Thinking locally, acting locally? Conscious consumers and farmers’ markets

This art icle was downloaded by: [ Lancast er Universit y Library] On: 02 Sept em ber 2011, At : 12: 28 Publisher: Rout ledge I nform a Lt d Regist ered in England and Wales Regist ered Num ber: 1072954 Regist ered office: Mort im er House, 37- 41 Mort im er St reet , London W1T 3JH, UK Journal of Marketing Management Publicat ion det ails, including inst ruct ions f or aut hors and subscript ion inf ormat ion: ht t p: / / www. t andf online. com/ loi/ rj mm20 Thinking locally, acting locally? Conscious consumers and farmers’ markets Morven G. McEachern Isabelle Szmigin a , Gary Warnaby b , Marylyn Carrigan c & d a Lancast er Universit y Management School, UK b Universit y of Liverpool, UK c Open Universit y, UK d Universit y of Birmingham, UK Available online: 03 Feb 2010 To cite this article: Morven G. McEachern, Gary Warnaby, Marylyn Carrigan & Isabelle Szmigin (2010): Thinking locally, act ing locally? Conscious consumers and f armers’ market s, Journal of Market ing Management , 26: 5-6, 395-412 To link to this article: ht t p: / / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1080/ 02672570903512494 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTI CLE Full t erm s and condit ions of use: ht t p: / / www.t andfonline.com / page/ t erm s- and- condit ions This art icle m ay be used for research, t eaching and privat e st udy purposes. Any subst ant ial or syst em at ic reproduct ion, re- dist ribut ion, re- selling, loan, sub- licensing, syst em at ic supply or dist ribut ion in any form t o anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warrant y express or im plied or m ake any represent at ion t hat t he cont ent s will be com plet e or accurat e or up t o dat e. The accuracy of any inst ruct ions, form ulae and drug doses should be independent ly verified wit h prim ary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, act ions, claim s, proceedings, dem and or cost s or dam ages what soever or howsoever caused arising direct ly or indirect ly in connect ion wit h or arising out of t he use of t his m at erial. Journal of Marketing Management Vol. 26, Nos. 5–6, May 2010, 395–412 Thinking locally, acting locally? Conscious consumers and farmers’ markets Downloaded by [Lancaster University Library] at 12:28 02 September 2011 Morven G. McEachern, Lancaster University Management School, UK Gary Warnaby, University of Liverpool, UK Marylyn Carrigan, Open University, UK Isabelle Szmigin, University of Birmingham, UK Abstract The emergence of a more reflexive and discerning customer has created inter alia a demand for ‘better’ food (i.e. quality and ‘authenticity’) in terms of sourcing, processing, and specialist distribution/retailing. As a consequence, the food production/distribution industry is under pressure to change many of its practices. One manifestation is the emergence of farmers’ markets and the associated emphasis on ‘local’ food. This paper aims to identify the extent to which ‘conscious’ consumers are committed to buying local foodstuffs and supporting local food producers, especially from farmers’ markets. Given the exploratory nature of this research, a qualitative approach was undertaken using in-depth interviews with ‘conscious’ consumers. The results reveal that ‘conscious’ consumers recognise their own limitations (i.e. time, convenience, and price) but also demonstrate that integrating ethical considerations into their consumption behaviour is a complex and flexible task. A number of strategic actions for farmers’ markets are proposed to help differentiate their provision, particularly in terms of capitalising on perceptions of authenticity and locality. Keywords farmers’ markets; conscious consumers; local; flexibility of consumption; ethics Introduction The recent development of farmers’ markets and the associated emphasis on ‘local food’ has, according to Morris and Buller (2003, p. 560), arisen from ‘a complex combination of political, economic and socio-cultural conditions’. A consequence of this has been ‘a reaction, by producers and consumers alike, to the standardised and mass-produced food products of the globalised food economy, typically associated with trans-national food processing and retail companies, in which ever greater distances (and disconnection) have been created between the production and consumption of food’ (see also Holloway & Kneafsey, 2000). More specifically, a succession of crises in the agricultural sector, such as BSE and Foot and Mouth Disease, have increased consumer ISSN 0267-257X print/ISSN 1472-1376 online # 2010 Westburn Publishers Ltd. DOI: 10.1080/02672570903512494 http://www.informaworld.com Downloaded by [Lancaster University Library] at 12:28 02 September 2011 396 Journal of Marketing Management, Volume 26 fears relating to food quality and safety (McEachern & Warnaby, 2005). This has led to reduced confidence in a food system where increasing concentration in food-processing activities ‘has enabled those who transform and sell the processed food product to capture most of the value of rural produce’ (La Trobe, 2001, p. 182). The emergence of a more reflexive and discerning customer (Morris & Buller, 2003) has also created a demand for better food – Guthrie, Guthrie, Lawson, and Cameron (2006, p. 560) mention a shift in emphasis from synthetic to authentic food, reflecting a ‘greater willingness to move from conspicuous consumption to conscious consumption’. Although all forms of consumption are regarded as value-laden activities (Miller, 1998), conscious consumers are one neo-tribe that demonstrate higher levels of concern about ‘industrialised forms of food provisioning’ and knowledge of the ‘socio-economic benefits in buying local’ (Weatherell, Tregear, & Allinson, 2003, p. 234), but may not be as strident in their espousal of these issues as more committed ‘ethical’ consumers. Consequently, this paper aims to identify the extent to which conscious consumers are committed to buying local foodstuffs and supporting local food producers, the concomitant implications for their perceptions and use of supermarkets, and the importance of locality in their food buying and consumption. The central questions we address are: How committed are conscious consumers towards using alternative food markets? Do other ethical/sustainability concerns supersede local food purchases? What are the driving factors that motivate conscious consumers to buy into a local food market – place, quality, and/or reconnection with producers? The results will help to determine recommendations to ensure the future development and continuity of local food markets, with particular reference to farmers’ markets. Prior to describing the adopted methodology, the following section offers a brief empirical overview of the conscious/ethical consumer to provide a contextual foundation to the reader. Following this, we present a review of the literature relating to the historical development of markets and the current renaissance of farmers’ markets as a key mechanism by which producers can reclaim the ‘value’ of rural produce and, simultaneously, improve societal relations with consumers. The conscious consumer As more ethical choices enter consumer consciousness (Cherrier & Murray, 2002; Shaw, Grehan, Shiu, Hassan, & Thomson, 2005), understanding why those choices are made has become an important area of consumer research. Consequently, various ethical-consumer ‘profiles’ and ‘typologies’ have been created to help advance our understanding of ethical consumption (see, for example, Diamantopoulos et al., 2003; McEachern & McClean, 2002; Memery, Megicks, & Williams, 2005). However, most studies investigating ethical consumption have limited their research enquiries to specific aspects of ethical behaviour rather than investigating them from within the broader consumption picture. It is unsurprising then that research studies often reveal attitude–behaviour gaps (Carrigan & Attalla, 2001; De Pelsmacker, Driesen, & Rayp, 2005; McEachern & Schroder, 2002) but tell us little about how these come about, what they mean to consumers, and, indeed, what implications they have for ethical purchasing in general. In their review of voluntary simplicity, McDonald, Oates, Young, and Hwang (2006) note that ethical consumption can be conceptualised as a continuum. At one end lie ‘voluntary simplifiers’ defined by Etzioni (1998, p. 620) as those who, out of free will, ‘limit expenditures on consumer goods and services’ and ‘cultivate non-materialistic sources of satisfaction and meaning’, while at the other lie Downloaded by [Lancaster University Library] at 12:28 02 September 2011 McEachern et al. Thinking locally, acting locally? Conscious consumers and farmers’ markets ‘non-voluntary simplifiers’ who are either indifferent, unaware, or opposed to simplifier values. McDonald et al. (2006) identify a range of motivations inspiring voluntary simplifiers but propose that more theoretical and empirical attention should be paid to those individuals who fall between the extremes, whose lifestyles may involve elements of voluntary simplifier behaviour but who would not be described as fully committed to this way of life. They describe this group as Beginner Voluntary Simplifiers (BVS) who, while they are concerned about consumption levels, are not necessarily radically anti-consumerist. Such people are significant both as a target group and for developing understanding amongst others of the importance of sustainable consumption. The problem with this term is that it implies a progression to a more advanced form of voluntary simplification. While recognising that the BVS may be a relevant category, we also propose the conscious consumer as an important group who exhibit a complex mix of behaviours. Essentially a work in progress, the conscious consumer’s purchase decisions centre around whether ‘to consume with sensitivity through selecting ethical alternatives’ (Szmigin & Carrigan, 2005, p. 609). Examining ethical consumption in this way reveals the ‘competing priorities, paradoxical outcomes, and the nature of compromises reached in real decision processes’ (McDonald et al., 2006, p. 529). Similarly, Peattie (1999) suggests that the best way to understand ethical consumerism is to view each individual’s consumption as a series of transaction decisions that include decisions to engage or sometimes not to engage in alternative consumption behaviour. Consumers possess a range of strategies to deal with both simple and complex decision environments (Beach & Mitchell, 1978). These can range from highly analytic strategies involving extensive information gathering and analysis to nonanalytic processes, which employ simple rules or heuristics (McAllister, Mitchell, & Beach et al., 1979). Payne (1982) notes that decision making is also highly contingent upon the complexity of the task. Unlike conventional consumers who may seek out information during more complex decision environments only, ethically motivated consumption is often accompanied with a stronger desire towards seeking out product and manufacturer information regardless of the decision-making complexity (Berry & McEachern, 2005). Decision behaviour can also be sensitive to contextual and social factors. Contextual influences, for example, could relate to the number of ethical product options offered, the quality/price of the goods, and the time pressure placed on the individual. Flexible decision making remains completely unexplored within ethical consumption. Therefore, including such a factor in our broader understanding of ethical consumption may help to explain and to understand the consumer better, whose rationales for purchasing may be in transition or flux, underlying tensions and competing values may not always be resolved consistently, and the consumption behaviour may be unpredictable and heavily context dependent. Economics clearly suggests an association between flexibility and elasticity, confirming the existence of flexible consumption amongst consumers in response to marketing contexts such as price/sales promotion settings (see, for example, Ailawadi & Neslin, 1998; Bell, Iyer, & Padmanabhan, 2002; Sun, 2004). However, a key barrier to further exploration and uptake of the flexibility concept in other disciplines is that the idiom ‘flexible’, its application, and measurement remain undefined (Anell & Wilson, 2000; Combe & Greenley, forthcoming; Gerwin, 1993). In the absence of a consumer-based definition of the term, flexibility is described here as the inherent ability to change, adapt, and/or react to decision-making environments with little forfeiture of time, effort, cost, or product performance (see Szmigin. Carrigan, & McEachern, 2007). Consequently, the conscious consumer is viewed here as a decision maker whose decisions may be 397 398 Journal of Marketing Management, Volume 26 dictated by individual preferences (e.g. voluntary simplification or anti-consumption), situational influences (e.g. convenience or information availability), and/or social factors. This paper seeks to provide further insight into the role of flexibility within consumption behaviours, with specific reference to conscious consumers and their purchasing behaviour at farmers’ markets in the UK. Downloaded by [Lancaster University Library] at 12:28 02 September 2011 Markets in history Baron, Davies, and Swindley (1991, p. 115) define a market as ‘an event (often regularly occurring) designed to provide the opportunity for individuals and organizations to meet for the purpose of buying and selling merchandise’ and as ‘a place, especially an open square or other arena within a town where such merchandise sales take place’. Adapting Bucklin’s (1972) US-based model of retail development (which proposes various stages based on average retail operating costs and level of economic development and urbanisation) to a British context, Shaw and Wild (1979) classify periodic markets/fairs (and craftsmen/retailers) as comprising a pre-industrial stage of development – to be superseded by the industrial stage, involving retail specialisation, and latterly, the development of large-scale retail institutions. This is admittedly an idealised oversimplification – Shaw (1992) makes the point that new dominant forms of retailing do not sweep away older ones. Despite the development of large-scale retailing in the nineteenth century, markets remained important elements of the retail provision in urban economies, particularly for the provision of food (Hodson, 1998; Scola, 1982a; Shaw, 1982). Scola (1982a) emphasises the dynamic nature of urban markets in this period, concluding that markets in the major urban centres were the most successful and were populated by a mixture of traders (not just producer–retailers – see also Hodson, 1998), and that this composition changed over time. While markets became increasingly concerned with wholesaling (Scola, 1982a; Shaw, 1982), Scola also makes the point that ‘their importance for many, as real incomes rose and leisure time increased, was to provide an opportunity for a Saturday outing and the chance to supplement a monotonous diet with some seasonal vegetable or fruit’ (1982a, p. 157). By the Victorian period, Scola (1982b, p. 256) suggests that ‘perhaps the major factor in their continuing retail function was the attraction of the general market atmosphere’, especially as more facilities (such as lighting and cover from the elements) were provided. Indeed, during the nineteenth century, the development of ‘fixed’ or ‘covered’ retail markets – termed ‘municipal stores’ by Hodson (1998) – were, in many places, regarded as emblems of civic pride and, indeed, rivalry. Hodson argues that the relationship between shops and markets could be described as a ‘broadly complementary’ coexistence, with markets having a particular role in the provision of perishable commodities (1998, p. 107). Jefferys and Knee (1962) argue that market-stall operators still had a role in the early twentieth century: in agrarian economies as a link between producer and consumer, and in urbanised economies as a channel of distribution for agricultural products to reach urban areas. More recently, markets have been regarded as a manifestation of informal (or at least less formal) retailing (Davies & Ward, 2002; O’Brien & Harris, 1991), along with car-boot sales, flea markets, swap meets, and so on. Indeed, many of the basic principles of the earliest markets are replicated in such events. This continuity is emphasised by Braudel (1982, p. 28) who states that ‘In their elementary form, markets still exist today’, and describes them as ‘survivals of the past’. Nowhere is this more so than with farmers’ markets. McEachern et al. Thinking locally, acting locally? Conscious consumers and farmers’ markets Downloaded by [Lancaster University Library] at 12:28 02 September 2011 Farmers’ markets Farmers’ markets have been variously defined (see, for example, Bentley, Hallsworth, & Bryan, 2003; FARMA, 2006a; La Trobe, 2001). However, there is a consensus as to their common characteristics: (1) involving direct selling to the consumer by the person who grew, reared, or produced the foods; (2) in a common facility where the above activity is practiced by numerous farmers; (3) who sell local produce. ‘Local’ is usually defined as constituting foodstuffs originating from a defined area, usually within a 30–50-mile radius of the market location. However, Morris and Buller (2003, p. 561) argue that there are definitional issues, not least for consumers themselves (IGD, 2005; Lamb & Leat, 2007), and that the term ‘local food sector’ is ‘empirically contestable and spatially indeterminate’ (see also Holloway & Kneafsey, 2000). The number of farmers’ markets has grown substantially in the last decade. La Trobe (2001) states that there were two farmers’ markets in 1997. The first market, according to Holloway and Kneafsey (2000), was established in Bath in September 1997. In response to Local Agenda 21,1 the market was set up by Bath and North East Somerset Council and other key stakeholders to help provide a marketplace for local producers to sell local produce to local people, as well as attract visitors to the town (see http://www.bathfarmersmarket.co.uk). Notably, differences between rural and urban-based farmers’ markets are also apparent, as they attempt to differentiate themselves by promoting ‘different social constructions and equations with ecology, locality, region, quality convention and consumer cultures’ (Renting, Marsden, & Banks, 2003, p. 394). Bentley et al. (2003) state that 250 were in existence by 2000, and FARMA (2006a) estimate that there are currently over 500 such markets in the UK. The current market value of farmers’ markets increased by 7% between 2005 and 2006, taking it to £225m (The Co-operative Bank, 2007). This growth has been regarded by some (see, for example, Bentley et al., 2003; Guthrie et al., 2006) as a demonstration of continuity with the traditional role of markets in history, and as a manifestation of the concept of community (Szmigin, Maddock, & Carrigan, 2003). Guthrie et al. (2006, p. 261) make a distinction between countries such as France, Spain, and Italy, where ‘farmers’ markets have persisted for centuries without a break’, and others such as New Zealand, Australia, Britain, Canada, and the USA, where farmers’ markers had disappeared (largely due to the advent of supermarkets) but have recently re-emerged – such markets being termed ‘new generation’ farmers’ markets by Coster and Kennon (2005). Despite this expansion, they still only manage to attract 13% of shoppers (Cooke, 2006). Consumer dislikes surrounding the market format clearly impacts upon their usage. For example, Farmers’ City Market (2006), a southeast retail chain, reveal the top three criticisms made by consumers to be the payment format (i.e. having to pay cash at each individual stall rather than at the end of their shop); the lack of trolleys (i.e. impacting on the actual amount of produce purchased); and the inconsistent nature of supply (i.e. not knowing which farmers would be there or the extent of produce availability). Higher prices are often quoted as another grievance aimed at farmers’ markets (IGD, 2005), but this criticism appears to be contradictory. A recent study revealed that consumers are indeed willing to pay more 1 Local Agenda 21 was first described in Agenda 21 – the global blueprint for sustainability that was agreed at the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development in 1992 (the Rio Earth Summit). It refers to local-government-led, community-wide, and participatory effort to establish a comprehensive action strategy for environmental protection, economic prosperity, and community well-being in the local jurisdiction or area. 399 400 Journal of Marketing Management, Volume 26 Downloaded by [Lancaster University Library] at 12:28 02 September 2011 for locally produced and UK-grown food (Traill, 2006) and, in some cases, perceive produce sold at farmers’ markets to be cheaper than similar quality produce sold in supermarkets (La Trobe, 2001; McGrath, Sherry, & Heisley, 1993; Youngs, 2003). The potential benefits arising from the development of farmers’ markets, as perceived by various stakeholders (i.e. the local community, farmers, consumers, etc.) have been identified by various authors. The benefits that may accrue to the local community and economy include:  Drawing people into the area (Guthrie et al., 2006; Holloway & Kneasfsey, 2000; La Trobe, 2001);  The nurturing of local economic development through the support of local traders (Bentley et al., 2003; FARMA, 2006b; Guthrie et al., 2006; La Trobe, 2001);  Increased local economic sustainability (FARMA, 2006b; La Trobe, 2001);  Ameliorating the adverse economic and environmental impact of transport and ‘food miles’ (Bentley et al., 2003; FARMA, 2006b; Guthrie et al., 2006);  Markets may act as a regeneration initiative for the local economy (Bentley et al., 2003; FARMA, 2006b; Guthrie et al., 2006; La Trobe, 2001) – for example, Fort (2006) cites the farmers’ market at Stroud (a small town in the UK) directly contributing £950,000 to the town’s economy each year, with a similar amount being spent in local shops by customers drawn to the town by the market;  A practical route to changing perceived negative aspects of conventional production and consumption systems (Monbiot, 2001; Seyfang, 2007; Szmigin et al., 2003). For farmers, these markets provide:  A new local market for produce, which may be more secure and regular (Bentley et al., 2003; FARMA, 2006b; La Trobe, 2001);  Increased profit margins through a shortening of the supply chain (Bentley et al., 2003; Guthrie et al., 2006; Tregear & Ness, 2005), enabling farmers to retain more of the retail price of their product (La Trobe, 2001);  A diversification strategy, which may facilitate survival as a business (La Trobe, 2001; Youngs, 2003);  A regular (perhaps the only regular) income source (Youngs, 2003);  A source of redressed power in the marketplace, bypassing the supermarket supply chain (Seyfang, 2007). As far as consumers are concerned, it has been suggested that farmers’ markets provide:  A more enjoyable and sociable shopping experience (Guthrie et al., 2006; La Trobe, 2001) with an increased sense of community (Szmigin et al., 2003; Moore, 2006) and ‘immediacy’ (Sherry, 1990)  A reduced carbon footprint and enhanced connectivity to the community (McGrath et al., 1993; Seyfang, 2007);  A more diverse range of products compared to supermarkets (Guthrie et al., 2006); Downloaded by [Lancaster University Library] at 12:28 02 September 2011 McEachern et al. Thinking locally, acting locally? Conscious consumers and farmers’ markets  Improved access to fresh, locally grown, and often organic foods (Bentley et al., 2003; FARMA, 2006b; La Trobe, 2001; Szmigin et al., 2003);  Increased consumer knowledge and confidence arising from buying from known and trusted sources (La Trobe, 2001; McGrath et al., 1993; Moore, 2006);  Assurances concerning social and moral issues relating to food production, such as exploitation of people/livestock and so on. (Bentley et al., 2003; La Trobe, 2001; Szmigin et al., 2003);  An opportunity for individuals to exercise consumer sovereignty in their daily purchasing (Seyfang, 2007; Szmigin et al., 2003). Many of the above statements illustrate common benefits for both producer and consumer. Of particular importance are the opportunities for conscious consumers to make local connections and communicate value-laden associations with the production methods employed as well as the values held by the producer/seller (Bentley et al., 2003; Guthrie et al., 2006; La Trobe, 2001; Szmigin et al., 2003). In contrast, for food products sold in self-service supermarkets, conventional food labelling does not (and cannot) offer comparable space to communicate this information. However, as a result of ‘local’ being ‘framed as a site of new opportunities for value-added generation’ (Du Puis & Goodman, 2005, p. 364), both manufacturers and supermarkets have attempted to build relationships with consumers by employing quality-led constructions that induce perceptions of locality, quality, or speciality (see, for example, Jackson, Russell, & Ward, 2007; Marsden, Banks, & Bristow, 2002). Recently, manufacturing giant Heinz launched a range of ‘Farmers’ Market’ tinned soups and, despite claiming that the soups are manufactured using ingredients from British farms, FARMA accused Heinz of commercial exploitation and called for consumers to boycott the range (Hickman, 2007). Similarly, a new initiative – one that is expected to be replicated by other supermarkets across the UK – from Asda Wal-Mart in conjunction with Yorkshire Farmers’ Market Ltd saw the launch of in-store farmers’ markets across the Yorkshire region. Richard Pearson (2007), head of local sourcing for Asda, viewed the initiative as a way to help ‘reduce our overall carbon footprint . . . increase the amount of local products available to our customers and it makes life simpler for hundreds of local producers’. Many ethical consumers (i.e. especially voluntary simplifiers) would view such activities as a cynical PR exercise to regain consumer trust in the mass-produced food supply chain. Consequently, this paper seeks to explore whether perceptions of farmers’ markets are sufficient to build and sustain conscious consumers’ commitment towards buying local foodstuffs and support for local food producers. Moreover, do they strengthen bonds of local identity, and permit greater product differentiation and perceptions of ‘authenticity’? Methodology In view of the exploratory nature of this initial study, we employed the use of in-depth interviews with 15 UK participants (male and female) who identified themselves as regularly buying ethical products, and hence their classification as ‘conscious’ consumers. The qualitative interview is widely accepted as one of the most widely applied forms of social inquiry. Miles and Huberman (1994, p. 10) claim that the specific value gained from using the in-depth interview is that it focuses on a ‘specific, naturally occurring situation’, thus providing ‘rich and holistic’ descriptions relating to 401 Downloaded by [Lancaster University Library] at 12:28 02 September 2011 402 Journal of Marketing Management, Volume 26 ‘real life’. Consequently, many researchers support their use, particularly their ability to explore and gain in-depth information (Holstein & Gubrium, 2002; Krueger, 1994). Other advantages noted for face-to-face interviews are: they help to gain more detailed information into underpinning motivations, knowledge, and beliefs; they usually result in a higher percentage of completed answers, since the interviewer is there to explain exactly what is required; they facilitate the use of visual aids to demonstrate concepts; and they are easier to arrange than focus groups (Malhotra & Birks, 2007; Silverman, 2002). Moreover, a further justification for their selection compared to other qualitative methods of inquiry, such as focus groups, is that due to the operational difficulties in identifying an appropriate sampling frame (i.e. conscious consumers), in-depth interviews permitted the use of a snowball sampling method to identify potential participants. Participants’ ages ranged from 24–61, most with families, and all but three educated to degree level.2 Interviews took place between August and September in 2005, lasting between 60–90 minutes per participant. Interviews were held either in the participant’s home or a university-based venue if preferred by participants. The discussion schedule was semi-structured in nature, but the conversation was not prompted specifically towards farmers’ markets so as to avoid bias. At the interview stage, we were interested in asking about how and why participants shopped the way they did, and the feelings they had about their shopping behaviour. The verbatim transcripts were interpreted using a translation-of-text approach (Hirschmann & Holbrook, 1992), where the interpretive account is developed through key phrases, metaphors, and patterns of meaning (Thompson, 1997). We identified recurring themes around how people shopped and feelings about the choices they made. Given the limited nature of this exploratory study and the relatively small sample size, it would be unwise to generalise our findings too widely. Notwithstanding this, some pertinent issues emerged, which help to shed light on the complex and flexible behaviour of the conscious consumer. Perceptions and behavioural manifestations of the conscious consumer Ethical considerations in general were of long-term interest to participants, with levels of commitment towards ethical activities ranging from 8 years to over 25 years. Family upbringing, education, and travelling were identified as key influences upon their beliefs and attitudes: It comes, I guess, initially from a family background, because I was brought up in a family full of Nestlé boycotts and Fairtrade and Traidcraft. (Rob, 25) I was at university, and I think there was a big realisation of everything that was going on in the papers about selling baby food to mothers and telling them its better than breastfeeding and the whole scandal about that, and I think that’s what made me start thinking really. (Peter, 39) I think because I went off and did a bit of travelling and having gone to places like India and places like that, you do realise what a difference it can make to peoples’ lives, and in South America as well, so I think with Fairtrade it was from my experience of going to these places which made me a bit more aware and wanting to consider more the impact these things have on communities across the world. (Caroline, 29) 2 Note that pseudonyms are adopted when referring to participants throughout the remainder of this paper. McEachern et al. Thinking locally, acting locally? Conscious consumers and farmers’ markets Downloaded by [Lancaster University Library] at 12:28 02 September 2011 Participants were keen to acknowledge their limitations (most of which arose from time/convenience/knowledge pressures) as conscious consumers. Moreover, some felt guilty as they only pursued ethical alternatives for some product categories and not all. A frequently cited rationale for such behaviour was that ‘there is only so much you can do’. Despite this admission, many continued to feel that they were at least ‘trying to do a bit more than the average Joe in the street’. Conscious behaviours manifested themselves in a wide variety of formats amongst participants, some of which clearly took precedence over others. Fairtrade purchasing was mentioned by all participants, although mainly within the context of food and drink (e.g. coffee, tea, bananas). No mention was made of Fairtrade clothing, carpets, and so on: I think that Fairtrade is the right thing to do, and the more that I have known about Fairtrade, the more that I do think about the people, and I do it for that sort of reason. (Louise, 24) Commitment towards environmental issues was strong amongst participants. One respondent maintained that she has always been interested in ‘environmental stuff ’ and that it ‘overrides interests in local and Fairtrade stuff ’. Some mentioned that they always purchased environmentally friendly detergents. Another participant justified his commitment to the environment by ‘not ruining the Earth’. Recycling was also important. Here, the ease factor is mentioned with regard to local councils now collecting papers/bottles/plastic waste from the kerbside. Packaging was another environmental issue that most interviewees expressed concern about. One participant felt it was ‘hard to buy goods without too much packaging’. Some felt frustrated that organic/Fairtrade fruit and vegetables often had more packaging. Others accepted that it would be almost impossible to avoid all products with excessive packaging but that they ‘try not to’ where possible. Some participants mentioned that they avoided using plastic bags and use only lifelong bags when shopping. However, many of these activities were dependent upon factors such as convenience, cost, and quality: I’m very, very conscious that we’ve probably doubled the contents of the wheelie bin, and it is purely nappies and nappy sacks and that does eat at me a bit that I’m throwing away so much plastic and whatever chemicals that they put into the nappies – I think I try to cover that, I mean, I am trying harder to ensure that we do more recycling and composting in a way to try and compensate for the use of disposable nappies. I would have loved to use washable, but it would not have worked out to be cost effective. (Amanda, 36) I think about food miles for vegetables mainly – I would always pick the local product if it was good quality. (Ella, 37) More specifically, a clear perceived benefit underpinning the patronage of farmers’ markets was a desire for locally sourced produce (Bentley et al., 2003; La Trobe, 2001; Tregear & Ness, 2005). Here, local sourcing was linked to the environment by some participants, mainly in terms of avoiding ‘food miles’. However, supporting the ‘local community’ was cited as a primary reason for this behaviour. The main locally produced products purchased by participants were fresh vegetables and meat. But, despite a willingness to support this activity, some participants expressed difficulties in buying locally sourced products (i.e. availability): When you go to farm shops and stuff, particularly when I go home, there is a really good place where they do freedom-reared beef, and he hangs it all himself and he 403 404 Journal of Marketing Management, Volume 26 Downloaded by [Lancaster University Library] at 12:28 02 September 2011 slaughters the cattle himself, and the steak is the best steak, and it’s so expensive. When I go home, I’ll make a point of going there and stocking up on sausages and all that kind of thing . . . but it’s much more difficult to get in the city. (Hannah, 38) Availability of organic food is regarded as an important element of farmers’ markets by some customers (McGrath et al., 1993). Organic food production was important to most interviewees, although mainly for fresh produce. One participant spoke about his use of organic seeds for his vegetable plot in his garden. Another respondent stated that ‘it was the long-term effect’ of pesticides that motivated her organic purchases and not necessarily the taste. However, another participant added that if she ‘can’t buy an organic version’ or if she doesn’t ‘like the organic version’ then she will ‘go for the ordinary stuff ’. She also felt that ‘there are some cuts of meat that still the [price] hike is just too much’. Another participant only recently started to buy organic fruit and vegetables since having a child. Linked to organic production values, most interviewees mentioned concerns about the use of animals for food, but mainly in relation to organic/free-range eggs. Some participants mentioned that they now buy their eggs from local farms. Despite a non-organic diet for the animals, positive comments were made about the extensive animal conditions and that ‘they have loads of space, they roam about, and are well looked after, they are fresh and local’. Indeed, free-range meat and eggs appeared to be a primary preference when shopping, although some complained about the lack of availability in supermarkets (i.e. similar to local sourcing issues). Participants’ rationale for their free-range preferences was that the meat was perceived to be ‘of a better quality’ because it wasn’t reared intensively. One respondent, although expressing preferences for organic eggs and welfare-friendly meat, did not transfer these preferences to other animal-related products. Only a minority of participants were regular users of farmers’ markets. Purchases of meat and produce from farmers’ markets were motivated by what might be characterised as supply-chain concerns: We buy [bacon] once a month at the farmers’ market, because we know the woman who is curing the bacon with her home-bred pigs. So rather than buy six packs of bacon from the supermarket, we buy two lots of bacon from her and that’s it for the month. (Amanda, 36) However, use of farmers’ markets was not widespread, and they were not necessarily perceived as a source of regular food provisioning because of their periodic nature. Consequently there was a perception that shopping at farmers’ markets was not as convenient as the ‘one-stop shop’ nature of supermarket shopping, with obvious implications for use of time: There’s a market in town and it’s lovely. I love walking past it, but by the time I’ve looked through, we’ve spent our shopping bill anyway, and then it’s getting home again. I would love to have a drive out on a Saturday and do our shopping there – it’s just time and money. It’s so easy to pop up to Sainsburys and buy it all in one go. (Peter, 39) Participants, however, were critical of supermarkets along certain ethical dimensions, such as the impact of the industrialisation of food production upon suppliers, particularly those from developing countries: McEachern et al. Thinking locally, acting locally? Conscious consumers and farmers’ markets I feel somebody is suffering somewhere because the big supermarkets want to be able to give people cheap products . . . then somebody is losing money somewhere, it’s not Tesco or Waitrose or whatever, it’s the producers. (Sheena, 40) The scale of supermarket operations and their expansion, as well as sourcing policies, also came in for criticism: Downloaded by [Lancaster University Library] at 12:28 02 September 2011 I won’t shop at Asda because it’s part of the Wal-Mart chain, which is part of the reason why I might avoid some other supermarkets, but . . . they’re much of a muchness . . . I guess they’d all be the biggest and the worst if they could. (Ethan, 28) I want to buy something that’s not been flown halfway across the world and then I want to get things from the north west if I can, but when you buy from Tesco, it can seem a bit limited. I mean they just buy things that’ll make them more money unfortunately. (Maurice, 38) However, these concerns were tempered by pragmatism, with the result that participants continued to shop at supermarkets. For some, a conscious ranking of the supermarkets was perceived and acted upon, with participants seeking to patronise those retailers they regarded as addressing some of these issues: I shop at Co-op, I guess for ethical reasons. They’re quite good because they don’t put a lot of things in packages as much as other supermarkets (Hannah, 25). Probably 80% of the time, I shop at Waitrose, which I didn’t use to but they’ve got a better range of organic stuff. (Sadie, 45) Thus, participants regarded their food-buying choices as an inevitable ‘trade-off ’ between principles, cost, and convenience. The contradictions between actual behaviour and ethical principles were obvious: I think, like everybody else, it’s definitely a time issue. But that could be a bit hypocritical. Although the farmers’ market might sell locally grown and organic stuff, I can’t get everything in the one place. So the fact that you can get everything in one place – it’s difficult to try and compromise between the two. (Maurice, 38) There’s the local farmers’ markets, but its time more than anything. We just haven’t got the time to go and look round – and the expense. Our shopping comes down to money and what we can and can’t afford. I wish supermarkets would do a lot more [in terms of ethical issues]. (Peter, 39) Visiting farmers’ markets was often perceived more as a leisure activity than as part of regular shopping behaviour because of the issues highlighted above. This attitude is summed up in the statement below: We have been to the odd farmers’ market but that’s more just as a day out rather than . . . Y’know, you have to drive miles away and you couldn’t rely on it to get all the stuff you need weekly. (Maurice, 38) This attitude has resonance with McGrath et al. (1993, p. 283) and their description of the function of farmers’ markets being an ‘economic–festive dialectic’, following Sherry’s (1990) schema of marketplace structure and function. Thus it can be seen that for conscious consumers, who it could be argued would be most likely to regularly patronise farmers’ markets and possess a preference for locally produced products (i.e. given their environmental, social, and economic benefits), a number of pragmatic issues are raised that militate against their use. The implications for farmers’ markets and their future are discussed below. 405 406 Journal of Marketing Management, Volume 26 Downloaded by [Lancaster University Library] at 12:28 02 September 2011 Discussion and conclusions: the future of farmers’ markets It is clear from the results reported above that these conscious consumers perceive limits to their ethical behaviours arising from time, convenience, and cost, even though they have an ‘ethical’ orientation towards consumption. This could be regarded as analogous to the flexibility concept mentioned previously. Indeed, the concept of flexibility may offer a theoretical explanation as to what may appear as inconsistencies between attitudes and behaviour in previous ethical studies of consumer behaviour (Carrigan & Attalla, 2001; De Pelsmacker et al., 2005; McEachern & Schroder, 2002). Here, conscious consumers exhibit a mix of complex behaviours, some of which could be described as overtly ethical (i.e. as practiced by voluntary simplifiers), while others could be influenced more by convenience and cost (i.e. as practiced in general by the majority of consumers). Moreover, there are certain manifestations of conscious-consumption behaviour (i.e. buying Fairtrade and organic products) that are much more prevalent than others, such as buying the bulk of foodstuffs in farmers’ markets. This is despite the very positive connotations that farmers’ markets hold for this group. Consequently, a major challenge for those responsible for the organisation and management of farmers’ markets is to move consumers’ perceptions of shopping at such events from being an occasional ‘leisure’ pursuit to a regular, ongoing shopping pattern. In other words, using Sherry’s (1990) notion of an economic–festival dialectic, moving customers from primarily festival to economic reasons for using farmers’ markets. In order to achieve this, the obvious advantages of farmers’ markets (as outlined above) need to be capitalised upon – and communicated to all stakeholders – more effectively. While it is unlikely that the majority of shoppers – even these ‘conscious’ consumers – will forsake supermarkets entirely, it is feasible, given the increasing concern for ethical issues including support for local and ‘authentic’ food-production systems, that a greater proportion of food shopping could take place in farmers’ markets in the future. Indeed, this is recognised by mainstream retailers and manufacturers who have attempted to blur the boundaries between themselves and real farmers’ markets, and appropriate the values inherent to farmers’ markets to their own operations. However unsatisfactory and however much of a compromise of their ethical principles, the pragmatism demonstrated by conscious consumers suggests that, at least for some, such activities may be successful in attracting the more pragmatic conscious consumer. Alternatively, initiatives such as Asda’s recent launch of in-store farmers’ markets may be viewed more negatively by some conscious consumers, as in the case of Ethan who did not patronise Asda due to it being part of the Wal-Mart chain. The conscious consumer’s flexibility is further demonstrated by the fact that most of the participants, who did patronise supermarkets, denoted certain grocery retailers – such as the Co-op and Waitrose – as companies that they would be more likely to frequent due to perceptions of greater compatibility between the companies’ underlying principles and their ethical values. Therefore, to counteract the threat of losing the future patronage of conscious consumers to further retail-led and/or manufacturer-led initiatives such as those of Heinz’s Farmers’ Market soup range, the management of farmers’ markets may have to become more proactive to fulfil their potential. This could be manifested in terms of, for example, more overtly ‘managing’ the mix of farmers attending in order to widen the range of merchandise available in a particular market. Whilst not quite a ‘one-stop’ shopping destination, this would create the plurality of choice that many consumers seek (Seyfang, 2007). This may also enable the development of a critical Downloaded by [Lancaster University Library] at 12:28 02 September 2011 McEachern et al. Thinking locally, acting locally? Conscious consumers and farmers’ markets mass of farmers in order to ameliorate perceived problems of limited availability of produce after individual stallholders have sold out. In addition, those responsible for the management of farmers’ markets, both at a local and national level, may need to more overtly and explicitly communicate the potential benefits of selling at markets (as outlined above) to individual farmers. This may be done through direct marketing or, indeed, by personal visits to farmers by market managers, in such a way as to be analogous to personal selling. McGrath et al. (1993) argue that farmers’ markets can be likened to servicescapes (Bitner, 1992). Thus the experiential elements of shopping at farmers’ markets could be more strongly emphasised. This concept of farmers’ markets as retail theatre has been manifested recently in central London with the recent entrance of US chains Whole Foods Market (Renton, 2007) and Farmers’ City Market (Balakrishnan, 2007), and in Asda stores across North Yorkshire (Pearson, 2007). These examples illustrate the paradox identified by McGrath et al. (1993, p. 309), whereby such ventures could be regarded as a ‘designed experience’ attempting to recreate ‘an authentic, unmediated experience of a simpler, more wholesome era’ and are incompatible with aspirations of conscious consumers and their willingness to support local shortsupply chains. As such, they are arguably just as much a part of the ‘placeless foodscape of contemporary Britain’ (Holloway & Kneafsey 2000, p. 295) as the supermarkets, which many conscious consumers are critical of. By definition, farmers’ markets are grounded in a locale (FARMA, 2006a; Holloway & Kneafsey, 2000; La Trobe, 2001) and are manifestations of ‘short’ food-supply chains (Marsden, Banks, & Bristow, 2000) characterised by trust and meaningful interaction between producer and consumer (McGrath et al., 1993; Moore, 2006). Consequently, farmers’ markets have an obvious opportunity to capitalise upon concerns regarding the issue of ‘food miles’, and also perceptions relating to the importance of locality and community for some customers (Szmigin et al., 2003). Therefore, any marketing-communications activity may emphasise the benefits (outlined above) of farmers’ markets in terms of their contribution to the local economy, while fostering a sense of community within a particular locale. They should also emphasise that they provide an outlet for conscious consumers to enact their ecological citizenship values, however incompletely. Indeed, given the ubiquity of multiple retailers and subsequent concerns relating to the ‘cloning’ of Britain’s high streets (New Economics Foundation, 2004, 2005), which have generated much debate (e.g. Baggini, 2005; Elliott, 2005; Walker, 2005; Woolcock, 2004), then the potential of farmers’ markets as a means to differentiate retail provision within an urban location should not be ignored. The importance of marketing urban retail provision has been emphasised by Warnaby, Bennison, Davies, and Hughes (2002) and Warnaby, Bennison, and Davies (2005), and the potential role of independent retailers in helping to accomplish this has also been noted (Bennison, Pal, & Warnaby, 2004; Warnaby, Bennison, & Medway, 2006; Warnaby & Bennison, 2006). In this particular context, farmers’ markets could be regarded as one manifestation of the wider ‘food town’ concept. Here, local food production and consumption facilities are used as a means to promote a particular locality (see, for example, http://www.food-town.co.uk, where Grimsby is seeking to capitalise on its historic strengths in food production in order to differentiate itself in economic development terms). This focus on ‘place’ and community may be the most appropriate avenue for farmers’ markets to try to differentiate their offering, particularly as performance on other issues relating to ‘ethical’ consumption (e.g. climate change) are increasingly highlighted by their supermarket rivals in an attempt to create consumer goodwill and 407 Downloaded by [Lancaster University Library] at 12:28 02 September 2011 408 Journal of Marketing Management, Volume 26 obtain competitive advantage. Often supermarkets focus on issues such as organic produce and Fairtrade, which may not necessarily benefit local producers. By emphasising their inherent locality (i.e. as opposed to the spurious locality of the large retail multiples), farmers’ markets, particularly in rural areas where they may have been a permanent fixture in the local economy, may be able to secure an effective future market positioning in the minds of conscious consumers, for whom this is a significant driver of behaviour. As knowledge of the complex and flexible behaviour of conscious consumers is central to our understanding of consumer behaviour (particularly within an ethical context), significant scope exists to extend the above research further, either from a broader qualitative or quantitative perspective. Moreover, greater insight of the discourses surrounding the patronage of farmers’ markets may be achieved by undertaking a cross-cultural comparison of conscious consumers from countries such as France, Italy, and Spain, where farmers’ markets are not necessarily considered as an ‘alternative’ grocery-shopping option. 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Paper presented at Contemporary Issues in Retailing and Marketing Conference: Destinations and Locations: Exploring the Multiple Identities of Place, Manchester, England. Weatherell, C., Tregear, A., & Allinson, J. (2003). In search of the concerned customer: UK public perceptions of food, farming and buying local. Journal of Rural Studies, 19, 233–244. Woolcock, N. (2004, August 28). Spot the difference: How the high streets lost their identity in a move to clone towns. The Times, p. 13. Youngs, J. (2003). Consumer direct initiatives in north west England farmers’ markets. British Food Journal, 105(8), 498–530. 411 412 Journal of Marketing Management, Volume 26 About the authors Morven G. McEachern is a lecturer in marketing at the University of Lancaster in the UK. Her research interests lie primarily in the area of consumer behaviour within the contexts of ethical consumption and food marketing. She is on the editorial board of the International Journal of Consumer Studies, and has presented related papers at a number of international conferences and published in a wide range of academic journals such as the Journal of Agricultural and Environmental Ethics, Journal of Marketing Management, and the International Review of Retail, Distribution and Consumer Research. Downloaded by [Lancaster University Library] at 12:28 02 September 2011 Corresponding author: Dr Morven G. McEachern, Marketing Department, Lancaster University Management School, Lancaster, LA1 4YX, UK. T 01524 593918 E m.mceachern@lancaster.ac.uk Gary Warnaby is a senior lecturer in marketing at the University of Liverpool Management School in the UK. Prior to this, he was at the Salford Business School and the Manchester Metropolitan University Business School. His research interests include the marketing of places (in particular the marketing of towns and cities as retail destinations), town-centre management, and retailing more generally. Results of this research have been published in academic journals including Environment and Planning A, Journal of Marketing Management, European Journal of Marketing, Cities, Local Economy, and the International Review of Retail, Distribution and Consumer Research, as well as a variety of professional and trade publications. Marylyn Carrigan is a senior lecturer in marketing ethics at the Open University Business School in the UK. Prior to this, she was at Birmingham Business School. She has published extensively in the field of marketing ethics and ethical consumption, and is on the editorial boards of the International Marketing Review and the Journal of Marketing Communications. Her research interests include marketing ethics, ethical consumption, sustainability, and family consumption. Isabelle Szmigin is professor of marketing at the Birmingham Business School, University of Birmingham in the UK. She has extensive publications in the fields of consumer behaviour, consumer innovativeness, services management, and relationship marketing, including a book, Understanding the Consumer.