Gepolitics

Many scholars had researched the EU-China relations through the prism of international relation theories. Indeed, their works are based on realism, economic liberalism, and constructivist theories offered some visions for the next steps in that complicated relationship. This paper aims to use the geopolitical and geoeconomic research methodology.
We will examine the geopolitical, mainly critical geopolitical reasoning and geoeconomic influence from China embodied by Belt and Road Initiatives and cooperation mechanisms “17+1”. Both subjects of the analytical framework have had geopolitical and geoeconomic influences. The central thesis aims to demonstrate the manner in which the
two analysed subjects contribute to the EU geopolitical transformation and strengthening the EU unity or disunity.

Представлено результати аналізу геостратегічного аспекту зовнішньо-
політичної діяльності Російської Федерації. Розкрито методологічні засади
російської геостратегії, її планування та ключові вектори реалізації.
Викладено зміст регіонального вектора російської геостратегії, пріоритетом якого є забезпечення геополітичного впливу на пострадянському
просторі шляхом його реінтеграції, а також через створення керованих
конфліктів. Окремо висвітлено сутність глобального виміру геостратегії
Російської Федерації, що полягає у реалізації ї ї впливу на стан
міжнародної безпеки та становлення нового світопорядку.
Для фахівців у галузі геополітики, міжнародних відносин, міжнародної безпеки та суміжних галузей політичних знань. Також видання буде корисним
для викладачів, аспірантів, докторантів та студентів вищих навчальних закладів.

Mountains were always a convenient region, which could be profited from as both a safe refuge protecting from the enemy as well as an opportune starting point of an attack against the enemy's territory. An analysis of works left by Byzantine historians and orators, describing military struggles between the Byzantines and the Bulgarians, which took place at the end of the 12 th and the beginning of the 13 th centuries, prove the above-mentioned role was played by the Haemus range (meaning here the Pre-Balkan and Stara Planina) in the process of recreating the Bulgarian state on the eve of the late Medieval Period. The texts suggest that over the period the mountains were associated by the Byzantines with a lair of rebels, i. e. a place, where their enemies were seeking refuge form the imperial army, and an area from which they would launch their attacks against the Byzantine territory. The Bulgarians, in turn, utilized the naturally protective characteristic of the Haemus itself as well as strongholds constructed therein to turn the region into a stronghold of their independence movement, which was especially important in the initial period of existence of their late medieval Bulgarian state, i.e. still when it was not a well-established political structure.

El presente escrito se propone elaborar una periodización de la transición histórico-espacial en Suramérica desde fines del siglo pasado hasta la actualidad. En términos metodológicos, esta propuesta de periodización se basa en un análisis de coyunturas críticas a nivel regional durante las cuales se produce una medición de fuerzas entre proyectos políticos estratégicos. A partir de la identificación de estas coyunturas, se definen cinco grandes momentos: 1) el quiebre de la hegemonía del proyecto financiero neoliberal y unipolar entre octubre de 1998 y abril de 2002; 2) la construcción de Alternativas: el desarrollo del eje Atlántico y el “No al ALCA” entre abril de 2002 y noviembre de 2005; 3) el avance estratégico del nacionalismo popular latinoamericano en una clave postneoliberal y de la continentalidad suramericana entre noviembre de 2005 y 2011; 4) la aparición de la Alianza Pacífico, el reinicio de la ofensiva unipolar, el estancamiento del regionalismo autónomo y el debilitamiento del nacionalismo popular entre abril de 2011 y octubre de 2015; 5) la embestida del proyecto financiero, neoliberal y unipolar y el reflujo de las fuerzas nacionalespopulares en América Latina entre octubre de 2015 y junio de 2018.

Within the context of a new Cold War between the Western powers and Russia, one of the most dangerous hot spots is Ukraine. Since 2014, in fact, the Ukrainian army has been engaged in a civil war against Russian-backed troops of selfproclaimed Donetsk and Luhansk Republics. This crisis appears as a new geopolitical tool both for Russia and for the United States: for the former, in order to contain NATO expansion, for the latter, in order to counteract Russian influence and to open the way for U.S. liquefied natural gas exports in Europe, reducing European energy dependence on Russia (Chornii, 2015; Marples, 2016).
The Ukrainian position is strategic: it is one of the main transit routes of Russian natural gas to European countries, with three main pipeline corridors. Knowledge of Ukraine’s geographic situation is needed in order to better understand the evolving crisis in the region.

Résumé

Depuis 2013 et les révélations d’Edward Snowden, la problématique de la souveraineté numérique est devenue un enjeu central en Russie. Selon ce nouveau paradigme, le gouvernement russe a lancé une politique de promotion du développement logiciel dans le pays, appuyée par les acteurs privés qui en bénéficient au premier chef. Une stratégie de russification des logiciels employés sur le territoire semble également avoir émergé, sous la forme de nouvelles normes visant à réglementer la conception, le fonctionnement et l’usage des outils informatiques. Ce passage de l’industrie numérique à une position majeure (à valeur stratégique) en Russie, dans le but d’assurer à la fois les intérêts de l’État et des entreprises russes sur le territoire, mais aussi en-dehors, peut ainsi amener à se demander si le pays compte désormais parmi les puissances internationales du numérique : la Russie est-elle devenue une cyber-puissance ?

Abstract

Since 2013 and Edward Snowden’s revelations, the problem of cyber (or digital) sovereignty has become a fundamental concern in Russia. The Russian authorities have adopted new policies in order to ensure the security of digital infrastructures around the country. Within this frame, new promotion policies for the development of Russian software have been launched by State actors and private corporations, which primarily beneficiate from them. A strategy of russification of the software programs used in Russia seems to have emerged in the form of new norms and regulations to regulate the design, functioning
and usage of informatic tools. This new central -and strategic- position of the digital industry in Russia, which is designed to safeguard the interests of the Russian corporations and the State, both inside and outside the country, allows us to wonder if the country can now be regarded as an international digital power: did Russia become a cyber power?

"In recent times a complete lack of attention to migration phenomena, in national and global policies, led to a huge concentration of foreigners in major cities of Europe and USA. This trend has been faced without effective policies and programs. Consequently, a great opportunity has been transformed in a great threat and the word immigration is generally associated with the term social security. In less than one century, Italy has been transformed from a country originating great migration flows to a country which is the destination of migration flows. The aim of this paper is to examine foreign immigration in Italy distinguishing according to nationality of foreigners. In order to analyze this phenomenon Shannon and Simpson Diversity Indices to measure the level of entropy in a distribution and the variation in categorical data have been used. The spatial dimension of migration flows has been analyzed in this paper using Spatial Autocorrelation techniques and more particularly Local Indicators of Spatial Association in order to analyze the highest values of a foreigner group considering the relationship with the surrounding municipalities.

Keywords Migration Phenomena – Foreign Immigration analysis – Shannon Index – Simpson Index – Spatial Autocorrelation – Local Indicators of Spatial Association"

Статья посвящена изучению общетеоретических и методологических вопросов феномена экспансии с использованием в качестве конкретно-исторической основы материалов экспансии США XIX в. В статье рассматриваются концепции, описывающие взаимодействие государства с окружающим пространством – физико-географической и международно-политической средой – с целью установления над ним своего господства. Анализ существующих теоретико-методологическом концепций выступает в качестве основы для создания собственной инструментарной базы для изучения экспансии.

Foreign policy is the set of actions whereby States outline their practices of expansion and approximation in the international scenario, their study is traditional in the field as international relations and other humanities and social sciences. In geography emerges as a relevant theoretical-methodological option since the materialization of its actions promotes new power architectures in a geopolitical order and acquires a spatial aspect. In this sense, we point to the example of Brazilian foreign policy in the Lula government (2003-2010) taking as an example the materialization of the projects and actions developed in the African continent that served to territorialize a geopolitics of South-South cooperation And expansion of the Brazilian hegemonic.

Key-Words: South-South cooperation, geopolitical, Brazil-Africa.

In recent decades, critical geopolitics has worked  to achieve a proper understanding of the conditions prevailing
in the world by common discourse analysis along wit h power relations. One of the areas taken into consideration
seriously by the critical geopolitical is the media . Media, due to its function in issues related to s oft power and
common discourse in geopolitics and soft power has  the ability to influence the prevailing trends in public
opinion through influencing on audiences and conveying information.
Various media are widely used to enhance the influence and expansion of soft power and also strengthening the
function of hard power by the states and especially the world major powers like the United States of
America. One of the Media that has been utilized seriously to present an acceptable and also influential picture
of states is cinema. In critical geopolitical perspective, capabilities that cinema provides to represent different
real and imaginative narratives and also its entertaining and attractive nature for people lead to rep resent
different functions than news media represent of themselves.
One of the functions is to use cinema to represent the hard power in order to convince citizens  and to convey
the message of threats to enemies. As in 2012, in  movie "Zero Dark Thirty" the hard power of the United States
in the fight against terrorism was represented. This study intends to use the discourse analysis of the film "Zero
Dark Thirty" in responding to this question what the mediating functions of cinema are in representation of hard
power.
Keywords: Media, cinema, representation, hard power, soft power

O presente artigo questiona quais razões levaram as Forças Armadas à aceitação de comporem o grupo de exercício do poder no governo de Jair Bolsonaro e quais os possíveis efeitos decorrentes deste processo de militarização do Estado. Ao buscarmos auxílio na literatura especializada, percebemos uma lacuna de pesquisa e a necessidade de aproximarmos os autores da Geografia e os Estudos de Defesa. Por esta razão, o objetivo deste artigo é averiguar a relação entre os discursos e práticas geopolíticas das Forças Armadas e a militarização do Governo de Jair Bolsonaro. Dessa forma, através da revisão bibliográfica e coleta de dados sobre a presença de militares no governo de Jair Bolsonaro (2019-2021), realizamos uma análise de discursos para compreender as influências da geopolítica militar brasileira na formação de  um Partido Militar. Em vista disso, as Forças Armadas, justificadas pelo mito da tutela militar e  enxergando o território como segurança, buscaram assumir a administração do Estado para  garantir o controle político das dinâmicas espaciais, manter o território unido e “salvar a pátria”.  Assim, se o objetivo é o controle do território se faz necessária a análise dessas ações pela  Geografia Política.

Partiendo de un contexto previo a la pandemia del COVID-19; el orden mundial, visto desde diferentes polos, el militar, político y económico, tiene desde los últimos 10 años tres referentes claves en la comunidad internacional, Rusia, China y Estados Unidos. Estos países, después de la guerra fría y un proceso histórico de reordenamiento forma evidente, Centroamérica puede ser un territorio geopolítico clave para dicho alcance, de los intereses internacionales, los cuales van desde seguridad, recursos naturales, elementos logísticos entre otros. En ese sentido, más allá de percibir dichos vínculos como amenazas, se manera coordinada dicha situación y poder convertirla así, en una oportunidad de desarrollo. puede ocupar en esa dicotomía de poder; sin embargo, es necesario alinear intereses e identidades PALABRAS CLAVE: China-Estados Unidos-Centroamérica-Amenazas-Seguridad-Poder-Orden Mundial-Geopolítica-Política Internacional-Relaciones Internacionales.

Η παγκόσμια πολιτική και οικονομική ζωή διέπεται από το παράδειγμα της μεγέθυνσης της οικονομίας. Η περαιτέρω μεγέθυνση, ωστόσο, είναι στις μέρες μας τόσο ανέφικτη όσο και ανεπιθύμητη. Η λογική της μεγέθυνσης προσκρούει, πρώτα απ’ όλα, σε αμείλικτα οικολογικά όρια που αναχαιτίζουν τις επεκτατικές τάσεις της οικονομικής σφαίρας και ανακόπτουν μέρος της οικονομικής δραστηριότητας. Δεύτερον, στο βαθμό που λαμβάνει χώρα η οικονομική μεγέθυνση, δημιουργεί υψηλά οικολογικά κόστη και ολοένα και χαμηλότερες οικονομικές απολαβές. Τρίτον, το παράδειγμα της μεγέθυνσης διαιωνίζει τη μονοπώληση της ηθικής και φιλοσοφικής σφαίρας από την οικονομική λογική και, τέταρτον, διατηρεί τεράστιες ανισότητες και λειτουργεί εις βάρος κοινωνικών αγαθών και της κοινωνικής συνοχής.
Υπό το βάρος των οικολογικών, οικονομικών, πολιτικών και κοινωνικών αυτών αρνητικών συνεπειών, είναι απαραίτητη μία εναλλαγή παραδείγματος με στόχο τη διατήρηση του κεκτημένου βιοτικού επιπέδου και τη βελτίωση της ανθρώπινης διαβίωσης εντός των δεδομένων βιοφυσικών ορίων, και με έμφαση στην αρτιότερη πολιτειακή οργάνωση και στην κοινωνική δικαιοσύνη. Σε αυτό το πλαίσιο, η αποδόμηση του κυρίαρχου παραδείγματος είναι το πρώτο απαραίτητο βήμα προς την περιχαράκωση ενός νέου εναλλακτικoύ παραδείγματος, αυτού των οικολογικών οικονομικών, που προτείνει ένα ολιστικό πλαίσιο δράσης ευθυγραμμίζοντας την οργάνωση του κοινωνικού κόσμου με τους αναπόδραστους νόμους της φύσης. Μία τέτοια προσέγγιση οδηγεί σε ριζοσπαστικές προτάσεις πολιτικής στον ενεργειακό, οικονομικό και πολιτικό τομέα τόσο σε παγκόσμιο επίπεδο, όσο και σε τοπικό και κρατικό. 
Παράλληλος στόχος του βιβλίου, έτσι, είναι να προδιαγράψει ένα νέο σχέδιο δράσης που θα καταστήσει την Ελλάδα βιώσιμη οικολογικά, χρηματοπιστωτικά, ενεργειακά και οικονομικά. Κάτι τέτοιο προϋποθέτει την απαγκίστρωση από πρότερα ιδεολογικά θέσφατα και αγκυλώσεις και μία νέα θεώρηση της κοινωνικής ζωής και των στόχων που αυτή πρέπει να υπηρετεί.

L'ensemble des pays situés dans les zones colorées (pages suivantes) oeuvrent conjointement au développement sociétal de celles-ci. Des dynamiques de coopération de masse sont initiées, développées et entretenues par les procédés du programme transnational d'ingénierie participative et pluridisciplinaire "EL4DEV". Au sein de chacun de ces pays, les communes, notamment les plus petites, s'organisent localement et opèrent en groupes unifiés au travers de groupements d'intérêt économique sociétaux (sans but lucratif) qu'elles composent; ceci avec l'objectif de financer la conception participative, la construction collective et le développement progressif d'infrastructures environnementales agroclimatiques et agrotouristiques dont elles acquièrent conjointement à 100% la propriété et jouissent des bénéfices générés (rentrées financières résultant du modèle économique de l'ensemble des lieux touristiques, retombées économiques indirectes de part les fréquentations, rayonnement, unions engendrées au sein de leurs territoires respectifs par les coopérations locales instaurées). Ces infrastructures sont éducatives par les processus utilisés et exposés puis fédératrices et vectrices de coopération décentralisée et de paix sociale. Elles sont labellisées "LE PAPILLON SOURCE". Le programme de coopération intercommunal, qui s'établira dans chacun des pays des divers espaces mentionnés se nomme "LES COMMUNES CONTRE-ATTAQUENT". La France en est le point de départ.