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RUTH EVANS
The purpose of this chapter is to argue for a different context for – and
hence for a different reading of – the anonymous early fourteenth-century
Middle English lai known as Sir Orfeo.1 This context is the cultural
history of homo sacer: the ‘sacred’ man, or outlaw, who may be killed
with impunity but not sacrificed.2 Subject to the law and yet paradoxically
outside it, this figure haunts our modern political landscape: he is the prisoner of indeterminate legal status detained under the UK and US
anti-terrorism acts of 2001 in Guantánamo Bay, Abu Ghraib or Belmarsh
Prison. As the representative of ‘bare life’ – that is, simple biological existence rather than a particular way of life – his body is politicized through
being captured within the sovereign ban. I will argue that in Sir Orfeo we
see the beginnings of the modern configuration whereby, in the words of
the Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben, ‘the realm of bare life – which
is originally situated at the margins of the political order – gradually
begins to coincide with the political realm’ (Agamben, Homo sacer, p. 9).
Heurodis, Orfeo and the grotesque ‘taken’ in the Fairy King’s castle are all
abandoned in a no-man’s-land of living death. Through their predicaments the poem imaginatively explores how sovereign power constitutes
itself through the production of a politicized body that is excluded from –
and yet included in – the political order.
My reading is in part made possible by Stephen Knight’s work on the
‘political unconscious’ of Middle English romances, although I understand that ‘unconscious’ not so much in socio-historical as in
ethico-political terms.3 I also use Agamben’s work to trouble the vexed
boundaries between the medieval and the modern. What Foucault
describes as ‘biopower’ – ‘a power organized around the management of
life rather than the menace of death’ – is not, argues Agamben, a purely
‘modern’ political phenomenon but is found variously configured in much
earlier texts and cultural formations – including medieval ones.4 Sovereign
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power has always been tied to bare life but that tie has remained hidden.
Sir Orfeo is part of that hidden history.
Sir Orfeo is not of course an ethico-political tract, but a vernacular lai.5
It is frequently praised for its ‘charm’ and ‘lyric simplicity’.6 Oren Falk
describes it in less cloying (but no more satisfactory) terms as ‘a sugarcandied, bowdlerized version of the familiar Orpheus and Euridyce
story’.7 It does not offer a theory of kingship, still less a theory of the
political tie uniting sovereign power and bare life.8 But it is nothing new to
suggest that socio-political issues inform the poem.9 Orfeo has been read
as a rex inutilis (‘useless king’/roi fainéant: a medieval literary motif that
links Orfeo with several late thirteenth- and early fourteenth-century
sovereigns, including Edward II) and, in his role as a harpist, as a type of
David, the royal figure upon whom many medieval kings modelled themselves.10 Falk’s essay situates the poem in the context of contemporary
tensions surrounding the sensational deposition and assassination of
Edward II in the late 1320s. Others have seen Sir Orfeo dealing more
generally with a king’s feudal bond with his subjects or figuring the traditional analogical relationship between the state and marriage.11 The poem
also participates in the late medieval tradition of ‘king-and-subject’
romances, in which either the ruler wanders in disguise amongst his
subjects (as in Shakespeare’s Henry V) or a peasant offers hospitality to
the ruler – the forerunners of those modern urban legends in which an
ordinary member of the public unwittingly entertains the queen.12
But none of these readings has taken up Carl Schmitt’s 1922 proposal
that ‘Sovereign is he who decides on the state of exception’.13 Agamben
follows Schmitt in arguing that the ‘fundamental activity’ of sovereign
power is to produce a state of exception, but he maintains that it does this
by inclusively excluding (by analogy with the linguistic ‘exception to the
rule’) bare life within its sphere of influence, and specifically through
‘banning’ it (p. 181). Most of the poem’s critics have seen kingship as an
intrinsic value (the ‘true nature of kingly duty’, A. S. G. Edwards puts it14),
not as a relation. But Orfeo’s self-exile in the forest reveals the close proximity between the body of the king and the body of the banned man. In
Agamben’s words, ‘that which is excluded from the community is, in
reality, that on which the entire life of the community is founded’.15 Both
king and outlaw represent states of exception; both have passed into a
zone of indistinction between nature and culture.
Similarly, the quest for psychological motives for Orfeo’s actions misses
the poem’s multi-layered exploration of the symmetry between homo
sacer and sovereign. William Connelly, for example, argues that ‘In his
grief [Orfeo] upsets the divinely ordained political order of the world over
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which he rules, leaving his kingdom under the uncertain rule of a steward
who might or might not honor his loyalty to Orfeo’ (emphasis mine).16
Orfeo does indeed suffer when the Fairy King abducts Heurodis:
‘O we!’ quap he, ‘allas, allas!
Leuer me were to lete mi liif
Pan pus to lese Êe quen mi wiif’ (ll. 176–8)
And the poem’s narrative syntax, with its doubling of the classic romance
structure of exile, risk and reintegration into the social order, has
suggested to many readers a strong emotional link between the loss and
recovery of a wife and the loss and recovery of a kingdom (a link insisted
upon in the rhyme ‘mi liif/mi wiif’).17 Yet Sir Orfeo does not probe psychological motives or produce complex effects of interiority.18 It is not
interested in analysing the psychoanalytic structures of mourning or
abjection. Rather, it stages the political and sexual meanings of abandonment, actively disclosing what sovereignty would rather repress: its
dependence on a constitutive outside that is simultaneously an inside.
In so doing it strongly links – as Agamben’s curiously depersonalized
study does not – politics and affect.19 Sir Orfeo is an extraordinarily
moving poem. It offers an experience, or rather a series of experiences. I
want to argue that we can best think of its politicization of the body in
terms of experiential and historical understandings of abandonment. For
Jean-Luc Nancy, ‘abandoned being has already begun to constitute an
inevitable condition for our thought’.20 Dereliction – to be cast out and yet
to be subject to a law (like Oedipus, Moses or Christ)21 – is in many ways
the central obsession of the poem. In Heurodis’s distress at being
condemned without due legal process to a living death in the otherworld
and in Orfeo’s anguished response to her loss, the poem vividly imagines,
within a specific historical and cultural context, the affective impact of a
political tie: what it means to be abandoned on the threshold between
nature and the law.
The Ban
The ‘bare life’ that sovereign power makes the object of its decisions is
both out-lawed and held within the law, through a relation that Agamben
refers to by its medieval term: the ban. ‘He who has been banned’, he says,
‘is not, in fact, simply set outside the law and made indifferent to it but
rather abandoned by it, that is, exposed and threatened on the threshold
in which life and law, outside and inside, become indistinguishable’ (p. 28).
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The Middle English semantic ranges of ‘abandonen’ and ‘bandoun’ bear
witness to the paradoxical nature of the ban. To be abandoned (MED
abandonen v. 1) to ‘Cristes feith’ (as in John Gower’s Confessio Amantis
8.1834), is to give oneself up to devotion but not to be released from
Christ’s jurisdiction. To ‘ben in (at) bandoun’ (MED n. bandoun, from OF
bandon) is to ‘be in (someone’s) power or under (his) control; be dominated by (sb.); be in bondage’, like the courtly lover at the mercy of his
sovereign lady.22 The Fairy King bans Heurodis when he demands that she
return permanently to his kingdom. In expelling her from the community,
he exposes her to his violent and arbitrary law. His threat – that if she does
not return the following day to the ‘ympe-tree’ (grafted tree) to ‘liue wip
ous euermo’ (l. 168), then she will be fetched away and torn limb from
limb – effectively displays his sovereign power by producing Heurodis as
homo sacer. She can be killed with impunity by the fairies –
Zif êou makest ous ylet,
Whar êou be, êou worst yfet,
& totore êine limes al’ (ll. 170–2)
– yet her death will not be a sacrifice because her life no longer counts: no
guilt is attached to whatever the Fairy King or his minions might do to her.
This distinction is important, because Heurodis has been seen (rather like
Griselda in Chaucer’s ‘Clerk’s Tale’) as a Christ-figure. As Felicity Riddy
notes, Orfeo’s anatomization of her brutally changed body parallels
descriptions of the Crucifixion in contemporary lyrics:
Êi bodi êat was so white ycore
Wiê êine nailes is al totore.
Allas, êi rode êat was so red
Is al wan as êou were ded. (ll. 105–8)23
But what Heurodis shares with Christ is the politicization of the body,
not religious sacrifice. The contrast between her past and present state,
reinforced by the rhetorical balance of the strongly metrical and endstopped rhyming couplets, suggests not sacred transcendence but the
production of a body at its limit. Orfeo notes that she is not actually dead
but precariously suspended in a liminal state that only resembles death:
‘as pou were ded’. His use of the subjunctive suggests that it is impossible
to tell if Heurodis is inside or outside the law: her exceptional status as a
‘limit-figure of life’ signals the Fairy King’s sovereignty.24 What the poem
realizes so brilliantly through its deployment of supernatural elements is
not chaos (Neil Cartlidge sees it as ‘one of a long series of texts to exploit
the disorienting suggestiveness of the fairies’ Otherworld as a figure for
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some sort of experience of entropy’), but the violence of sovereign law
that holds life within its ban by abandoning it.25
Less obviously but just as importantly, the poem reveals how Orfeo and
his steward are related through the ban. Orfeo’s return to the court,
disguised in beggar’s clothes as ‘an harpour of hepenisse [heathen land]’
(l. 513), is read by many critics as completing the poem’s pattern of
(Connelly’s words) ‘dual loss and dual recovery’, with the ‘moving display
of the steward’s love’ forming ‘the true emotional climax of the poem’.26
After Orfeo’s thrilling musical performance, his steward recognizes the
harp and asks the ‘beggar’ where he got it. Orfeo bluffs that he found it
ten years ago, next to a man ‘totorn smale’ (l. 538) by lions and being
devoured by the sharp teeth of wolves. Exclaiming that the man must have
been his lord, the (ostensibly) distraught steward faints, proving himself to
be ‘a trewe man’ (l. 554).
But then the narrative takes an unexpected turn. Instead of a joyful
scene of revelation – your dead king lives! – Orfeo continues to maintain
his imposture. ‘3if ich were Orfeo pe king’ (l. 557), he says (revealing his
sovereign status, yet concealing it behind the subjunctive), and had these
things happened to me, and had I returned . . . He then imagines two
possible narrative outcomes:
& ich founde êe êus trewe, . . .
Êou schust be king after mi day.
& Zif êou of mi deê hadest ben bliêe
Êou shust haue voided, also swiêe. (ll. 569–74)
The stern final pronouncement seems both unnecessary (the steward has
already proved himself to be loyal) and discordant (it breaks the mood of
joyful homecoming). But the menace in Orfeo’s words alerts the court and
the poem’s audience to the political tie that hovers in potentiality between
the sovereign and his subjects. Even while Orfeo has been absent, he has
held the steward in his ban. It is this affirmation of the sovereign’s power
to decide on the state of exception that forces the court’s acknowledgment
that he is their king:
Êo al êo êat êerin sete
Êat it was king Orfeo vnderZete (ll. 575–6)
For Falk, the court is constrained to recognize Orfeo’s identity because
he is not only a ‘true king’ but a ‘true bard’.27 By exploiting the linguistic
potential of the subjunctive to call attention to the discrepant awareness
of the audiences inside and outside the text, the extratextual poet links his
own rhetorical bravura with that of Orfeo. But Orfeo’s skilful manipulation of the hypothetical construction also reinforces the idea that
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sovereignty suspends itself as potentiality, ‘maintaining itself in a relation
of ban (or abandonment) with itself in order to realize itself as absolute
actuality’ (p. 47). The subjunctive is a figure for how sovereign identity
consolidates itself as authoritative only through a process of intrasubjective negotiation that oscillates between actuality and potential. The
bodies of beggar-outsider and king-insider are not separate but intimately
related: what is outside is simultaneously produced as inside.
Orfeo in the Wilderness: The Body Politic and the Politicized Body
Orfeo’s imposture superimposes one bodily identity on another. But in
what sense? In his landmark 1957 book The King’s Two Bodies, Ernst
Kantorowicz famously argues that the medieval king has both a natural
body, subject to the ravages of time, and a ‘mystical body’ or body politic,
which never dies.28 These two bodies are graphically represented within
the poem as separate and yet conjoined when Orfeo forsakes his kingdom
and retreats into the wilderness with only his harp, to ‘liue per evermore /
Wip wilde bestes in holtes hore’ (ll. 213–14). On the one hand, he is transformed from a royal personage ‘pat hadde ywerd pe fowe & griis [who had
worn variegated and grey fur – that is, fur that has been worked upon by
culture]’(l. 241) into a semi-bestial creature:
Al his bodi was oway duine
For missays, and al tochine. . . .
His here of his berd blac & rowe
To his girdelstede was growe. (ll. 261–67)
Shrunken and with an absurdly unkempt beard (the opposite of regal
fur), Orfeo’s natural body is slowly decaying. But in so far as he retains his
consummate skill in harping – the poem’s chief signifier of culture – he
preserves what Kantorowicz calls the perpetuity of dignitas. When ‘pe
wilde bestes’ gather about him ‘for ioie’ (l. 274) at his harping, and when
he wins back Heurodis as his prize in an otherworld talent contest, the
man that the Fairy King contemptuously refers to as ‘lene, rowe, & blac’
(l. 459) is nevertheless in effect asserting: ‘Le roi ne meurt jamais’ [the king
never dies]. But for the poem’s gentry audience in the 1330s, still shocked
by the extraordinary events of January 1327 when Queen Isabella and her
lover Roger Mortimer forced the king’s abdication during Parliament at
Westminster, Sir Orfeo offers not a confirmation of the endurance of the
king’s ‘mystical body’ but a critique of the extent to which Edward II
relied upon the dual personage of his regal authority in order to abuse it:
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‘The prestige of the English monarchy had never sunk so low as in 1327’,
observes Ormrod.29
Agamben, however, posits that in the later Western middle ages there
was a ‘darker and more uncertain zone’ than that of the juridical doctrine
of the king’s two bodies, one in which ‘the body of the sovereign and the
body of homo sacer . . . can no longer be told apart’ (pp. 94, 96). In this
light, Orfeo’s wilderness transformation is less a version of the division
between the king’s two bodies than a representation of the ‘special proximity’ between sovereign and outlaw that is also seen (argues Agamben),
in the relationship between the king and the werewolf in Marie de France’s
twelfth-century lay Bisclavret.30 Orfeo too becomes a type of werewolf:
the medieval ‘wolf’s head’, who has been banned from the city but who
remains bound by its laws.31 Excessively hairy and forced to ‘digge &
wrote’ (l. 255) in the ground for his food, Orfeo inhabits a ‘zone of indistinction and continuous transition between man and beast, nature and
culture’ (p. 109). When he plays the harp he reveals his nearness to the
wild beasts:
Into alle êe wode êe soun gan schille
Êat alle êe wilde bestes êat êer êep
For ioie abouten him êai teê . . .
& when he his harping lete wold,
No best bi him abide nold. (ll. 272–80)
But this proximity is only temporary: the beasts are repelled when he stops
playing. Like Robin Hood, Orfeo-as-bandit embodies the figure of homo
sacer who is the object of sovereign decision. Kingship – about which, as
Ormrod says, ‘almost everyone living in late medieval England may be
assumed to have had some opinion’32 – is represented in the poem not as
the exercise of absolute power over the dispossessed or the rule of culture
over nature, but as a transition point between culture and nature.
Moreover, Orfeo’s body in the wilderness does indeed seem, like the
paradoxically sacred body of homo sacer and like Heurodis’s otherworld
body, to have ‘entered into an intimate symbiosis with death without,
nevertheless, belonging to the world of the deceased’ (l. 100). Orfeo’s
condition is eerily paralleled by that of the living dead that he sees
interned in the castle of the Fairy King:
Êan he gan bihold about al
& seiZe ful liggeand wiêin êe wal
Of folk êat were êider ybrouZt
& êouZt dede, & nare nouZt.
Sum stode wiêouten hade
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& sum non armes nade
& sum êurth êe bodi hadde wounde
& sum lay wode, ybounde,
& sum armed on hors sete
& sum astrangled as êai ete
& sum were in water adreynt
& sum wiê fire al forschreynt . . . (ll. 387–98)
Bizarrely frozen in the postures in which they were ‘taken’, these are not
sacrificial martyrs but political prisoners. ‘ÊouZt dede, & nare nouZt’, this
‘waxworks of the undead’ (in Alan Fletcher’s memorable phrase)33
displays the fact that kingship resides in the production of lives that no
longer count, of bodies ‘ybounde’ (like the unfortunate madman) by the
Fairy King’s sovereign ban, left to their fates (‘ful liggeand’) but retained
‘wiêin êe wal’ of the law and the strict anaphoric structure of ll. 391–8.
Their maimed and limbless forms trouble corporeal boundaries,
inscribing at the level of the body their exceptional political status and the
sovereign violence of the otherworld King.
Orfeo shares their fate to the extent that when he retreats into the
wilderness he considers his life worthless, simply telling the court:
When Ze vnderstond êat y be spent
Make Zou êan a êarlement
& chese Zou a newe king. (ll. 215–17)
The poem most forcefully demonstrates the affective impact of his selfabandonment in the so-called ‘recognition scene’. Orfeo and Heurodis
lovingly face each other across an invisible barrier, rapt in their mutual
gazing but unable to speak to each other:
Zern he biheld hir & sche him eke,
Ac noither to oêer a word no speke. (ll. 323–4)
Divided by their separate worlds of silence, Orfeo and Heurodis experience (and the poem stages that experience for the reader) not only
sovereignty’s violent prohibition but also the traumatic possibility that
language itself (the vernacular, newly authorized in the early fourteenth
century to speak for itself) may fall into an abyss. After the queen is
ushered away in tears by her ladies, Orfeo exclaims:
Allas! [. . .] now me is wo.
Why nil deê now me slo?
Allas! wroche, êat y no myZt
Dye now after êis siZt.
Allas! To long last mi liif
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When y no dar nouZt wiê mi wiif,
No hye to me, o word speke. (ll. 331–7)
In longing to be killed (‘Why nil dep now me slo?’), Orfeo assumes that
he, the king, could be killed with impunity. His life is so wretched, so held
within the sovereign ban (one ironically imposed by himself as well as by
the Fairy King), that he could be killed without it being judged martyrdom
or regicide. It is unclear from the unusual use of ‘dar’ who or what prevents
their mutual speaking.34 But the reciprocal force of the verb – which applies
the ‘no speaking’ injunction equally to both Orfeo and Heurodis – and the
breach between form and syntactic unit in ll. 336–7 (the sense is not
contained within the rhyming couplet but crosses the boundaries between
one couplet and the next) reinforces the paradoxical meaning of abandonment as both inclusion in, and exclusion from, the law.
‘Icham in hire baundoun’35
Ironically, this scene of mute recognition suggests a reciprocity in the relationship between Orfeo and Heurodis that is at odds with what the scene
otherwise poignantly represents, namely (in Lacan’s famous formula)
‘there is no sexual relationship’.36 The poem initially presents the sexual
bond between Orfeo and Heurodis as the opposite of courtly love’s cruel
power-play. Like Arveragus and Dorigen in Chaucer’s ‘Franklin’s Tale’
(another English lai), neither partner is ostensibly ‘constreyned by
maistrye’ (V.764). But one of the curious effects of the Fairy King’s abduction of Heurodis is to transform her into the inaccessible and inhuman
Lady-Object of courtly love.37 It is as if the recognition scene offers an
anamorphic representation of what cannot be shown directly within the
poem’s economy of mutual married love: that Heurodis has sovereign
power over Orfeo. From this perspective, Orfeo’s desire to die typifies the
fusion of erotic longing with suffering that characterizes late medieval
vernacular expressions of courtly love. Orfeo is like Arcite, the outlawknight in Chaucer’s ‘Knight’s Tale’, freed from prison but held, love-sick,
within Emelye’s sovereign ban:
lene he wex and drye as is a shaft;
His eyen holwe and grisly to biholde,
His hewe falow and pale as asshen colde,
And solitarie he was and evere allone (I.1362–5).38
Like the ‘lene’ and ‘drye’ Arcite, Orfeo is also ‘lene’ and ‘tochine’
[chapped]. His body, like Arcite’s, mimics the classic Ovidian signs of love:
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bodily wasting, pallor and solitariness. Despite its surface syntax, Sir
Orfeo is subtended by the structure of courtly love. Orfeo’s ten-year exile
is a form of fin amor’s thematics of delay, through which sexual fulfilment
is endlessly deferred. Similarly, the Fairy King acts as a jealous rival
(lauzengiers) to Orfeo, separating him from the object of his desire ‘by all
kind of evil powers’.39 Yet Heurodis too is an exile, and both Orfeo and
Heurodis are homines sacri in relation to the god of the otherworld. But
Orfeo is also homo sacer in relation to Heurodis. Indeed, Agamben argues
that ‘sadomasochism’ (one guise of courtly love?) is ‘precisely the technique of sexuality by which the bare life of a sexual partner is brought to
light’ (134). In this sense the poem both realizes and unsettles powerful
medieval analogical relationships between the political and sexual
spheres: husband as ‘head’ of the wife in the domestic body that is
marriage; king as head of the body politic of the realm. In fact, it is
around 1300, shortly before the poem was composed, that the secular
marriage metaphor – the image of the prince’s marriage to the corpus
mysticum of his state – became popular.40 In my reading, Orfeo and
Heurodis’s sexual partnership is fully politicized, and Orfeo is produced
as bare life as much by Heurodis’s sovereign decision as by that of the
Fairy King.
Gender also operates in the poem’s dynamics of risk and recovery. In
Orfeo’s situation we hear an echo of, and a challenge to, the classical
figure of the devotus, ‘who consecrates his own life to the gods of the
underworld in order to save the city from a grave danger’.41 Like the
devotus (a figure for homo sacer), Orfeo’s willingness to expose his own
bare life (which he does in sympathy with his wife’s), his willingness to
enter the space of death, enables the eventual restoration of the good life
to his kingdom. As a woman, Heurodis represents zo[P], the simple fact of
living, which is traditionally located in the home and excluded from the
city. Orfeo’s recovery of his lost queen is a further twist to the poem’s
politicization of bare life: when he brings her home she symbolically
represents the inclusion in the polis of the previously excluded zo[P].
Sovereignty in History
Sir Orfeo is the first extant version of the Orpheus legend that presents
Orfeo not as the figure of classical myth but as a king, ‘in Inglond an heiZe
lordying’ (l. 26), and moreover a king descended from two kings, ‘king
Pluto’ and ‘king Juno’ (the latter probably a scribal slip, but nevertheless a
revealing one). The company Sir Orfeo keeps in the Auchinleck manu-
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script suggests an emphasis on those elite and popular notions of kingship
that strongly emphasized, in Ormrod’s words, ‘the historical and mythological past and the assessment of each ruler by direct comparison with
his predecessors’:42 item 36 is David the King; item 33 King Alisaunder;
item 43 King Richard; item 26 Of Arthour and Merlin (both Edward I and
Edward III associated themselves with the militant Arthur). Sir Orfeo also
speaks directly to the turbulent political events around the date of its
composition, but as Falk argues, it is not a political allegory of these
events.43 The poem’s outlaw motif, for example, may represent anxieties
about the rising levels of banditry in England in the 1320s, levels that
declined after the 1340s.44 (In his study Robin Hood: An Historical
Inquiry John Bellamy sets the outlaw’s actual career within the reign of
King Edward II.45) In ideological terms, Sir Orfeo reassures its London
gentry audience that kings do not wilfully abuse their power and that they
may even voluntarily give it up for the sake of restoring the wholeness of
the kingdom.
But I am arguing something different: that the poem stages the process
whereby sovereignty constitutes itself as a political category and the
extent to which it is bound to bare life. In this light, Edward II is not the
‘martyr’ that some have claimed46 but, like the exiled Orfeo, the very
figure of homo sacer: neither sacred, nor a martyr, but utterly expendable
– as Isabella and Mortimer in fact treated him.
Conclusion
My intention has been to show how Agamben’s work makes sense of
features in Sir Orfeo that have often resisted interpretation: the testing of
the steward, Orfeo’s self-exile; the Celtic motif of the living dead.
Moreover, the poem’s understanding of sovereignty is politically radical:
the tie between the sovereign and homo sacer is no longer of the order of
the secret but is rather defamiliarized and exposed. But what is the challenge here for a medieval cultural studies? Firstly, there is the question of
how to do justice to the ‘singular’ properties of a literary text (a question
that Agamben ignores in Homo Sacer but which he abundantly confronts
in Language and Death) while also placing that text within a history of
political philosophy. But the ‘literariness’ of Sir Orfeo is integral to its
staging of abandoned being. A medieval cultural studies must not only
reclaim the aesthetic for the political, but insist upon their shared histories.47 Stephen Knight did exactly that in his 1966 essay on Sir Orfeo, when
he deliberately championed the poem as a work of art, one that sets
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‘considerable store on writing in a way, which is, of itself, beautiful and
therefore admirable.’48 The essay appeared in a radical magazine aimed at
students, Balcony, designed to counter a Leavisite takeover in Knight’s
then department at the University of Sydney. The essay’s political intervention was to flout the Leavisite doxa that medieval texts are the repository
of Merrie England’s organicist values rather than aesthetic objects in their
own right.
Secondly, there is the question of periodization. For Foucault, sovereignty (as he defines it in Discipline and Punish and The History of
Sexuality) was superseded in the eighteenth century by ‘biopolitics’ (that
is, the power to regulate matters of life).49 Agamben’s work troubles this
cultural history because he shows how on the contrary sovereignty has
from ancient times produced, and been produced, by biopolitics.
Sovereignty constitutes itself at that place and at that moment where it
inclusively excludes ‘bare life’ from its sphere of influence, simultaneously
politicizing that which was held not to be political. That this can be seen
in medieval texts productively unsettles the division between modernity
and the middle ages. But we can also turn this insight onto literary history.
Early modernists constitute their period as sovereign power by treating the
middle ages as bare life, holding it within their ban by abandoning it. The
early modern and medieval periods are thus related through an essentially
political tie, and modernity is not marked off from the past by an absolute
line but is a threshold phenomenon, not only inextricably tied to what it
makes the object of its decisions but even (like Orfeo in the wilderness) in
close proximity to it.
Notes
I would like to thank John Drakakis, Stephen Knight and Dale Townshend.
1
Sir Orfeo exists in three versions: the Auchinleck manuscript (National Library of
Scotland, MS Advocates’ 19.2.1); London, BL, MS Harley 3810; and Oxford, Bodleian
Library, MS Ashmole 61. The standard edition is A. J. Bliss (ed.), Sir Orfeo, 2nd edn
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1966). I use the transcription of the Auchinleck version, by
David Burnley and Alison Wiggins, at http://www.nls.uk/auchinleck/mss/orfeo.html,
not Bliss’s reconstructed text, giving line numbers parenthetically in the text. See also
Sir Orfeo, ed. Anne Laskaya and Eve Salisbury, The Middle English Breton Lays,
TEAMS (Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute Publications, 1995): available at
http://www.lib.rochester.edu/camelot/teams/orfeo.htm. On Auchinleck, see Timothy
Shonk, ‘A study of the Auchinleck manuscript: bookmen and bookmaking in the early
fourteenth century’, Speculum, 60, 1 (1985), 71–91.
2
See Giorgio Agamben, Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life, trans. Daniel
Heller-Roazen (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998). Page references are given
parenthetically in the text.
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3
Stephen Knight, ‘The social function of the Middle English romance’, in David
Aers (ed), Medieval Literature (Brighton: Harvester, 1986), pp. 99–122 (p. 103). The
phrase ‘political unconscious’ is Fredric Jameson’s.
4
Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality, Vol. 1 (1976), trans. Robert Hurley
(Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1990), p. 147.
5
On the genre, see Elizabeth Archibald, ‘The Breton lay in Middle English: genre,
transmission and the Franklin’s Tale’, in Judith Weiss, Jennifer Fellows and Morgan
Dickson (eds), Medieval Insular Romance: Translation and Innovation (Cambridge:
Brewer, 2000), pp. 55–70.
6
Peter J. Lucas, ‘An interpretation of Sir Orfeo’, Leeds Studies in English, ns, 6
(1972), 1–9 (p. 1); David Lyle Jeffrey, ‘The exiled king: Sir Orfeo’s harp and the second
death of Eurydice’, Mosaic, 9, 2 (1976), 45–60 (p. 45).
7
Oren Falk, ‘The son of Orfeo: kingship and compromise in a Middle English
romance’, Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies, 30 (2000), 247–74 (p. 247).
On the poem’s reworking of the Orpheus myth, see Roy Michael Liuzza, ‘Sir Orfeo:
sources, traditions, and the poetics of performance’, Journal of Medieval and
Renaissance Studies, 21 (1991), 269–84, and Enrico Giaccherini, ‘From Sir Orfeo to
“Schir Orpheus”: exile, and the waning of the middle ages’, in Sharon Ouditt (ed.),
Displaced Persons: Conditions of Exile in European Culture (Aldershot: Ashgate,
2002), 1–10.
8
According to both Mark Ormrod and Lynn Staley, there is no systematized
ideology of rule in texts of the late 1320s: W. M. Ormrod, Political Life in Medieval
England, 1300–1450 (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1995), p. 65, and Lynn Staley,
‘Translating “communitas”’, in Kathy Lavezzo (ed.), Imagining a Medieval English
Nation (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press), pp. 261–303 (p. 263).
9
See L. H. Loomis, Review of Bliss’s first edition of Sir Orfeo, Journal of English
and Germanic Philology, 55 (1956), 291; Edward D. Kennedy, ‘Sir Orfeo as rex inutilis’,
Annuale Mediaevale, 17 (1976), 88–110; A. S. G. Edwards, ‘Marriage, harping and
kingship: the unity of Sir Orfeo’, American Benedictine Review, 32 (1981), 282–91;
William J. Connelly, ‘The affirmation of love and loyalty in Sir Orfeo’, Medieval
Perspectives, 8 (1992), 34–43; Falk, ‘Son of Orfeo’.
10
See Kennedy, ‘Rex inutilis’, 106 and 96; Ormrod, Political Life, p. 78; Jeffrey,
‘Exiled king’, 50–1.
11
Connelly, ‘Affirmation of love’; Edwards, ‘Marriage, harping and kingship’, 284.
12
See Rachel Snell, ‘The undercover king’, in Medieval Insular Romance, ed. Weiss,
Fellows and Dickson, pp. 133–54.
13
Carl Schmitt, Political Theology: Four Chapters on the Concept of Sovereignty
(1922), trans. George Schwab (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1985).
14
Edwards, ‘Marriage, harping and kingship’, 291.
15
Giorgio Agamben, Language and Death: The Place of Negativity, trans. Karen E.
Pinkus and Michael Hardt (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1991), p.
105.
16
‘Affirmation of love’, 38.
17
For example, Felicity Riddy, ‘The uses of the past in Sir Orfeo’, The Yearbook of
English Studies, 6 (1976), 5–15 (p. 7); Connelly, ‘Affirmation of love’, 39–40; Mary
Hynes-Berry, ‘Cohesion in King Horn and Sir Orfeo’, Speculum, 50, 3 (1975), 652–70
(p. 664).
18
See Riddy, ‘Uses of the past’, 10–11. Bart Veldhoen’s reading uses a ritualistic
approach: ‘Psychology and the Middle English romances: preliminaries to readings of
Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, Sir Orfeo, and Sir Launfal’, in Henk Aertsen and
Alasdair A. MacDonald (eds), Companion to Middle English Romance (Amsterdam:
VU University Press, 1990), pp. 101–28.
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19
Cf. Dominick LaCapra’s reference to Agamben’s ‘often exaggerated emphasis on
confined, positivistic, relatively antiseptic notions of biology, medicalization, and
eugenics’ (my emphasis): ‘Perpetrators and victims: the Goldhagen debate and beyond’,
in Writing History, Writing Trauma (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994),
pp. 114–40 (p. 128 n. 14). LaCapra’s critique of Homo Sacer nevertheless misses the
point that it is the camp, not the Holocaust per se, that Agamben takes as the paradigm
of modernity.
20
Jean-Luc Nancy, ‘Abandoned being’, in The Birth to Presence, trans. Brian Holmes
and others (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1993), pp. 36–47 (p. 36).
21
Nancy, ‘Abandoned being’, p. 40.
22
Cf. Nancy: ‘Bandon . . . is an order, a prescription, a decree, a permission, and the
power that holds these freely at its disposal’ (‘Abandoned being’, pp. 43–4).
23
Riddy, ‘Uses of the past’, 9–10.
24
Agamben, Homo Sacer, p. 27.
25
Sir Orfeo in the Otherworld: courting chaos?’, Studies in the Age of Chaucer, 26
(2004), 195–226 (p. 200).
26
‘Affirmation of love’, 39. See also Riddy, ‘Uses of the past’, 7.
27
‘Son of Orfeo’, 258; E. C. Ronquist, ‘The powers of poetry in Sir Orfeo’,
Philological Quarterly, 64 (1985), 99–117; Seth Lerer, ‘Artifice and artistry in Sir Orfeo’,
Speculum, 60, 1 (1985), 92–109.
28
Ernst H. Kantorowicz, The King’s Two Bodies: A Study in Medieval Political
Theology (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1957).
29
W. M. Ormrod, The Reign of Edward III: Crown and Political Society in England
1327–1377 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), p. xi.
30
Agamben, Homo Sacer, pp. 107–8.
31
Cf. ‘the price upon [the outlaw’s] head was originally as that upon a wolf; whence
it was said commonly that an outlaw “had a wolf’s head” . . . he was civically dead,
hence he could be killed with impunity’ (Maurice Keen, The Outlaws of Medieval
Legend (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1961), pp. 9–10).
32
Ormrod, Political Life, p. 61.
33
Alan Fletcher, ‘Sir Orfeo and the flight from the enchanters’, Studies in the Age of
Chaucer, 22 (2000), 141–77 (p. 142); Dorena Allen, ‘Orpheus and Orfeo: the dead and
the taken’, Medium Ævum, 33 (1964), 102–11.
34
Lewis J. Owen argues that it is ‘because of overpowering, human emotions’: ‘The
recognition scene in Sir Orfeo’, Medium Ævum, 40 (1964), 249–53 (p. 250).
35
‘Alisoun’, in G. L. Brook (ed.), The Harley Lyrics: The Middle English Lyrics of
MS. Harley 2253 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1948), no. 4, l. 8.
36
Passim in Jacques Lacan, ‘Encore: Seminar XX: God and the jouissance of the
woman [1972–3]’, trans. Jacqueline Rose, in, Feminine Sexuality: Jacques Lacan and
the École Freudienne, ed. Juliet Mitchell and Jacqueline Rose (London: Macmillan,
1982), pp. 137–48.
37
See Slavoj [P]i[P]ek, ‘From courtly love to The Crying Game’, New Left Review,
202 (1993), 95–108 (p. 100).
38
Larry D. Benson (gen. ed.), The Riverside Chaucer, 3rd edn (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1988). Fragment and line numbers appear parenthetically in the text.
On the possibility that Chaucer may have known Sir Orfeo, see W. A. Davenport,
Chaucer and His English Contemporaries (New York: St Martin’s Press, 1998), pp.
94–5, 124.
39
Jacques Lacan, ‘Courtly love as anamorphosis’, in The Ethics of Psychoanalysis,
1959–60: The Seminar of Jacques Lacan, Book VII, ed. Jacques-Alain Miller, trans.
Dennis Porter (London: Routledge, 1992), pp. 139–154 (p. 151).
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40
Kantorowicz, King’s Two Bodies, p. 212; Edwards, ‘Marriage, harping, and kingship’, 284–5.
41
Agamben, Homo Sacer, p. 96.
42
Ormrod, Political Life, p. 62.
43
‘Son of Orfeo’, 251. These events include Edward’s humiliating abdication, and an
episode that happened on or around 18 October 1330, alluded to in a passage in item 40
of the Auchinleck manuscript, The Anonymous Short Metrical Chronicle, which, as
Thorlac Turville-Petre points out, merges
a recollection of the French Mort Artu, in which Lancelot protects Guenevere in
Joyeuse Garde, with a much more recent memory of Roger Mortimer and Queen
Isabella in 1330 barricading themselves into Nottingham Castle, from which
Mortimer was ignominiously dragged and sent to London to be hanged. (England
the Nation: Language, Literature, and National Identity, 1290–1340 (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1996), p. 000).
This reference makes the terminus a quo of composition of Auchinleck later than 1327,
probably 1331.
44
Ormrod, Political Life, p. 158.
45
John Bellamy, Robin Hood: An Historical Inquiry (London: Croom Helm, 1985):
see Hahn, this volume p. 00.
46
E.g. Falk, ‘Son of Orfeo’, 251.
47
See Isobel Armstrong, ‘Introduction: a case for rethinking the category of the
aesthetic’, in The Radical Aesthetic (Oxford: Blackwell, 2000), pp. 1–23.
48
Stephen Knight, ‘The characteristic mode of “Sir Orfeo” – a generic reading’,
Balcony/The Sydney Review, 5 (1966), 17–23 (p. 17).
49
Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison, trans. Alan
Sheridan (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1979); Foucault, History of Sexuality, p. 139.