rallied to him, Yazid b. al-Muhallab
marched to the cemetery of the Banff Yashkur, located midway
between him and the fortress, where he set up camp. The Banff
Tamim, the Qays, and the Syrian army approached him, and the
two sides fought for a little while. Muhammad b. al-Muhallab
attacked them and struck Miswar b. 'Abbad al-Habati with his
sword, smashing the nosepiece of his helmet, and then quickly
thrust the sword into his nose. He also attacked Huraym b. Abi
Tahmah398 b. Abi Nahshal b. Darim, grabbing his belt and throwing him off his horse. When (Huraym) fell between him and the

[1384]

394. See Diwan al-Farazdaq, I, 421; Kufi, Futuh, VIII, 4; Ibn al-Athir, Kamil,V,
72.
395. The Mirbad of al-Basrah was the famous caravan quarter at the western end
of the city. See Yaqut, Mu'jam, V, 97-99; Le Strange, Lands, 45.
396. The 'Reds' are the Persian "mawali" (clients).
397. See Diwan al-Farazdaq, II, 224; Kufi, Futuh, VIII, 5-6.
398. Read Tahmah, as in the text; the Cairo ed. has Talhah. See Caskel,
Gamharah, II, 287; Kufi, Futuh., VIII, 5, n. 2.

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horse, (Muhammad) exclaimed, ''What a futile attempt! Your paternal uncle is heavier than that."399 The soldiers fled, pursued by
Yazid b. al-Muhallab, who followed them until he approached the
fortress. There, they engaged them in battle, with 'Adi himself
going out to fight Yazid. Several of 'Adi's men were slain, including al-Harith b. Musarrif al-Awdi, one of the nobles of the Syrian
army who had been a horseman under al-Hajjaj, Musa b. al-Wajih
al-Himyarilater ai-Kala'i, and Rashid the Mu'adhdhin. 'Adi's
forces fled.
Yazid's brothers, who were in 'Adi's prison, heard the shouts
getting closer and the arrows falling inside the fortress. 'Abd alMalik b. al-Muhallab said to them, "I see the arrows falling inside
the fortress and hear the shouts coming closer. Although I think
that Yazid has triumphed, I fear that the Mudaris, that is, the
Syrians who are with 'Adi, will come and slay us before Yazid can
reach us here in the room. Therefore, barricade the door and
throw some furniture against it."400 They obeyed his instructions. Shortly thereafter they were approached by 'Abdallah b.
Dinar, a client of Ibn 'Umar401 who was the commander of 'Adi's
guards. He and his men tried to force their way in, but the
Muhallabids had thrown some furniture402 against the door and
were leaning on it. The others tried, unsuccessfully, to push in
the door, but abandoned them when the soldiers told them they
had to hurry.

[1385]

Yazid b. al-Muhallab advanced and occupied the house of Salim

b. Ziyad b. Abi Sufyan,403 which was adjacent to the fortress.
Ladders were brought forward, and it was not long before 'Uthman404 stormed the fortress. 'Adi b. Artat was captured and
brought out, smiling. Yazid said to him, "Why are you laughing?
399. The context here suggests that it is Muhammad who attacks Huraym and
throws him off his horse, although the subjects could be reversed, as in Kufi,
Futuh., VIII, 5, where Muhammad fails in his attempt to throw Huraym from his
horse, whereupon it is the latter who laughs and exclaims, "What a futile attempt,
O nephew! Your paternal uncle is heavier than you think."
400. Text: thiyab, which literally means "clothing." Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, V, 73,
specifies al-rahl, "saddlebags."
401. Text: 'Amir; read 'Umar, following the Cairo ed.
402. Text: mata'
403. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, V, 73, specifies Sulayman b. Ziyad b. Abihi. According
to Kufi, Futuh, VIII, 6, the house belonged to Umm Muhammad bt. 'Abdallah b.
'Uthman al-Thaqafi.
404. 'Uthman b. al-Mufaddal. See FHA, 58.

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By God, two things ought to prevent you from laughing. First, the
fact that you fled from a noble death and surrendered like a woman, that is the first thing; second, the fact that you have been
brought to me like a runaway slave that is dragged back to its
masters. You have no covenant or pact with me, so what makes
you so confident that I will (not) cut off your head?" 'Adi replied:
"You have, indeed, overpowered me. But I know that your survival depends on mine and that there is a price on the head of
whoever might slay me. You have seen the armies of God in the
West,405 and you are aware of how God helps those people in
every single place where treachery and disloyalty prevail. Make
amends, then, for your hasty actions and your mistakes by repenting and asking for forgiveness before the sea casts its waves over
you, because if you ask for forgiveness later, it will not be granted.
Furthermore, if you sue for peace after I have sent the army
against you, you will find them keeping their distance from you,
but so long as the army has not been sent against you, they will
not deny you anything that you may request, namely, safe pas
sage for yourself, your family and your property."
Yazid replied as follows:
As for your statement, "Your survival depends on
mine"may God not keep me alive longer than the time
it takes a frightened bird to sip water if that is the case. And
as for your statement, "There is a price on the head of
whoever slays you"by God, suppose I had in my control
ten thousand soldiers from the Syrian army who were all of
greater status than you, and I cut off their heads in one
spot; they would not be as frightened and terrified by those
slayings as they would be by my threat to abandon and
oppose them. Furthermore, were I to ask them to shed
their blood in vain for me, to give me control of their
treasures, and to secure for me a great portion of their
sovereignty, in exchange for terminating the war between
us, they would certainly comply. Therefore, do not delude
yourself: the army would forget you if news of us406
reached them, and whatever they devise or machinate will

[1386]

405. That is, the Umayyad armies in Syria.

406. The text is akhyaruna, "our best men." This should be amended to read
akhbaruna. I owe this point to Professor Abbas.

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be only for themselves; they will not remember you, nor

will they pay any attention to you. Finally, as for your
statement, ''Make amends for your deed, ask for forgiveness, and do this and do that"by God, I did not ask
for your advice, and you are neither my friend nor a trusted
adviser. Indeed, what you have said is a redundancy uttered out of weakness. Take him away!
But an hour or so after they had taken 'Adi away, Yazid said,
"Bring him back." When they had brought him back, Yazid said,
"I would not have imprisoned you had you not imprisoned and
tortured the Banff Muhallab, despite our request that you treat
them gently. But you did not ease your oppression, torture, and
opposition." After hearing this statement, 'Adi manifested a
greater sense of security, and he mentioned what Yazid had said
to everyone who visited him.
A man named al-Samayda' al-Kindi, from the Banff Malik b.
Rabi'ahhe was a resident of 'Umanheld the beliefs of the
Kharijites.407 As Yazid's and 'Adi's forces were lining up in rows,
he emerged and seceded, taking with him many of the Qur'an
reciters.408 A group from Yazid's forces and a group from 'Adi's
forces said, "We accept the judgment of al-Samayda'." Yazid then
sent a message to al-Samayda', inviting him to join forces with
him. He accepted the summons, and Yazid appointed him governor of al-Ubullah,409 where he turned his attention to perfumes
and pleasure. When Yazid b. al-Muhallab was victorious, the leaders of the Basran army, from the tribes of Qays, Tamim, and
Malik b. al-Mundhir, fled, joining 'Abd al-Hamid b. 'Abd alRahman in al-Kufah. Some of them made their way to Syria. AlFarazdaq recited:

[1387]

My life for a group from the Tamim who followed one another
to Syria rather than accept the judgment of al-Samayda'.
Would they accept the judgment of a Haruri,410 who has
strayed from the true religion,
407. On the Kharijites, see note 266 above.
408. Text: al-qurra'. For a speculative view of the meaning of this term, see
Shaban, Islamic History, 23, 51; cf. Juynboll, "The Qurra' in Early Islamic History," 113-129; and Hinds, "Kufan Political Allignments," 358ff.
409. A town located four farsakhs (24 km.) from al-Basrah, between the main
course of the Tigris and one of the channels. See Barthold, Geography, 203
410. That is, a Kharijite. See note 268, above.

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more erroneous and more deviant than an ass with its ear
cut off?411
To which Khalifah al-Aqta' responded:
His judgment was sought neither because he sent a delegation
to ask for it,
nor because of an opportunity from which some desirable
outcome was expected.
Rather, they traveled to get it, by day and by night,
on the baldest buttocks that can be seen on a day of
wearisome travel.
For fear that the enemy would catch up with them,
they would camp only every fourth or fifth night.
A1-Hawari b. Ziyad b. 'Amr al-'Ataki set out with the intention
of reaching Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik, fleeing from Yazid b. alMuhallab. He encountered Khalid b. 'Abdallah al-Qasri and 'Amr b.
Yazid al-Hakami, who were traveling with Humayd b. 'Abd alMalik b. al-Muhallab. They were returning from Yazid b. 'Abd alMalik with a promise of safe-conduct for Yazid b. al-Muhallab and
everything that he wanted412 from the Caliph. A1-Hawari greeted
the two men, who asked him about the latest events. But when he
saw Humayd b. 'Abd al-Malik (b. al-Muhallab) with them, he took
them aside, privately. "Where are you going?" he asked. "To Yazid
b. al-Muhallab," they replied. "We have brought him everything
that he wanted." A1-Hawari said, ''You cannot do anything for
Yazid, and he cannot do anything for you. He has defeated his
enemy, 'Adi b. Artat, slain many men, and imprisoned 'Adi. Turn
back, both of you!" At that moment, a tribesman from the Bahilah
named Muslim b. 'Abd al-Malik passed by without stopping to
greet them. They called after him and asked him to account for
himself, but he still would not stop. Al-Qasri Said, "Shouldn't you
bring him back and administer one hundred lashes?"' But his
companion said to him, ''Let him go,"413 and they waited until he
disappeared.

[1388]

411. See Diwan al-Farazdaq, I, 409.

412. Text: aradahu; the Cairo ed. has the dual form, aradahu, "(everything
that) the two of them wanted." On this mission, see note 392, above.
413. Text: gharribhu 'anka; the Cairo ed. reads 'azzibhu 'anka, "leave him
alone."

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A1-Hawari b. Ziyad continued on his way to Yazid b. 'Abd alMalik, and the two men turned back, taking Humayd b. 'Abd alMalik (b. al-Muhallab) with them. Humayd said to them, "I adjure you by God not to violate the mission on which you were
sent by the Caliph, for Yazid (b. al-Muhallab) is well disposed
toward you, although that one414 and the members of his house
hold have always been our enemies. I adjure you by God not to
listen to what he says." But they rejected Humayd's plea and took
him with them. Eventually, they delivered him to 'Abd al-Rahman b. Sulaym415 al-Kalbi, who had been sent to Khurasan by
Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik to serve as his governor there. When 'Abd
al-Rahman learned that Yazid b. al-Muhallab had renounced his
allegiance to Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik, he wrote to the Caliph as
follows: "Holy war against those who have opposed you is dearer
to me than my appointment in Khurasan, for which I have no
need. Therefore, count me among those whom you are sending to
me in order to fight against Yazid b. al-Muhallab." 'Abd alRahman sent Humayd b. 'Abd al-Malik (b. al-Muhallab) to Yazid
(b. 'Abd al-Malik).

[1389]

'Abd al-Hamid b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Zayd b. al-Khattab arrested

Khalid b. Yazid b. al-Muhallab, who was in al-Kufah, and Ham
mal b. Zahr al-Ju'fi, neither of whom had uttered a word against
the Caliphalthough they were aware of the fact that the Banff
al-Muhallab had thrown off allegiance to him. He put them in
chains and sent them to Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik, who imprisoned
them, together (in Damascus); they died there, never having left
the prison.
Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik sent some soldiers from the Syrian army
to al-Kufah in order to reassure (the Kufans), to commend them
for their obedience, and to promise to increase their stipends.
Included among those who were sent was al-Qutami416 b. alHusayn, that is, Abu al-Sharqial-Sharqi's proper name is alWalid. When al-Qutami learned that Yazid b. al-Muhallab had
thrown off allegiance to the Caliph, he recited:
Perhaps my eye might see Yazid,
leading a large, powerful army.
414. Probably al-Hawari b. Ziyad, who was from the tribe of 'Atik.
415. Text: Sulayman; read Sulaym, following the Cairo ed.
416. The alternative vocalizational-Qatami.

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(An army) which lets you hear the earth reverberating noisily.
(Yazid) is not sordid, weak, or envious,417<
Nor a coward in battle, trembling in fear.418
You see the crowned ones prostrating themselves to him,
Bowing down, submissive, overpowered,
while others welcomed (him) with welcoming delegations.
He violates neither the pact nor the stipulations
of people who were of a kingly and good breed.
Every day you see them celebrating a holiday,
having slaughtered their enemies deliberately.
Subsequently, al-Qutami traveled to al-'Aqr, where he wit
nessed the fighting between Yazid b. al-Muhallab and Maslamah
b. 'Abd al-Malik.419 Yazid b. al-Muhallab exclaimed, "How great
is the discrepancy between al-Qutami's poetry and his actions!"
Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik sent al-'Abbas b. al-Walid,420 leading
four thousand horsemen without any infantry, hurrying toward
al-Hirah in an effort to get there before Yazid b. al-Muhallab did.
Then, Maslamah b. 'Abd al-Malik and regiments of the Syrian
army advanced and seized al-Jazirah along the bank of the Euphrates. The Basran army rallied to Yazid b. al-Muhallab, who appointed his own governors over al-Ahwaz,421 Fars, and Kirman.
These provinces were governed by al-Jarrah b. 'Abdallah alHakamiuntil he was recalled by 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz; (then)
by 'Abd al-Rahman b. Nu'aym al-Azdi, who was in charge of
prayer, and by 'Abd al-Rahman al-Qushayri, who had been put in
charge of the fiscal administration by Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik.

[1390]

Mudrik b. al-Muhallab advanced, reaching Ra's al-Mafazah.422

Then 'Abd al-Rahman b. Nu'aym sent an agent to say to the Banu
Tamim, "Mudrik b. al-Muhallab seeks to stir up war among you.
But you live in a peaceful and obedient country and you care for
417. Text: hasudan. The Cairo ed. reads hayudan, "turning away."
418. Text: 'adidan, "equal"; read ri'didan, following the Cairo ed.
419. See text below, II/1395ff., sub anno 102.
420. Al-'Abbas b. al-Walid was an Umayyad general, son of the Caliph, al-Walid
I. See EI2, s.v. al-'Abbas b. al-Walid.
421. An administrative district between al-Basrah and Fars. See Yaqut, Mu'jam,
I, 284-86; EI2, s.v. al-Ahwaz.
422. A1-Mafazah (the wilderness) is the name of the Great Desert of Khurasan
that stretches across the high plateau of Iran from northwest to southeast. It is
approximately eight hundred miles long. See Le Strange, Lands, 322-28; Barthold,
Geography, 133-35.

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the unity of the community." They set out at night in order to

confront Mudrik. But the Azd learned of this, and approximately
two thousand of their horsemen set out and intercepted the Banff
Tamim before they reached Ra's al-Mafazah. The Azd asked the
Banu Tamim, "What has brought you here, and what has caused
you to come to his place?" They made some excuses without
acknowledging that they had come out in order to slay423 Mudrik
b. al-Muhallab. The Azd said to them, "We know that you have
come out to confront our leader. Look, there he is, nearby. What
do you want?''
Then the Azd left and joined up with Mudrik b. al-Muhallab at
Ra's al-Mafazah. They said to him, "You are dearer to us and
more esteemed than any man. Your brother has revolted, declaring war on the Caliph. If God grants him victory, that will be good
for us, for we are the quickest to come to you, O family of alMuhallab, and the most ready to do that. In the other case, by
God, there shall be no solace for you in our misfortune." Upon
hearing this, Mudrik resolved to leave. The following was recited
by Thabit Qutnah, that is, Thabit b. Ka'b, from the tribe of Azd,
from al-'Atik:424

[1391]

Did you not see that the Dawsar protected their brother,
when the Tamim had massed to slay him?
They saw the blue spearheads surrounding him,
and a tribe whose sacred precincts are inviolable.
(I mean) Dawsar's two branches: Shunu'ah and 'Umran b.
Hazm.
There the glory and the most noble descent lie.
They did not attack, but were held back
by the spears of the Azd and its long-standing invincibility.
We turned Mudrik back truly and properly,
without any wound on his face from you.
With horses, like divining arrows, let free with their riders
on a piece of land whose parts are rich with grass.
423. Text: li-yutlifu. The Cairo ed. reads li-yutliffu, probably a typographical
error for li-yatalaqqaw, "to meet." Azdi, Ta'rikh, 8, has li-liqa'i, "to confront."
424. Thabit Qutnah was a poet and cavalier who was a companion of Yazid b.
al-Muhallab. See Ibn Qutaybah, Shi'r, II, 630-31, no. 117; Aghani (Beirut), XIV,
247-65.

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On their backs are every haughty and mighty Dawsari

who does not flee or leave his place in battle.
By means of them fools are put right by reproach,
until you begin to see fools restrained by wise censure.425
According to HishamAbu MikhnafMu'adh b. Sa'd: When
the army of al-Basrah had assembled, Yazid stood before them and
praised God. After informing them that he was summoning them
to the Book of God and the sunnah of His Prophet, Muhammad,426 he incited them to holy war, claiming that those who
fought in the holy war against the Syrian army would receive a
greater reward than those who fought against the Turks and the
Daylamis.427
Our source continued: I entered the mosque with al-Hasan alBasri, whose hand was on my shoulder.428 He asked me, "Look
around. Do you recognize anyone.?" I replied, "No, by God, I
don't." A1-Hasan said, "By God, these people are transgressors."429 We then made our way forward until we reached the
pulpit. I heard (Yazid) mention the Book of God and the sunnah of
His Prophet. Then al-Hasan raised his voice and exclaimed, ''By
God, we have seen you as both governor and governed, and that
does not suit you." At that, we jumped on al-Hasan, grabbing his
hand and covering his mouth, and made him sit down. By God,
we were sure that Yazid had heard him, even though he did not
pay any attention to him and continued his sermon. Our source
said: Then we went out to the gate of the mosque where, lo and
behold, al-Nadr b. Anas b. Malik430 was standing at the gate,
saying, "O servants of God, what prevents you from responding
to the Book of God and the sunnah of His Prophet? By God, none
of us has seen the likes of that one (that is, Yazid) since the day
you were bornexcept during the caliphate of 'Umar b. 'Abd

[1392]

425. See al-A'sha, Diwan, 340.

426. It was customary for rebels of the Umayyad period, whatever their sectarian stance, to make a call to the Book of God and the precedent of the Prophet;
the collocation stood for justice. See Crone and Hinds, God's Caliph, 61, 66.
427. Turks and Daylamis were non-Muslims.
428. The context suggests that al-Hasan had gone blind, a point that I am unable
to corroborate.
429. Text: al-a'ta' The Cairo ed. reads al-ghutha', "the scum of the the earth."
430. For information on this figure, see al-Dhahabi, Kashif, III, 203, no. 5926.

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al-'Aziz." A1-Hasan exclaimed, "Praise be to God. A1-Nadr b.

Anas, too, has testified (in favor of Yazid)."
According to HishamAbu Mikhnafal-Muthanna b. 'Abdallah: A1-Hasan al-Basri passed by the soldiers, who had arranged
themselves in two rows and raised the standards and spears in
anticipation of Yazid's emergence. They were saying, "Yazid has
summoned us to the example of the two 'Umars."431 A1-Hasan
said, "Only yesterday Yazid was striking off the heads of those
whom you see here and sending them to the Marwanids, seeking
thereby to win the approval of the Umayyads. But when he became angry, he lifted up a stick, tied some rags to it, and said, 'I
have thrown off allegiance to (the Marwanids), so you do the
same.'" Those people said, "Yes.'' Then al-Hasan said, "I summon you to the example of the two 'Umars, which requires that
chains be put on (Yazid's) legs and that he be sent back to the
prison in which 'Umar had imprisoned him." After hearing this,
some soldiers who supported al-Hasan said to him, "By God, it
appears, Abu Sa'id, as if you approve of the Syrian army." To
which he replied, ''I approve of the Syrian army! May God afflict
them and render them hideous! Are they not the ones who desecrated the sacred precinct of the Messenger of God, slaughtering
its inhabitants for three days and three nights, declaring them
lawful for their Nabataeans and Copts, carrying off free, pious
women, and not holding back from violating the honor of any
sacred thing? Then they went to God's sacred house and destroyed the Ka'bah, lighting fires amidst its stones and coverings.
May the curse of God and the evil of the (Last) Abode be upon
them!"432

[1393]

Our source continued: Then Yazid left al-Basrah, having appointed Marwan b. al-Muhallab as his governor. Taking weapons
and the contents of the Public Treasury with him, he set out for
Wasit. Now, as he was turning in the direction of Wasit he sought
the counsel of his officers, saying, "Give me your advice, for the
Syrian army is advancing quickly in this direction." Habib433
and othersadvised him as follows: "We think that you should
431. That is, 'Umar b. al-Khattab and Abu Bakr, or 'Umar b. al-Khattab and
'Umar b. 'Abd al-Aziz.
432. The Syrian troops of the Umayyads ravaged Mecca in 64 (683) and 74 (694).
See EI2, s.v. Ka'ba.
433. Habib b. al-Muhallab was Yazid's brother.

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leave (al-Basrah) and go to Fars, where you can seize the mountain
roads and passes and draw near to Khurasan. In this way, you will
outlast the enemy, so that when the army of al-Jibal434 is de
ployed around you,435 you will control the fortresses and strong
holds." He replied, "I do not agree with your recommendation,
which is unacceptable to me. You seek to turn me into a bird on a
mountaintop."
Then Habib said to him:
The plan that should have been adopted at the outset is
no longer feasible. When you took control of al-Basrah, I
ordered you to send horsemen led by members of your
household back to al-Kufah, where 'Abd al-Hamid b. 'Abd
al-Rahman (is the governor) Earlier, you passed by him
with seventy foot soldiers, and he was unable to defeat
you. He would have had even less success against a large
number of your horsemen. In this way, we would have
beaten the Syrian army to al-Kufah, where the great ma
jority of its eminent people accept you; indeed, most of
them would prefer to be governed by you than by the
Syrians. But since you did not obey me, I now advise you
as follows: send some of your most accomplished horse
men to al-Jazirah, together with the members of your
household. Let them make their way there quickly and
occupy one of its fortresses. You yourself should follow
them. Thus, when the Syrian army approaches, looking
for you, they will not escape any of your regiments in alJazirah. As they advance toward you, they will be bogged
down with your cavalry, who will keep them away from
you until you come to them, at which point you will be
joined by those of your tribesmen who are in Mosul.436
The armies of Iraq and of the frontiers will be deployed

[1394]

434. A1-Jibal is the broad mountain region stretching across from the plains of
Iraq in the west to the Great Desert of Khurasan in the east. See Yaqut, Mu'jam, II,
99-100; Le Strange, Lands, 185; El2, s.v. Djibal.
435. This is a conjectural translation. The text is yanfadduna ilayka, literally,
"scattered around you." Compare Kufi, Futuh., VIII, 12 (wa-ahl al-jibal ma'aka,
"and the army of al-Jibal will be with you"); Azdi, Ta'rikh, 9 (yanhaduna ilayka,
"they will hasten toward you"); Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, V, 76 (ya'tuna ilayka, ''they
will come to you'').
436. The capital of the Diyar Rabi'ah, located on the west bank of the Tigris,
opposite the ancient Niniveh. See El, s.v. Mosul.

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around you,437 and you will engage them in battle in a

land of abundance and cheap prices,438 having put all of
Iraq behind you.
He said, "I do not want to divide my forces." When he arrived
in Wasit, he remained there only a few days.
According to Abu Ja'far (al-Tabari): In this year, 'Abd al-Rahman
b. al-Dahhak b. Qays al-Fihri led the pilgrimage. This was related
to me by Ahmad b. Thabithis sourceIshaq b. 'IsaAbu
Ma'shar. A similar report was transmitted by Muhammad b.
'Umar.
'Abd al-Rahman b. al-Dahhak was the governor of Medina on
behalf of Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik, while Mecca was governed by
'Abd al-'Aziz b. 'Abdallah b. Khalid b. Asid. In al-Kufah, 'Abd alHamid b. 'Abd al-Rahman served as governor, and al-Sha'bi was in
charge of the judicial administration. A1-Basrah had been taken
over by Yazid b. al-Muhallab. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Nu'aym was in
charge of Khurasan.
437. Text: yanfaddu ilayka. Azdi, Ta'rikh, 10, reads yanqaddu ilayka, "will
rush to you." See note 435 above.
438. Text: fi ardin rafi'ati-l-si'r, "a land of high prices." The text should be
amended to read fi ardin rafighati-l-si'r. I owe this point to Professor Abbas.

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The Events of the Year 102

(July 12, 720--June 30, 721)
One of the events of this year was the march undertaken by
al-'Abbas b. al-Walid b. 'Abd al-Malik and Maslamah b. 'Abd alMalik in the direction of Yazid b. al-Muhallab, having been sent
to fight him by Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik.

[1395]

In this year, Yazid b. al-Muhallab was slain in the month of

Safar (August 11-September 8).439
The Slaying of Yazid b. al-Muhallab
According to HishamAbu MikhnafMu'adh b. Sa'id: Yazid b.
al-Muhallab decided to leave Wasit in order to confront Maslamah b. 'Abd al-Malik and al-'Abbas. He designated his son,
Mu'awiyah, as his representative in that city, entrusting him with
the Public Treasury, the coffers, and the prisoners of war, and he
dispatched an advance party headed by his brother, 'Abd al-Malik.
439. See Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, I, 332; Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh, III, 54-55; Kufi, Futuh.,
VIII, 11--25; Azdi, Ta'rikh, 10-14; FHA, 65-74; Ibn Kathir, Bidayah, IX, 220;
Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom, 316-19.

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Then he set out and, after passing by Fam al-Nil,440 he set up

camp at al-'Aqr.441 Meanwhile, Maslamah advanced, marching
along one of the banks of the Euphrates until he reached al-Anbar,442 where, after laying a bridge over the river, he crossed over
at a point near a village known as Farit.443 Then he advanced
until he encountered Yazid b. al-Muhallab.
Yazid's brother, 'Abd al-Malik, who had been sent ahead in the
direction of al-Kufah, was confronted in Sura444 by al-'Abbas b. alWalid. The two armies engaged in battle after arranging them
selves in ranks. The Basran army charged, putting (the Syrians) to
flight. With al-'Abbas were some soldiers from the Banu Tamim
and Qays, who had fled from Yazid, from al-Basrah; indeed, there
were a good number of them with al-'Abbas, including Huraym b.
Abi Tahmah al-Mujashi'i When the Syrian army was put to flight
in that manner, Huraym b. Abi Tahmah called out to them, "O
Syrians, fear God, fear God, and do not abandon us!" 'Abd alMalik's soldiers had forced them to the river. In response, they
called out to him, "Don't worry. It is customary for the Syrian
army to feign defeat at the outset of battle. But assistance is on its
way."

[1396]

Then the Syrian army gained the offensive, exposing 'Abd alMalik's forces and putting them to flight. Among those slain was
al-Mantuf, a client of the Bakr b. Wa'il. A1-Farazdaq recited the
following lines in an attempt to incite the Bakr b. Wa'il:
The Bakr b. Wa'il weep for al-Mantuf,
but they don't let anyone cry for the two sons of Misma'.
Two youths who grew up amid the fires of war and
accomplished
noble deeds before their beards began to grow.
Were Malik and Ibn Malik alive,
440. A town in the Sawad of al-Kufah. See Yaqut, Mu'jam, V, 334-39, s.v. alNil.
441. 'Aqr of Babel was near Karbala', in the administrative district of al-Kufah.
See Yaqut, Mu'jam, IV, 136; Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom, 316, n. 1.
442. A town on the east bank of the Euphrates, near the 'Isa Canal. See EI2' s.v. alAnbar; Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom, 316, n. 1.
443. There is no entry in Yaqut's geographical dictionary for this village.
444. An old Jewish town on the upper Sura Canal, near the site of the later Qasr
Ibn Hubayrah. See Yaqut, Mu'jam, III, 278; Le Strange, Lands, 70-72.

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then they would have lit two fires whose flames would
have risen high.445
The two sons of Misma' were Malik b. Misma' and 'Abd alMalik b. Misma', who were slain by Mu'awiyah b. Yazid b. alMuhallab. In response to al-Farazdaq, al-Ja'd b. Dirham,446 a client of (Suwayd b. Ghafalah)447 from the tribe of Hamdan, recited
the following lines:
We weep for al-Mantuf because he aided his tribe,
but we do not weep for the two dead ones who disgraced
their father.448
The two of them sought the ruin of the Bakr b. Wa'il,
and the strength of Tamim, had their home been attacked.
May they not find any comfort from God for even an hour,
and may the eyes of the mourner who cries for them
continue to shed tears forever.
Should we cry for them deceitfully, if ever we cry,
when they met their death having deceived us too?

[1397]

'Abd al-Malik b. al-Muhallab rejoined his brother in al-'Aqr,

where he ordered 'Abdallah b. Hayyan al-'Abdi to cross over the
river to the side where the Sarat al-Aqsa449 is locatedthere was
a bridge between the two places. 'Abdallah, together with his
troops and one of Yazid's units, set up camp there and dug a
trench (around the camp). But Maslamah, accompanied by Sa'id b.
'Amr al-Harashi, Crossed over the watersome authorities maintain that it was al-Waddah who crossed overand the two sides
came face to face.
Meanwhile, Yazid was joined by a large number of soldiers
from al-Kufah and from al-Jibal, and soldiers from the frontiers
were making their way towards him. He put 'Abdallah b. Sufyan
b. Yazid b. al-Mughaffal al-Azdi in command of the Kufan con445 See Diwan al-Farazdaq, II, 203.
446. See EI2, s.v. Ibn Dirham.
447. The lacuna in the text is filled in by the editor of the Cairo ed.
448. The text, al-sha'idayn, should be amended to read aI-sha'inayn. I owe this
point to Professor Abbas.
449. The Sarat Canal branched off from the 'Isa Canal just above the town of alMuhawwal. Yaqut mentions two canals by this name, the Greater and Smaller
Sarat. See Mudjam, III, 399-400; Le Strange, Lands, 66-67.

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tingents that had joined him, as well as of the Medinese contingent; he put al-Nu'man b. Ibrahim b. al-Ashtar al-Nakha'i in
command of the contingent from the Madhhij and Asad; he put
Muhammad b. Ishaq b. Muhammad b. al-Ash'ath in command of
the contingent from the Kindah and Rabi'ah; and he put Hanzalah
b. 'Attab b. Warqa' al-Tamimi in command of the contingent from
the Tamim and Hamdan. He brought all of them together with alMufaddal b. al-Muhallab.450
According to Hisham b. MuhammadAbu Mikhnafal-'Ala'
b. Zuhayr:451 By God, we were sitting with Yazid that day when
suddenly he asked, "Do you think that they have one thousand
soldiers?"452 To which Hanzalah b. 'Attab replied, "Yes, by God.
They probably have four thousand." He said, "By God, they have
never attacked with even a thousand men. By God, I reckon that
there are one hundred and twenty thousand soldiers listed in my
military register. But by God, I wish that I had my tribesmen from
Khurasan with me at this hour, instead of them.''

[1398]

According to HishamAbu Mikhnaf: Then he stood up on that

day, inciting us for battle. Later, he said, as he put it to us, "Those
soldiers will not be turned away from their misguided actions
except by a thrust into their eyes453 and a blow on the head with
the sword." Then he added, "I have been told about this yellow
locust"that is, Maslamah b. 'Abd al-Malik"and that she-camel slaughterer from Thamud,"454 that is, al-'Abbas b. al-Walid, who
had blue eyes and red skin, his mother being a Greek. "By God,
Sulayman wanted to negate his lineage until I intervened on his
behalf, whereupon the Caliph allowed him to adhere to his lineage.
But now I learn that the two of them have no other objective but to
search for me throughout the land. By God, were they to gather all
of mankind,455 while I was by myself, I would not quit the field of
450. Perhaps this should read: "under the command of al-Mufaddal."
451. Text: Ruhayr; read Zuhayr, following the Cairo ed.
452. Text: alf sayf yudrabu bihi. Literally: "a thousand swords capable of being
struck."
453. Text: 'uyunihim. Kufi, Futuh., VIII, 15, has nuhurihim, "their throats,"
which makes better sense.
454. The tribe of Thamud, which disappeared from Arabia some time before the
appearance of Islam, was punished because one of its members had hamstrung a
sacred camel. See El, s.v. Thamud.
455. Text: ahl al-ard, literally, "peasants."

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battle until victory had been achieved by one side or the other."
They said, "We fear that you will impose hardships upon us, just as
'Abd al-Rahman b. Muhammad456 did." Yazid said, "'Abd alRahman b. Muhammad brought shame upon his family and upon
his noble reputation. Was he able to exceed his appointed time?"
Then he stepped down.
Our source continued: We were joined by 'Amir b. al-'Amaythal, a soldier from the Azd, who had combined several military
units. He came to Yazid and swore the oath of allegiance to him.
The wording of the oath of allegiance sworn to Yazid was as
follows: "You swear allegiance to the Book of God and to the
sunnah of His Prophet that no army will pillage our country or
our headquarters and that we will never again be subject to the
behavior of that sinner al-Hajjaj. We accept the allegiance of any
one who will swear on these terms and we will engage in holy war
against anyone who refuses, putting God between him and us."
Then he would ask, "Do you swear allegiance to us?" If they
responded affirmatively, he would accept allegiance from them.
Meanwhile, 'Abd al-Hamid b. 'Abd al-Rahman had ordered his
troops to set up camp in al-Nukhaylah.457 He sent some men to
the water, and they broke through the bank of the river, flooding
the area between al-Kufah and Yazid b. al-Muhallab, so as to
prevent him from reaching the city. 'Abd al-Hamid also established observation points and lookouts in the vicinity of al-Kufah
in order to prevent the Kufan army from joining Yazid.

[1399]

'Abd al-Hamid sent Maslamah a military unit from al-Kufah

commanded by Sayf b. Hani' al-Hamdani After flattering the
soldiers and praising them for their fidelity, Maslamah exclaimed,
"By God, how few are the number of those who have come to us
from al-Kufah!" 'Abd al-Hamid learned of this and he sent a second, larger unit commanded by Sabrah b. 'Abd al-Rahman b.
Mikhnaf al-Azdi When Sabrah arrived, Maslamah praised him,
saying, "This man's household has obedience and heroic deeds.
Attach to him all of the soldiers from the Kufan army hat are
here." Then Maslamah sent a message to 'Abd al-Harold b. 'Abd al456. That is, 'Abd al-Rahman b. Muhammad b. al-Ash'ath, who led a revolt
against al-Hajjaj in 80-82 or 83/699-700 or 702. See text above, II/1042ff., sub
anno 80; EI2, s.v. Ibn al-Ash'ath; Crone, Slaves, 110-11.
457. A town in Iraq, near al-Kufah. See El, s.v. al-Nukhaila.

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Rahman, dismissing him. In his place, he appointed Muhammad b.

'Amr b. al-Walid b. 'Uqbah, who is known as Dhu al-Shamah.458
Yazid b. al-Muhallab summoned the chiefs of his army and
addressed them as follows: "I have decided to assemble twelve
thousand soldiers and to send them with Muhammad b. alMuhallab. They will attack Maslamah by night, taking with
them packsaddles and containers for use in filling in their trench.
They will engage the enemy in battle at the trench throughout
the night, during which time I will be sending reinforcements to
Muhammad. The next morning I will rush out to them, leading
the soldiers, and we will engage them in battle. I hope that God
will grant us victory over them."
But al-Samayda' objected, "We have summoned (the Syrians) to
the Book of God and to the sunnah of His Prophet, Muhammad,
and they claim to have accepted this from us. Thus, we should
not engage in deceit or treachery, nor should we wish any evil
upon them until they reject what they claim to have accepted
from us."
Abu Ru'bah, the leader of a group of Murji'ites,459 who was
accompanied by his supporters, said, "A1-Samayda' is correct.
That is the proper course." But Yazid exclaimed, "Alas! Do you
really believe that the Umayyads will act in accordance with the
Book and the sunnah when they have neglected both for as long
as they have been around? They say460 to you, 'We accept you,'
and they claim not to want to exercise their authority except in
accordance with your orders and your instructions. But, in fact,
they seek to drive you away from them so that they might engage
in treachery. Therefore, do not let them deceive you first. Beat
them to it. I have had experience with the Marwanids and, by
God, none of them is more devious or more deeply immersed in
falsehood461 than that yellow locust"that is, Maslamah. But

[1400]

458. Dhu al-Shamah means: "the one with the birthmark." See text above,
II/1380, sub anno 101
459. The Murji'ites were an early Islamic sect that advocated postponement
(irja') of any decision about a grave sinner. See EI, s.v. al-Murdji'a. On Abu Ru'bah,
see Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom, 317.
460. Text: lam yaqulu, "they did not say"; read yaqulu, following the Cairo ed.
461. Text: ab'ada ghadaran. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, V, 80, has ab'ada ghadaran, "more treacherous."

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they said, "We do not agree to act in that manner until they reject
what they claim to have accepted from us." Meanwhile, Marwan
b. al-Muhallab was in al-Basrah, inciting the soldiers to go to war
against the Syrian army and sending soldiers to Yazid. A1-Hasan
al-Basri, on the other hand, was imploring the soldiers not to rise
with Yazid b. al-Muhallab.
According to Abu Mikhnaf'Abd al-Hamid al-Basri: A1-Hasan
al-Basri was saying at that time:
O people, stay in your homes462 and restrain yourselves.463 Fear God, your Lord, and do not kill one another
on account of this transient world or on account of greed
for trifling things that will not survive for the people who
seek them, for God is not pleased with them because of
their personal acquisitions. There never was a civil war
except that most of the rebels were preachers, poets, fools,
drifters, and conceited men. No one is safe from that (that
is, civil war), except the unknown person who is hidden464
and the God-fearing person who is well-known. Therefore,
let the hidden person among you adhere to the truth and
let him hold himself back from the things of this world
over which the people are contending with one another. By
God, let him be satisfied with God's good opinion of him,
as a sign of honor, and let that be sufficient for him in place
of the things of this world. As for the person among you
who is well-known and distinguished, he avoids the things
of this world over which his peers vie with one another,
seeking thereby to please God. Oh, how happy and righteous he is, and how greatly will God magnify his reward
and lead him along His path! Tomorrow, that is to say, on
the Day of Resurrection, that person will have the greatest
satisfaction and will be the one most welcomed by God.

[1401]

When Marwan b. al-Muhallab was informed of al-Hasan's statement, he stood up, as was his custom, to deliver the sermon. After
ordering the soldiers to be diligent and to assemble together, he
said to them, "I have learned that that errant, hypocritical
462. Text: rijalakum, "your men"; read rihalakum, following the Cairo ed.
463. Text: wa-kuffu aydiyakum, a Qur'anic expression. See Qur'an 4:77.
464. Text: khafiyy. Kufi, Futuh., VIII, 13, reads haqir, "despicable."

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shaykh"he did not mention his name"is discouraging the

soldiers. By God, if his neighbor had stolen a piece of wood from
the roof of his house, the neighbor's nose would still be bleeding.
Does he deny to us and to the people of our town the right to seek
our welfare465 and to refute injustices that we have suffered? By
God, if he does not stop mentioning us and likening us to the vile
ones of al-Ubullah and the Nabataeans of the Basran Euphrates
people who have no connection to us and who have not received a
favor from a single one of us, I shall finish him off harshly."466
When al-Hasan was informed of Marwan's remarks, he said,
"By God, it does not displease me that God should honor me by
chastising him."467 Then some soldiers who were his supporters
said, "If he were to have evil designs on you, and you wanted us
to, we would defend you." To which he replied, "In that case I
would cause you to do the thing that I have forbidden you to do. I
have ordered you not to kill one another for the sake of someone
else. (And now it is as if) I am calling on you to kill one another
for my sake.''468 Marwan b. al-Muhallab was informed of this,
and he became more violent with them, frightened them, and
made demands on them, forcing them to disperse. A1-Hasan continued to make speeches, but Marwan b. al-Muhallab avoided
him.
On Friday, the fourteenth of Safar (August 25), eight days after
Yazid b. al-Muhallab and Maslamah had first encountered one
another, Maslamah ordered al-Waddah. to take the Waddahiyyah
regiment in boats and to set fire to the bridge; he complied with
the order. Maslamah then emerged from his camp and, after pre
paring the Syrian army, he marched forward with them in the
direction of Yazid b. al-Muhallab. He stationed Jabalah b. Makhramah al-Kindi on his right flank and al-Hudhayl b. Zufar b. al-

[1402]

465. Text: khayrana, The Cairo ed. reads haqqana.

466. Text: la-unhiyanna 'alayhi mibradan khashanan, literally, "I will finish
him off with a rough file." See Kufi, Futuh. , VIII, 13: illa nalahu minna ma
yakrahu, "We will see that he comes to an unpleasant end"; Ibn Kathir, Bidayah,
IX, 221, reads la-af'alanna wa-la-af'alanna, "I will do this and that (to him)."
467. Text: ma akrahu an yukrimani-llahu bi-hawanihi. Compare Kufi, Futuh,
VIII, 14: fa-inni akrahu an yukimani rabbi bi-hawani Marwan b. al-Muhallab,"
It displeases me that my master should honor me by chastising Marwan b. alMuhallab."
468. Text: duni. Kufi, Futuh, VIII, 14, has li-ajli, "because of me."

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Harith al-'Amiri on his left. Al-'Abbas stationed Sayf b. Hani' alHamdani on his right flank and Suwayd b. al-Qa'qa' al-Tamimi on
his left. Maslamah was in command of the soldiers. Yazid b. alMuhallab emerged from his camp, having put Habib b. alMuhallab on his right flank and al-Mufaddal b. al-Muhallab on
his left flank. The Kufan army was with al-Mufaddal, who was in
command of it; with him also were a substantial number of
horsemen from the tribe of Rabi'ah. He was adjacent to al-'Abbas
b. al-Walid.
According to Abu Mikhnafal-GhanawiHishamI suspect
that al-Ghanawi is al-'Ala' b. al-Minhal: One of the Syrians went
out, challenging his opponents to a single combat, but no one
accepted his challenge. Then Muhammad b. al-Muhallab stepped
forward and attacked him. The Syrian protected himself with his
handhe was wearing a glove made of ironbut Muhammad
stabbed him, tearing the iron glove, and quickly thrust the sword
into his hand.469 As the man held on to his horse's neck, Muham
mad advanced and stabbed him, saying, ''A reaping hook would
have served you better"470 According to one source, that man
was Hayyan al-Nabati.471
Al-Waddah approached the bridge and set fire to it, sending
smoke billowing in the air. Meanwhile, the war had begun and
the two sides were engaged in light fighting. But when the sol
diers saw the smoke and were told that the bridge had been set on
fire, they fled. After learning that the soldiers had fled, Yazid
exclaimed, "What have they fled from? Is this the type of battle
from which one flees?" Someone said to him, "When they were
told that the bridge had been set on fire, not a single one of them
held firm in battle." He said, ''May God render them hideous!
(They are like) an insect that flies off when some smoke is di-

[1403]

469. That the unnamed Syrian was the standard-bearer of the Syrian army is
suggested by the fact that he was the first to attack Yazid's army; also he was
wearing an iron glove. It was customary for one army to try to cut down the flag of
the other by either severing or severely wounding the hand of the standard-bearer.
For further details on this aspect of Islamic warfare, see Juynboll, "The Qur'an
Reciter on the Battlefield and Concomitant Issues," 25-26.
470. That is, you are better suited for farming than for fighting duels. See Kufi,
Futuh., VIII, 17.
471. Nabataeans were viewed as peasants. On Hayyan, see text above, II/1290ff.,
sub anno 96.

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rected towards it." He emerged together with his supporters, his

clients, and his fellow tribesmen, saying, "Strike off the heads of
the deserters." They complied with his order until there were
many heads, which he accepted from them in huge piles. Then he
said, "Leave them alone for by God I hope that God will never
again cause me to occupy the same spot as they do. Leave them
alone, may God expose them to hardships.472 (They are like)
sheep attacked by a wolf." Yazid would never consider fleeing
from battle.
Earlier, while in Wasit before arriving in al-'Aqr, Yazid had been
approached by Yazid b. al-Hakam b. Abi al-'As473his mother
was the daughter of al-Zibriqan al-Sa'diwho recited:
Verily, the kingship of the Marwanids has come to an end.
If you have not noticed that, then notice it now.
Yazid said, "I hadn't noticed." Then Yazid b. al-Hakam b. Abi
al-'As al-Thaqafi recited:
Live as a king or die with dignity, for if you die
with your sword unsheathed in your hand, you will be
forgiven.
He said, "That may be."
When Yazid went out to his forces and was confronted by the
rout, he asked al-Samayda', "Who was rightyou or I? Didn't I
tell you what the army had in mind?" He replied, "Yes, by God,
you were right. I am here with you and I will not leave you. I am
at your command." He said, "If you will not leave me, then
attack," so he attacked, leading his forces. Then someone came to
Yazid b. al-Muhallab and announced that Habib had been slain.

[1404]

According to HishamAbu MikhnafThabit, a client of

Zuhayr b. Salamah al-Azdi: I testify that when Yazid was informed of Habib's death, I heard him say, "Life is not worth living
without Habib! By God, I have always hated life after a defeat and,
by God, this only increases my hatred. Advance!" By God, we
472. Text: yurahhimuhumu-llahi, "may God have mercy on them." This
should be amended to read barramahumu-llahi. I owe this point to Professor
Abbas.
473. Yazid b. al-Hakam was an Umayyad poet who died in 105/723. See Sezgin,
GAS, II, 332.

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knew that Yazid was desperate, and those who did not want to
fight began to withdraw and slip away in secret. Nevertheless, a
substantial number of soldiers remained with Yazid as he approached his destiny. Whenever he passed the cavalry, he put
them to flight; the units of the Syrian army turned away from
him and from the path of his soldiers. Abu Ru'bah al-Murji'i
approached Yazid and said, "The soldiers have fled." I was listening to him as he was indicating this to him. Abu Ru'bah asked,
"Do you want to go to Wasit, a fortified city where you might
remain until reinforcements arrive from the army of al-Basrah
and until the armies of 'Uman and al-Bahrayn474 arrive by sea?
You can dig a trench (around the city)." Yazid replied, "What a
bad suggestion! Are you suggesting that to me? Death would be
far easier for me." Abu Ru'bah said, ''I am afraid for you, for
reasons that are known to you. Do you not see the iron mountains around you?" He was gesturing at him. Yazid said to him, "I
don't care whether they are mountains of iron or mountains of
fire! Leave us if you do not want to fight.'' Our source added:
Yazid quoted the verses of Harithah b. Badr al-Ghudani475 Abu
Ja'far (al-Tabari) said: That is a mistake. The verses are by alA'sha:476
Is it with death that some people477 threaten me,
[1405]
when I see that those who cower in death suffer anyway?
A death I die not powerless is not
a shame when the soul is taken away by its death.478<
Yazid b. al-Muhallab advanced toward Maslamah, riding his
gray horse, oblivious to everyone else. When he drew near, Maslamah went to his horse in order to mount it.479 But the Syrian
474. 'Uman and al-Bahrayn are on the mainland of eastern Arabia, embracing
the oases of Qatif and Hajar. See EI2, s.v. al-Bahrayn.
475. Harithah b. Badr al-Ghudani was a poet and notable of the Tamimi clan of
the Banu Ghudanah, at al-Basrah; he died in 64/684 or 66/686. See EI2, s.v.
Harithah b. Badr al-Ghudani
476. Maymun b. Qays al-A'sha was a prominent poet of the tribe of Qays b.
Tha'labah; he died ca. A.D. 625. See EI2, s.v. al-A'sha; Aghani (Beirut), IX, 104-25.
477. Text: 'Ibad; the Cairo ed. has 'ubad, referring to the Banff 'Ubad.
478. See Kufi, Futuh., VIII, 19.
479. It is reported that Yazid challenged Maslamah to a single combat, but that
he declined on the recommendation of his supporters. See Kufi, Futuh., VIII, 1718.

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cavalry attacked Yazid and his forces, slaying Yazid b. al-Muhallab. Al-Samayda' and Muhammad b. al-Muhallab were also slain.
There was a man from the tribe of Kalb, from the Banff Jabir b.
Zuhayr b. Janab al-Kalbi, by the name of al-Qahl b. 'Ayyash, who,
when he saw Yazid, said, "O Syrians, by God, there is Yazid, and
by God, either I will slay him or he will slay me. He has soldiers
with him, so who will attack with me and engage his forces so
that I might reach him?" Some of his comrades said to him, "We
will attack with you." They did. All of them attacked, and they
fought one another for a while. When the dust rose, the two sides
cleared themselves away from Yazid, who lay dead, and from alQahl b. 'Ayyash, who was on the point of death. A1-Qahl signaled
to his comrades with his head, showing them the spot where
Yazid lay, and said to them, "I slew him."480 Then he pointed at
himself so as to indicate that he had been mortally wounded by
Yazid. Maslamah passed by al-Qahl b. 'Ayyash, who was lying on
the ground next to Yazid, and al-Qahl said, ''I think that (Yazid) is
the one who mortally wounded me." A client of the Banu Murrah
brought forward Yazid's head, and someone asked him, "Did you
slay him?'' He replied, "No." The head was brought to Maslamah, who could not identify it for sure. A1-Hawari b. Ziyad b.
'Amr al-'Ataki said to him, "Order that his head be washed and
wrapped in a turban." When this was done, Maslamah recognized
it. He sent his head to Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik, with Khalid b. alWalid b. 'Uqbah b. Abi al-Mu'ayt.

[1406]

According to Abu MikhnafThabit, a client of Zuhayr: After

Yazid was slain and the army defeated, al-Mufaddal b. alMuhallab continued to fight the Syrian army, unaware of the fact
that Yazid was dead and the soldiers routed. He was riding a
powerful, low-built horse, and in front him was a horse covered
with a coat of mail. Every time he attacked it, it turned back and
withdrew; then he withdrew. He would attack with soldiers from
his forces so that he was in the middle of the army and then he
would return to a spot behind his forces. Whenever he saw one of
us turn his head, he would point to him with his hand, thereby
480. It is also reported that Yazid b. al-Muhallab was slain by al-Hudhayl b.
Zufar b. al-Harith al-Kilabi See Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, V, 83.

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indicating that he should not turn his head, so that the soldiers
would direct their faces exclusively against their enemy.
Our source continued: We fought for a while. It was as if I were
looking at 'Amir b. al-'Amaythal al-Azdi as he brandished his
sword, reciting:
The mother of the newborn child knew
that I am not afraid to use the blade of the sword.
By God, we fought for an hour or so, and the horsemen from
Rabi'ah were put to flight. By God, I don't think that any of the
Kufan forces persevered greatly or fought vehemently. Then alMufaddal stood before the Rabi'ah, brandishing a sword, and
called out to them, "O tribe of Rabi'ah, attack, attack! By God,
you never fled before, nor were you ignoble. That is not your
custom. So do not let the Iraqi army be attacked from your side
today. O Rabi'ah, my soul for you, persevere for a while." Then
they rallied around him and came back to him and, lo, your little
rally481 took place.
We assembled, wanting to attack them, until al-Mufaddal
came. But someone asked him, "What are you doing here? Yazid,
Habib, and Muhammad have all been slain, and the soldiers fled
long ago." The news spread among the soldiers, who then scattered, whereupon al-Mufaddal set out on the road to Wasit. I
never saw an Arab of his stature who was more willing to engage
in the actual fighting and to smite with his sword, or better at
arraying his comrades for battle.

[1407]

According to Abu MikhnafThabit, a client of Zuhayr: I

passed by the defensive trench and, behold, above it was a wall on
which men armed with arrows were standing. I was wearing a
coat of mail, and they called out, "O you, wearing the coat of
mail, where are you going?" The coat of mail that I was wearing
was extremely heavy, and as soon as I had passed beyond them, I
dismounted and threw off the coat of mail so as to lighten my
horse's burden.
481. This is a conjectural translation. The text is kuwayfatuka. Yaqut mentions
a place by the name of Kuwayfah ("little al-Kufah") near Baziqiyyah. See Mu'jam,
IV, 496.

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The Syrian army reached Yazid b. al-Muhallab's camp, where

Abu Ru'bah, the leader of the Murji'ites, engaged them in combat
for an hour or so, until most of (the Murji'ites) had gone. The
Syrians captured approximately three hundred men, and Maslamah sent them to Muhammad b. 'Amr b. al-Walid, who imprisoned them. When Muhammad b. 'Amr received a letter from
Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik ordering him to slay the prisoners, he said
to al-'Uryan b. al-Haytham, the commander of his guard, "Take
them out in groups of twenty and thirty."
Our source continued: Approximately thirty men from the
Banu Tamim stood up and said, "We led the soldiers in flight.
Fear God and give us precedence. Send us out before the others
(are slain)."482 Al-'Uryan said to them, "Go out, in the name of
God."483 He brought them out to the square and sent a message
to Muhammad b. 'Amr, informing him that he had brought them
out (and informing him) of what they had said. But Muhammad
replied that al-'Uryan should slay them.
According to Abu MikhnafNajih, Abu 'Abdallah, a client of
Zuhayr: "By God, I was looking at them as they were exclaiming,
'O God, we led the soldiers in flight, and this is our reward!'" No
sooner had he finished with them than a messenger arrived with a
letter from Maslamah in which he pardoned the prisoners and
forbade their being slain. Hajib b. Dhubyan, from the Banu Mazin
b. Malik b. 'Amr b. Tamim, recited:

[1408]

By my life, (the tribe of) Mu'ayt has waded in our blood

with their swords until they were covered with muck.
The tribes have never been burdened with anything graver than
(shedding) forbidden blood,
or retaliation, when retaliation was sought.
All of you forbade shedding the blood of those who brandished
their swords against you,
but murder was committed against the cavaliers of your
group.
482. The Bane Tamara may have expected to be spared because their flight
facilitated the victory of the Syrian army.
483. Text: 'ala-smi-llahi, which is equivalent to bismi-llahi. The functions of
'ala and bi overlap to a certain extent in classical Arabic. See Hopkins, Studies,
125 (no. 119); Lane, Lexicon, pt. 5, P. 2145.

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Al-'Uryan protected the cavaliers of his tribe with their bodies.

How strange! Where is integrity and justice?484
Al-'Uryan used to say, "By God, it was neither my intention nor
wish (to slay) them, until they said, 'Give us precedence. Send us
out.' I brought them out and dutifully informed the person who
was charged with slaying them (that is, Muhammad b. 'Amr), but
he rejected their plea and issued the order to slay them. By God,
despite what happened, I would not want a fellow tribesman to be
killed in place of them. If they blame me, I am not one who heeds
their reproach. So do not blame me excessively."485
[1409]
Maslamah advanced towards al-Hirah, where he set up camp.
With him were approximately fifty prisoners whom he had kept
with himself rather than send to al-Kufah. When the soldiers saw
that he intended to slay them, al-Husayn b. Hammad al-Kalbi
approached him and asked to be given three prisoners as a gift:
Ziyad b. 'Abd al-Rahman al-Qushayri, 'Utbah b. Muslim, and Isma'il, a client of the family of the Banff 'Aqil b. Mas'ud. Maslamah
gave the three prisoners to al-Husayn and complied with his followers' requests for the other prisoners.
When the news of Yazid's defeat reached Wasit, Mu'awiyah b.
Yazid b. al-Muhallab took out thirty-two prisoners who were in
his possession and slew them. Among those slain were 'Adi b.
Artat; Muhammad b. 'Adi b. Artat; Malik and 'Abd al-Malik, the
sons of Misma'; 'Abdallah b. 'Azrah al-Basri; 'Abdallah b. Wa'il;
and Ibn Abi Hadir al-Tamimi, from the Banu Usayyid b. 'Amr b.
Tamim.486 These men had said to him, "Woe to thee! We think
that you are killing us only because your father was slain. But
killing us will be of no use to you in this world and it will be to
your disadvantage in the next." But he slew all of the prisoners
with the exception of Rabi' b. Ziyad b. al-Rabi' b. Anas b. alRayyan.487 When he passed over him, some men asked, "Did you
forget him?" He replied, ''I did not forget him, but I will not slay
him for he is a noble shaykh from my tribe with a good reputation
484. See Kufi, Futuh., VIII, 20-21.
485. Text: wa-la tukabbir 'alayya, "But do not praise me." This should be
amended to read fa-la yukaththar 'alayya." I owe this point to Professor Abbas.
486. See Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, I, 332-33; Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh, III, 54; Azdi, Ta'rikh,
12; FHA, 74; Ibn Kathir, Bidayah, IX, 221.
487. Text: al-Raffan; read al-Rayyan, following the Cairo ed.

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and a mighty family. I cannot doubt his affection and I have no

fear that he will turn against us."
Thabit Qutnah recited, on the subject of the slaying of 'Adi b.
Artat:
The slaying of al-Fazari and his son, 'Adi, did not make me
happy,
and I did not want Ibn Misma' to be slain.
But, O Mu'awiyah, it was a mistake,
by which you misplaced my order.
Mu'awiyah (b. Yazid) marched to al-Basrah carrying with him
the Public Treasury488 and the coffers. When al-Mufaddal b. alMuhallab arrived, the entire Muhallab family was gathered in alBasrah. Fearing that they would suffer the same fate as Yazid,
they prepared seagoing vessels, taking on all necessary provisions.

[1410]

Earlier, Yazid b. al-Muhallab had sent Wada'b. Humayd al-Azdi

to serve as the governor of Qandabil,489 saying to him, "I am
going out to face the enemy and when I encounter them, I will not
quit the field of battle until one side or the other prevails. If I am
victorious, I will bestow honors upon you; if not, you will be in
Qandabil, so that the members of my household can go to you and
fortify themselves there until such time as they are able to secure
a guarantee of safe-conduct for themselves. As for me, I have
chosen you for my household from all of my tribesmen and I trust
that you will live up to my faith in you." Yazid made him swear
weighty oaths that he would serve as a faithful counselor to his
household if they took refuge with him in their hour of need.
When the Muhallabids gathered in al-Basrah after the defeat,
they loaded their families and their possessions on the seagoing
vessels and put out to sea. Upon reaching al-Bahrayn, they were
told by Harim b. al-Qarar al-'Abdi, who had been appointed governor of that province by Yazid: "I advise you not to leave your
boats, upon which you are dependent for your survival, for I fear
that if you disembark from these boats, the soldiers will capture
488. Text: al-mal. See text below, 11/1411, where a parallel passage reads bayt
al-mal.
489. The capital of a district known as Nudhah in the province of Sind, Qandabil is on the road from Balis to Qusdar. See EI2, s.v. al-.Kandabil; Barthold,
Geography, 75; Yaqut, Mu'jam, IV, 402.

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you and bring you to the Marwanids." So they sailed on until they
were opposite Kirman, where they disembarked from the boats
and loaded their families and possessions on horses and mules.
Earlier, Mu'awiyah b. Yazid b. al-Muhallab had arrived in alBasrah, carrying the coffers and the Public Treasury, acting as if
he wanted to become the head of the family. But the Muhallabids
assembled and said to al-Mufaddal, "We accept you as our leader
and our chief, even though you are only a young man of tender
years, like one of your family's young slaves." A1-Mufaddal continued to serve as their chief until they reached Kirman, where he
was joined by large numbers of runaway soldiers.

[1411]

Maslamah b. 'Abd al-Malik sent Mudrik b. Dabb al-Kalbi in

pursuit of the Muhallabids and the runaway soldiers. Mudrik
caught up with al-Mufaddal b. al-Muhallab in Fats after the latter
had been joined by the runaway soldiers. He pursued them, finally overtaking them in 'Aqabah,490 where they attacked him, en
gaging him in a heated battle. Slain along with al-Mufaddal b. alMuhallab were al-Nu'man b. Ibrahim b. al-Ashtar al-Nakha'i and
Muhammad b. Ishaq b. Muhammad b. al-Ash'ath. Taken prisoner
were Ibn Sul, the King of Quhistan,491 and al-'Aliyah, al-Mufaddal's concubine. 'Uthman b. Ishaq b. Muhammad b. al-Ash'ath
was severely wounded, but he fled to .Hulwan,492 where he was
slain when someone identified him; his head was sent to Maslamah in al-Hirah.
Some soldiers who had supported Yazid b. al-Muhallab came
back and asked for a guarantee of safe-conduct, which they received. Among these were Malik b. Ibrahim b. al-Ashtar and alWard b. 'Abdallah b. Habib al-Sa'di, from the tribe of Tamim, who
had been present with 'Abd al-Rahman b. Muhammad at all of the
battles and wars in which he had participated. Muhammad b.
'Abdallah b. 'Abd al-Malik b. Marwan requested the guarantee of
safe-conduct for al-Ward from Maslamah b. 'Abd al-Malik, who
was both his paternal uncle and his father-in-law, and Maslamah

[1412]

490. This town is possibly 'Aqabah of al- Tin, in Fars. See Yaqut, Mu'jam, IV,
134. Alternatively, the text could mean, "finally overtaking them at a mountain
pass ('aqabah)."
491. The mountainous region in the southern part of Khurasan. See Barthold,
Geography, 209; EI2, s.v. al-Kuhistan.
492. See note 19, above.

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agreed to his request. But when al-Ward came to him, Maslamah

stopped him and rebuked him, while standing. He said, "You are
disobedient, rebellious, hypocritical, and cowardly whenever
there is a civil strife; one day you side with the weaver of the
Kindah, the next with the sailor of the Azd.493 You do not deserve
to receive a guarantee of safe-conduct." Then he left.
The guarantee of safe-conduct for Malik b. Ibrahim b. al-Ashtar
was requested by al-Hasan b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Sharahil
Sharahil's nickname was Rustam al-Hadrami When Maslamah
came and looked at Malik, al-Hasan b. 'Abd al-Rahman alHadrami said to him, "This is Malik b. Ibrahim b. al-Ashtar."
Maslamah told Malik to leave, whereupon al-Hasan said to Maslamah, "May God cause you to prosper! Why don't you rebuke
him as you did his comrade?" Maslamah said, "I hold your family
in too high esteem for that, and you are dearer and more loyal to
me than the family of Muhammad b. 'Abdallah.'' A1-Hasan said,
"But we want you to swear at him for, by God, compared to al
Ward b. 'Abdallah, his ancestors are of greater rank, and he has
had a worse influence on the Syrian army.'' Several months later
al-Hasan said, "Maslamah left Malik alone out of envy lest our
companion become distinguished. He wanted to show us that he
held him in great contempt."
The Muhallabids, together with the runaway soldiers who had
taken refuge with them, continued their journey until reaching
Qandabil. Meanwhile, Maslamah recalled Mudrik b. Dabb. alKalbi and sent Hilal b. Ahwaz al-Tamimi, from the Banff Mazin b.
'Amr b. Tamim, to search for them. Hilal caught up with them (as
they were about to enter) Qandabil.494 The Muhallabids wanted
to enter Qandabil, but were prevented from doing so by Wada' b.
Humayd. Hilal b. Ahwaz had written to Wada' who did not, (at
first), abandon the Muhallabids. (After receiving the letter, how
ever, Wada') left them.495 The Muhallabids became aware of the
493. The phrase "the weaver of the Kindah" refers to Ibn al-Ash'ath, who led a
revolt against al-Hajjaj; see note 456, above. The phrase "the sailor of the Azd"
refers to Yazid b. al-Muhallab; see text above, II/1287, sub anno 96.
494. See Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, I, 334; Baladhuri, Futuh. (Cairo), III, 540; Ya'qubi,
Ta'rikh, III, 54-55; Azdi, Ta'rikh, 15; Mas'udi Muruj (Beirut), III, 200-1; FHA, 74.
495. This is a conjectural translation. The text is: wa-lam yubayin a1 al
Muhallab fa-yufariquhum. See Ibn al-Athir, KamiI, V, 86, where the subject of the
verb yubayin is Hilal b. Ahwaz.

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fact that Wada' had abandoned them when they assembled and
lined up in military ranks. Wada' b. Humayd was on the right
flank and 'Abd al-Malik b. Hilal on the leftboth of them were
Azdis. Hilal b. Ahwaz waved the peace flag at them, whereupon
Wada' b. Humayd and 'Abd al-Malik b. Hilal joined them. The
soldiers dispersed, leaving the Muhallabids by themselves.

[1413]

When Marwan b. al-Muhallab witnessed this, he started to

make his way to the women, but al-Mufaddal asked him, "Where
are you going?" He replied, "I am going to our women, whom I
intend to slay so that they will never fall into the hands of those
sinners." A1-Mufaddal exclaimed, "Woe to you! Would you slay
your sisters and the women of your household? By God, they are
not in any danger from them.'' He convinced him not to slay
them. Then they charged with their swords and fought until they
were all slain,496 except for Abu 'Uyaynah b. al-Muhallab and
'Uthman b. al-Mufaddal, both of whom escaped and joined up
with the Khaqan, Rutbil.497 Their women and children were sent,
together with the heads of the slain men, to Maslamah, who was
in al-Hirah; Maslamah conveyed the heads to Yazid b. 'Abd alMalik, who sent them to al-'Abbas b. al-Walid b. 'Abd al-Malik,
the governor of Aleppo.498. When the heads had been set out on
display, al-'Abbas went out to look at them and said to his men,
"This is the head of 'Abd al-Malik and this is the head of alMufaddal. By God, it is as if he were sitting here talking to me.''
Maslamah swore, "Verily, I will sell their women and children
while they are in Dar al-Rizq (the Abode of Sustenance)."499 Then
al-Jarrah. b. 'Abdallah said, "I will buy them from you in order to
relieve you from your oath." He bought them from him for one
hundred thousand (dirhams). Maslamah said, "Give me the mon-

[1414]

496. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, V, 86, adds: "They are: al-Mufaddal, 'Abd al-Malik,
Ziyad, and Marwan, the sons of Muhallab; Mu'awiyah b. Yazid b. al-Muhallab and
al-Minhal b. Abi 'Uyaynah b. al-Muhallab; and 'Amr and al-Mughirah, the two
sons of Qabisah b. al-Muhallab. Their heads were carried away; in the ear of each
one was a chit bearing his name."
497. Text: Khaqan wa-Rutbil, "The Khaqan and Rutbil." The term Khaqan is a
title meaning "supreme ruler"; it applies to the heads of the various Turkish
confederations. Rutbil (or Zanbil) was the name of the Turkish ruler of Zabulistan.
See EI2,s.v. Khakan; Tabard, Index, s.v. Rutbil; Gibb, Arab Conquests, 41.
498. See EI2, s.v Halab.
499. The sale of Muslims as slaves is contrary to Islamic law. Dar al-Rizq seems
to have been a depot for provisions in both al-Kufah and al-Basrah; in the latter, it
was adjacent to Zabuqah. See Tabard, Index; Yaqut, Mudjam, III, 41.

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ey." A1-Jarrah replied, "Take it whenever you want." But Maslamah did not take any (money) from al-Jarrah., who released the
women and children, except for nine boys whom he sent to Yazid
b. 'Abd al-Malik. They were brought to Yazid, and he beheaded
them.500
Thabit Qutnah recited the following elegy when he learned
that Yazid b. al-Muhallab had been slain:
O Hind,501. how long a night have I spent!
Even the shortest night has become too long.
As if, when the Pleiades were high overhead,
I was given an adder's spittle502. or poison to drink.
One day embittered the sweetness of life,
turning my hair white though I was still a youth.
(That is the day when) your father's sons were killed while I
was far away
and could not see them. They departed nobly.
No, by God, I shall never forget Yazid,
or the dead who were slain unlawfully.
I hope to slay Yazid503 one day in retaliation for your brother,
or else slay Hisham in retaliation for him.
I hope to lead the horses until they are disheveled,
lean and lank, pounding the hillsides.
I will very shortly surprise the .Himyar with them in the
morning,
and the 'Akk, and frighten with those two the Judham.
And we will give the Madhhij and the tribe of Kalb
long draughts of deadly poison to drink.
(I mean) our kinsmen who mistreat us and
regularly put us to the test year after year.504
Were it not for them and the crime they committed against us,
he would have become, in the midst of us, a king and hero.
500. Kufi, Futuh, VIII, 22, mentions eighty men who were slain by order of the
Caliph. Azdi, Ta'rikh, 15, mentions fourteen prisoners who were slain in retaliation for 'Adi b. Artat and his comrades.
501. That is, Hind bt. al-Muhallab, Yazid's sister.
502. Text: lu'ab aswad. Literally, "black drivel."
503. That is, Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik.
504. Text: 'aman bi-'ama. This should be amended to read 'aman fa-'ama. I owe
this point to Professor Abbas.

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He also recited the following elegy for Yazid b. al-Muhallab:

The length of this night has refused to come to an end,
and concern stirred your captivated heart.
I stayed awake, while Umm Khalid505 slept alongside me.
I couldn't sleep for a full year.
Because of the deceased whose loss crushed the tribe.
When the Fates summoned him, he responded and
submitted.

[1415]

Because of a king, O friend, in al-'Aqr, to whose

cavalry detachments cowardice was attributed,
who met his death with his well-known emblem (of
courage).
He was slain, but I was not present. Had I been present,
I would have put on the garments of mourning506 if the
tribe did not observe a day of mourning.
In the vicissitudes of time, O Hind, know
that someone who seeks to retaliate has to bide his time
because he has to go about it carefully.
Perhaps, if the wind blows me
in the direction of Ibn Abi Dhibban,507 he will repent.
O Maslamah, if our spears reach you,
with them we will make you taste the venom of black
serpentsO Maslamah.508
And if al-'Abbas509 should ever stumble,
we will repay him for what he did that day.
In retaliation. Yet we will not exceed what he did
to us, and even then Ibn Marwan510 would be the
wrongdoer.
You will know, if your foot slips,
and some people reveal the shame they want to suppress,
505. Umm Khalid is either Thabit Qutnah's wife or concubine.
506. Text: tassalaytu, "I would have been consoled"; read la-sallabtu, following Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, V, 88.
507. Ibn Abi Dhibban is either Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik b. Marwan (see Tabari,
Glossary, s.v. Ibn Abi Dhibban), or his brother, Maslamah (see Azdi, Ta'rikh,14,
n. I).
508. Text: muslama, "having been given up to destruction." This should be
amended to read maslama. I owe this point to Professor Abbas.
509. Al-'Abbas b. al-Walid.
510. Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik b. Marwan.

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Who the transgressor is who drags mischief to his household,

whether the causes of a matter are clear or obscure.

[1416]

Verily, we are inclined to clemency out of generosityafter

we see ignorance from the extravagance of a base person.
Verily, we have established ourselves in frontier fortresses
in which no one resides except for a large military
regiment.
We see that the neighbors have needs and deference,511
when such a neighbor's deference is not considered by
other people.
Verily, we feed the guest from the highest part of the camel's
hump,
when the offers of those who can offer are made
reluctantly.
When the cold wind brings forth incessant ice,
on the backs of tired grey mares that stand still without
eating fodder.
Our father is the father of the 'Helpers,' 'Amr b. 'Amir,512
and they gave birth to "Awf, Ka'b, and Aslam.513
There was considerable glory in Ghassan,
a glory that was old and considered magnificent.
In the year in which Maslamah b. 'Abd al-Malik concluded the
conflict with Yazid b. al-Muhallab, Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik gave
him joint control over the governorships of al-Kufah, al-Basrah,
and Khurasan.514 Having been charged with these assignments by
Yazid, Maslamah appointed Dhu al-Shamah Muhammad b. 'Amr
b. al-Walid b. 'Uqbah b. Abi Mu'ayt as governor of al-Kufah.

[1417]

Now, after the Muhallabids had left al-Basrah, control of that

city was takenaccording to some authoritiesby Shabib b. alHarith al-Tamimi, who managed its affairs. But when al-Basrah
was put under Maslamah's jurisdiction, he appointed 'Abd alRahman b. Sulaym al-Kalbi as his governor there; and he put
511. The text is hajan wa-hurmatan. See Azdi, Ta'rikh, 14: haqqan wa-hur
matan, "rights and deference"; Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, V, 88: h. aqqan wa-dhimmatan, "rights and protection."
512. See text above, I/t 1132; Caskel, -Gamharah *, II, 169, s.v. 'Amr b. 'Amir
513. See Caskel, Gamharah*, I, 176.
514. See Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, I, 332; Dinawari, Akhbar, 334; FHA, 75.

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'Umar b. Yazid al-Tamimi in charge of the police and the militia.

'Abd al-Rahman b. Sulaym wanted to review the Basran army,515
but when he revealed his plan to 'Umar b. Yazid, the latter said to
him, "Do you want to review the Basran army when you have
neither proceeded towards a fortress in Kuwayfah,516 nor staffed
it with your supporters?517 By God, if the soldiers of the Basran
army were to throw stones at you and your forces, I fear that they
would kill us. Wait ten days so that we can prepare ourselves for
that." 'Umar then sent a messenger to Maslamah, informing him
of 'Abd al-Rahman's plan, whereupon Maslamah sent 'Abd alMalik b. Bishr b. Marwan to serve as governor of al-Basrah, and he
confirmed 'Umar b. Yazid's position as head of the police and the
militia.
Abu Jab'far (al-Tabari) recounted: In this year, Maslamah b. 'Abd
al-Malik dispatched Sa'id b. 'Abd al-'Aziz b. al-Harith b. al-Hakam
b. Abi al-'As, who is known as Sa'id Khudhaynah, (to serve as
governor of Khurasan).518 He was given this nickname, according
to some authorities, because he was a soft, easy, man who lived in
comfort and luxury. He arrived in Khurasan, riding a Bukhtiyyah
camel,519 with a knife hanging from his belt. When the King of
Abghar520 went in to see him, Sa'id was wearing dyed garments
and was surrounded by dyed cushions. The King emerged and was
asked, "How did you find the governor?" He replied, "He is a
khudhaynah whose hair style resembles that of Sukaynah."521
This is why he was given the nickname "Khudhaynah." The
word khudhaynah means "the wife of the dihqan," (hence,) ''the
mistress of the house.'' Maslamah appointed Sa'id Khudhaynah as
governor of Khurasan because the latter was his son-in-law, for
Sa'id was married to Maslamah's daughter.

[1418]

515. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, V, 89, adds: "in order to kill them."
516. See note 481 above.
517. Text: wa-tudkhilu tahtaju ilayhi; read wa-tudkhilu man tahtaju ilayhi,
following the Cairo ed.
518. See Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, I, 335; Baladhuri Futuh. (Cairo), III, 524-25;
Dinawari, Akhbar, 334; Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh, III, 55; Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom
451-52.
519. A Bukhtiyyah camel is a species of camel of Turkoman or Bactrian breed.
See Lane, Lexicon, pt. 1, p. 158.
520. A district of Samarqand. See Yaqut, Mu'jam, I, 74; Le Strange, Lands, 466.
521. Text: khudhayniyyah limmatuhu sukayniyyah. Sukaynah bt. al-Husayn
b. 'All had a special hair style that was named for her.

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Maslamah Appoints Sa'id Khudhaynah as Governor

of Khurasan
When Maslamah appointed Sa'id Khudhaynah as governor of
Khurasan, the latter dispatched to that province, prior to his own
departure, Sawrah b. al-Hurr, who was from the Banff Darim.
According to some authorities, Sawrah arrived there one month
before Satid did. Satid also appointed Shu'bah b. Zuhayr alNahshali as governor of Samarqand. Shu'bah set out for that
province, accompanied by twenty-five members of his household,
taking the road to 'Amul52and reaching Bukhara523 where he
was joined by two hundred men. Then he reached al-Sughd,524
the inhabitants of which had renounced Islam during the administration of 'Abd al-Rahman b. Nu'aym al-Ghamidi, who had
served as governor for eighteen months. Subsequently, they re
turned to the terms of the peace treaty. Shu'bah delivered a speech
to the army of al-Sughd in which he denounced the Arab inhabi
tants of the province and accused them of cowardice, saying, "I do
not see a wounded man among you, nor do I hear anyone groaning." They made excuses to him, attributing cowardice to their
governor, 'Ilba' b. Habib al-'Abdi, who was in charge of military
affairs. Then, when Sa'id arrived, he arrested and imprisoned the
governors of 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Abdallah al-Qushayri, who had
been appointed during the caliphate of 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz.
'Abd al-Rah. man b. 'Abdallah al-Qushayri appealed to him on behalf of them, but Sa'id responded, "They are accused of stealing
money from the tribute." 'Abd al-Rahman offered to assume liability for the stolen moneythe security for them was seven
hundred thousand (dirhams)but Sa'id did not collect the sum
from him.

[1419]

Next, as is reported by 'Ali b. Muhammad, Sa'id was informed

that eight menincluding Jahm b. Zahr al-Ju'fi, 'Abd al-'Aziz b.
'Amr b. al-Hajjaj al-Zabidi, al-Muntaji' b. 'Abd al-Rahman al-Azdi,
and al-Qa'qa' al-Azdiwho had been appointed as governors by
522. A town in Khurasan situated three miles from the left bank of the Oxus.
See EI2, s.v. Amul.
523. See EI2., s.v. Bukhara.
524. See note 334 above.

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Yazid b. al-Muhallab, had in their possession monies that they

had stolen from the levies belonging to the Muslims. He sent for
them and imprisoned them in the Marw citadel.525 Someone said
to him, "These men will not pay up unless you raise your hand
against them,"526 so he sent for Jahm b. Zahr, who was brought
from the Marw citadel on a donkey and put on display in front of
al-Fayd b. 'Imran. A1-Fayd stood before him and struck him on the
nose, whereupon Jahm said to him, "O sinner, why didn't you do
that when they brought you to me, drunk on wine, and I administered the hadd punishment to you?" Angered by Jahm, Sa'id ad
ministered two hundred lashes to him. The merchants praised
God when Jahm b. Zahr received his beating. Sa'id then ordered
that Jahm and the other seven men who were in the prison were
to be handed over to Warqa' b. Nasr al-Bahili,527 but when Warqa'
asked to be excused from that job, Sa'id complied with his request.

[1420]

'Abd al-Hamid b. Ditharor 'Abd al-Malik b. Ditharand alZubayr b. Nushayt, a client of the tribe of Bahilah and husband of
Sa'id Khudhaynah's mother, said, "Give us control over their imprisonment."528Warqa' agreed, and they slew Jahm, 'Abd al-'Aziz
b. 'Amr, and al-Muntaji' after torturing them; they tortured al'Qa'qa' and several others to the point of death. They were still in
prison when the Turks and the Soghdian army attacked, at which
point Sa'id ordered the release of those who remained. Sa'id used
to exclaim, "May God render al-Zubayr hideous, for he slew
Jahm."
In this year, the Muslims carried out raids against the Soghdians and the Turks; this was the year in which the battle took
place at the fortress of al-Bahili
In this year, Sa'id Khudhaynah dismissed Shu'bah b. Zuhayr as
governor of Samarqand.529
525. Text: quhunduz Marw. On the Arabic term quhunduz, see Yaqut, Mu'jam,
IV, 419.
526. Text: tabsutu 'alayhim, a Qur'anic expression. See Qur'an 5:11, 60:2.
527. Warqa' had reportedly served as commander of the guard in Khurasan
under Qutaybah b. Muslim. See text above, II/1292, sub anno 96.
528. Text: mahabisahum; the Cairo ed. has mahasibahum, "(Let us settle) the
score with them."
529. See Ibn Kathir, Bidayah, IX, 222-23; Gibb, Arab Conquests, 61.

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Sa'id's Dismissal of Shu'bah and the Battle at the

Fortress of al-Bahili
According to 'Ali b. Muhammadhis aforementioned authorities: When Sa'id Khudhaynah arrived in Khurasan, he summoned a group of dihqans and asked them to recommend the
names of men that he might send out to the districts. They recommended a group of Arabs, whom he then appointed. Subsequently, however, he began to receive complaints about them.
One day, when the people had come to see him, he said, "I arrived
in this province not knowing anything about its inhabitants, so I
asked for advice, and a certain group was recommended to me. I
inquired about them and, after receiving positive reports, I appointed them. I adjure you to inform me about my governors!"
Then the people praised them. But 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Abdallah
al-Qushayri said, "Had you not adjured us, I would have desisted,
but now that you have adjured us I can say that you sought counsel from polytheists who recommended to you people who would
be amenable to themselves and their likes. This is all that we
know about them." At that, Sa'id steadied himself on his elbow530 and then sat up straight. Then he recited, "'Take the
abundance, and bid to what is honorable, and turn away from the
ignorant.'531 Leave!''

[1421]

Our source continued: Sa'id dismissed Shu'bah b. Zuhayr from

al-Sughd, putting 'Uthman b. 'Abdallah b. Mutarrif b. al-Shikhkhir in command of the military administration and Sulayman b.
Abi al-Sari, a client of the Banff 'Uwafah, in charge of the fiscal
administration. He appointed Ma'qil b. 'Urwah al-Qushayri as his
governor in Herat,532 whereupon Ma'qil set out for that city. The
soldiers, who considered Sa'id to be a weak man, gave him the
nickname "Khudhaynah," and the Turks therefore became eager
to defeat Sa'id. The Khaqan of the Turks rallied his men and sent
them to al-Sughd. The commander of the Turks was a certain
530. Text: ittaka. The Cairo ed. has ittaka'a, which means the same thing.
531. Qur'an 7:199.
532. One of the principal cities of Khurasan and a great trading center, strate
gically located on the trade routes linking the Mediterranean Sea with India and
China. See EI2, s. v. Harat; Yaqut, Mu'jam, V, 396-97.

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Kursul.533 They advanced to the Bahilah fortress, where they set

up camp.
Some sources say: One of the great dihqans wanted to marry a
Bahili woman who was in that fortress; he sent her a proposal of
marriage. When she refused, he raised up an army in the hope of
capturing the inhabitants of the fortress and seizing the woman.
Kursul advanced and surrounded the inhabitants of the fortress,
in which there were one hundred families. Fearing that 'Uthman
b. 'Abdallah, the governor of Samarqand at the time, would be
slow to send them reinforcements, they sued the Turks for peace
in exchange for forty thousand (dirhams); they also gave the
Turks seventeen men as hostages. Meanwhile, 'Uthman b. 'Abdallah called for volunteers. A1-Musayyab b. Bishr al-Riyahi responded to the summons; in addition, four thousand men from all
of the tribes volunteered. But Shu'bah b. Zuhayr scoffed, "Had the
horsemen of Khurasan been here, they could not have attained
their goal."534 Among those who volunteered from the Banff
Tamim were Shu'bah b. Zuhayr al-Nahshali; Bal'a' b. Mujahid
al-Anzi; 'Amirah b. Rabi'ah, one of the Banff al-'Ujayf, who is
known as 'Amirat al-Tharid; Ghalib b. al-Muhajir al-Tai'the
paternal uncle of535 Abu al-'Abbas al-Tusi; Abu Sa'id Mu'awiyah
b. al-Hajjaj al-Ta'i; Thabit Qutnah; Abu al-Muhajir b. Darah, from
the tribe of Ghatafan; Hulays536 al-Shaybani; al-Hajjaj b. 'Amr alTa'i; Hassan b. Ma'dan al-Ta'i; and al-Ash'ath Abu Hatamah and
'Amr b. Hassan, both from the Tayyi'.

[1422]

When the forces had assembled, al-Musayyab b. Bishr said,

"You are about to arrive at the arena of the Turks, the arena of the
Khaqan, and others. The reward, if you are steadfast, is Paradise,
and the punishment, if you flee, is Hellfire. Let those of you who
intend to attack and be steadfast come forward." At this point,
thirteen hundred men left him, and he marched forwards with the
rest. After advancing one farsakh (6 km.), he addressed the soldiers in terms similar to those in the first speech, and one thou533. Kursul was also known as Kl-chr. See Gibb, Arab Conquests, 61.
534. Their goal was to rescue the Muslims from the Turks.
535. The word 'amm, "paternal uncle," is omitted in the text but supplied in
the Cairo ed.
536. Text: Julays; read Hulays, following the Cairo ed.

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sand of them withdrew. He advanced another farsakh and repeated his speech, and another thousand withdrew.537 He marched
forwardsal-Ashhab b. 'Ubayd al-Hanzali served as their guide
until he was two farsakhs (12 km.) from the enemy, whereupon
he set up camp. Then the Turkish Khaqan, the King of Qiyy,538
approached the Muslims and said, "All of the dihqans have
sworn allegiance to the other Turk,539 but I command three hundred
fighters who are at your disposal. According to my information, the inhabitants of the fortress sued the Turks for peace in
return for forty thousand (dirhams); they also gave them seventeen men to serve as hostages until the tribute is paid. But when
the Turks learned that you were marching towards them, they
slew the hostages." Among the hostages were Nahshal b. Yazid
al-Bahili, who managed to escape without being slain, and alAshhab b. 'Ubaydallah al-Hanzali. The (Muslims) had sworn to
attack (the Turks) on the morrow or let them conquer the
fortress.

[1423]

That night, al-Musayyab sent out two horsemen, one an Arab

and the other a non-Arab, instructing them as follows, "When
you approach the fortress, tether your animals to a tree and deter
mine the status of the people." The two men set out on a dark
night, but the Turks had flooded the area around the fortress in
order to prevent anyone from reaching it. When they drew near to
the fortress, the sentry called out to them. They responded, "Be
quiet and summon 'Abd al-Malik b. Dithar for us." The sentry
complied. The two men said to 'Abd al-Malik, "We have been
sent by al-Musayyab, and deliverance is here.'' He asked, ''Where
is he?" He replied, "Two farsakhs (12. km.) from here. Can you
hold out for the remainder of tonight and tomorrow?" 'Abd alMalik said, "We have sworn to protect our women and to send
them to their death ahead of us540 so that we might all die to537. Thus, of four thousand initial volunteers, seven hundred remained.
538. A town near Samarqand, located on a canal of the Zarafshan River. See
Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom, 452, n. 2.
539. Text: al-turk ghayri, referring to the "Khaqan of the Turks" mentioned in
text above, II/1421.
540. Text: qad ajma'na 'ala taslimi nisa'ina wa-taqdimihim (sic) li-l-mawti
areamana. The translation is conjectural.

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gether tomorrow." The two men reported back to al-Musayyab,

who then said to his supporters, "I will march against the enemy
(immediately). If anyone wants to leave, let him go." Not a single
person left him, and they swore to fight to the death.
By the time al-Musayyab set out, additional water had been
released around the city in order to render it inaccessible. When
he was half a farsakh (3 km.) from the Turks, he dismounted and
resolved to carry out a surprise attack by night. That evening, he
gave the men their orders. They saddled up their horses, and he
mounted his. He urged them to be steadfast; he not only incited
their interest in the rewards to be received in the next life by
those who had accumulated pious deeds and were steadfast but
also enticed them with the honor and booty that they would
receive in this world, if they were victorious. He instructed them
as follows:

[1424]

Muzzle your horses and lead them forward. When you

approach the enemy, mount and attack with earnestness.
Exclaim the expression "God is great" and let your battle
cry be "O Muhammad." Do not pursue someone who has
turned his back and fled. You are responsible for the
horses, so make their backs sore,541 for animals with sore
backs will charge them more furiously than you will. A
small number of steadfast men is preferable to a large
number of cowards. Nor are your numbers insignificant.
One cannot strike the enemy with seven hundred swords
without weakening him, regardless of his number.
Our source continued: He arranged them in their places, putting
Kuthayyir b. al-Dabusi on the right flank and a man from the tribe
of Rabi'ah known as Thabit Qutnah on the left. They marched
forward until they were two bowshots away from them, where
upon they exclaimed, "God is great." This occurred at dawn. The
541. The translation is conjectural. The text is fa-'qiruha, which literally means
"cut their hamstrings." A hobbled camel, however, is presumably immobile. The
hobbling of camels was indeed practiced by the Arabs as a military tactic, but as a
defensive, not an offensive maneuver. See J. Jandora, "The Battle of the Yarmuk,"
p. 16. According to Professor Abbas, the text may be amended to read fa-a'dhiruha,
"tighten their reins.''

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Turks leaped to their feet. The Muslims penetrated to the middle

of the camp, having made the backs of their horses sore,542 but the
Turks persevered against them. The Muslims were routed and
they withdrew to al-Musayyab, pursued by the Turks, who
wounded the back of al-Musayyab's horse. Many Muslims dismounted in order to fight, including al-Bakhtari Abu 'Abdallah alMura'i; Muhammad b. Qays al-Ghanawialso known as Muhammad b. Qays al-'Anbari; Ziyad al-Isbahani; Mu'wiyah b. al-Hajjaj;
and Thabit Qutnah. A1-Bakhtari fought, and when his right arm
was slashed he transferred the sword to his left; it, too, was
slashed, and he began to defend himself with his hands until,
finally, he was slain as a martyr. Also slain as martyrs were
Muhammad b. Qays al-'Anbarior al-Ghanawiand Shabib b. alHajjaj al-Ta'i

[1425]

Then the polytheists were put to flight. Thabit Qutnah struck

one of their best soldiers, slaying him. Al-Musayyab's herald
called out, "Do not pursue them, for they do not understand (the
meaning of) fear, whether you pursue them or not! Head for the
fortress, but do not carry off any goods, except money, and do not
carry off anyone who can walk." A1-Musayyab said, "Whoever
carries off a woman, a young boy, or a weak person for the sake of
God receives his wages from God, and whoever abstains will
receive forty dirhams. If there is anyone in the fortress with
whom you have a pact, take him with you."
Our source continued: They all headed for the fortress and
carried off whoever was in it. A man from the Banff Fuqaym
reached a woman who implored him, saying "Help me, may God
help you." He halted and said, "Jump onto the back of the horse."
She leaped and, behold, there she was on the back of the horse;
she was more skillful on a horse than a man. A1-Fuqaymi grabbed
her son's handhe was a young childand put him between his
arms. The Muslims made their way to the Turkish Khaqan, who
took them into his fortress and brought them food. He said, "Go
to Samarqand and do not retrace your steps." As they were setting
out for Samarqand, the Turkish Khaqan asked them, ''Is there
anyone left in the fortress?" They replied, ''Hilal al-Hariri" He
542. Text: fa-'aqiru-l-dawabba. See the preceding note.

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said, "I will not abandon him." He found him, with over thirty
wounds on his body, and carried him away. He recovered, but was
slain subsequently together with al-Junayd at the Battle of the
Pass.543 When the Turks returned the next day, they found nothing in the fortress except the corpses of their comrades. They said,
"Those who came were not human."
Thabit Qutnah recited:
My life for the horsemen of Tamim,
[1426]
on the morning of the battle in the tight spot.
My life for horsemen who had protected me544
from the enemy amidst the dark dust.
In the fortress of al-Bahili They had seen me
defending where the defender was reluctant.
With my sword, after the spear had broken, boldly.
I drove them away with a sharp, well-made sword.
Circling around them with my horse,
like drinkers passing a jug of wine around.
I charge with it at the time of the adversities until
the adversities vanish and I no longer feel their tight grip.
Were it not for GodHe has no partner
and my striking the head of the heroic king.
Then the women of the Banu Dithar would have been driven
before the Turks with their anklets uncovered.
Who among the Tamim is conspicuous like al-Musayyab,
Abu Bishr, like feathers at the wing tips of a pigeon?
Jarir recited, mentioning al-Musayyab:
Had (the Banu) Yarbu' not protected your women,
people other than you would have made use of their days
of purity.

[1427]

A1-Musayyab defended (them) when the two armies were in

trouble,
since Mazin's neighbor there has no protector.
Since there is no 'Iqal545 to defend your sacred things,
543. See text below, II/1546-53, sub anno 112; EI2, s.v. al-Djunayd.
544. Text: iktafawni; read aknafuni,following the Cairo ed.
545.- 'Iqal b. Shabbah b. 'Iqal al-Mujashi'i.

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and no Zurarah546 to defend them, nor anyone attached to

Zurarah.547
Our source continued: That night, Abu Sa'id Mu'awiyah b. alHajjaj al-Ta'i, who had served as a provincial governor on behalf
of Sa'id, was blinded in one eye and his hand was crippled. But
when he failed to pay part of what was claimed from him, he was
taken to account. Sa'id turned him over to Shaddad b. Khulayd alBahill so that the latter might settle the account with him and
retrieve (the money). Shaddad treated Abu Sa'id harshly, causing
the latter to exclaim, "O tribe of Qays, when I went to the fortress
of al-Bahili, I was a man of great might and powerful eyesight. But
I was blinded in one eye and my arm was crippled while fighting
with the other warriors in the effort to rescue (the Muslims in the
fortress) who were on the verge of being either slain, captured, or
imprisoned. Now look at the manner in which your comrade is
treating me! Keep him away from me." They released him.
According to 'Abdallah b. Muhammada man who was present that night at the fortress of al-Bahili: "We were inside the
fortress, and when the two armies engaged in battle, we thought
that the Day of Resurrection had arrived on account of what we
heard, namely, the groans emitted by the soldiers, the clashing of
iron, and the neighing of the horses."

[1428]

In this year, Sa'id Khudhaynah crossed over the Balkh River and
attacked the Soghdians, who had violated their treaty and aided
the Turks against the Muslims.548
Sa'id Khudhaynah's Military Expedition against the
Soghdians
It is reported that Sa'id carried out this military expedition because, after the Turks returned to al-Sughd, the troops spoke to
him, saying, "The fact that you are no longer carrying out military expeditions has allowed the Turks to take the offensive and
caused the Soghdians to renounce Islam." He therefore crossed
over the river and headed for al-Sughd. He was met by the Turks,
546. Zurarah b. 'Udus.
547. Text: zurrar; the Cairo ed. has wuzzar. See Diwan Jarir, I, 326.
548. See Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh, III, 55.

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together with a detachment of the Soghdian army, but the Muslims put them to flight. Sa'id said, "Do not pursue them, for alSughd is the garden of the Commander of the Faithful, and you
have already defeated them. Do you want to annihilate them? O
army of Iraq, you have fought against the caliphs several times,
but did they destroy you?"
The Muslims advanced until they reached a gorge that stood
between them and the meadow.549 'Abd al-Rahman b. Subh declared, "Let no man who is clad in armor nor any foot soldier
cross over this gorge; everyone else may cross over." They crossed
over. But the Turks saw them and prepared an ambush. The Muslim cavalry appeared before them, and the two armies engaged in
battle. The Turks retreated, and the Muslims pursued them until
they passed by the ambuscade, where they were attacked (by the
Turks) and put to flight, retreating all the way back to the gorge.
'Abd al-Rahman b. Subh said to them, "Try to defeat them without crossing over, for if you do cross over, they will destroy you."
They held off the Turks, who eventually withdrew without being
pursued by the Muslims.

[1429]

Some authorities say: Shu'bah b. Zuhayr and his forces were

killed on that very day. Other authorities say: The Turks withdrew from them on that day, accompanied by a detachment of the
Soghdian army, having been defeated. The next day, a Muslim
vanguard--the members of the vanguard at that time were from
the Banff Tamimwent out and were surprised by the Turks,
who attacked them from behind a thicket. Shu'bah b. Zuhayr,
who was in command of the cavalry of the Banff Tamim, fought
against them but was slain when they drove him off his mount.
One of the Arab soldiers was slain and his slave girl was brought
out carrying some henna. She exclaimed, "How long shall I prepare henna such as this for you when you are dyed with blood?"
She spoke for a long time, bringing the inhabitants of the military
camp to tears. Approximately fifty soldiers were slain, and the
members of the vanguard were put to flight.
When the cry for help reached the troops, 'Abd al-Rahman b. alMuhallab al-'Adawi said, "I was the first one to reach them after
we received the news. I was riding a swift horse and, behold, there
549. Apparently, a meadow in al-Sughd.

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was 'Abdallah b. Zuhayr550 next to a tree. There were so many

arrows in his body that he looked like a porcupine. He had been
slain."
A1-Khalil b. Aws al-'Abshami, a young man from the Banu
Zalim, mounted his horse and cried out, "O Banff Tamim, I am
al-Khalil. Follow me." A detachment of soldiers joined al-Khalil,
who attacked the enemy with them. They held off the enemy,
keeping them far away551 from the soldiers until the military
commander arrived with reinforcements and the enemy was put
to flight. A1-Khalil became the leader of the Banff Tamara cavalry
on that day, a position he held until Nasr b. Sayyar was appointed
governor (of Khurasan),552 at which point al-Khalil's brother, alHakam b. Aws, became the leader of the Banu Tamim.
According to 'Ali b. Muhammadhis shaykhs: Sawrah b. alHurr said to Hawan, "Leave, O Hawan." He exclaimed, "Shall I
abandon God's martyrs and depart?" He said, ''O you Nabataean.'' He said, "May God cause you to become a Nabataean."553
He said: Hayyan al-Nabati's nom de guerre was Abu al-Hayyaj.554
About him the poet recited:

[1430]

Verily, Abu al-Hayyaj is generous

in assistance. The wind makes a sound in his garments.
Our source continued: Sa'id crossed over the river twice but did
not pass beyond Samarqand. On the first occasion, after establishing his camp across from the enemy, he was advised by Hayyan,
the client of Masqalah b. Hubayrah al-Shaybani, "O commander,
attack the Soghdian army." But he replied, "No, these lands belong to the Commander of the Faithful." Later, however, he inquired about some smoke rising into the sky and was told, "The
Soghdians have renounced Islam, and some of the Turks are with
them." Only then did Sa'id initiate a skirmish, whereupon the
Soghdians were put to flight with the Muslims close on their
heels. But Sa'id's herald called out, "Do not pursue them, for alSughd is the garden of the Commander of the Faithful, and you
550. 'Abdallah b. Zuhayr b. Salim al-Azdi.
551. Text: wa-warra'uhu; read wa-waza'uhum, following the Cairo ed
552. See text below, II/659ff., sub anno 120.
553. Text: anbata-llahu wajhaka. This was considered an insult. See note 471,
above.
554. Abu al-Hayyaj literally means "Father of fury."

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have already put them to flight. Do you want to annihilate them?

O army of Iraq, you fought against the Commander of the Faithful
several times; but he forgave you and did not seek to destroy you,
and he withdrew."
The next year, Sa'id sent some men from the Banff Tamim on a
mission to Waraghsar.555 They said, "Would that we might encounter the enemy so that could attack them." But whenever
a raiding party sent by Sa'id scored a victory, acquiring booty and
taking prisoners, he would send back the captives' women and
children and punish the raiding party. A1-Hajari, who was a poet,
recited:
You advanced toward the enemy by night playing with a
concubine,
with your penis drawn and your sword sheathed.

[1431]

And you are for your enemies a very courteous wife.556

Against us you are like a sharp sword.
How excellent were the Soghdians when they assembled!
And how strange your wavering stratagem!
Sawrah b. al-Hurr, who had protected Hayyan al-Nabati despite
the fact that the latter had insulted him by saying, "May God
cause you to become a Nabataean!," said to Sa'id, "That slave is
the person most hostile to the Arabs and to the provincial governors. He ruined Khurasan for Qutaybah b. Muslim and he will fall
upon you, mining Khurasan for you. Then he will fortify himself
inside one of those strongholds." Sa'id replied, "O Sawrah, don't
mention this to anyone.'' Several days later, Sa'id asked for sour
milk to be brought to his chamber. Some gold that he had ordered
previously was ground into powder and put in Hayyan's cup.
Hayyan drank the sour milk that had been laced with gold
powder. Sa'id and his soldiers then mounted their horses and rode
four farsakhs (24 km.) to Barkath,557 pretending that they were
pursuing an enemy. Then they returned. Hayyan lived' for four
days after drinking the milk and died on the fourth day.
555. Literally, "the head of the dam"; one of the twelve districts of Samarqand.
See Yaqut, Mu'jam, V, 372; Barthold, Turkestan, 83, 92.
556. Text: 'irsu khafiyyatin, "a hidden wife." This should be amended to read
'irsun hafiyyatun. I owe this point to Professor Abbas.
557. The chief town in Buzmajan, which was one of the districts of Samarqand,
on the main road to the Syr Darya. See Yaqut, Mu'jam, I, 320; Barthold, Turkestan,
94; Le Strange, Lands, 466.

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Sa'id placed heavy burdens on the soldiers, who considered him

to be weak. There was a man from the Banff Asad by the name of
Isma'il who was devoted to Marwan b. Muhammad.558 Someone
mentioned Isma'il's devotion to Marwan, in the presence of
Khudhaynah, causing Sa'id to exclaim, "Who is this bastard?" In
response, Isma'il satirized him, saying:

[1432]

Khudhaynah alleges that I am a bastard,

but Khudhaynah has the mirror and the comb.
(Incense) burners and kohl containers have been laid out,
and musical instruments. On her cheek are spots.
Is this better, or a full coat of mail composed of double rings,
and a sharp sword fashioned to cut,
In the possession of a trustworthy, powerful male,
not nourished by effeminacy and effeminate
embellishments?559
Are you angry because your mother's son spent the night
with them and because your father has no reputation?
Verily, I saw their arrows covered
with fitting feathers, while your arrows are featherless.560
And I saw them reclining on their cushions
at the assembly place, while you were roaming astray in
the desert.561
In this year, Maslamah b. 'Abd al-Malik departed for Syria after
having been relieved of his duties in Iraq and Khurasan.562
The Dismissal Of Maslamah From Iraq And Khurasan
According to 'Ali b. Muhammad, Maslamah was dismissed be
cause, after being put in charge of the provinces of Iraq and
558. Marwan b. Muhammad b. Marwan al-Ja'di was an Umayyad general and
later Caliph. See El., s.v. Marwan II b. Muhammad
559. Text: wa-l-laqtu, "and the (base) status of being a foundling." This should
be amended to read wa-l-lu'tu. A lu'tah is a black or yellow line that a woman
draws on her cheek. I owe this point to Professor Abbas.
560. Text: inni ra'aytu nibalahum kusiyat risha-l-lu'am wa-nablukum murt.
That is to say, their men were positioned in the right places, while yours were not.
See Lane, Lexicon, pt. 3, P. 1200; Wrterbuch, s.v., lu'am.
561. Text: wa-antum khiltu, "while you were half-breeds." This should be
amended to read wa-antum hultu. I owe this point to Professor Abbas.
562. See Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, I, 335; Dinawari, Akhbar, 337; Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh,
III, 55; Azdi, Ta'rikh, 16; FHA, 75.

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Khurasan, he did not send the surplus tribute (to Damascus).563

Yazid b. 'Atikah564 wanted to dismiss him, but was ashamed to
do so. He wrote to him, saying, "Appoint a deputy governor and
come here."

[1433]

It is reported that Maslamah consulted with 'Abd al-'Aziz b.

Hatim b. al-Nu'man regarding his departure to visit Ibn 'Atikah.
'Abd al-'Aziz said to him, "Are you going because you long for
him? Why are you so emotional when you have recently been
with him?" Maslamah said, "I must go." 'Abd al-'Aziz said, ''In
that case, no sooner will you leave this province than you will
meet the new governor." Then Maslamah departed. At Durayn565
he was met by 'Umar b. Hubayrah, who was traveling with five
post-horses. Ibn Hubayrah came in to greet him, and Maslamah
asked, "Where are you going, Ibn Hubayrah?" He replied, ''The
Commander of the Faithful sent me to collect the wealth of the
Muhallabids." When he left, Maslamah sent for 'Abd al-'Aziz,
who came to him. Maslamah said, "Behold, Ibn Hubayrah met us,
as you know." 'Abd al-'Aziz said, "I told you so." He said, "But
Yazid sent him merely for the purpose of collecting the wealth of
the Muhallabids." He said, "(Do you believe that) Ibn Hubayrah
has been dismissed from al-Jazirah and sent to collect the wealth
of the Muhallabids? The latter is more astonishing than the for
mer!"566 Shortly thereafter Maslamah learned that Ibn Hubayrah
had dismissed the governors he had appointed and treated them
roughly. A1-Farazdaq recited:
The horses carried Maslamah away, bidding farewell.567
So graze, Fazarah,568 (but) may the grazing not fatten you!
Ibn Bishr was dismissed, and Ibn 'Amr before him,
and the governor of Herat expects a similar fate.
I know that if the Fazarah are invested with authority,
563. Text: lam yarfa' min al-kharaj shay'an. See FHA, 75, where the text is lam
yursil ila Yazd shay'an, "He did not send anything to Yazid."
564. That is, his brother, the Caliph, Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik. See note 153,
above.
565. There is no entry for Durayn in Yaqut's geographical dictionary. Dur and
Duran were common place names in Iraq.
566. 'Abd al-'Aziz means that Maslamah's naivet with regard to the real purpose of Ibn Hubayrah's mission is more astonishing than his naivetd with regard
to his recall by the Caliph.
567. Text: muwadda'an; read muwaddi'an, following the Cairo ed.
568. 'Umar b. Hubayrah was from the tribe of Fazarah.

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the Ashja' will soon covet the emirate.

What is their situation vis--vis your Lord's creatures? The
likes of them
do covet something similar to what the Fazarah
attained.569
"Ibn Bishr" refers to 'Abd al-Malik b. Bishr b. Marwan; "Ibn
'Amr" refers to Muhammad Dhu al-Shamah b. 'Amr b. a-Walid;
and "the governor of Herat" refers to Sa'id Khudhaynah b. 'Abd
al-'Aziz, who served as governor of Khurasan on behalf of Maslamah.

[1434]

In this year, 'Umar b. Hubayrah attacked the Byzantines in

Armenia, putting them to flight and capturing large numbers of
prisoners. According to some sources, he took seven hundred
prisoners.
It is reported that in this year, Maysarah sent his messengers
from Iraq to Khurasan, where the ('Abbasid) propaganda began to
circulate.570 A man from the Banff Tamara by the name of 'Amr b.
Bahir b. Warqa' al-Sa'id came to Sa'id Khudhaynah and said,
"There are people here who are saying ugly things." Sa'id sent for
them, and when they were brought to him, he asked, "Who are
you?" They replied, "We are merchants." He asked, "What is the
meaning of the things that are being said about you?" They replied, "We don't know.'' He asked, ''Have you come to disseminate propaganda?" They replied, "We are too busy with our personal affairs and with our business to be able to do that." He
asked, "Who knows these people?" Some soldiers from the army
of Khurasan, the majority of whom were from the tribes of
Rabi'ah and Yaman, came and said, "We know them and will
assume responsibility for them should they do anything that you
find displeasing." Then he released them.571
In this year, that is, the year 102/720-21, Yazid b. Abi Muslim
was slain in Ifriqiyah,572 where he had been serving as governor.573

[1435]

569. See Diwan al-Farazdaq, I, 408.

570. See text above, II/1358, sub anno 100, note 310.
571. Many of the clients who served as leaders of the 'Abbasid propaganda
movement posed as members of the merchant and artisan class in order to provide
camouflage for their clandestine activities. See Dinawari, Akhbar, 335; Sharon,
Black Banners, 144.
572. The eastern part of the Maghrib. See EI2, s.v. Ifrikiya.
573. See Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, I, 333; Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh, III, 56-57.

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The Slaying of Yazid b. Abi Muslim

It is reported that the circumstances of Yazid's death were as
follows: He had determined to apply to (the inhabitants of Ifriqiyah) the policy that al-Hajjfij b. Yusuf had applied to those Muslims living in the garrison towns who were originally protected
peoples (ahl al-dhimmah) from the rural districts; although they
converted to Islam in Iraq, al-Hajjaj sent them back to their villages and lands, where they were made to pay the poll tax,574 just
as they had been prior to their conversion. When Yazid determined to carry out such a policy, they plotted against him, reportedly resolving to murder him. They slew him and appointed as
their leader the person who had served as their governor prior to
Yazid b. Abi Muslim, that is, Muhammad b. Yazid, a client of the
Helpers, who was a soldier in Yazid b. Abi Muslim's army. They
wrote to Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik as follows: "We have not renounced our allegiance to you. However, Yazid b. Abi Muslim
imposed on us things that were displeasing to God and to the
Muslims, so we slew him and reappointed your governor." Yazid
b. 'Abd al-Malik wrote back to them, saying, "Indeed, I was not
pleased with the policies of Yazid b. Abi Muslim and I hereby
confirm Muhammad b. Yazid as governor of Ifriqiyah."575
In this year, 'Umar b. Hubayrah b. Mu'ayyah b. Sukayn b.
Khudhayj b. Malik b. Sa'd b. 'Adi b. Fazarah was appointed governor of Iraq and Khurasan.

[1436]

In this year, the pilgrimage was led by 'Abd al-Rahman b. alDahhak, as reported by Abu Ma'shar and al-Waqidi.
'Abd al-Rahman b. al-Dahhak was governor of Medina; 'Abd
al-'Aziz b. 'Abdallah b. Khalid b. Asid was governor of Mecca;
Muhammad b. 'Amr Dhu al-Shumah was governor of al-Kufah; alQasim b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Abdallah b. Mast'ud was in charge of
the judiciary in al-Kufah; 'Abd al-Malik b. Bishr b. Marwan was
governor of al-Basrah; Sa'id Khudhaynah was governor of Khurasan; and Usamah b. Zayd was governor of Egypt.
574. Literally, "The jizyah was sealed on their necks."
575. But see Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh, III, 57, where it is reported that Yazid appointed
Bishr b. Safwan al-Kalbi as the new governor.

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The Events Of The Year 103

(July 1, 721June 20, 722)
The Dismissal of Sa'id Khudhaynah As Governor of
Khurasan
Among the events of this year was 'Umar b. Hubayrah's dismissal
of Sa'id Khudhaynah as governor of Khurasan.576 The circumstances of his dismissal, as reported by 'Ali b. Muhammad on the
authority of his shaykhs, were as follows: A1-Mujashshir b. Muzahim al-Sulami and 'Abdallah b. 'Umayr al-Laythi approached
'Umar b. Hubayrah and complained to him about Sa'id. As a result,
'Umar dismissed Sa'id and appointed as governor of Khurasan Sa'id
b. 'Amr b. al-Aswad b. Malik b. Ka'b b. Waqdan b. al-Harish b. Ka'b
b. Rabi'ah b. 'Amir b. Sa'sa'ah. Khudhaynah, at the time, was on a
military expedition near the Gate of Samarqand. The soldiers
learned of his dismissal, and Khudhaynah turned back, leaving a
thousand horsemen in Samarqand. Nahar b. Tawsi'ah recited:
Who will inform the youths of my tribe
[1437]
that the arrows are completely covered with feathers?577
576. See Baladhuri, Futuh (Cairo), III, 525; Ibn Kathir, Bidayah, IX, 223.
577Text: rishat kulla raysh. See note 560, above.

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And that God replaced one Sa'id

with anothernot the effeminate one from the Quraysh?
Our source continued: Sa'id al-Harashi did not interfere with
any of Khudhaynah's governors. When the man who read out his
document of appointment made a grammatical mistake, Sa'id exclaimed, "Be quiet. Whatever you people heard is the responsibility of the scribe, and the governor (that is, 'Umar b. Hubayrah) is
free from any guilt." In connection with this statement, the poet
recited the following verse in which he attributed weakness to alHarashi:
We were given one Sa'id for another
bad fortune and the ordained fate.
A1-Tabari reported: In this year, al-'Abbas b. al-Walid attacked
the Byzantines and conquered a city known as Raslah.578
In this year, the Turks invaded Alan.579
In this year, Mecca was added to the jurisdiction of 'Abd al
Rahman b. al-Dahhak al-Fihri and combined with his jurisdiction
over Medina.
In this year, 'Abd al-Wahid b. 'Abdallah al-Nadri was appointed
governor of al-Ta'if, and 'Abd al-'Aziz b. 'Abdallah b. Khalid b.
Asid was dismissed from Mecca.
In this year, 'Abd al-Rahman b. al-Dahhak was ordered to effect
a reconciliation between Abu Bakr b. Muhammad b. 'Amr b.
Hazm and 'Uthman b. Hayyan al-Murri. The relations between
'Abd al-Rahman and the other two men in previous years has
already been mentioned.580
In this year, the pilgrimage was led by 'Abd al-Rahman b. alDahhak b. Qays al-Fihrias reported by Abu Ma'shar and alWaqidi
In this year, 'Abd al-Rahman b. al-Dahhak was governor of Mecca and Medina on behalf of Yazid b. 'Atikah; 'Abd al-Wahid b.
'Abdallah al-Nadri was governor of al-Ta'if; 'Umar b. Hubayrah
was governor of Iraq and Khurasan; Sa'id b. 'Amr al-Harashi was

[1438]

578. Raslah may be the Byzantine city of Larissa. See Cheira, Arabes et Byzan
tines, 222, n. 1, and the sources cited there. Azdi, Ta'rikh, 17, gives the name of
the city as Awasa.
579. A region in the northern Caucasus near Bab al-Abwab inhabited by the
Alans, an Iranian people. See EI2, s.v. Alan; Yaqut, Mu'jam, V, 8.
580. See text above, II/1281882, sub anno 96; and II/1372-75, sub anno 101.

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governor of Khurasan on behalf of 'Umar b. Hubayrah; al-Qasim

b. 'Abd al-Rabman b. 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud was in charge of the
judiciary in al-Kufah; and 'Abd al-Malik b. Ya'la was in charge of
the judiciary in al-Basrah.
In this year, 'Umar b. Hubayrah appointed Sa'id b. 'Amr alHarashi as governor of Khurasan.581
'Umar B. Hubayrah's Appointment Of Sa'id Al
Harashi as Governor of Khurasan
According to 'Ali b. Muhammadhis authorities: When Ibn
Hubayrah was appointed governor of Iraq, he sent Yazid b. 'Abd
al-Malik the names of those men who had demonstrated their
bravery at the battle of al-'Aqr.582 A1-Harashi's name did not appear on the list, causing Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik to exclaim, "Why
didn't he mention al-Harashi?" Yazid then wrote to Ibn Hubayrah, ordering him to appoint al-Harashi as governor of Khurasan,
which he did. A1-Harashi dispatched al-Mujashshir b. Muzahim
al-Sulami to take command of his vanguard in the year 103/721-22.
Then al-Harashi traveled to Khurasan, where he found the
army face to face with the enemy, having already suffered a disastrous defeat. In a speech to the soldiers, he urged them to engage
in holy war, saying, "The struggle against the enemy of Islam is
not undertaken on the basis of numbers, but on the basis of the
support of God and the might of Islam. Say, 'There is no power
and no strength except in God.'" Then he recited the following
lines:
I don't belong to the 'Amir if you do not see me
in front of the horsemen stabbing with the spearheads.
For I will strike the head of their greatest warrior
with the edge of a well-polished, sharp sword.

[1439]

I am not one who submits in battles,

nor do I fear the combat of the soldiers.
My father protected me from every censure,
581. See Baladhuri, Futuh. (Cairo), III, 525; Kufi, Futuh, VIII, 26; Ibn Kathir,
Bidayah, IX, 223; Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom, 452.
582. See text above, II/1395ff., sub anno 102.

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and my maternal uncle is the best maternal uncle during

times of misfortune.
When the tribe of Ka'b paraded haughtily before me,
and the Banff Hilal strutted like mountains.
In this year, at the time of Sa'id b. 'Amr al-Harashi's arrival, the
Soghdian army left their lands and traveled to Farghanah, where
they asked the king for assistance against the Muslims.583
The Soghdians Leave Their Country For Farghanah
According to 'Ali b. Muhammadhis authorities: The Soghdians
had aided the Turks during the administration of Khudhaynah.
Therefore, when al-Harashi was appointed as their governor, they
feared for their lives, and their leaders resolved to leave their
lands. Their king, however, advised them as follows: "Don't do
this. Stay where you are; pay him whatever tribute you owe and
guarantee him all future tribute; promise him that you will maintain your lands in a good state of cultivation and that you will
accompany him on raids should he desire that; apologize for your
past behavior, and give him hostages to hold." They said, "We
fear that he will not be satisfied and that he will not accept these
terms from us. Therefore, we are going to Khujandah,584 where
we will ask the king for protection. Then we will send a message
to the governor (that is, al-Harashi), asking him to forgive us for
our past behavior and assuring him that henceforth we will not
commit any repugnant acts." Their king said, "I am one of you,
and my advice to you is in your best interests." But they rejected
his advice and set out for Khujandah.

[1440]

Karzanj, Kishshin, Bayarkath, and Thabit took the army of

Ishtikhan,585 and they sent a message to al-Tar, the King of Far
ghanah, asking him to protect them and to allow them to settle in
583. See Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, I, 33536; Baladhuri, Futuh. (Cairo), III, 525;
Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom, 452-54.
584. A town and district in Transoxiana; the town was strung out along the left
bank of the middle Sir Darya at the entrance to the Farghanah valley. See EI2, s.v.
Khudjand(a); Yaqut, Mu'jam, II, 34748.
585. A city five farsakhs (30 km.) from Samarqand that was administered independently of the latter. See Yaqut, Mu'jam, I, 196.

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his city. He was on the verge of agreeing when his mother said to
him, "Don't let those satans enter your city. Rather, clear out
some rural district for them to reside in." He sent to them, saying,
"Name a rural district so that I might clear it out for you. Give
me a delay of forty days"according to some sourcestwenty
days. "If you wish, I will clear out for you the pass occupied by
'Isam b. 'Abdallah al-Bahili, who had been left behind by
Qutaybah to serve as their governor. They agreed to accept 'Isam's
Pass and sent to al-Tar, saying, "Clear it out for us." He said, ''I
will, but you have no agreement and no covenant of protection
with me until you enter it. If the Arabs should overtake you
before you enter it, I will not protect you." They accepted his
terms, and he cleared out the pass for them.
Some authorities say: Ibn Hubayrah appealed to them before
they left their lands, asking them to remain and offering to appoint a governor of their choice. But they rejected his offer and set
out for Khujandah.
'Isam's Pass is in the rural district controlled by Asfarah, who at
that time was the heir apparent to the King of Farghanati, Biladha.586 Biladha,587 Abu Anujur, was the King.
It is said that Karzanj said to them, "I will give you three
options from which to choose. Failure to choose at least one will
result in your destruction. Sa'id, who is known as "the horseman
of the Arabs," has sent 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Abdallah al-Qushayri
with his vanguard, leading a detachment of his men. Carry out a
surprise attack against him at night and kill him. Thus, when al
Harashi learns of this, he will not attack you." But they rejected
this suggestion. He said, "Cross over the Shash River588 and ask
them, 'What do you want from us?' If they respond then you are
saved; if not, then go to Suyab."589 This, too, they rejected. He
said, "Then pay them (the tribute)."

[1441]

586.But see text above, II/1440, where the King of Farghanah is identified as alTar.
587. The discrepancy in the spelling of the King's name is in the text. De Goeje
suggests that Biladha and Biladha should both be read Naylan as at text below,
II/1442 sub anno 104 and II/1554, sub anno 112.
588. The Shash River is in Transoxiana. See El, s.v. Tashkent; Yaqut, Mu'jam,
III, 308-09.
589. The Turgesh capital, destroyed by the Chinese in A. D. 748. See Barthold,
Turkestan, 195, 201.

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Our source continued: Karzanj and Jalnaj set out with the army
of Qiyy, while Abar b. Makhnun and Thabit set out with the
army of Ishtikhan. The army of Bayarkath590 and the army of
Sabaskath591 set out with a thousand men wearing gold belts,
accompanied by the dihqans of Buzmajan.592 A1-Diwashini set
out with the army of Bunjikath593 for the fortress of Abghar.
Karzanj and the Soghdian army reached Khujandah.
590. There is no entry for Bayarkath in Yaqut's geographical dictionary. Bayarkath may be identical with the place name Barkath mentioned at text above,
II/1431, sub anno 102, or with the personal name mentioned at text above,
II/1440. Kath is the usual ending of town names.
591. Yaqut mentions a town by the name of Isbaskath, two farsakhs (12. km.)
from Samarqand. See Mu'jam, I, 172.
592. One of the twelve districts of Samarqand; its chief town was Barkath. See
Barthold, Turkestan, 99, 94; Le Strange, Lands, 466.
593. A town near Samarqand; it is not to be confused with the town of the same
name in Ushrusanah (see n. 598, below). See Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom, 452, n.
2; Yaqut, Mu'jam, I, 499.

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The Events of The Year 104

(June 21, 722June 9, 723)
In this year, the battle took place between al-Harashi and the Soghdian army in which he slew many dihqans.594
The Battle Between Ai-Harashi And The Soghdian
Army
According to 'Alihis authorities: A1-Harashi undertook a military expedition in the year 104/722-23. He crossed over the river
and reviewed the soldiers. Then he traveled to Qasr al-Rih ("The
Castle of the Winds"),595 two farsakhs (12 km.) from al-Dabusiyah,596 where he set up camp. But his army did not join him.
Therefore, al-Harashi ordered the soldiers to pack up and leave.
But Hilal b. 'Ulaym al-Hanzali rebuked him, saying, "I say! You

[1442]

594. See Baladhuri, Futuh. (Cairo), III, 525; Kufi, Futuh., VIII, 26-27.
595. A village in the area of Nishapur. See Yaqut, Mu'jam, IV, 357; Le Strange,
Lands, 388, 430.
596. A town in Transoxiana located in the administrative district of al-Sughd.
See Yaqut, Mu'jam, II, 437-38; Le Strange, Lands, 468, 471.

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are a better political leader than you are a military commander.

The land has no one to defend it. Yet, when your army failed to
join you, you gave the order to pack up and leave." A1-Harashi
asked, "What should I do?" Hilal replied, "Order them to establish camp." A1-Harashi accepted his advice.
Al-Naylan, the paternal cousin of the King of Farghanah, came
to ab-Harashi, who had set up camp near Mughun,597 and said,
"The Soghdian army is in Khujandah." A1-Naylan apprised alHarashi of their actions and said, "Try to overtake them before
they reach 'Isam's Pass, for their protection agreement with us
does not take effect until the expiration of the (forty day) time
period." A1-Harashi put 'Abd al-Rahman al-Qushayri and Ziyad b.
'Abd al-Rahman al-Qushayri in command of a division of soldiers
and sent them off, accompanied by al-Naylan. Subsequently,
however, he regretted what he had done, saying, "I have endangered the lives of a division of Muslims on the strength of
what I was told by an infidel. But I don't know if he was telling
the truth or lying.'' Ai-Harashi set off in pursuit of them, reaching
Ushrusanah,598 where he made peace with (the inhabitants of
that district) in return for a trifling sum. Then, while he was
eating his dinner, one of his men interrupted him, saying, "'Ata'
al-Dabusi is here." He was one of the men whom al-Harashi had
sent with al-Qushayri Startled, al-Harashi dropped the morsel of
food that was in his hand and summoned 'Ata'. When he entered,
al-Harashi asked, "Woe is you! Have you engaged anyone in battle?'' He replied, "No." He said, "Praise be to God." A1-Harashi
resumed his meal and informed 'Ata' of his regrets regarding the
mission.599
A1-Harashi set out at an extremely quick pace and managed to
catch up with al-Qushayri after three days. He advanced and,
upon reaching Khujandah, he asked al-Fadl b. Bassam, "What do
you think we should do?" He replied, "I think we should attack

[1443]

597. One of the villages of Busht, in the administrative district of Nishapur. See
Yaqut, Mu'jam, V, 162.
598. The mountainous district between Samarqand and Khujandah, including
the upper course of the Zarafshan River. See Yaqut, Mu'jam, I, 197; EI2, s.v.
Afshin; Le Strange, Lands, 474-76.
599. Text: ma qadama lahu 'alayhi. The translation is conjectural.

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them immediately." He said, "I disagree. where can a soldier go if

he is wounded, and where can we take the body of someone who
is slain? I think that we should establish camp here, proceed
deliberately, and make preparations for battle." He established
camp, erecting some buildings and busying himself with preparations. But when the enemy did not come forward, the soldiers
accused al-Harashi of cowardice, saying, "That one is renowned
for his valor and good judgment in Iraq, but when he comes to
Khurasan, he acts like a fool.''
One of the Arab soldiers attacked, striking the Khujandah gate
with a pole, whereupon the gate was opened. Earlier, the Soghdians had dug a defensive trench on the outskirts of the city,
beyond the outer gate. They covered the trench with reeds and
placed dirt on top of it, as a trick. They reasoned that if they were
forced to retreat after the two armies met in battle, they would
know the way, while the Muslims, who would not, would fall
into the trench. When the Soghdians emerged, they fought the
Muslims and were put to flight, but they took the wrong path and
fell into the trench. The Muslims removed forty soldiers from the
trench, each one wearing a double coat of mail. A1-Harashi surrounded the city, setting up mangonels. The Soghdians sent a
message to the King of Farghanah, claiming that he had deceived
them and asking for assistance. In his reply, he said to them, "I
did not deceive you, nor will I help you. Take care of yourselves,
for the Arabs reached you before the deadline expired. Thus, you
are not under my protection." When the Soghdians had despaired
of receiving his assistance, they sued for peace and asked for safeconduct so that they might return to al-Sughd. A1-Harashi imposed the following stipulations on them: they were to return the
Arab women and children who were in their possession, pay all
arrears in tribute, not murder anyone, and not leave anyone behind in Khujandah. Furthermore, if they caused any mischief,
their blood would become lawful'.

[1444]

The man who negotiated the agreement between the two sides
was Musa b. Mishkan, a client of the Bassam family. Karzanj
approached al-Harashi and said, "I have a favor to ask of you." He
asked, "What is it?" He said, "If one of my men commits a crime
after the peace treaty has taken effect, I want you to absolve me of
responsibility for his action." A1-Harashi said, ''I have a favor to

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ask of you." He asked, "What is it?" He said, "Don't attach anything repugnant to my stipulations!"
He removed the nobles600 and merchants from the eastern side
of the town, but left the people of Khujandah, who were the
inhabitants of the town, as they were. Karzanj asked al-Harashi,
"What are you doing?" He replied, "I fear that the army will
attack you without permission."601
The Soghdian leaders who were with al-Harashi in the military
camp stayed as guests with the soldiers who were known to
them. Karzanj stayed with Ayyub b. Abi Hassan. When al-Harashi
was told that the Soghdians had slain one of the women who had
been in their possession, he said to them, "I have learned that
Thabit a1-Ishtikhani slew a woman and buried her under a walled
garden." But they denied the allegation. A1-Harashi sent for the
judge of Khujandah and upon investigation it was determined
that the woman had, indeed, been slain.
Our source continued: A1-Harashi summoned Thabit. Meanwhile, Karzanj sent his servant to the Suradiq Gate to gather
information. A1-Harashi asked Thabit and others about the woman, but Thabit denied the charge. Convinced that Thabit had slain
her, al-Harashi put him to death. The servant then returned to
Karzanj and informed him that Thabit had been slain, whereupon
Karzanj grabbed his beard and began to bite it off with his teeth.
Fearing that al-Harashi would slay the Soghdians indiscriminately, Karzanj said to Ayyub b. Abi Hassan, "I am your guest and
your friend. How will it look if your friend is slain wearing old,
worn-out trousers?" Ayyub said, "Take my trousers." Karzanj
replied, "How will it look if I am slain wearing your trousers?
Send one of your servants to my nephew, Jalnaj, so that he might
bring me new trousers.'' Earlier, Karzanj had explained to his
nephew, "If I send to you asking for trousers, you will know that
they intend to slay me." When his nephew received the request
for trousers, he took out some green cloth, cut it into strips, and
tied the strips around the heads of his armed retinue. Then he
went out, accompanied by his armed retinue, and advanced

[1445]

600. Text: al-muluk, literally "kings."

601. Text: akhafu 'alaykum ma'arrata-l-jund. This may also mean, "I want to
spare you the disgrace that may be brought upon you by the soldiers."

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against the sodiers, Killing many men. He passed by Yahya b).

Hudayn and wounded him slightly on his leg, leaving him with a
permanent limp. The inhabitants of the military camp submitted,
and the soldiers suffered greatly from Jalnaj, until he encountered
Thabit b. 'Uthman b. Mas'ud on a narrow road. Thabit slew him
using 'Uthman b. Mas'ud's sword.
The Soghdians slew one hundred and fifty Muslim prisoners
who were in their possession. Some say: they slew forty of them.
A young boy escaped and informed al-Harashi of the slaughter.
Some say: A man came to him and reported what was happening.
He asked the Soghdians about the Muslim prisoners but, when
they denied the allegation, he sent someone to them in order to
determine what was happening. Upon discovering that the report
was true, al-Harashi ordered that the Soghdians be put to death.
First, however, he separated the merchants from the rest of
themthere were four hundred merchants who possessed large
quantities of merchandise; they had brought the wares from
China.
Our source continued: Although they did not have any weapons the Soghdian soldiers tried to defend themselves. They fought
with wooden clubs and were slain to the last man. The next day,
al-Harashi summoned the farmers, who were unaware of what
their comrades had done. He put a seal on every man's neck and
sent him from one field to the next, whereupon the man would be
slain. There were three thousand of them. Some say: There were
seven thousand. A1-Harashi sent Jarir b. Himyan, al-Hasan b. Abi
al-'Amarratah, and Yazid b. Abi Zaynab to assess the value of the
property belonging to the merchants who had been separated
from the others. The merchants said, "We shall not participate in
the fighting." He made a selection from the property of the Soghdians and from their women and children, taking whatever he
wanted. Then he summoned Muslim b. Budayl al-'Adawi, from
the tribe of 'Adi of al-Ribab and said, "I am putting you in charge
of dividing up the spoils." Muslim said, "After what your agents
did during the night, you can give the job to someone else!'' A1Harashi then assigned this task to 'Ubaydallah b. Zuhayr b. Hayyan al-'Adawi, who put aside the fifth and then divided up the
wealth. A1-Harashi wrote a letter to Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik, but he
did not write to 'Umar b. Hubayrah. This is one reason why 'Umar

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b. Hubayrah was angry with him. Thabit Qutnah recited, recalling the leaders that they had slain:
There is consolation in the slaughter of Karzanj
and Kishshin and the fate of Bayar,
And Diwashini, and the fate of Jalnaj,
in the fortress of Khujandah, when they perished and were
annihilated.
According to another transmission, the first line cited reads:
"There is consolation in the slaughter of Karzanj and Kishkish."
It is said that Diwashini was a Samarqandian dihqan whose
name, Diwa-shanj, was arabicized as Diwashini
It is reported that 'Ilba' b. Ahmar al-Yashkuri, who was in
charge of the spoils in Khujandah, sold a small basket to a man for
two dirhams. When the man found gold ingots in the basket, he
returned clutching his beard; his eyes bulged out of his head.602
He returned the basket and took back his two dirhams. They
looked for him, but did not find him.

[1447]

Our source said: A1-Harashi sent Sulayman b. Abi al-Sari, a

client of the Banff 'Uwafah, to a fortress that was surrounded by
the wadi of al-Sughd603 on all sides except one. He was accompanied by Shawkar b. Hamik, by the Khwarazm Shah,604 and by
'Awram, the ruler of Akhrun605 and Shuman.606 Sulayman b. Abi
al-Sariyy put al-Mussayab b. Bishr al-Riyahi in command of his
vanguard and dispatched him. The Soghdians met him one farsakh (6 km.) from the fortress in a village known as Kum,607
where al-Musayyab defeated them, forcing them back into the
fortress. Sulayman then besieged them. The dihqan of the fortress was known as "Diwashini"
Al-Harashi wrote to Sulayman offering to send reinforcements.
602. Text: ka-annahu ramada. Literally: "as if he were suffering from ophthalmia."
603. Text: la yutiffu biha wadi al-sughd. In the translation, I ignore the negative
particle la, following Ibn al-Athi, Kamil, V, 109.
604. On the use of this title, see El2, s.v. Khwarazm-Shahs.
605. A province in Transoxiana west of Shuman. See Barthold, Turkestan,74,
185.
606. A small, independent principality in Transoxiana bounded by the
Zarafshan and Qizil-Su Rivers. See EI2, s.v. Hisar; Le Strange, Lands, 440.
607. There is no entry for Kum in Yaqut's geographical dictionary.

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But the latter wrote back, saying, "The spot where we would
rendezvous is very narrow, so march towards Kiss.608 We are
under the protection of God, if God wills." A1-Diwashini asked
Sulayman to place him under the authority of al-Harashi and to
send him to the latter, accompanied by al-Musayyab b. Bishr.
Sulayman kept his promise and sent him to Sa'id al-Harashi, who
treated him with kindness and generosity, but only as a ploy. The
inhabitants of the fortress sued for peace after al-Diwashini's departure on the condition that Sulayman agree not to harm one
hundred families who were living there. In return, they agreed to
deliver the fortress to him. Sulayman wrote to al-Harashi requesting that he send trustworthy agents to collect the contents of the
fortress.
A1-Harashi dispatched Muhammad b. 'Aziz al-Kindi and 'Ilba' b.
Almar al-Yashkuri, who auctioned off the contents of the fortress
to the highest bidders. He took the fifth and divided the rest
among them. A1-Harashi set out for Kiss, the inhabitants of
which sued him for peace, agreeing to pay ten thousand sheep.609
It was stated that al-Harashi made peace with the dihqan of Kiss,
whose name is Wayk, in return for six thousand sheep to be
delivered in forty days, on the condition that he would not attack
him. When he was done in Kiss, al-Harashi set out for Rabinjan,610 where he slew al-Diwashini, crucifying him on a (Christian) burial place. He imposed upon the people of Rabinjan the
obligation to pay one hundred (dinars) if the body were removed
from its place. He put Nasr b. Sayyar611 in charge of collecting the
settlement agreed upon in Kiss. Then he dismissed Sawrah b. alHurt, replacing him with Nasr b. Sayyar, and put Sulayman b. Abi
al-Sari in charge of military and fiscal affairs in Kiss and Nasaf. He
sent al-Diwashini's head to Iraq and his left hand to Sulayman b.
Abi al-Sari in Tukharistan.

[1448]

608. A fortified town on the Kushkah Darya River, known in Persian as Shahr-iSabz ("The Green City"). See Le Strange, Lands, 469.
609. Text: ra's; literally, "heads."
610. A town between Bukhara and Samarqand, on the south side of the Sughd
River. See Le Strange, Lands, 468, 471.
611. Nasr b. Sayyar al-Laythi, d. 131/748 at the age of 85. See El, s.v. Nasr b.
Saiyar.

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Our source continued: When Khuzar612 proved to be impregnable, al-Mujashshir b. Muzahim asked Sa'id b. 'Amr al-Hatashi,
"May I recommend to you someone who will conquer it on your
behalf without a fight?" Sa'id replied, "Of course." Mujashshir
said, ''A1-Musarbal b. al-Khirrit b. Rashid al-Naji" A1-Harashi
sent him to that province. Now, al-Musarbal was a friend of Subuqri,613 the King of Khuzar, whose people held al-Musarbal in high
esteem. He frightened the King by telling him what al-Harashi
had done to the people of Khujandah, whereupon the king asked
him, "What do you think I should do?" He replied, "I think that
you should accept his protection.'' The King replied, "But what
shall I do with all of my retainers?" He said, "Include them with
you in the protection agreement." He sued them for peace, .and
they granted protection to him and his lands.

[1449]

A1-Harashi returned to Marw, taking Subuqri with him. He

encamped at Usnan614 and, after dispatching Muhajir b. Yazid alHarashi with an order to deliver Bardhun b. Kushanishah, he slew
Subuqri and crucified him, although he had a guarantee of protection. It is said: That was a dihqan from Buzmajan615 who approached Ibn Hubayrah and received a guarantee of safe-conduct
for the Soghdian army. But al-Harashi imprisoned him in the
Marw citadel. When al-Harashi reached Marw, he summoned
him. Then he slew him, crucifying him in the public square. The
poet recited, in the rajaz meter:
Behold, Sa'id marched off with the tribal divisions,
in dust that takes the breath away.
The bitterest cup turned against the Turks,
who fled on the backs of their camels.
They turned in flight, with no strings on their bows.
In this year, Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik dismissed 'Abd al-Rahman
b. al-Dahhak b. Qays al-Fihri from Medina and Mecca. This oc612. A site near Wakhsh, in the district of Balkh, south of Nasaf. See Yaqut,
Mu'jam, II, 364. Note: Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, V, 110, has khaza'in, "treasure
houses," instead of Khuzar.
613. Vocalization follows Gibb, Arab Conquests, 64.
614. One of the villages of Herat. See Yaqut Mudjam, I, 189.
615. The text is dihqan Ibn Majir. See Tabard, Addenda et Emendanda, DCCII,
where the reading dihqan Buzmajan is given.

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curred in the middle of the month of Rabi' I (early September,

704), after he had served as governor of Medina for three years.
In this year, Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik appointed 'Abd al-Wahid (b.
'Abdallah b. Bishr) al-Nadri as governor of Medina.
Yazid B. 'Abd Al-Malik's Dismissal of 'Abd Al
Rahman B. Ai-Dahhak From Medina
The circumstances of his dismissal,616 as reported by Muhammad b. 'Umar'Abdallah b. Muhammad b. Abi Yahya: 'Abd alRahman b. al-Dahhak b. Qays al-Fihri proposed to Fatimah bt. alHusayn,617 but she replied, "By God, I do not want to marry, for I
already have these children to raise." She tried to hold him off
without antagonizing him, for she was afraid of him. But he
pressed her, saying, "By God, if you don't marry me, I will flog
your oldest son"that is, 'Abdallah b. al-Hasan"for drinking
wine." Now, at that time, the military register in Medina was
headed by Ibn Hurmuz, a soldier in the Syrian army. Yazid wrote
to Ibn Hurmuz, asking him to prepare his reckoning and deliver
the register. The latter went to see Fatimah bt. al-Husayn in order
to say good-bye to her. He asked, "Is there anything I can do for
you?'' She replied, ''Inform the Commander of the Faithful of the
manner in which Ibn al-Dahhak is treating me and how he imposes himself on me."

[1450]

Fatimah sent a messenger to Yazid, carrying a letter in which

she informed him of what had transpired; she reminded Yazid of
the blood ties that connected her to him, and mentioned Ibn alDahhak's threat and his behavior toward her. Ibn Hurmuz and
Fatimah's messenger arrived together. Ibn Hurmuz went in to see
Yazid, who inquired about the situation in Medina. When asked if
there was any news to relate, Ibn Hurmuz said nothing about Bint
al-Husayn. Then the chamberlain announced, "May God cause
the Commander to prosper! A messenger sent by Fatimah bt. alHusayn is at the gate." Then Ibn Hurmuz said, "May God cause
the Commander to prosper! On the day I set out, Fatimah bt. al616. See Ya'qubu, Ta'rukh, III, 56; Azdi, Ta'rukh, 17; Ibn Kathir, Bidayah, IX, 229.
617. Fatimah bt. al-Husayn b. 'Ali b. Abi Talib, d. III/729-30. See Dhahabi,
Kashif, III, 478.

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Husayn gave me a message for you." Only then did he tell him [1451]
the story.
Our source continued: Yazid came down from on top of his
cushions and said, "You bastard!618 Why didn't you tell me about
the message you were carrying when I asked you if there was any
news to report?" Ibn Hurmuz claimed that he forgot. Then the
messenger was granted permission to enter. Yazid took the letter,
read it, and began to strike the ground with a rod that was in his
hand,619 exclaiming, "How dare Ibn al-Dahhak! What man will
give me the pleasure of hearing him scream in pain while I am
reclining on my cushions?" Someone said to him, "'Abd al-Wahid
b. 'Abdallah b. Bishr al-Nadri." Then he called for some papyrus
and wrote the following letter in his own hand to 'Abd al-Wahid,
who was in al-Ta'if: ''Greetings. Now to the matter at hand. I
have appointed you to serve as governor of Medina. When you
receive my letter, go there and remove Ibn al-Dahhak from office.
Fine him forty thousand dinars and torture him so that I can hear
him screaming while I am reclining on my cushions.''
Our source continued: The postal messenger took the letter
and brought it to Medina, where Ibn al-Dahhak became apprehensive when the courier did not come to see him; he summoned the
courier and showed him a thousand dinars that were hidden under a blanket, saying, "These thousand dinars are for you. You
have my solemn promise that if you tell me why you were sent
here, I will give you the money." The messenger told him. Ibn alDahhak asked the courier to wait three days before leaving for alTa'if, and he complied with this request. Then Ibn al-Dahhak set
out at a quick pace and, when he had reached Maslamah b. 'Abd
al-Malik620 he said, "I am under your protection." The next day,
Maslamah went to visit Yazid, to whom he addressed some carefully chosen words regarding a certain need on account of which
he had come. Yazid said, "I am willing to grant you any request so
long as it does not involve Ibn al-Dahhak" He said, "By God, it is

[1452]

618. Text: 1a umma laka, literally, "You have no mother," said in anger and
reviling. See Lane, Lexicon, pt. 1, p. 89.
619. Text: fi yadayhi, "in his hands." Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, V, 114, reads fi yadihi, "in his hand."
620. Maslamah was reportedly in Damascus at the time. See Ibn Kathir,
Bidayah, IX, 229.

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about Ibn al-Dahhak!" He said, "By God, I will never forgive him
after what he has done." So Maslamah sent Ibn al-Dahhak back to
Medina, to al-Nadri.
'Abdallah b. Muhammad said: I saw Ibn al-Dahhak in Medina,
wearing a wool garment, begging from the people, after having
been tortured and ill-treated. A1-Nadri arrived in Medina on a
Saturday in the middle of Shawwal in the year 104 (March 27,
723).
According to Muhammad b. 'UmarIbrahim b. 'Abdallah b.
Abi Farwahal-Zuhri: I advised 'Abd al-Rahman b. al-Dahhak as
follows: "You are putting (yourself) ahead of your kinsmen, but
they reject everything that is contrary to their customs.621 Therefore, adhere to whatever they have resolved upon and consult
with al-Qasim b. Muhammad622 and Salim b. 'Abdallah,623 for
they will spare no effort in guiding you." A1-Zuhri said, "But he
rejected my advice, acted in a hostile manner towards all of the
Helpers, and unjustly and wrongfully flogged Abu Bakr b. Hazm
on the basis of a false accusation. The poets all mock him in
verse, and righteous men reproach him and say ugly things about
him. When Hisham became Caliph,624 1 saw Ibn al-Dahhak in a
state of abasement."
'Abd al-Wahid b. 'Abdallah b. Bishr became governor of Medina
and established his residence in that city. The Medinese were
never fonder of a man who came to them as governor, for he
pursued excellent policies and always consulted with al-Qasim
and Salim before deciding on a matter.
In this year, al-Jarrah. b. 'Abdallah al-Hakami, the governor of
Armenia and 'Adharbayjan, carried out an expedition in the land
of the Turks.625 He commanded the conquest of Balanjar626 and

[1453]

621. Text: innaka tuqdimu 'ala qawmika wa-hum yunkiruna kulla shay'in
khalafa fi'lahum. The translation is conjectural.
622. Abu Muharemad al-Qasim b. Muhammad b. Abi Bakr, d. 107/72526. See Dhahabi, Kashif, II, 393; Juynboll, Muslim Tradition, 42.
623. Salim b. 'Abdallah b. 'Umar, d. 106/724-25. See Dhahabi, Kashif, I, 344;
Juynboll, Muslim Tradition, 42.
624. See text below, II/1466, sub anno 105.
625. See Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, I, 337; Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh, III, 56; Kufi Futuh., VIII,
29-34; Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, V, 111-13.
626. An important Khazar town lying on the river of the same name, north of
Bab al-Abwab at the eastern extremity of the Caucasus. See EI2, s.v. Balanjar.

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defeated the Turks, slaying them, together with most of their

women and children, by drowning them in water.627 The Muslims took as many prisoners as they desired. Al-Jarrah also conquered the strongholds adjacent to Balanjar, forcing most of their
inhabitants into exile.
It is reported that in this year, Abu al-'Abbas 'Abdallah b.
Muhammad b. 'Ali628 was born in the month of Rabi' II (September 18October 16, 722).
In this year, Abu Muhammad al-Sadiq went to visit Muhammad b. 'Ali, accompanied by a number of his Khurasani supporters.629 The visit took place fifteen days after the birth of Abu
al-'Abbas. Muhammad b. 'Ali brought out the infant, wrapped in
diapers, and said to them, "By God, this cause will be fulfilled so
that you might take revenge upon your enemy."
In this year, 'Umar b. Hubayrah dismissed Sa'id b. 'Amr alHarashi as governor of Khurasan, replacing him with Muslim b.
Sa'id b. Aslam b. Zur'ah al-Kilabi.630
Umar B. Hubayrah's Dismissal Of Sa'id B. 'Amr AlHarashi As Governor Of Khurasan
It is reported that 'Umar dismissed al-Harashi because the latter
had angered him in connection with al-Diwashini.631 This is because al-Harashi had slain al-Diwashini, despite the fact that
'Umar had written to him ordering him to release the Turk. A1Harashi regularly treated Ibn Hubayrah's orders with contempt:
Whenever a courier or messenger arrived from Iraq, al-Harashi
would ask him, "How is Abu al-Muthanna?" Then he would say to
his scribe, "Write to Abu al-Muthanna"without saying 'the
governor.' He would often say, ''Abu al-Muthanna said" and "Abu
al-Muthanna did." When Ibn Hubayrah learned about this, he
summoned Jumayl b. 'Imran and said to him, ''I have heard certain

[1454]

627. Azdi, Ta'rikh, 17, specifies that al-Jarrah. drowned the Turks in a river.
628. The first 'Abbasid caliph, d. 136/754. See EI2, s.v. Abu 'l-'Abbas al-Saffah.
629. See text above, II/158, sub anno 100; Baladhuri, Ansab, III, 82; Azdi,
Ta'rikh, 18; Maqdisi, Bad', VI, 59; Sharon, Black Banners, 143, n. 162.
630. See Baladhuri, Futuh. (Cairo), III, 525; Ibn Kathir, Bidayah, IX, 229-30;
Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom, 453-54.
631. See text above, II/1448.

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things about al-Harashi. Go to Khurasan and pretend that you are

there for the purpose of inspecting the military registers, but let me
know what you find out about him." Jumayl arrived, and alHarashi asked him, "How is Abu al-Muthanna?" Then he began to
inspect the military registers. Someone said to al-Harashi, "Jumayl has come here to spy on you, not to inspect the military
registers.'' Ibn Hubayrah therefore laced a watermelon with poison
and sent it to Jumayl, who ate it and became sick, losing all of his
hair. Jumayl returned to Ibn Hubayrah where, after receiving medi-cal treatment, he recovered and regained his health. He said to Ibn
Hubayrah, "Things are even worse than you thought. Sa'id thinks
that you are merely one of his agents.'' Enraged, Ibn Hubayrah
dismissed Sa'id and tortured him until his stomach was covered
with small pustules. At the time of his dismissal, Sa'id made the
following statement, "Were 'Umar to ask me for a dirham so that
he might buy some kohl with it,6321 would not give it to him." But
when he was tortured, he paid. Someone mocked him, saying,
"Didn't you claim that you wouldn't give him a single dirham?"
To which Sa'id replied, "Don't chide me, for I broke down when
the iron struck me." Udhaynah b. Kulayb, or Kulayb b. Udhaynah,
recited:
Be steadfast, Abu Yahya, for according to our knowledge you
used to be
patient, rising up under the weight of debts.
According to 'Ali b. Muhammad: Ibn Hubayrah's anger with
Sa'id is related to the following incident: Ibn Hubayrah sent Ma'qil b. 'Urwah to Herat to serve either as his governor there or in
some other capacity. Ma'qil went down to Herat without stopping
to see al-Harashi. Ma'qil arrived in Herat, but al-Harashi wouldn't
allow him to assume his new position. Ma'qil wrote to al-Harashi,
who wrote to his governor as follows, "Send Ma`qil to me." When
he was brought to him, al-Harashi asked, "Why didn't you come
to me before you went to Herat?" He replied, "I am one of Ibn
Hubayrah's governors, having been appointed by him in the same
manner as you were." Sa'id administered two hundred lashes to
Ma'qil and shaved off his hair. This was why Ibn Hubayrah dis-

[1455]

632. Text: yada'uhu fi 'aynihi, literally, "so that he might put it in his eye."

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missed Sa'id and appointed Muslim b. Sa'id b. Aslam b. Zur'ah as

governor of Khurasan.
Ibn Hubayrah wrote a letter to al-Harashi in which he called
him the son of a foul-smelling woman. After reading the letter,
Sa'id exclaimed, "He is the son of a foul-smelling woman." Then
Ibn Hubayrah wrote to Muslim saying, "Send al-Harashi to me,
together with Ma'qil b. 'Urwah." He sent al-Harashi to Ibn
Hubayrah, who treated him with great severity. Then, one day he
gave an order to torture al-Harashi, saying, "Torture him until he
dies.'' That evening, while Ibn Hubayrah was engaged in conversation with his companions, he asked, "Who is the most eminent
man among the Qays?'' They replied, "You are." He said, "What!
The most eminent man among the Qays is al-Kawthar b. Zufar.633 He has only to sound the bugle at night and twenty thousand men show up; furthermore, they do not ask, 'Why have you
summoned us ?' nor do they question his orders. But that ass lying
in prison whom I have ordered to be slain is their bravest man.
Am I not the man who seeks the best interests of the Qays?
Indeed, whenever some matter comes to my attention and I think
that I will be able to derive some benefit or advantage from it (for
the Qays), I pursue it." To which a bedouin from the tribe of Banff
Fazarah replied, "You are not what you claim to be, for if you
really had the best interests of the Qays in mind, you would not
have ordered that their bravest man be slain." He then sent a
message to Ma'qil, saying, "Ignore my previous order."
According to 'AliMuslim b. al-Mughirah: When Ibn Hubayrah fled, Khalid634 sent Sa'id b. 'Amr al-Harashi to apprehend him.
He overtook him at a point on the Euphrates as he was crossing
over to the other side of the river in a boat. Inside the boat was a
servant of Ibn Hubayrah by the name of Qubayd. A1-Harashi recognized him and asked, "Are you Qubayd?" The servant replied,

[1456]

633. Zufar b. al-Harith, whose family was considered to be the very incarnation
of Qaysiyyah, is invariably described as a man of great nobility who was above
political considerations. His sons, Hudhayl and Kawthar, inherited the respect
accorded to him. They too were held in high esteem by the caliphs. See text above,
II/1300, sub anno 96 and II/1360, sub anno 101; Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom, 211,
321; Crone, Slaves, 100, no. 19.
634. Khalid b. 'Abdallah al-Qasri replaced Ibn Hubayrah as governor of Iraq and
Khurasan in Shawwal of the year 105 (March, 724) See text below, II/1467-71, sub
anno 105.

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"Yes." He asked, "Is Abu al-Muthanna in the boat?" Again, the

servant said, ''Yes." Then Ibn Hubayrah emerged, and al-Harashi
asked him, "Abu al-Muthanna, what do you imagine that I am
going to do with you?" He said, "I think that you are a man who
would not hand over a fellow tribesman to a Qurashi635 He said,
''You are right." Ibn Hubayra said, "Then I am saved."
According to 'AliAbu Ishaq b. Rabi'ah: When Ibn Hubayrah
imprisoned al-Harashi, Ma'qil b. 'Urwah al-Qushayri approached
the former, saying "May God cause the governor to prosper! You
have put the bravest man of the Qays in chains and disgraced
him. Now, although I don't like him, I wouldn't want you to
torture him to the extent that I was tortured." He said, "Serve as
an arbiter between us. When I came to Iraq, I appointed him
governor of al-Basrah; subsequently, I appointed him governor of
Khurasan. But I dismissed him because he sent me a diseased
horse, treated my orders with contempt, and betrayed me. I referred to him as Ibn Nas'ah, and he referred to me as Ibn Busrah."636 Ma'qil said, "Did he act like that, the son of the prostitute?"
Ma'qil went to visit al-Harashi in the prison. "O Ibn Nas'ah,"
he said, "your mother entered and was sold for eighty mangy shegoats. She was with the shepherds, who came to her one after the
other as if she were the riding animal of someone who is constantly coming and going.637 Do you consider her the equal of
Bint al-Harith b. 'Amr b. Harajah?"638 And he uttered other calumnies against him.

[1457]

When Ibn Hubayrah was removed from office and Khalid639

arrived in Iraq, al-Harashi asked for permission to take vengeance
on Ma'qil b. 'Urwah. Al-Harashi brought proof that Ma'qil had
635. 'Umar and Sa'id were both Qaysis. See Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom, 31921.
636. Nas'ah and Busrah were the mothers of al-Harashi and 'Umar b. Hubayrah,
respectively. It was considered an insult to refer to someone by his matronymic
rather than his patronymic.
637. Text: taradafaha al-ri'a' matiyyat al-sadir wa-l-warid. The translation is
conjectural.
638. Al-Harith was a military commander who fought against the Turks
in Adharbayjan. See text below, II/1526, sub anno 111, and II/1532, sub anno 116;
Caskel, Gamharah, I, 130.
639. Khalid al-Qasri See note 634, above.

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made false accusations against him, whereupon Khalid said to alHarashi, "Flog him." As al-Harashi was administering the hadd
punishment to him, he said, "Were it not for the fact that Ibn
Hubayrah sapped my strength, I would have pierced you through
the heart." A tribesman from the Banff Kilab said to Ma'qil, "You
mistreated your paternal cousin and slandered him; therefore
God has allowed him to prevail over you, and you are no longer a
credible witness among the Muslims.'' As the hadd punishment
was being administered to Ma'qil, he slandered al-Harashi again,
causing Khalid to order that the punishment be administered a
second time. But the qadi said, ''He is not to be flogged again."
He said: 'Umar b. Hubayrah's mother is Busrah bt. Hassan, of
the tribe of 'Adi, from 'Adi of al-Ribab.
In this year, 'Umar b. Hubayrah appointed Muslim b. Sa'id b.
Aslam b. Zur'ah b. 'Amr b. Khuwaylid al-Sa'iq as governor of
Khurasan, after having dismissed Sa'id b. 'Amr al-Harashi from
that office.640
The Appointment of Muslim B. Sa'id As Governor of
Khurasan
According to 'Ali b. MuhammadAbu al-Dhayyal, 'Ali b. Mujahid, and others: When Sa'id b. Aslam was killed, al-Hajjaj took
his son, Muslim b. Sa'id, and raised him together with his own
children, providing him with an excellent education. When 'Adi
b. Artat arrived,641 he wanted to confer an appointment upon
Muslim, so he consulted with his scribe, who said, "(First) give
him a minor appointment and then promote him." 'Adi put him
in charge of a certain province, where he established himself,
doing a fine job of managing its affairs. At the time of Yazid b. alMuhallab's revolt,642 (Muslim) took the revenues (of that province) to Syria. Subsequently, when 'Umar b. Hubayrah arrived,643
he summoned Muslim, having resolved to appoint him to a gover-

[1458]

640. See Baladhuri, Futuh. (Cairo), III, 525; Kufi, Futuh., VIII, 28.
641. That is, arrived in al-Basrah, to serve as governor. See text above, II/1346,
sub anno 99.
642. See text above, II/1379ff., sub anno 101.
643. That is, arrived in Khurasan, to serve as governor. See text above, II/1433,
sub anno 102.

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norship. 'Umar looked at Muslim, who until then had no grey

hair, and saw white hair in his beard. "God is great," he exclaimed.
'Umar stayed up late one night talking, and Muslim, who was
one of his companions, stayed behind after the other men had left.
Ibn Hubayrah threw a quince that he was holding in his hand at
Muslim, saying, "Would it please you if I were to appoint you as
governor of Khurasan?" He said, "Yes." He said, "Tomorrow, if
God wills.'' The next morning 'Umar held an audience and when
the people came to see him, he appointed Muslim as governor of
Khurasan. He wrote out the document of appointment and ordered him to depart. He also wrote to his fiscal agents, ordering
them to correspond with Muslim b. Sa'id. Then he summoned
Jabalah b. 'Abd al-Rahman, a client of the Bahilah, and appointed
him governor of Kirman. Jabalah said, "What has my clientage
done to me? It was Muslim's hope644 that I would become governor of a great province and then put him in charge of a district.
Now he has been appointed governor of Khurasan, while I have
been appointed governor of Kirman!''
Muslim set out, reaching Khurasan at the end of the year
104/722-23 or 103/721-22. He arrived in the middle of the day,
but found the gate of the royal residence locked. He went to the
royal stable, but it, too, was locked. Finally, he entered the
mosque, where the gate to the ruler's enclosure (al-maqsurah)
was locked. As Muslim was performing his prayers, a servant
emerged from the enclosure, and someone said to him, "The
governor is here." The servant led him to the governor's audience
room in the royal residence. A1-Harashi was told that Muslim b.
Sa'id b. Aslam had arrived, and he sent him the following message: "Have you come as a governor, as a minister, or as a visitor?" Muslim replied, "A man of my stature would not come to
Khurasan as either a visitor or as a minister." A1-Harashi approached Muslim, who swore at him and ordered that he be
thrown into prison. Someone said to him, "If you send him out in
broad daylight, someone may slay him." Muslim therefore ordered that al-Harashi be kept near him until evening. Then, during the night, he sent him to the prison, where he was tied up in

[1459]

644. Text: yanbaghi yatma'; read yanbaghi, following the Cairo ed.

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shackles. Some time later he ordered the jailor to put on additional shackles. The latter approached al-Harashi with a sad look
on his face. "What is the matter with you?" al-Harashi asked. "I
have been ordered to put on more shackles," he replied. A1-Harashi then said to his scribe, ''Write to Muslim as follows: "Your
jailor tells me that you ordered him to put additional shackles on
me. If this order issued from a higher authority, we hear and obey;
but if this was your idea, you will pay for this."645 He recited:
If they manage to find me, they will slay me;
but whomever I overtake will not last.
But some relate it thus:
If you find me, then slay me;
but whomever I overtake will not last.
They are the enemies, whether present or absent,
full of hatred, with black livers.
Do pursue me in your own manner, for verily I,
with (my horse) Hadhfah,646 am like the bone sticking fast
in the throat beneath the carotid artery.
And some relate it thus:
Do seek me in your own manner.
Our source continued: Muslim dispatched a man to his districts to serve as his agent in charge of military affairs there.
Previously, Ibn Hubayrah, in his zeal, had arrested and imprisoned a man who had worked as a steward for Yazid b. al-Muhallab
and who was knowledgable about Khurasan and its leading men.
The steward accused all the leading men of the province (of misappropriating revenues). Ibn Hubayrah dispatched Abu 'Ubaydah
al-'Anbari, together with a man known as Khalid, and he wrote to
al-Harashi ordering him to hand over those men who had been
named by the steward so that he might demand the money from
them. But al-Harashi refused and he sent back Ibn Hubayrah's
messenger. Now, when Ibn Hubayrah appointed Muslim b. Sa'id

[1460]

645. Text: fa-sayruka al-haqhaqah, literally, "You will be driven to exhaustion."

646. The text is Hidhqah. See Lane, Lexicon, pt. 3, P. 1189, s.v. r-w-gh.

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as governor, he ordered him to collect those revenues. Muslim

arrived and wanted to hold the people accountable for the revenues that had been distributed among them,647 but he was ad
vised as follows:
If you do that to those men, you will not have any peace
and quiet in Khurasan. If, on the other hand, you are dismissed because of your failure to accomplish this,648
Khurasan will be ruined, both for you and for them. The
men whom you want to hold accountable for those revenuesthe chiefs of the countryhave been falsely accused: Mihzam b. Jabir owed only three hundred thousand (dirhams), but they added a hundred thousand,
raising the debt to four hundred thousand. But most of
those whose names have been given to you are among
those whose debts have been greatly exaggerated.
Muslim wrote to Ibn Hubayrah informing him of the situation,
and sent him a delegation that included Mihzam b. Jabir among
its members. Mihzam said to Ibn Hubayrah, "O Commander, the
accusation that has been brought before you is false and unjust. If
the truth were told, we are accountable for only a small portion of
that sum, which we would payif we were asked to do so." Then
Ibn Hubayrah recited, "God commands you to deliver trusts back
to their owners." But Mihzam said, "Recite the remainder of the
verse: 'And when you judge between the people, that you judge
with justice.' "649 Ibn Hubayrah said: "We must have that money." Mihzam declared:
By God, if you take it, you will be taking it from men who
are capable of inflicting great havoc upon your enemies.
Furthermore, that would harm the army of Khurasan
with respect to its military equipment, horses, and weapons. We live on a frontier where we fight against an enemy that is constantly at war. We wear iron so often that
the rust sticks to our skin; indeed, the smell of iron
causes a female servant to turn her face away from her

[1461]

647. Text: qurifat 'alayhim; read furriqat 'alayhim, following the Cairo ed.
648. Text: ta'mal fi hadha hatta tuda'a ' anhum. The translation is conjectural.
649. Qur'an 4:58.

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master and from other men that she serves. You, on the
other hand, stay at home, adorning yourselves in fine
clothes dyed with saffron. Now, the men who have been
accused of appropriating those revenuesthe leaders of
the army of Khurasan and the army of the provinces
undertake enormous expenses in order to carry out military expeditions. There are men here who have come to
us riding on donkeys from the deepest ravines. Having
been appointed as governors of the provinces, they collected the revenues which are heaped up in abundance.650
Ibn Hubayrah wrote to Muslim b. Sa'id informing him of the
delegation's statement and ordering him to seize the revenues
from the men who, according to the delegation, possessed them.
When Muslim received Ibn Hubayrah's letter, he arrested the
tributaries in connection with those revenues and ordered Hajib
b. 'Amr al-Harithi to torture them. After they had been tortured,
he seized the revenues that had been distributed among them.651
In this year, the pilgrimage was led by 'Abd al-Wahid b. 'Abdallah
al-Nadri, as was related to me by Ahmad b. Thabithis authorityIshaq b. 'IsaAbu Ma'shar. Al-Waqidi reported the same.
The governor of Mecca, Medina, and al-Ta'if in this year was
'Abd al-Wahid b. 'Abdallah al-Nadri. 'Umar b. Hubayrah was governor of Iraq and the East.652 Husayn b. al-Hasan al-Kindi was in
charge of the judiciary in al-Kufah. 'Abd al-Malik b. Ya'la was in
charge of the judiciary in al-Basrah.
650. Text: muwaffarah; the Cairo ed. reads mawqarah, "a tree overladen with
fruit."
651. Text: qurifa 'alayhim; read furriqa 'alayhim, following the Cairo ed.
652. 'The East' refers to Khurasan.

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The Events of The Year 105

(June 10, 723May 28, 724)

[1462]

The events of this year included a military expedition against

Alan that was carried out by al-Jarrah b. 'Abdallah al-Hakami,
who passed through that country to the towns and strongholds
beyond Balanjar.653 He conquered some of that region, expelling
many of its inhabitants and collecting considerable quantities of
booty.
In this year, Sa'id b. 'Abd al-Malik raided Byzantium. He dispatched a military detachment that included approximately one
thousand fighters, all of whom reportedly perished.
In this year, Muslim b. Sa'id carried out a military expedition
against the Turks, but when he did not conquer any lands, he
returned to Khurasan. Later in the year, he carried out a raid
against Afshinah,654 one of the towns in al-Sughd, where he concluded a peace agreement with its king and inhabitants.655
653. See Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, I, 339; Azdi, Ta'rikh, 20.
654. Afshinah was located in the district of Samarqand. See Wellhausen, Arab
Kingdom, 454, n. 1.
655. See Baladhuri, Futuh. (Cairo), III, 525.

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Muslim B. Sa'id's Expedition Against The Turks

According to 'Ali b. Muhammadhis authorities: Muslim b.
Sa'id appointed Bahram Sis as a provincial governor.656 Late in the
summer of the year 105/723-24, Muslim undertook a military
expedition, but when he did not make any conquests, he turned
back. The Turks pursued him, overtaking him as the soldiers
were crossing over the Balkh River. The cavalry of Tamim, led by
'Ubaydallah b. Zuhayr b. Hayyan, was in command of his rear
guard and they protected the other soldiers until they had crossed
over the river. (This was when) Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik died, and
Hisham became Caliph. Then Muslim raided Afshin657 and concluded a peace agreement with its King whereby he was to receive
six thousand head (of sheep). He left at the end of the year
105/723-24, after the King had delivered the fortress to him.

[1463]

The Death of Yazid b. 'Abd Al-Malik

In this year, the Caliph, Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik b. Marwan, died on
the twenty-sixth of Sha'ban (January 28, 724).658 This was related
to me by Ahmad b. Thabithis authorityIshaq b. 'IsaAbu
Ma'shar. A1-Waqidi transmitted the same report.
According to al-Waqidi: He died in Balqa',659 which is in the
district of Damascus, at the age of thirty-eight. Some authorities
say that he died at the age of forty, while others maintain that he
was thirty-six.
According to Abu Ma'shar, Hisham b. Muhammad, and 'Ali b.
Muhammad, he served as Caliph for four years and one month.
According to al-Waqidi, he was Caliph for four years. Yazid b.
'Abd al-Malik's patronymic was Abu Khalid. This was related by
Abu Ma'shar, Hisham b. Muhammad, al-Waqidi, and others.
656. Text: al-marzuban. On this term, see note 97 above.
657. Note the discrepancy between the spelling of the name here and in the
previous paragraph. On the distinction between Afshin, a personal name, and
Afshinah, the name of a town, see Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom, 432, 454; 'Baladhuri, Futuh. (Cairo}, III, 525.
658. See Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, I, 339-40; Dinawari, Akhbar, 336; Ya'qubi,
Ta'rikh, III, 58; Kufi, Futuh., VIII, 35; Azdi, Ta'rikh, 18; Mas'udi, Muruj (Beirut), III,
195; FHA, 80-81; Ibn Kathir, Bidayah, IX, 231.
659. The administrative district of Transjordan, dependent on the jund of
Damascus. See EI2, s.v. Balqa'.

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According to 'Ali b. Muhammad: Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik died at

the age of thirty-five or thirty-four, on Friday the twenty-sixth of
Sha'ban in the year 105 (January 28, 724). He died in Arbad,660 in
the district of Balqa'. His son, al-Walid, who was fifteen years old,
prayed over him.661 On that day, Hisham b. 'Abd al-Malik was in
Hims. This was related to me by 'Umar b. Shabbah, on the authority of 'Ali.
According to Hisham b. Muhammad: Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik
died at the age of thirty-three.
According to 'Ali: Abu Mawiyah or some other Jew said to
[1464] Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik, "You will reign for forty years." One of
the Jews said, "He lied, may God curse him. He predicted that he
would reign for forty qasabahs." A qasabah is equivalent to one
month. But he turned a month into a year.
Aspects of His Character662
According to 'Umar b. Shabbah'Ali: Yazid b. 'Atikah was one of
their (that is, the Marwanids') youths.663 One day, when he was
in a good mood, he said, in the presence of Hababah664 and Sallamah,665 "Let me fly." Hababah said, "To whom will you entrust the Muslim community?"666 When he died, Sallamah of alQass667 recited:
660. A village in Jordan, near Tiberias. See Yaqut, Mu'jam, I, 136ff.
661. It is also reported that Yazid's brother, Hisham, prayed over his body. See
Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, I, 340; Ibn Kathir, Bidayah, IX, 233.
662. See Azdi, Ta'rikh, 18-21; Maqdisi, Bad', VI, 48-49; Ibn Kathir, Bidayah,
IX, 232-33.
663. Text: min fityanihim. According to Azdi, Ta'rikh, 5, Yazid's nickname
was al-fata, "the youth."
664. Hababah was a singing slave girl of Medina who exerted complete control
over the Caliph Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik due to his infatuation with her. See EI2, s.v.
Hababa.
665. Sallamah was a Medinese slave girl, purchased by the Caliph Yazid, who
performed as a singer. See EI2, s.v. Hababa; Aghani (Beirut), VIII, 336-53.
666. Yazid reportedly answered, "To you." See Mas'udi, Muruij (Beirut) III, 199;
Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, V, 121.
667. An allusion to her love affair with the Meccan jurist and Qur'an reciter,
'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Abdallah b. Abi 'Ammar al-Jushami, who was known as alQass ("the priest"), because of his great piety. See Aghani (Beirut), VIII, 336ff.; Ibn
al-Athir, Kamil, V, 122-23.

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Do not criticize us if we submit

or are on the point of submitting.
By my life, I stayed up all night,
as if afflicted by a painful disease.
Anxiety slept closer to me
than did my bedfellow.668
Because of what happened to us today, namely, the difficult affair.669
Every time that I saw a home
that was empty, my eyes began to tear.
It is empty of a lord who
never neglected USS.670
Then she cried out, "O Commander of the Faithful!"671 The poetry was composed by one of the Helpers.672
According to 'Ali: Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik performed the pilgrimage during the caliphate of Sulayman b. 'Abd al-Malik, and it
was on this occasion that he purchased Hababah, whose (original)
name was al-'Aliyah, for four thousand dinars from 'Uthman b.
Sahl b. Hunayf. Sulayman said, "I want to prohibit Yazid from
squandering his money." As a result, Yazid returned Hababah,
who was then purchased by an inhabitant of Egypt. Subsequently,
Su'dah asked Yazid, "O Commander of the Faithful, is there anything in the world that you still desire?" He said, "Yes there is:
Hababah." Su'dah therefore sent a man who purchased Hababah
for four thousand dinars. Su'dah made her up and adorned her so
that she would not look travel weary, and then she brought her to
Yazid and placed her behind a curtain. She asked, "O Commander
of the Faithful, is there anything in the world that you still desire?" He replied, ''Yes. Didn't I tell you when you asked me this
question previously?" Then she lifted up the curtain and said,
''Behold! Hababah." Su'dah stood up, leaving Hababah alone with

[1465]

668. Text: thumma bata-l-hammu minni duna man li min daji' Literally,
"Then anxiety slept with respect to me not as close as (my) bedfellow."
669. Text: al-fadi'; read al-fazi, following the Cairo ed.
670. See al-Ah. was., Shi'r, no. 103, p. 152; FHA, 80.
671. Her cry signaled the Caliph's death. See Aghani (Beirut), VIII, 348.
672. It is reported that al-Ahwas. composed the poem for Sallamah, who recited
it as a lamentation. See Aghani (Beirut), VIII, 350; Mas'udi, Muruj (Beirut), III, 196.

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the Caliph. This act endeared Su'dah to Yazid, who was generous
with her and gave her many presents. Su'dah, who was from the
family of 'Uthman b. 'Affan, was Yazid's wife.
According to 'AliYunis b. Habib: One day, Hababah, a slave
girl belonging to Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik, sang the following song:
Between the collarbones and the uvula is a burning heat
that does not subside and is not easy to swallow, and thus
cool down.673
Yazid extended his arms to fly, but she said, "O Commander of
the Faithful, we need you." When she became very ill,674 he
asked, "How are you, Hababah?" But she did not answer. He cried
and recited:
If the soul forgets you, or desire abandons you,
the heart forgets out of despair, not out of hardness.
Yazid heard one of her servants recite the following line:
It is sufficient mourning for the love-sick, bewildered one to
see
the abodes of the one he desired left untended and
deserted.
Yazid also recited this.
According to 'Umar'Ali: Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik refused to see
anyone for seven days after Hababah died, on the recommendation of Maslamah, who feared that Yazid would appear foolish in
the eyes of the people.675

[1466]

673. See FHA, 77.

674. Yazid, who wanted to be alone with Hababah, ordered his servants not todisturb him under any circumstances. While the two of them were sitting to
gether in a garden, Hababah began to choke on a pomegranate seed (according to
some versions: a grape seed that the Caliph threw at her). Hababah died after
Yazid's pleas for assistance were dutifully ignored by his servants. See FHA, 7778; Maqdisi, Bad', VI, 48-49; Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, V, 121.
675. That is, because of his grief over Hababah. See FHA, 77.

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al-Tabari, Muhammad b. Jarir. Ta'rikh al-Rusul wa-l-Muluk. Edited by M. Abu al-Fadl Ibrahim. 11 vols. Cairo:
Dar al-Ma'arif, 1960-77.
Chronique. Translated by W. H. Zotenberg. 4 vols. Paris: Maisonneuve, 1867-74.
Ta'rikh al-Khulafa' li-Mu'allif Majhul min al-Qarn al-Hadiyy 'Ashar Edited by P. A. Gryaznevich. Moscow:
Akademia Nauk SSSR, 1967.
Theophanes the Confessor. Anni mundi 6095-6305. Translated by Harry Turtledove as The Chronicle of
Theophanes. Philadelphia: Univer-sity of Pennsylvania Press, 1982.
al-Tirimmah. b. Hakim al-Ta'i. Diwan. Edited by Izzat Hasan. Damascus: Wizarat al-Thaqafah, 1968.
Wellhausen, J. The Arab Kingdom and its Fall. Calcutta: University of Calcutta, 1927. Reprinted Beirut: Khayats,
1963.
Wrterbuch der klassischen arabischen Sprache. Edited by M. Ullmann. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1970-.
al-Ya'qubi, A.hmad b. Abi Ya'qub. Ta'rikh. Edited by Muhammad Sadiq. 3 vols. Najaf: al-Maktaba al-Haydariyy,
1964.
Yaqut, Abu 'Abdallah al-Hamawi Mu'jam al-Buldan. 5 vols. Beirut: Dar Sadir, 1955.

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INDEX
This index contains all names of places, persons, and tribal and other groups that occur in the introduction, the
text, and the footnotes, except that only names belonging to the medieval or earlier periods have been included
from the footnotes. An asterisk after a name indicates that it occurs only in the chains of transmitters.
The definite article al and the abbreviations b. (for ibn, "son") and bt. (bint"daughter') have been disregarded for
purposes of alphabetization.

A
Aban Canal 81
Abar b. Makhnun 171
'Abbad b. Ayyub * 31
'Abbad b. Laqit 36
al-'Abbas b. al-Walid b. 'Abd al-Malik 121, 127-28, 130, 135, 145, 147, 167
'Abd al-A'la b. 'Abdallah b. 'Amir al-Qurashi 114
'Abd al-A'la b. Mansur * 93
'Abd al-'Aziz b. 'Abdallah b. Khalid b. Asid b. Abi al-Is b. Umayyah b. 'Abd Shams b. 'Abd Manaf 29, 37-38, 60,
75, 126, 165, 167
'Abd al-'Aziz b. 'Amr b. al-Hajjaj al-Zabidi 150-51
'Abd al-'Aziz b. al-Harith 17, 19
'Abd al-'Aziz b. Hatim b. al-Nu'man 163
'Abd al-'Aziz b. Mask b. Nusayr 30
'Abd al-'Aziz b. al-Walid b. 'Abd al-Malik 5-6, 74
'Abd al-Hamid * 101
'Abd al-Hamid b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Zayd b. al-Khattab al-A'raj al Qurashi 75-77, 96, 108, 112-13, 118, 120, 12526, 131-32
'Abd al-Hamid al-Basri * 133
'Abd al-Hamid b. Dithar * 151
'Abd al-Jabbar b. 'Umarah * 105
'Abd al-Karim b. Muslim 20
'Abd al-Malik b. Bishr b. Marwan 149, 163-65
'Abd al-Malik b. Dithar 151, 154

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'Abd al-Malik b. Hilal 145

'Abd al-Malik b. Marwan 6, 9 n. 28, 30 n. 127, 41-42 49 n. 181
'Abd al-Malik b. Misma' 114-15, 128-29, 141
'Abd al-Malik b. al-Muhallab 5, 32-33, 113, 116, 127-29, 145
'Abd al-Malik b. Sallam al-Salui 38
'Abd al-Malik b. 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz 99 n. 353
'Abd al-Malik b. Ya'la 168, 191
'Abd al-Qays, tribe 8, 10, 12, 14, 27, 114
'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Abdallah b. Abi 'Ammar al-Jushami, known as al-Qass ("the priest") 194 n. 667
'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Abdallah al-Qushayri 85-86, 88, 121, 150, 152, 170, 173
'Abd al-Rahman b. al-Dahhak b. Qays al-Fihri 105-7, 126, 165, 167, 179, 180-082
'Abd al-Rahman b. Jumanah al-Bahili, poet 27
'Abd al-Rahman b. Mahdi * 101
'Abd al-Rahman b. al-Muhallab al-'Adawi 159
'Abd al-Rahman b. Muhammad b. al Ash'ath 131, 143, 144 n. 493
'Abd al-Rahman b. Muslim 8, 19-20
'Abd al-Rahmanb. Nu'aym al Ghamidi al-Qushayri al-Azdi 81, 84-88, 93-95, 97, 101, 121, 126, 150
'Abd al-Rah. man b. Subh 159
'Abd al-Rahman b. Sulaym al-Kalbi 120, 148-49
'Abd al-Rahman b. Udhaynah 29
Abd al-Wahid b. 'Abdallah b. Bishr al-Nadri 167, 180-82, 191
'Abdallah b. Abi Zakariyya' al-Khuza'i 40
'Abdallah b. Ahmad b. Shabbawayh * 65, 96-97
'Abdallah b. al-Ahtam 13, 33-36
'Abdallah b. 'Alwan al-'Awdhi 14
'Abdallah b. 'Amr b. 'Uthman b. 'Affan 4n. 7
'Abdallah b. 'Azrah al-Basri 141
'Abdallah b. Bakr b. Habib al-Sahmi * 98
'Abdallah b. Darraj 96 n. 341
'Abdallah b. Dinair 116

'Abdallah b. Habib 84
'Abdallah b. al-Hasan 180
'Abdallah b. al-Hasan b. al-Hasan b. 'Ali b. Abi Talib 63
'Abdallah b. Hawdhan al-Jahdami 13-14
'Abdallah b. Hayyan al-'Abdi 129
'Abdallah b. Hilal al-Kilabi 34
'Abdallah b. al-Mu'ammar al-Yashkuri 52-53
'Abdallah b. al-Mubarak * 85
'Abdallah b. Muhammad * 158
'Abdallah b. Muhammad b. Abi Yahya 180, 182
'Abdallah b. Muhammad b. 'Ali, Abu al-'Abbas 183
'Abdallah b. Muhammad b. Sa'd * 99
'Abdallahh b. Muhammad b. 'Uyaynah* 65, 96-97
'Abdallah b. Muslim al-Faqir 9, 15, 18, 20
'Abdallah b. al-Ru'bah 52
'Abdallah b. Sakhr al-Qurashi 86
'Abdallah b. Sufyan b. Yazid b. al Mughaffal al-Azdi 129
'Abdallah b. 'Umar from the Taym Allat 24
'Abdallah b. 'Umar b. al-Khattab 92, 116
'Abdallah b. 'Umayr al-Laythi 166
'Abdallah b. Wa'il 141
'Abdallah b. Wa'lan al-'Adawi 17, 19
'Abdallih b. Zuhayr b. Salim al-Azdi 160
Abghar 149, 171
'Abhar 27
Abrashahr 52. See also Nishapur
Abu al-'Abbas. See 'Abdallah b. Muhammad b. 'Ali
Abu al-'Abbas al-Tusi 153

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Abu 'Abdallah al-Sulami * 24

Abu al-'Ala' al-Taymi * 32
Abu 'All al-Juzjani * 8
Abu 'Amir al-Sha'bi. See Sharahil b. Abd b. 'Abdah
Abu 'Aqil, family 4-5, 89
Abu Ayyub. See Sulayman b. 'Abd al Malik
Abu al-Baha' al-Iyadi, poet 35
Abu Bakr, caliph 124 n. 431
Abu Bakr b. 'Abd al-'Aziz b. al- Dahhak b. Qays * 65
Abu Bakr b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. al-Harith b. Hisham 106
Abu Bakr b. Abi Mfisa 29
Abu Bakr al-Hudhali * 51
Abu Bakr b. Muhammad b. 'Amr b. Hazm al-Ansari 4, 29, 75, 88, 105-7, 167, 182
Abu al-Dhayyal * 8, 16, 23, 187
Abu Hafs. See Hudayn b. al-Mundhir; Qutaybah b. Muslim; 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz
Abu Hafs al-Azdi * 32, 48
Abu al-Hasan al-Jashami * 8
Abu al-Hasan al-Khurasani * 32, 35-36
Abu al-Hayyaj. See Hayyan al-Nabati
Abu al-Hujr al-Bahili 24
Abu 'Ikrimah al-Sarraj. See Muhammad b. Khunays
Abu Isaq b. Rabi'ah * 186
Abu Ja'far al-Tabari xiv, xvi, 3, 32, 60, 81, 87, 88 n. 315, 97-98, 108, 111, 126, 137, 149, 167
Abu al-Jahm al-Kalbi 52
Abu Khalid. See Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik b. Marwan
Abu al-Maghra' b. Hayyan. See 'Uthman b. Hayyan al-Murri
Abu Malik * 20, 35
Abu Ma'shar * 29, 38, 60, 62, 88, 91, 126, 165, 167, 191, 193
Abu Mawiyah 194
Abu Mijlaz Lahiq b. Humayd 84-85, 97

Abu Mikhnaf * 8, 19, 23, 31-32, 35, 43, 46, 55-56, 58, 61, 79, 81, 89, 91, 112, 114, 123-24, 127, 130, 133, 135-36,
138-40
Abu Minqar 113
Abu Mu'awiyah * 22
Abu Mu'ayt family 87
Abu al-Muhajir b. Darah 153
Abu Muhmmad. See Hudayn b. al-Mundhir
Abu Muhammad al-Sadiq. See Muhammad b. Khunays
Abu Muhammad al-Thaqafi * 51
Abu Mutarrif. See Waki' b. Hassan b. Abi Sad al-Tamimi
Abu al-Muthanna. See 'Umar b. Hubayrah
Abu Nafi' Dhu al-Wada'at. See Yazid b. Tharwan
Abu Nuhayk b. Ziyad * 86
Abu Qabisah. See Marwan b. al-Muhallab
Abu Qatifah. See 'Amr b. al-Walid b. 'Uqbah b. Abi Mu'ayt
Abu Raghwan 65
Abu Ru'bah al-Murji'i 132, 137, 140
Abu Safwan * 48
Abu Sa'id. See al-Muhallab b. Abi Sufrah; al-Hasan b. Abi al-Hasan al-Basri
Abu Salih 60
Abu al-Sari al-Azdi * 19, 36, 86
Abu Sasan. See Hudayn b. al-Mundhir
Abu al-Sayda'. See Salih b. Tarif
Abu Shayban. See Muqatil b. Shayban
Abu 'Ubaydah al-'Anbari 189
Abu 'Ubaydah Ma'mar b. al-Muthanna* 7, 20, 24, 35, 63, 77-78, 108
Abu 'Uyaynah b. al-Muhallab 45, 52-53, 93, 145
Abu al-Walid. See Salih b. 'Abd al-Rah. man; 'Umarah b. Ukaymah al-Laythi
Abu Yahya. See Sa'id b. 'Amr al-Harashi
Abu al-Yaqzan * 21

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Abu al-Zinad 75
Adam b. 'Abd al-Rahman 4
Adharbayjan 74, 182, 186 n. 638
'Adi b. Artat al-Fazari 75, 79, 81, 111-19, 141-42, 146 n. 500, 187
'Adi of al-Ribab, tribe 23, 176, 187
'Allan b. Muslim * 101
Afshin 193
Afshinah 192
Ahl al-'Aliyah, regiment 12, 14, 114. See also Ahl al-Madinah
Ahl al-Madinah 114. See also Ahl al-'Aliyah
Ahmad * 47
Ahmad b. Sa'd. See Ibn Sa'd
Abroad b. Thabit * 29, 38, 60, 62, 88, 91, 126, 191, 193
Almad b. Zuhayr * 40, 46
al-Ahwas, poet 195
al-Ahwaz 121
Akhrun 177
Akhur 43 n. 160
'Akk, tribe 146
al-'Ala' b. al-Minhal. See al-Ghanawi
al-'Ala' b. Zuhayr * 130
Alan 167, 192
Alburz, mountain range 14 n. 64, 42 n. 159, 47 n. 175
Aleppo 40 n. 146, 75 n. 263, 79 n. 281, 80 n. 287, 90 n. 323, 145
Alexander the Great. See Dhu al-Qarnayn
'Ali b. Muhammad al-Mada'ini * 5-8, 16, 21-22, 24, 26, 31-32, 35-37, 40-41, 46-48, 50-52, 55-56, 58, 60, 62-63,
82, 85-87, 93-94, 97, 150, 152, 160, 162, 166, 168-69, 172, 184-87, 193-96'
'Ali b. Mujahid * 50, 52, 54, 60, 82,93, 187
al-Ailyah 143. See also Hababah
'Amir, tribe 168
'Amir b. al-'Amaythal al-Azdi 131, 139

'Amir b. Aynam al-Washiji 56

'Amir b. Hafs al-Kirmani * 32, 36
'Amir al-Sha'bi 75, 126
Amirah b. Rabi'ah al-'Ujayfi, known as 'Amirat al-Tharid 16, 153
Amirat al-Barid b. Rabi'ah al-'Ujayfi. See 'Amirah b. Rabi'ah al-'Ujayfi
'Amr [or 'Umar] b. 'Abd al-'Aziz b. al-Harith 19
'Amr b. 'Abdallah b. Sinan al-'Ataki al-Sunabihi 36
'Amr b. 'Amir 148
'Amr b. A'yan, Abu Hamzah 88
'Amr al-Azdi 36
'Amr b. Bahir b. Warqa' al-Sa'di 164
'Amr b. Hassan al-Ta'i 153
'Amr b. Muslim 20
'Amr b. Qabisah b. al-Muhallab 145 n. 496
'Amr b. Qays al-Kindi 42, 79. See also Mas'adah b. Qays
'Amr b. 'Uthman * 91
'Amr b. al-Walid b. 'Uqbah b. Abi Mu'ayt, Abu Qatifah 113
'Amr b. Yazid al-Hakami 119
Amul 150
Anatolia 40 n. 146
al-Anbar 9 n. 26, 128
'Anbar, tribe 8
'Anbasah * 50
al-Andalus 30
Andarastan 52
al-Andarhaz, wadi 57
Antioch 42
'Aqabah 143
al-'Aqr 121, 128-29, 136, 147, 168
Arabia 10 nn. 38 and 41, 17 n. 72, 130 n. 454, 137 n. 474
'Arafat 37
Arbad 194

Armenia 40, 164, 182

Asad, tribe 130
Asad b. 'Abdallah 45
Asad b. 'Amr 52
al-Asamm b. al-Hajjaj, poet 27
Asfarah 170
al-A'sha. See Mayman b. Qays
al-Ash'ath al-Ta'i, Abu Hatamah 153
al-Ashhab b. Rumaylah, poet 14

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al-Ashhab b. 'Ubayd [''Ubaydallah] al-Hanzali 154

Ashja', tribe 164
'Asim 78 n. 276
'Asim b. 'Umar b. al-Khattab 92
Aslam, tribe 148
'Ata' al-Dabusi 173
'Atik, tribe 122
'Atikah bt. al-Furat b. Mu'awiyah al-'Amiriyyah 90
'Atikah bt. Yazid b. Mu'awiyah b. Abi Sufyan 42 n. 153
Atrek River 43 n. 160
Awasa 167 n. 578. See also Larissa; Raslah
'Awf, tribe 148
'Awram 177
'Ayn al-Tamr 9, 81
Ayyub b. Abi Hassan 175
Ayyub b. Khawali, Abu Tha'labah 109. See also Tha'labah b. Ayyub b. Khawali
Ayyub b. Salamah al-Makhzumi 4
Ayyffb b. Sulayman b. 'Abd al-Malik 41-42, 60
Azariqah 37
'Azaz, district 40 n. 146
Azd, tribe xiv, 10, 12-14, 22-23, 26-27, 45, 81, 87 n. 311, 113-14, 122, 131, 144

B
Bah al-Abwab 167 n. 579, 182 n. 626
Badakhshan 49 n. 184
Badr 25
Baghdad 77 n. 272
Bahilah, tribe 7, 19, 21 25, 119, 151, 188
al-Bahili. See Qutaybah b. Muslim b. 'Amr al-Bahili
al-Bahili, fortress of 151-53, 157-58

Bahram Sis 193

al-Bahrayn 11 n. 43, 137, 142
Bajilah, tribe 114
al-Bakhtari, Abu 'Abdallah al-Mura'i 156
Bakr, tribe. See Bakr b. Wa'il, tribe
Bakr b. Wa'il, tribe 10, 12., 1, 27, 113-14, 128-29
Bal'a' b. Mujahid al-'Anzi 153
Balanjar 182-83, 192
Balis 142 n. 489
Balkh 12, 20 n. 86, 49 n. 184, 54, 179 n. 612
Balkh River 15, 158, 193
Balqa' 193-94
Banu 'Abd al-Malik, tribe 70, 72
Banu tabs, tribe 63-64
Banu 'Adi, tribe. See 'Abdi of al-Ribab, tribe
Banu 'Adi b. Ka'b, tribe 75
Banu 'Amir b. Sa'sa'ah, tribe 17, 25
Banu 'Amr, tribe 28
Banu 'Amr b. Shayban b. Dhuhl, tribe 87
Banu 'Amr b. Tamim, tribe 115
Banu 'Aqil b. Mas'ud, tribe 141
Banu Asad, tribe, 8, 16, 87 n. 311, 162
Banu al-A'war b. Qushayr, tribe 86
Banu al-Bakka, tribe 90
Banu Dabbah, tribe 18-19, 83
Banu Darim, tribe 150
Banu Dithar, tribe 157
Banu Fazarah, tribe 113, 185
Banu Fihr, tribe 106-7
Banu Fuqaym, tribe 156
Banu Ghudanah, tribe 137 n. 475
Banu Hanifah, tribe 10 n. 35, 88

Banu Hilal, tribe 169

Banu Jabir b. Zuhayr b. Janab al-Kalbi, tribe 138
Banu Kilab, tribe 187
Banu Layth, tribe 8
Ban Malik b. Misma', tribe 113
Banu Malik b. Rabi'ah, tribe 118
Banu Marwan 78
Banu Mazin b. Malik b. 'Amr b. Tamim, tribe 140, 144
Banu Minqar, tribe 113
Banu Muhallab. See Muhallabids

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Banu Murrah, tribe 138

Banu al-Najjar, tribe 106
Banu Qays b. Tha'labah, tribe 36, 113, 137 n. 476
Banu Sadus, tribe 59
Ban Sakhr b. Nahshal, tribe 16
Banu Sharik b. Malik, tribe 19
Banu Shayban, tribe 13, 78, 110
Banu Tamim, tribe 10 n. 36, 12-14, 22-23, 26-27, 31, 113-15, 118, 121-22, 128-30, 137 n. 475, 140, 143, 153, 157,
159-61, 164, 193
Banu 'Ubad, tribe 137 n. 476
Ban al-'Ujayf, tribe 153
Banu Usayyid b. 'Amr b. Tamim, tribe 141
Banu 'Uwafah, tribe 152, 177
Banu Wa'il, tribe 15, 17, 19
Banu Yarbu', tribe 157
Banu Yashkur 77-78, 11 1, 115
Banu Zalim, tribe 160
Bardhun b. Kushanishah 179
Barih Atranj 18 n. 78. See Sulayman al-Zanjirj al-Khurnub
Barkath 161, 171 n. 590
Bashit b. Hassan al-Nahdi 38
Bashshat b. Muslim 20
al-Basrah, Badran(s) xv, 9 n. 27, 10, 12 n. 55, 14, 29, 31 n. 130, 34-35, 43, 45, 49, 53, 60, 75, 79, 97, 111-14, 115 n.
395, 118, 121, 123-26, 128, 133-34, 137, 142-43, 145 n. 499, 148-49, 165, 168, 186, 187 n. 641, 191
Bassam, family 174
Battle of the Pass 157
Bayar 177
Bayarkath 169, 171
al-Bayasan 48, 52-53
Baziqiyyah 139 n. 481
Biladha (or Biladha), Abu Anujr, King of Farghanah 170. See also al-Tar

Bint al-Harith b. 'Amr b. Harajah 186

Bint al- Husayn. See Fatimah bt. al-Husayn
Bishr b. 'Isa * 6, 48
Bishr b. Safwan al-Kalbi 165 n. 575
Bistam. See Shawdhab
al-Buhayrah 47-51
Bukhara 8 n. 24, 13 n. 57, 49, 94 n. 334, 150, 178 n. 610
Bunjikath 171
Burjan 42
Busht 173 n. 597
Busrah bt. Hassan al-'Adawi 187
Buzmajan 161 n. 557, 171, 179
Byzantium, Byzantines 28, 30, 42, 60, 74, 164, 167, 192

C
Caspian Sea 14 n. 64, 42 n. 158, 48
Caucasus 167 n. 579, 182 n. 626
Central Asia 9 n. 30
China 152 n. 532, 176. See also al-Sin
Constantinople xiii, xvi, 30, 39-41, 70

D
Dabiq 40, 61-62, 65, 69, 72, 91
al-Dabusiyah 94 n. 334, 172
Dahlaq 80-81, 89
Damascus xv, 26 n. 115, 27, 73 n. 256, 74, 79 n. 281, 90 n. 322, 92, 109 n. 378, 120, 163, 181 n. 620, 193
Dar al-Rizq (the Abode of Sustenance) 145
Daris 115
Dawsar, tribe 122
Dawud b. Khalid b. Dinar * 69-70
Dawid b. Sulayman b. 'Abd al-Malik 30, 60, 70
Dawud b. Sulayman al-Ju'fi * 96

al-Daylam 14, 45, 53, 54 n. 200, 123

Dayr Sim'an 90-92, 101
Dhu al-Qarnayn 28
Dhu al-Qatifah. See Muhammad b. 'Amr b. al-Walid b. 'Uqbah

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Dhu al-Shamah. See Muhammad b. Amr b. al-Walid b. 'Uqbah

Dhu al-Wada'at. See Yazid b. Tharwan
Dihistan 43, 44 n. 164, 45, 47-48, 52
Dirar b. Husayn b. Zayd al-Fawaris b. Husayn b. Dirar al-Dabbi 13-15
Dirar b. Muslim 20, 25
Dirar b. Sinan al-Dabbi 15
Dirghamah. See Waki' b. Abi Sad al-Tamimi
Diwa-shanj. See al-Diwashini
al-Diwashini 171, 177-78, 183
Diyar Mudar 77 n. 271
Diyar Rabi'ah 125 n. 436
Dur 163 n. 565
Duran 163 n. 565
Durayn

E
Egypt 28, 39 n. 145, 165
Euphrates River 60 n. 230, 77 n. 271, 79 n. 282, 21, 128, 134, 185

F
al-Fadl b. Bassam 173
Fam al-Nil 128
al-Farazdaq, poet 20, 25-26, 63-64, 101 n. 358, 115, 118, 128-29, 163
Farghanah xiv, 25, 169-70, 173-74
Farit 128
Fats 47, 113, 121, 125, 143
Fatimah, wife of 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz 101
Fatimah bt. al- Husayn b. 'Ali b. Abi Talib 180-81
Fayd al-Bah r 9
al-Fayd b. 'Imran 151

Fayruz b. Qfl 48-49, 53

Fazarah, tribe 163-64
al-Fudayl * 97
al-Fuqaymi 156
al-Furat b. Mu'awiyah 90

G
Gate of Samarqand 166
Ghalib b. al-Muhajir al-Ta'i 153
Ghalib al-Qattan * 37
al-Ghanawi, al-'Ala' b. al-Minhal * 135
Ghani, tribe 15, 19
Gharra' bt. Dirar b. al-Qa'qa' b. Ma'bad b. Zurarah 20
Ghassan, tribe 26, 148
Ghatafan, tribe 25, 153
Ghudanah, tribe 21
Ghudani. See Waki' b. Hassan b. Abi Sad al-Tamimi
Gog 28 n. 121
Great Swamp 81 n. 292

H
Ha', tribe 11
Hababah xiii, 194-96. See also al-'Aliyah
Habib b. Abi 'Ubayd al-Fihri 30
Habib b. al-Muhallab 112, 124-25, 135-36, 139
.Hadath al-Zuqaq 90
Hadhfah, horse 189
Hajar 137 n. 474
al-Hajari, poet 161
Hajib b. 'Amr al-Harithi 191
Hajib b. Dhubyan, poet 140
al-Hajjaj b. 'Amr al-Ta'i 153

al-Hajjaj b. Jariyah al-Khath'ami 44

al-Hajjaj b. Yusuf xiii, xv, 4 n. 9, 6, 9 n. 30, 12 n. 54, 13 n. 57, 24, 29, 31, 37 n. 137, 62, 83, 90, 116, 131, 144 n.
493, 165, 187
Hakam, tribe 11
al-Hakam b. Aws 160
al-Hakam b. Sa'd 82
Hamah 75 n. 263
Hamdan, tribe 16, 129, 130
Hamrail b. Zahr al-fi 120
Hamzah b. Ibrahim * 16, 21

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Hanzalah b. 'Attab b. Warqa' al-Tamimi 130

al-Harashi. See Sa'id b. 'Amr al-Harashi
Harim b. al-Qarar al-'Abdi 142
al-Harith * 69, 91-92
al-Harith b. Imm 1-Qays 11 n. 43. See also Ibn Kawan, island
al-Harith b. Musarrif al-Awdi 116
Harithah b. Badr al-Ghudani, poet 137
Harmalah b. 'Abd al-'Aziz * 100
Harmalah b. 'Umayr al-Lakhmi 38
Harran 109
Hanhriyyah 76-77, 118. See also Kharijites
al-Hasan b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Sharahil, known as Rustam al-Hadrami 144
al-Hasan b. Abi al-'Amarratah 176
al-Hasan b. Abi al-Hasan al-Basri, Abu Sa'id 75, 123-24, 133-34
al- Hasan b. Hammad 61
al-Hasan b. Rushayd al-Juzjani * 6, 16, 24, 32
Hassan b. Ja'dah, poet 111
Hassan b. Ma'dan al-Ta'i 153
Hatim b. al-Nu'man 74 n. 262
Hatim b. Qabisah b. al-Muhallab 49
al-Hawari b. Ziyad b. 'Amr al-Ataki 119-20, 138
Hawazin, tribe 25
al-Haytham b. al-Munakhkhal 19
al-Haytham b. Waqid * 69, 91
al-Hayyaj b. 'Abd al-Rahman al-Azdi 56
Hayyan, client of the Banff Shayban 13
Hayyan, client of Masqalah b. Hubayrah al-Shaybani 160
Hayyan al-'Attar 87
Hayyan b. Iyas al-'Adawi 17
Hayyan al-Nabati, Abu al-Hayyaj 14-15, 18, 23, 53-55, 135, 160-61

Helpers (Ansar) 106, 148, 182

Herat 152, 163, 179 n. 614, 184
Hilal b. Ahwaz al-Tamimi 144-45
Hilal al-Hariri 156
Hilal b. 'Ulaym al-Hanzali 172-73
Hims 79, 194
Hind bt. al-Muhallab 146-47
al-Hirah 121, 141, 143, 145
Hisham b. 'Abd al-Malik, 71-73, 146, 182, 193-94
Hisham b. Muhammad * 31, 43, 50, 55-56, 58, 61, 79, 89, 91-92, 105, 112, 114, 123-24, 127, 130, 135-36, 193-94
Hisham b. Musahiq b. 'Abdallah b. Mukhrimah b 'Abd al-'Aziz b. Abi Qays b. 'Abd Wudd b. Nasr b. Malik b. Hisl
b. 'Amir b. Luwayy al-Qurashi 112-13
.Hisn 'Awf 28
Hisn al-Mar'ah 30, 60
Hudayn b. al-Mundhir, Abu Hafs and Abu Muhammad, nom de guerre = Abu Sasan 12-14, 21, 23
Hudbah al-Yashkuri 109
Hudhayl, tribe 22 n. 94
al-Hudhayl b. Zufar b. al-Harith al-'Amiri 23, 90-91, 134-35, 138 n. 480, 185 n. 633
Hulays al-Shaybani 153
Hulwan 8, 143
Humayd b. 'Abd al-Malik b. al-Muhallab 113-14, 119-20
Huraym b. Abi Tahmah b. Abi Nahshal b. Darim al-Mujashi'i 16, 53, 115, 116 n. 399, 128
al-Husayn b. 'Abd al-Rahman 53
al-Husayn b. Hammad al-Kalbi 141
Husayn b. al-Harith 82
Husayn b. al-Hasan al-Kindi 191
Husayn b. Muslim 20

I
Ibn 'Abd al-Hamid * 100
Ibn Abi Dhibban. See Maslamah b. 'Abd al-Malik; Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik
Ibn Abi Hadir al-Tamimi 141
Ibn Abi Mulaykah * 38

Ibn Abi Nu'aym 62

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Ibn Abi Sabrah. See Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Abi Sabrah al-Ju'fi
Ibn Abi 'Uyaynah 63
Ibn Abi al-Zinad * 76
Ibn 'Abid al-Hajari 24
Ibn al-Ahtam. See 'Abdallah b. al-Ahtam
Ibn 'Amr. See Muhammad b. 'Amr b. al-Walid
Ibn 'Atikah. See Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik
Ibn Bid, poet 69.
Ibn Bishr. See ;Abd al-Malik b. Bishr b. Marwan
Ibn Busrah. See 'Umar b. Hubayrah
Ibn al-Dahhak. See 'Abd al-Rahman b.al-Dahhak b. Qays al-Fihri
Ibn al-Dahmah. See Yazid b. al-Muhallab
Ibn Dukhan. See Bahilah
Ibn Gharra'. See Dirar b. Muslim
Ibn Hanzalah. See Idris b. Hanzalah al-'Ammi
Ibn Hatim b. al-Nu'man al-Bahili, 'Abd al-'Aziz 74. See also Hatim b. al-Nu'man
Ibn .Hayyan 18
Ibn Hayyan. See 'Uthman b. Hayyan al-Murri
Ibn Hazm. See Abu Bakr b. Muhammad b. 'Amr b. Hazm al-Ansari
Ibn Hubayrah. See 'Umar b. Hubayrah
Ibn Hurmuz 180-81
Ibn Jariyah. See al-Hajjaj b. Jariyah al-Khath'ami
Ibn Junabudh 51
Ibn Kawan, island 11
Ibn Layth. See Waki' b. Hassan b. Abi Sud al-Tamimi
Ibn Marwan. See Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik b. Marwan
Ibn Misma' See 'Abd al-Malik b. Misma; Malik b. Misma
Ibn Muslim. See Qutaybah b. Muslim
Ibn Nas'ah. See Sa'id b. 'Amr al-'Harashi
Ibn Sa'd * 69, 91-99.

Ibn Sa'd. See Sa'd b. Najd al-Azdi

Ibn Safwan. See Shu'ayb b. Safwan
Ibn Sul 143
Ibn 'Umar. See 'Abdallah b. 'Umar
Ibn Zahir. See Shu'bah b. Zahir
Ibn Zahr. See Jahm b. Zahr
Ibn Zalim 65
Ibrahim b. 'Abdallah b. Abi Farwah * 182.
Ibrahim b. Nafi * 38
Ibrahim al-Sa'igh * 86
Ibrahim b. Salamah 87
Idris b. Hanzalah al-'Ammi 36, 47, 50, 89, 93
Ifriqiyah 164-65
'Ilba' b. Ahmar al-Yashkuri 177-78
'Ilba' b. Habib al-'Abdi 150
'Imran b. 'Amir b. Misma' 113-14
'Imran b. Isma'il, Abu al-Najm 87
India 37 n. 137, 64, 159. n. 539. See also Sind
'Iqal b. Shabbah b. 'Iqal al-Mujash'i 157
Iraq, Iraqi(s) xiv-xv, 4-5, 8, 9 n. 26, 11, 26-27, 29, 31-35, 75-77, 79, 82, 87, 126, 139, 159, 1-62, 164-65, 167-68,
178, 183, 185 n. 634, 186, 191
'Isa b. A'yan 88
Isa Canal 128 n. 449, 129 n. 449
'Isam b. 'Abdallah al-Bahili 170
'Isam's Pass 170, 173
Isbaskath 171 n. 591. See also Sabaskath
Isfahan 47 n. 174
Ishaq b. 'Isa * 29, 38, 60, 69, 88, 91, 126, 191, 193
Ishtikhan 169, 171
Isma'il 162
Isma'il, client of the Banff 'Aqil b. Mas'ud 141
Isma'il b. Ibrahim b. Shammas 53
Iyas b. 'Amr 20

Iyas b. Bayhas b. 'Amr 17, 19

Iyas b. Mu'awiyah b. Qurrah al-Muzani 75

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J
Jabalah b. 'Abd al-Rahman, client of Bahilah 188
Jabalah b. Abi Rawwad * 6
Jabalah b. Farrukh * 6
Jabalah b. Makhramah al-Kindi 134
al-Ja'd b. Dirham, poet 129
Jahm b. Zahr b. Qays al-Ju'fi 14, 19-21, 32, 43-44, 49, 56, 58, 150-51
Jalnaj 171, 175-76
Jamal b. Zahr 43-44, 49, 82
Jarir b. 'Atiyyah, poet 5, 63, 65, 157
Jarir b. Himyan 176
Jarir b. Yazid al-Jahdami 32
al-Jarrah. b. 'Abdallah al-Hakami, Abu 'Uqbah 34, 75, 80-85, 87, 121, 145, 146, 182-83, 192
al-Jazirah 77, 79, 121, 125, 163
al-Jibal 125, 129
Jilan 53
Jordan 87 n. 312, 194 n. 660
Judham, tribe 146
Ju'fi b. Sa'd 82
al-Juhaniyyah 37, 56
Jukha 77
'Jumay' b. Hadir al-Qadi al-Naji 94
Jumayl b. Imran 183-84
Junabidh 98
Junadah 19 n. 81
al-Junayd 157
Jurjan xv, 42-43, 45-49, 51-55, 57-58, 60, 82
Jurjaniyyah 52 n. 196
al-Juzjan 20

K
Ka'b, tribe 148, 169
Ka'b b. Hamid al-'Absi 71-72
Ka'bah 124
Kalb, tribe 138, 146
Karbala' 128 n. 441
Karzanj 169-71, 174-75, 177
Kathir b. Qutaybah b. Muslim 20
al-Kawthar b. Zufar b. al-Harith 185
Kaysan 10 n. 37
Khalaf b. Tamim * 99
Khalid 189
Khalid b. 'Abd al-'Aziz * 82, 93
Khalid b. 'Abdallah al-Qasri 28, 114, 119, 185-87
Khalid b. Ibrahim, Abu Dawud 87
Khalid b. Ja'far b
Kilab 64
Khalid b. Matdan 40
Khalid al-Nahwi 83
Khalid b. Subayh. * 52, 54
Khalid b. al-Walid b. 'Uqbah b. Abi Mu'ayt 138
Khalid b. Yazid b. al-Muhallab 52, 56, 120
Khalifah al-Aqta', poet 119
al-Khalil b. Aws al-'Abshami 160
Khaniqin 77 n. 272
Khaqan of the Turks 145, 152-54, 156
Kharijah b. Mus'ab al-Dabb'i * 85
Kharijites 76, 109-10, 118. See also Haruriyyah
Khath'am, tribe 1 14
Khindif, tribe 22
Khudhaynah. See Sa'id

Khudhaynah Khujandah 169-71, 173-75, 177, 179

Khunasirah 75, 91, 98
Khurasan, Khurasanil(s) xiii, xv-xvi, 5-7, 8 n. 19, 9, 11, 12 n. 51, 13-14, 16, 20 n. 86, 21, 24, 26, 29-34, 36-38, 43,
47-49, 52 n. 194, 55, 58, 75, 80-82, 84-88, 93, 95, 97, 120, 121 n. 422, 125-26, 130, 143 n. 491, 148-50, 151 n. 527,
152-53, 160-66, 168, 174, 183-89, 191-92
Khuraym b. Abi Yahya * 23, 26
Khuraym b. 'Amr al-Murri 23, 36
Khusraw I b. Kawadh 59
Khusraw II Parviz b. Hurmizd 59
Khuttal 82-83
Khuza'ah, tribe 88
Khuzar 179
Khuzistan 47 n. 174, 62 n. 237, 77 n. 272
Khwarazm 43 n. 160, 48, 52 n. 196, 177
Khwarazm Shah 177
Kinanah, tribe 22 n. 94, 113-14

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Kindah, tribe 130, 144

Kirman 47, 121, 143, 188
al-Kirmani. See 'Amir b. Hafs al-Kirmani
Kishkish 177. See also Kishshin
Kishshin 169, 177. See also Kishkish
Kisra b. Hurmuz. See Khusraw II Par viz b. Hurmizd
Kisra b. Qubadh. See Khusraw Ib. Kawadh
Kiss xiv, 49, 178
K1-ch. See Kursul
al-Kfuah, Kufan(s) xv, 9 n. 26, 10, 14, 29, 31 n. 130, 38, 43, 45, 49, 53, 75, 76 n. 268, 77, 96, 108-10, 112, 114,
118, 120, 125-26, 128-29, 131, 135, 139, 141, 145 n. 499, 148, 165, 168, 191
Kulayb b. Khalaf al-'Ammi * 6, 8, 16, 24, 36, 46, 82, 93, 94
Kulayb b. 'Udhaynah 184. See also 'Udhaynah b. Kulayb
Kum 177
Kursul 153
Kushkah Darya River 178 n. 608
Kuthayyir 'Azzah, poet 101 n. 358
Kuthayyir b. al-Dabfisi 155
Kuwayfah (''little al-Kufah''} 139 n. 481, 149

L
Lahiz b. Qurayz. al-Tamimi 87
Larissa 167 n. 578. See also Awasa; Raslah
Leo III the Isaurian 40-41
Luqman b. 'Ad 17

M
Madhhij, tribe 11 n. 47, 26-27, 43, 130, 146
al-Mafazah (Great Desert of Khurasan) 121 n. 422, 125 n. 434
al-Maghithah 112 n. 390

Maghrib 24
Magog 28 n. 121
Makhlad b. Yazid b. al-Muhallab 34-36, 43, 49, 54-55, 80, 93
Malatyah 30 n. 126, 60
Malik 109
Malik b. al-Haytham al-Khuza'i 87
Malik b. Ibrahim b. al-Ashtar 143-44
Malik b. Misma' 114-15, 128-29, 141
Malik b. al-Mundhir, tribe 118
Malik b. al-Mundhir b. al-Jarud 114
Ma'mar b. al-Muthanna. See Abu 'Ubaydah Ma'mar b. al-Muthanna
Mamzuj, client of the Banff Shayban 78
Mansur b. Abi Muzahim * 92
Mansur b. Muzahim * 100
al-Mantuf 128-29
Ma'qil Canal 79
Ma'qil b. 'Urwah al-Qushayri 152, 184-87
Ma'qil b. Yasar al-Mazani 79 n. 284
Marthid 101-2
Marw 8, 12, 13 n. 57, 36, 48 n. 180, 54, 95, 151, 179
Marwan b. 'Abd al-Malik 42
Marwan b. al-Hakam 78 n. 279
Marwan b. al-Muhallab, Abu Qabisah 34-35, 112, 124, 133-34, 145
Marwan b. Muhammad b. Marwan al-Ja'di 162
Marwan b. Shuja' * 92
Marwanids 124, 132, 136, 143, 194
Mas'adah b. Qays 42. See also 'Amr b. Qays
Maslamah b. 'Abd al-Malik (Ibn Abi Dhibban) xiii, xv, 21, 28, 30, 39-42, 74, 77, 86, 102 n. 364, 110, 121, 127-32,
134-35, 137-38, 140-41, 143-50, 162-64, 181-82, 196
Maslamah b. Muharib * 6, 22, 32
Masqalah 47
Masqalah b. Hubayrah al-Shaybani 160
Masqalah's Wadi 47

Maymun b. Mihran * 93
Maymun b. Qays al-A'sha, poet 137
Maysarah al-Jadali 17

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Maysarah al-Nabbal (or al-Rahhal), Abu Riyah 87, 164

Mazin, tribe 157
Mazun. See 'Uman
Mecca 28-29, 37 n. 138, 38, 42, 60, 75, 124 n. 432, 126, 165, 167, 179, 191
Medina 3, 4 n. 5, 26, 29, 63, 75, 99 n. 354, 105, 107, 126, 130, 165, 167, 179-82, 191, 194 n. 664
Mediterranean Sea 152 n. 532
Mihfan b. Jaz' al-Kilabi 17-18. See also Muhaqqir b. Jaz' al-'Ala'i
Mihrajan 96
Mihzam b. Jabir 190
al-Minhal b. Abi 'Uyaynah b. al-Muhallab 145 n. 496
Mirbad (caravan quarter) of al-Baswah 115
Misma' 115, 128-29, 141
Miswar b. 'Abbad al-Habati 115
Mosul 112 n. 388, 125
Mu'adh b. Sa'd * 123
Mu'adh b. Sa'id * 127
Mu'awiyah, caliph 47
Mu'awiyah b. al-Hajjaj al-Ta'i, Abu Sa'id 153, 156, 158
Mu'awiyah b. Yazid b. al-Muhallab 49, 127, 129, 141-43, 145 n. 496
Mu'ayt, tribe 140
al-Mubarak b. Fadalah 92
Mudar, tribe 13, 22 n. 94, 26-27, 116
Mudrik b. Dabb al-Kalbi 143-44
Mudrik b. al-Muhallab 121-22
al-Mufaddal * 82, 93
al-Mufaddal b. al-Muhallab 62, 112, 130, 135, 138-39, 142-43, 145
al-Mufaddal b. Muhammad al-Dabbi * 16, 22, 24, 37
Mughallis b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Muslim 20
al-Mughirah b. 'Abdallah b. Abi 'Aqil al-Thaqafi 113-14
al-Mughirah b. Abi Qurrah 59

al-Mughirah b. Qabisah b. al-Muhallab 145 n. 496

al-Mughirah b. Ziyad b. 'Amr al-'Ataki 113
Mughun 173
Muhajir b. Yazid al-Harashi 179
al-Muhallab b. Abi Sufrah, Abu Sa'id 7, 9, 37 n. 140, 112, 145 n. 496
Muhallabids 80, 116, 118, 120, 122, 142-44, 148, 163
Muhammad, the Prophet 10 n. 35, 22, 27, 72, 76, 92, 106 n. 366, 123-24, 132, 155
Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Abi Sabrah al-Ju'fi 43-45, 49-50
Muhammad b. 'Abdallah b. 'Abd al-Malik b. Marwan 143-44
Muhammad b. 'Adi b. Artat 141
Muhammad b. 'Ali b. 'Abdallah b. 'Abbas xvi, 87-88, 183
Muhammad b. 'Amr b. al-Walid b.'Uqbah b. Abi Mu'ayt, Dhu al-Shamah Dhu al-Qatifah 113, 132, 140-41, 163-65
Muhammad b. 'Aziz al-Kindi 178
Muhammad al-Bahili * 86
Muhammad b. Humran al-Sa'di 36
Muhammad b. Ishaq b. Muhammad b. al-Ash'ath 130, 143
Muhammad b. Jarir b. 'Abdallah al-Bajali 77, 108
Muhammad b. Khunays al-Sarraj, Abu 'Ikrimah, known as Abu Muhammad al-Sadiq 87-88, 183
Muhammad b. al-Muhallab 113-16, 132, 135, 138-39
Muhammad b. Muslim 20
Muhammad b. Qays al-Ghanawi al-'Anbari 156
Muhammad b. Sulayman b. 'Abd al-Malik 70 n. 250
Muhammad b. Talhah * 96
Muhammad b. 'Umar * 3, 39, 42, 69, 76, 91, 105, 126, 180, 182
Muhammad b. 'Uzayz al-Kindi * 6
Muhammad b. Wasi' al-Azdi 51-52
Muhammad b. Yazid 165
Muhammad b. Yusuf 90
Muhaqqir b. Jaz' al-'Ala'i 17 n. 74. See also Mihfan b. Jaz' al-Kilabi
al-Muhawwal 129 n. 449
Muhriz b. Humran al-Sa'di 113

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Mujahid b. Jabr 40
Mujashi' 65
al-Mujashshir b. Muzahim al-Sulami 166, 168, 179
Mukhallad. See Makhlad b. Yazid b. al-Muhallab
al-Mukhtar 10 n. 37
al-Muntaji' b. 'Abd al-Rahman al-Azdi 150-51
Muqatil b. Hayyan * 8, 54-55, 94
Muqatil b. Shayban, Abu Shayban 109
Murji'ites xvi, 132, 140
Murrah al-Nakha'i, poet 51
al-Murri. See 'Uthman b. Hayyan al-Mufti
Musa b. Ka'b al-Tamimi 87
Musa b. Mishkan, client of the Bassam family 174
Musa b. al-Wajih al-Himyari al-Kala'i 75, 79, 116
Mus'ab al-'Abdi 8. See also Sa'sa'ah al-'Abdi
Mus'ab b. Hayyan * 8, 94
al-Musarbal b. Khirrit b. Rashid al-Naji 179
al-Musayyab b. Bishr al-Riyahi, Abu Bishr 153-57, 177-78
Musaylimah 10
Muslim b. 'Abd al-Malik al-Bahili 119
Muslim b. 'Amr 20
Muslim b. Budayl al-'Adawi 176
Muslim b. al-Mughirah * 185
Muslim b. Sa'id b. Aslam b. Zur'ah b. 'Amr b. Khuwaylid al-Sa'iq al-Kilabi 183, 185, 187-93
al-Muthanna b. 'Abdallah * 124
Muzaynah, tribe 114

N
al-Nadr b. Anas b. Malik 123-24
al-Nadri. See 'Abd al-Wahid b. 'Abdllah b. Bishr al-Nadri

Nafi ' * 92
Nafi ' b. al-Azraq 37 n. 140
Nahar b. Tawsi'ah, poet 25, 37, 166
Nahshal b. Yazid al-Bahili 154
Najdah b. al-Hakam al-Azdi 109
Najih Abu 'Abdallah, client of Zuhayr* 140
Nasal 49, 178, 179 n. 612
Nasr b. Sayyar al-Laythi 160, 178
Nawqan 56 n. 208
Nawruz 96
Naylan 170 n. 587, 173. See Biladha
Nineveh 125 n. 436
Nishapur 47 n. 175, 52 n. 195, 98 n. 346, 172 n. 595, 173 n. 597. See also Abrashahr
Nudhah 142 n. 489
Nuh b. Shayban b. Malik b. Misam' 113
al-Nukhaylah 131
al-Nu'man 83
al-Nu'man b. Ibrahim b. al-Ashtar al-Nakha'i 130, 143

O
Orontes River 79 n. 281
Oxus River xiii, 82 n. 297, 150 n. 522

P
Palestine xiv, 112 n. 388
Palmyra Desert 90 n. 325
Panj River 82 n. 297
Paytak Pass 8 n. 19
Persia 11 n. 43, 45 n. 165
Persian Gulf 11 n. 43, 47 n. 174

Qabisah b. al-Muhallab 145 n. 496

al-Qadisiyyah 112 n. 390
al-Qahl b. 'Ayyash 138
Qahtabah b. Shabib al-Ta'i 87
Qahtan, tribe 27
Qandabil 142, 144
al-Qa'qa' al-Azdi 150-51
al-Qa'qa' b. Khulayd al-'Absi 23, 36

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al-Qasim b. `Abd al-Rahman b. `Abdal lah b. Mas`ud 165, 168

al-Qasim b. Habib 82
al-Qasim b. Muhammad b. Abi Bakr, Abu Muhammad 182
al-Qasim b. Mujashi' al-Tamimi 87
al-Qasr, gate 25
Qasr Ibn Hubayrah 128 n. 444
Qasr al-Rih ("The Castle of the Winds") 172
al-Qass. See 'Abd al-Rah. man b. 'Abdallah b. Abi tAmmar al Jushami
Qatif 137 n. 474
Qays, tribe xiv, 17 n. 73, 23, 35, 90- 91, 109, 114-15, 118, 128, 158, 185-86
Qays 'Aylan, tribe 22, 114
Qazwin 20
Qinnasrin 61
Qiyy 154, 171
Qizil-Su River 177 n. 606
Qubayd 185
Quhistan 143
Qumis 47, 52
Quraysh, tribe 5, 33, 105, 114, 186
Qurrah b. Sharik al-'Absi 28
Qusdar 142 n. 489
al-Qutami b. al-Husayn, Abu Sharqi al-Walid, poet 120-21
al-Qutami al-Kalbi, al-Husayn b. Jam mal b.Habib, poet 51
Qutaybah b. Muslim b. 'Amr al-Bahili, Abu Hafs xiv, xvi, 5-10, 12-27,35-36, 47, 52, 55, 94, 151 n. 527, 161, 170
Qutqutanah 112-13

R
Rabi ' b. Ziyad b. al-Rabi' b. Anas b. al Rayyan 141
Rabi'ah, tribe 13, 26, 77, 114, 130, 135, 139, 155, 164
Rabinjan xiv, 178

Raja' b. Haywah b. Khanzal al-Kindi, Abu al-Miqdam xiii, xvi, 70-73

al-Ramlah 3
al-Raqqah 77
Ra's al-Mafazah 121-22
Rashid the Mu'adhdhin 116
Raslah 167
al-Rayy 43, 47 n. 175, 60, 95 n. 335
al-Rayyan b. `Abdallah al-Yashkuri 110-11
Ru'bah b. al-'Ajjaj * 63
Rustam al-Hadrama. See al-Hasan b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Sharahil
Rutbil 145
Rayan 47

S
Sabaskath 171. See also Isbaskath
Sabrah b. 'Abd al-Rah. man b. Mikhnaf al-Azdi 131
Saber Dhu al-Aktaf. See Shapur II b. Hurmizd
Sa'd 82
Sa'd the Blacksmith 22
Sa'd b. Najd al-Azdi 20 n. 89, 21
Sadif, tribe 16
Sahl b. Mahmud * 100
Sa'id b. 'Abd al-'Aziz. See Sa'id Khudhaynah
Sa'id b. 'Abd al-Malik b. Marwin 112, 192
Sa'id b. 'Amr al-Harashi, Abu Yahya xiii, 110, 129, 166-70, 172-79, 183-89
Salad b. al-'As 46-47 Sa'id b. Aslam 187
Sa'id Khudhaynah b. 'Abd al-'Aziz b. al-Harith b. al-Hakam b. Abi
al-'As xiii, 21, 86, 149-52, 158-62, 164-67, 169
Sa'id b. al-Musayyab 106
Sa'id al-Nahwi 83
Sajah 10. See also Umm Sadir
al-Sakin b. Qatadah * 6

Salamah b. 'Abdallah b. 'Abd al-Asad al-Makhzumi 105

Salamah b. Nu'aym al-Khawlani 81

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Salih b. 'Abd al-Rahman, Abu al-Walid 4-5, 8, 29, 31-33

Salih b. Muslim 18-20
Salih b. Tarif, Abu al-Sayda' 83
Salim b. 'Abdallah b. 'Umar 182
Salim al-Aftas * 92
Salim b. Ziyid b. Abi Sufyan 116
Salit b. 'Abd al-Karim al-Hanafi 23
Sallamah of al-Qass 194, 195 n. 672
Samarqand xiii, 8, 49, 94, 149 n. 520, 150-51, 153, 154 n. 538, 156, 160, 161 n. 555, 166, 170 n. 585, 171, 173 n.
598, 177, 178 n. 10, 192 n. 654
al-Samayda' al-Kindi 118, 132, 136, 138
Sarat al-Aqsa Canal 129
Sa'a'ah al-'Abdi 8. See also Mus'ab al-'Abdi
Sasanian Empire 22 n. 97
Sawad of Baghdad 77 n. 272
Sawad of al-Kufah 128 n. 440
Sawrah b. al-Hurr 150, 160-61, 178
Sayf b. Hani' al-Hamdani 131, 135
al-Sha'bi. See 'Amir al-Sha'bi
Shabib b. al-Hajjaj al-Ta'i 156
al-Shabib b. al-Harith al-Tamimi 148
Shaddad b. Khulayd al-Bahili 158
al-Shahhaj b. Wada' 109
Shahr b. Hawshab al-Ash'ari, Abu Sa'id 51
Shahr-i-Sabz ("The Green City") 178 n. 608. See also Kiss
Shakiriyyah corps 55
Shipur II b. Hurmizd 58-59
Sharahil b. `Abd b. `Abdah 42
Sharat, land of 87
Sharik b. al-Samit al-Bahili 15
Shash River 170

Shawdhab the Kharijite (= Bastam) xvi, 77-78, 108-11

Shawkar b. Hamik 177
Shibl b. Tahman, Abu 'Ali al-Harawi 88
Shihab b. Shari'ah al-Mujashi'i * 97
Shimr b. 'Abdallah al-Yashkuri, poet 110
Shu'ayb b. Safwan 100
Shu'bah b. Zahir 16. See also Shu'bah b. Zuhayr
Shu'bah b. Zuhayr al-Nahshali 150-53, 159. See also Shu'bah b. Zahir
Shuman 177
Shunu'ah, tribe 122
Sijistan 86
Simon Peter 90 n. 322
al-Sin 26. See also China
Sinan b. Mukammal al-Numayri, poet 51
Sand 142 n. 489. See also India
Slavs, city of 42, 60
Soghdia. See al-Sughd
Subuqri, King of Khuzar 179
Su'dah 195-96
Sufyan * 101
Sufyan b. `Abdallah al-Kindi 29, 60
Sufyan b. Safwan al-Khath'ami, poet 44
al-Sughd {also spelled al-Sughd), Sogh dian(s) xiv, 94, 150-52, 158-61, 169, 172-77, 179, 192
Sughd River 178 n. 610
Suhayl b. Abi Suhayl * 70
Suhaym b. Hafs 63
Sukaynah bt. al-Husayn b. 'Ali 149
Sul the Turk 45, 47-50, 52
Sulayman * 65, 96-97
Sulayman b. 'Abd al-Malik, Abu Ayyub, xiii-xvi, 3-4, 5 n. 13, 6-8, 9 nn. 25 and 33, 12, 20 n. 89, 23, 28, 30-42, 45,
52, 58, 61-65,69-74, 79, 93, 112 n. 388, 130, 195
Sulayman b. Abi al-Sari, client of the Banff 'Uwafah 94, 152, 177-78

Sulayman al-Daylami 45 n. 166

Sulayman b. Habib al-Muhiribi 63
Sulayman b. Harb * 92
Sulayman b. Kithit * 32, 48
Sulayman b. Kithit al-Khuza'i 87
Sulaymin b. Musa * 39
Sulayman al-Zanjirj al-Khurnub 18
Sulayman b. Ziyad b. Abihi 116 n. 403
Sura 128
Sura Canal 128 n. 444

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Suradiq Gate 175

Sus 62
Suwayd b. Ghafalah 129
Suwayd b. al-Qa'qa' al-Tamimi 135
Suyab 170
Syr Darya River 161 n. 557, 169 n.584
Syria, Syrian(s) 8 n. 20, 11, 13 n. 57, 31-32, 37, 39 n. 145, 40, 43, 61 n. 233, 77, 79 n. 281, 110, 115-16, 117 n. 405,
118, 120- 21, 123, 125, 128, 132-35, 137-38, 140, 144, 162, 180, 187

T
Tabaran 56 n. 208
al-Tabari. See Abu Jabfar al-Tabari
Tabaristan xv, 42, 45-48, 52, 55, 58
al-Ta'i 19
al-Ta'if 167, 181, 191
Talhah, Abu Muhammad * 61-62
Talhah b. Dawud al-Hadrami 28, 29 n. 124, 38
Tal.hah b. Iyas * 22
Talhah b. Zurayq al-Khuza'i 87-88
Tamim b. al-Hubab 109
al-Tar 169-70. See also Biladha
Tariq b. al-Mubarak * 42
Tawbah b. Abi Asid al-'Anbari * 8
Taym Allat, tribe 24
Tayyi', tribe 55, 153
Thabit, client of Zuhayr b. Salamah al-Azdi * 136, 138-39
Thabit al-Ishtikhani 169, 171, 175
Thabit b. Ka'b al-Azdi. See Thabit Qutnah
Thabit Qutnah = Thabit b. Ka'b al Azdi al-'Ataki, poet 122, 142, 146, 147 n. 505, 153, 155-57, 177
Thabit b. 'Uthman b. Mas'ud 176

Tha'labah b. Ayyub b. Khawali b. Bay ham 109 n. 380

Thamfid, tribe 130
Thawr b. Yazid * 39
Thumamah b. Najidh al-'Adawi * 16
Tiberias 194 n. 660
Tigris River 79 n. 282, 81 n. 292, 118 n. 409, 125 n. 436
al-Tin 143 n. 490
al-Tirimmah b. Hakim al-Ta'i, poet 26
Transoxiana xiii, 8 n. 24, 45 n. 165, 94 n. 334, 95, 169 n. 584, 172 n. 596, 177 n. 605
Tufayl b. Mirdas al-'Ammi * 6, 8, 32, 47-48, 94
Tukharistan 49, 178
Teas 56

U
'Ubaydallah b. 'Ali 14
'Ubaydallah b. Habib 84
'Ubaydallah b. Muslim 20
'Ubaydallah b. 'Umar * 92
'Ubaydallah b. Zuhayr b. Hayyan al-'Adawi 176, 193
al-Ubullah 118, 134
al-'Udhayb 112
'Udhaynah b. Kulayb 184. See also Kulayb b. 'Udhaynah
'Uman 5, 11 n. 43, 36 n. 136, 118, 137
'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz b. Marwan b. al-Hakam, Abu Hafs xiii-xvi, 37, 62, 69-81, 83-87, 89-101, 102 n. 364, 1089, 111-12, 121, 123-24, 150
'Umar b. Hubayrah b. Mu'ayyah b.Sukayn b. Khudhayj b. Malik b. Sa'd b. 'Adi al-Fazari, Abu al- Muthanna xv, 30,
40, 79, 163-8, 170, 176-77, 179, 183-91
'Umar b. al-Khattab, al-Faruq 59, 124
'Umar b. Shabbah * 5, 31, 41, 194, 196
'Umar b. Yazid al-Hakami 114
'Umar b. Yazid al-Tamimi 149
'Umarah b. Junayyah al-Riyahi 21
'Umarah b. Ukaymah al-Laythi, Abu al-Walid 97

Umayyads 124, 132

Umayyah b. 'Abdallah 9
Umm 'Asim bt. 'Asim b. 'Umar b. al-Khattab 92
Umm al-Aswad 82

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Umm al-Hajjaj bt. Muhammad b. Yusuf 89, 90 n. 321

Umm Khalid 147
Umm Khulaydah 21
Umm Muhammad bt. 'Abdallah b. 'Uthman al-Thaqafi 116 n. 403
Umm Sadir bt. Aws b. Hikk b. Usamah (or bt. al-Harith b. Suwayd b. 'Uqfan) 10 n. 38. See also Sajah
'Umran b. Hazm, tribe 122
Unayf b. H. assan 23
al-'Uqab 26
'Uqbah b. Shihab al-Mazini 16
'Uqbah b. Zur'ah al-Ta'i 95
al-'Uryan b. al-Haytham 140-41
Usamah b. Zayd 165
Ushrusanah 171 n. 593, 173
Usnan 179
'Utbah b. Muslim 141
'Uthman b. 'Abd al-Hamid * 101
'Uthman b. 'Abdallah b. Mutarrif b. al-Shikhkhir 152-53
'Uthman b. 'Affan, caliph 59, 196
'Uthman b. 'Amr b. Mihsan al-Azdi * 32, 35
'Uthman b. Hayyan al-Murri 3-4, 107, 167
'Uthman b. Ishaq b. Muhammad b. al-Ash'ath 143
'Uthman b. Mas'ud 176
'Uthman b. al-Mufaddal 43, 116, 145
'Uthman b. Sahl b. Hunayf 195
al-'Uwayf, poet 92

W
Wada' b. Humayd al-Azdi 142, 144-45
al-Waddah 30, 129, 134-35
Waddahiyyah, regiment 30, 134

Wadi of Jutjan 57
al-Wajah 55-56
Waki' b. Hassan b. Abi Sud al-Tamimi al-Ghudani, Abu Mutarrif 13-18, 20-25, 29, 34-36, 81
Waksh 179 n. 612
Waksh River 82 n. 297
al-Walid b. 'Abd al-Malik, 3, 5-6, 23 n. 104, 29, 36, 42, 62, 194
al-Walid b. Hisham al-Mu'ayti 42, 79
al-Walid b. Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik 90
al-Waqidi 3, 29-30, 38, 42, 75, 88, 91, 105, 165, 167, 191, 193
Waraghsar 161
al-Ward b. 'Abdallah b. Habib al-Sa'di 143-44
Warqa' b. Nasr al-Bahili 16, 151
Warqa' b. Zuhayr b. Jadhimah al-'Absi 64
Wasit 31, 34, 79, 81 n. 292, 124, 126, 136-37, 139, 141
Wayk 178
Woman's Fortress, the. See .Hisn al-Mar'ah

Y
Yahya b. Hudayn 176
al-Yamamah 10 n. 35
Yaman xiv, 82, 164. See also Yemen
al-Yarmfik 25
Yashkur. See Banu Yashkur Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik b. Marwan, Abu Khalid (= Ibn Abi Dhibban, Yazid b.
'Atikah) xiii-xvi, 42, 70-71, 78, 87, 89-90, 93, 98, 105, 107-9, 111-12, 114-15, 119-21, 126-27, 138, 140, 145-46,
147 n. 507, 148, 165, 167-68, 176, 179- 81, 193-96
Yazid b. Abi Muslim 4, 164-65
Yazid b. Abi Zaynab 176
Yazid b. 'Atikah. See Yazid b` 'Abd al-Malik
Yazid b. al-Hakam b. Abi a1-'As al-Thaqafi, poet 136
Yazid b. al-Muhallab al-Azdi xiv-xvi, 4-7, 9, 21, 24, 29-38, 42-58, 60, 62, 75, 79, 80-82, 86, 89-91, 93, 111-21,
123-24, 126-28, 30-43, 144 n. 493, 146-48, 151, 187, 189
Yazid al-Nahwi 83,
Yazid b. Suwayd * 24

Yazid b. Tharwan Habbanaqat al-

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Qaysi, Abu Nafi' Dhu al-Wada 'at 9, II

Yemen 11 n. 47. See also Yaman
Yunis b. Habib 196

Z
Zabulistan 145 n. 497
Zabuqah 145 n. 499
Zagros mountain range 8 n. 19
Zahr b. Qays 56
Zahran, tribe 15
Zanbil. See Rutbil
Zarafshan River 154 n. 538, 173 n. 598, 177 n. 606
al-Zibriqan al-Sa'di 136
Ziyad b. 'Abd al-Rahman al-Azdi al-Qushayri 19, 141, 173
Ziyad al-Isbahani 156
Ziyad b. al-Muhallab 5, 145 n. 496
Ziyad b. al-Rabi' * 37
Ziyad b. 'Ubayd 114
al-Zubayr b. Nushayt, client of Bahilah
Zufar b. al-Harith 185 n. 633
Zuhayr * 20
Zuhayr b. Hunayd * 32
Zuhayr b. Jadhimah al-'Absi 64
Zuhayr b. Salamah al-Azdi * 136
al-Zuhri * 182
Zurarah b. 'Udus 158

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