Ishango Bones
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Recent papers in Ishango Bones
Although questions of modern human origins and dispersal are subject to intense research within and outside Africa, the processes of modern human diversification during the Late Pleistocene are most often discussed within the context of... more
Although questions of modern human origins and dispersal are subject to intense research within and outside Africa, the processes of modern human diversification during the Late Pleistocene are most often discussed within the context of recent human genetic data. This situation is due largely to the dearth of human fossil remains dating to the final Pleistocene in Africa and their almost total absence from West and Central Africa, thus limiting our perception of modern human diversification within Africa before the Holocene. Here, we present a morphometric comparative analysis of the earliest Late Pleistocene modern human remains from the Central African site of Ishango in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The early Late Stone Age layer (eLSA) of this site, dated to the Last Glacial Maximum (25e20 Ky), contains more than one hundred fragmentary human remains. The exceptional associated archaeological context suggests these remains derived from a community of hunter-fisher-gatherers exhibiting complex social and cognitive behaviors including substantial reliance on aquatic resources, development of fishing technology , possible mathematical notations and repetitive use of space, likely on a seasonal basis. Comparisons with large samples of Late Pleistocene and early Holocene modern human fossils from Africa and Eurasia show that the Ishango human remains exhibit distinctive characteristics and a higher phenotypic diversity in contrast to recent African populations. In many aspects, as is true for the inner ear conformation, these eLSA human remains have more affinities with Middle to early Late Pleistocene fossils worldwide than with extant local African populations. In addition, cross-sectional geometric properties of the long bones are consistent with archaeological evidence suggesting reduced terrestrial mobility resulting from greater investment in and use of aquatic resources. Our results on the Ishango human remains provide insights into past African modern human diversity and adaptation that are consistent with genetic theories about the deep sub-structure of Late Pleistocene African populations and their complex evolutionary history of isolation and diversification.
Since the early 20th century, and especially during the last few decades, interdisciplinary research has strengthened the evidence that during earlier prehistory (35,000–9,000 BP) people observed certain celestial phenomena and... more
Since the early 20th century, and especially during the last few decades, interdisciplinary
research has strengthened the evidence that during earlier prehistory (35,000–9,000 BP)
people observed certain celestial phenomena and reflected about the spatiotemporal structure
of the world they perceived themselves as dwelling within. What appear to be traces of very
early systems of time-reckoning and visions of the cosmos can be found in depictions on both
fixed and transportable objects (parietal/mobile art) within and outside of caves or related to
other distinctive natural or man-made places. While interpretations of such evidence have
often proved controversial, in broad terms there is little doubt that astronomy played an
important and integral part in the early cognitive development of humankind.
The evidence suggests that there existed during earlier prehistory an archaic form of
astronomy that included such components as simple natural calendars, more complex ‘palaeoalmanacs’,
and the knowledge of certain asterisms. The motivations for watching the sky may
have been both practical and philosophical: a suitable ‘cosmovision’ would have helped give
meaning to life. In order to transform basic astronomical knowledge into suitable systems of
time-reckoning and cosmographic models, people would not only have needed a first-rate
imagination and the ability to conceive abstractions, but also a degree of technical ingenuity.
Table 1.0.1 presents a brief chronology of earlier prehistory from the Lower Palaeolithic to
the Epipalaeolithic. The available archaeological evidence and the hitherto discussed palaeoastronomical
evidence restrict the geographical area of interest to Africa, Australia and Eurasia.
The archaeological record from earlier prehistory in general can be divided into fixed and
mobile artefacts. Rock-art—paintings, engravings, and sculptures—exists within deep caves
as well as at particular places outdoors, such as river valleys and rock shelters. Thematic
‘maps’ have been identified on bones and in caves, demonstrating that people were aware of
landscape features. Caves and rock shelters, as well as other landscape features, had both
practical and symbolic significance. The construction of dwellings, the structure of open-air
campsites, tools, and mobile artwork set up further cognitive categories. Among the graphical
representations found in parietal and mobile artwork there exist both abstract symbols and
naturalistic depictions.
From at least the Aurignacian period (c. 32,000–26,000 BP), hunter-gatherer cultures
depicted the periodic annual phenomena of flora and fauna, both in fixed contexts and on
mobile objects. As hunters, they were surely well aware of the biological rhythms of animals,
such as their diurnal and nocturnal activities, the mating season, the duration of their
pregnancy, their time of birth and incubation, their change of fur, the formation and dropping
of their antlers, their annual migration (particularly in the case of birds), and the production of
spawn. And as gatherers they could not fail to be familiar with the periodic rhythms in the
development of plants. The seasonal change between summer and winter camps is clear from
the remains of the fauna and flora that were either consumed or used in other ways. Some
local cave-sanctuaries also seem only to have been visited at certain times, since the creation
and renewal of graphic art only occurred during ‘special’ time periods. In addition, there exists
some evidence that the illumination of caves and rock shelters by sunlight on certain days of
the year may have been significant, an example being the solstitial illumination of the
innermost chamber of El Parpalló, a cave-sanctuary near to Gandía in Spain that was occupied
in the Solutrean and Magdalenian periods.
Palaeoastronomical research has indicated the existence, within both parietal and mobile
art, of astronomical/natural calendars using systems of images and signs to denote certain
time periods. Observations of the moon appear to have been particularly important, with both
its phase cycle and its changing position along the horizon recorded over periods up to several
years. People not only reckoned time using the moon; there are also notations that evidently
related to solar cycles and even luni-solar cycles. An example of the latter is the elaborate
Thaïs Bone (Case Study 1.1). Among mobile objects dating from the Aurignacian to the
Azilian have been found several tally sticks and tally pebbles (Azilian) that illustrate different
kinds of time-reckoning.
Earlier prehistoric parietal and mobile art contains many representations of animals
(mammals, birds, reptiles and even insects), as well as occasional depictions of plants. Many
of these representations appear to have correlated the biological rhythms of certain animals
and/or human women (menstruation, pregnancy) with astronomical periods. The term
‘almanac’ is probably appropriate. An example comes from the Geißenklösterle cave in
Germany, where an ivory plate dating to 35,000–32,000 BP contains one of the oldest known
representations of a human figure. This appears to relate to the constellation Orion and a lunar
and pregnancy calendar (Case Study 1.2). In some of the more complex examples, especially
those that span longer periods, a clearly structured system of counting—a so-called
Earlier prehistory 15
‘arithmetical’ notation—has been used to indicate astronomically significant time units (for an
example see Case Study 1.3).
There is evidence that during the Upper Palaeolithic certain asterisms, including Corona
Borealis, the Pleiades and the Hyades, were not only recognized but were important for time
reckoning or well-suited for the purpose of determining orientation. Perhaps the best publicised
examples of possible representations of the Pleiades and Hyades are from the aurochs
(no. 18) in the Hall of the Bulls at Lascaux cave in France, although the real significance of
this site is the breadth and complexity of possible astronomical associations amongst what is
undoubtedly a supreme assemblage of Upper Palaeolithic art (see Case Study 1.4).
The astronomical heritage of earlier prehistory is diverse and fragmentary and its
identification, substantiation and evaluation raise a number of serious issues of credibility.
Scientific rigour can only be achieved through the integration of methods from the
humanities, natural sciences and experimental archaeology, but there is also a need for phenomenological
methodology. The interpretation of iconography involves the concurrence of
syntactic, semantic and pragmatic aspects, and the recognition of multiple levels of meaning.
To date, Palaeolithic astronomical heritage has not been promoted or protected in any
consistent way. Some museums specifically point out the astronomical significance of mobile
artefacts in their collections but there is not a single in-situ indication of the astronomical
connotations of fixed items such as rock art; for some years it has been left to broader media
coverage (in the form of printed matter, audio-visual material, electronic media and
planetarium programs) to raise awareness of proto-astronomy (as well as proto-mathematics
and other proto-sciences) during Palaeolithic times. Palaeolithic astronomical heritage is not
explicitly protected, although fixed items are often implicitly included within existing
measures to preserve historic buildings and monuments of broader significance.
research has strengthened the evidence that during earlier prehistory (35,000–9,000 BP)
people observed certain celestial phenomena and reflected about the spatiotemporal structure
of the world they perceived themselves as dwelling within. What appear to be traces of very
early systems of time-reckoning and visions of the cosmos can be found in depictions on both
fixed and transportable objects (parietal/mobile art) within and outside of caves or related to
other distinctive natural or man-made places. While interpretations of such evidence have
often proved controversial, in broad terms there is little doubt that astronomy played an
important and integral part in the early cognitive development of humankind.
The evidence suggests that there existed during earlier prehistory an archaic form of
astronomy that included such components as simple natural calendars, more complex ‘palaeoalmanacs’,
and the knowledge of certain asterisms. The motivations for watching the sky may
have been both practical and philosophical: a suitable ‘cosmovision’ would have helped give
meaning to life. In order to transform basic astronomical knowledge into suitable systems of
time-reckoning and cosmographic models, people would not only have needed a first-rate
imagination and the ability to conceive abstractions, but also a degree of technical ingenuity.
Table 1.0.1 presents a brief chronology of earlier prehistory from the Lower Palaeolithic to
the Epipalaeolithic. The available archaeological evidence and the hitherto discussed palaeoastronomical
evidence restrict the geographical area of interest to Africa, Australia and Eurasia.
The archaeological record from earlier prehistory in general can be divided into fixed and
mobile artefacts. Rock-art—paintings, engravings, and sculptures—exists within deep caves
as well as at particular places outdoors, such as river valleys and rock shelters. Thematic
‘maps’ have been identified on bones and in caves, demonstrating that people were aware of
landscape features. Caves and rock shelters, as well as other landscape features, had both
practical and symbolic significance. The construction of dwellings, the structure of open-air
campsites, tools, and mobile artwork set up further cognitive categories. Among the graphical
representations found in parietal and mobile artwork there exist both abstract symbols and
naturalistic depictions.
From at least the Aurignacian period (c. 32,000–26,000 BP), hunter-gatherer cultures
depicted the periodic annual phenomena of flora and fauna, both in fixed contexts and on
mobile objects. As hunters, they were surely well aware of the biological rhythms of animals,
such as their diurnal and nocturnal activities, the mating season, the duration of their
pregnancy, their time of birth and incubation, their change of fur, the formation and dropping
of their antlers, their annual migration (particularly in the case of birds), and the production of
spawn. And as gatherers they could not fail to be familiar with the periodic rhythms in the
development of plants. The seasonal change between summer and winter camps is clear from
the remains of the fauna and flora that were either consumed or used in other ways. Some
local cave-sanctuaries also seem only to have been visited at certain times, since the creation
and renewal of graphic art only occurred during ‘special’ time periods. In addition, there exists
some evidence that the illumination of caves and rock shelters by sunlight on certain days of
the year may have been significant, an example being the solstitial illumination of the
innermost chamber of El Parpalló, a cave-sanctuary near to Gandía in Spain that was occupied
in the Solutrean and Magdalenian periods.
Palaeoastronomical research has indicated the existence, within both parietal and mobile
art, of astronomical/natural calendars using systems of images and signs to denote certain
time periods. Observations of the moon appear to have been particularly important, with both
its phase cycle and its changing position along the horizon recorded over periods up to several
years. People not only reckoned time using the moon; there are also notations that evidently
related to solar cycles and even luni-solar cycles. An example of the latter is the elaborate
Thaïs Bone (Case Study 1.1). Among mobile objects dating from the Aurignacian to the
Azilian have been found several tally sticks and tally pebbles (Azilian) that illustrate different
kinds of time-reckoning.
Earlier prehistoric parietal and mobile art contains many representations of animals
(mammals, birds, reptiles and even insects), as well as occasional depictions of plants. Many
of these representations appear to have correlated the biological rhythms of certain animals
and/or human women (menstruation, pregnancy) with astronomical periods. The term
‘almanac’ is probably appropriate. An example comes from the Geißenklösterle cave in
Germany, where an ivory plate dating to 35,000–32,000 BP contains one of the oldest known
representations of a human figure. This appears to relate to the constellation Orion and a lunar
and pregnancy calendar (Case Study 1.2). In some of the more complex examples, especially
those that span longer periods, a clearly structured system of counting—a so-called
Earlier prehistory 15
‘arithmetical’ notation—has been used to indicate astronomically significant time units (for an
example see Case Study 1.3).
There is evidence that during the Upper Palaeolithic certain asterisms, including Corona
Borealis, the Pleiades and the Hyades, were not only recognized but were important for time
reckoning or well-suited for the purpose of determining orientation. Perhaps the best publicised
examples of possible representations of the Pleiades and Hyades are from the aurochs
(no. 18) in the Hall of the Bulls at Lascaux cave in France, although the real significance of
this site is the breadth and complexity of possible astronomical associations amongst what is
undoubtedly a supreme assemblage of Upper Palaeolithic art (see Case Study 1.4).
The astronomical heritage of earlier prehistory is diverse and fragmentary and its
identification, substantiation and evaluation raise a number of serious issues of credibility.
Scientific rigour can only be achieved through the integration of methods from the
humanities, natural sciences and experimental archaeology, but there is also a need for phenomenological
methodology. The interpretation of iconography involves the concurrence of
syntactic, semantic and pragmatic aspects, and the recognition of multiple levels of meaning.
To date, Palaeolithic astronomical heritage has not been promoted or protected in any
consistent way. Some museums specifically point out the astronomical significance of mobile
artefacts in their collections but there is not a single in-situ indication of the astronomical
connotations of fixed items such as rock art; for some years it has been left to broader media
coverage (in the form of printed matter, audio-visual material, electronic media and
planetarium programs) to raise awareness of proto-astronomy (as well as proto-mathematics
and other proto-sciences) during Palaeolithic times. Palaeolithic astronomical heritage is not
explicitly protected, although fixed items are often implicitly included within existing
measures to preserve historic buildings and monuments of broader significance.
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