Feminist challenges to sociology in India:
An essay in disciplinary history
Sujata Patel
This article suggests that paradigmatic changes took place in sociological traditions in India
from the late 1970s to the 1990s in a manner similar to the catalytic changes occurring in the
same period in different sociological traditions across the globe. In the case of sociology in
India, it was feminist questionings of the systems of family, caste, religion and other tradition–
modern dualities that introduced key re-conceptualisations. The article suggests that feminist
studies posed theoretical and methodological challenges at four levels: first, these theories
have argued that institutional and non-institutional forms of power flow through all forms of
economic, social and cultural relationships; second, given that in India these inequities were
organised during the colonial period, they assert that a historical and an interdisciplinary
approach is imperative for the study of the ‘social’; third, these positions outlined a theory
of intersection that explored the way economic and cultural inequalities and exclusions were
organically connected; and lastly, they suggest a need to complicate the concepts of agency
and experience, given that actors/agents can, and do, represent both dominant and subaltern
positions in their life cycles. The article contends that the feminist interrogations unsettled
the received sociological paradigm on sociology of India in significant ways, creating new
possibilities for more eclectic and parallel paradigms to emerge.
Keywords: disciplinary history, feminism, women’s studies, modernity, power
I
Introduction
Historians of the discipline of sociology have argued that the 1970s should
be considered a critical conjuncture in comprehending the reflexive turn
Sujata Patel is at the Department of Sociology, University of Hyderabad, Telangana.
Email: patel.sujata09@gmail.com
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DOI: 10.1177/0069966716657457
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that has taken place in the discipline of sociology. Gouldner (1970) had
placed the final closure on the self-acknowledged position of American
sociologists that their work defined the discipline and its organisation
into various sub-disciplines.1 This fin de siècle allowed the gaze of the
discipline’s practitioners to revert to France and Germany where the
study of this discipline had been initiated in the late 19th and early 20th
centuries and where a contemporary efflorescence of new intellectual
ideas was making a major mark (see Joas and Knobl 2009: Introduction).
The development of structuralist perspective in France revolutionised
the substantive and epistemological grounding of social sciences and
established an organic interface between linguistics, semiotics and
anthropology/sociology. These ideas found novel resonance in the
work of Michel Foucault who used them to interrogate the relationship
between modernity, social sciences and power.2 In Germany, a renewed
conversation with the ideas of Max Weber and George Simmel, together
with an engaged dialogue with the early work of the relocated Frankfurt
school (Held 1980; Jay 1973) and articulated in the work of Habermas
(1987) and Offe (1996), provided a new language to understand and
assert modernity’s revolutionary and emancipatory role (in contrast to
poststructuralism and postmodernism), creating the conditions for the
re-framing of critical social theory.
By the 1980s, it was obvious to the new generation of sociologists that
there was little to gain by discussing sociology as a study of a sui generis
1
As Steinmetz and Chae noted: ‘ ... the central claim in the book’s title—that sociology
was entering a period of crisis—captured a sense of disorientation in American sociology that
has never really abated since 1970, when The Coming Crisis was first published’ (2002: 112).
2
Foucault’s work displaced a Weberian understanding of modernity as an age of relentless
rationalisation and bureaucratisation outside of its historicity. Instead he argued that:
[T]he relations between pairs like madness and reason or power and freedom constitute
the very problematic of modernity itself …. Assuming either a rational freedom purified
of mad power or a rational power at root identical with a mad freedom is precisely what
would be the most difficult thing for us moderns to do…. (h)e was concerned to describe
the precise historical shapes assumed in their specific instantiations. Foucault described
various powers, but not power itself; he traced the shape of modern rationalities, but
not the structure of universal reason itself; freedoms and madnesses, not Freedom,
not Madness. As such, Foucault simply could not have been interested in liberating
invariant experiences of madness or freedom from their repression by unwavering
rationality or power. What Foucault always insisted upon, rather, was that our problem
today consists in bringing these reciprocal yet incompatible aspects of modernity into
more explicit tension with one another (Koopman 2010: 551).
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system of society (see Giddens 1990: chapter 1). Rather it was argued
that sociology should now be presented as a specific intellectual project
emerging out of the processes of modernisation put in place in Europe and
was re-imagined to be a study of the negativities and discontinuities that
organised modernity’s emergence and consolidation. This redefinition was
critical because it allowed contemporary sociologists to initially question
the perspectives and the overall oeuvre of the European thinkers (called
‘classical’ sociologists) who, it was thought, had originally defined the
discipline’s conceptual frame, orientation and research questions.3 This
questioning led them to re-look at some thinkers and their theories, such
as George Simmel and Nobert Elias, together with the early debates of
the Frankfurt School4 and re-frame perspectives regarding modernity,
modernisation and its relationship with sociology. This new conceptual
architecture accepted the fact that there were many differences in premodern structures within Europe (Wittrock 2000) and thus there may be
similar differences across the world and, by implication, in the various
projects of modernity emerging across the world.5 Much more significant to the present theme being discussed in this volume are the issues
that began to define sociology’s substantive analysis and here we can
identify two themes. First, an analysis of environmental and economic
risks conducive to late modernity led theorists to focus on heightened
insecurities and dangers experienced by individuals in everyday life
(Beck 1992). Some suggested that this latter process manifested itself
in forming liquid identities,6 thereby promoting transient, unstable and
fluctuating projects of agency. Second, the instrumental use of science and
technology together with the militarisation of the state and legitimation
3
On the problems of cannons and the contemporary (non)relevance of the ‘classical’ thinkers
in sociology, see Lemert (1995) and Turner (1996). For example, Ritzer and Smart suggest that
...developments within social thought, in particular the construction of postmodern,
feminist and multicultural perspectives, have rendered the very activity of defining key
figures and perspectives to be found in the field as problematic, as representing something
like the constitution of a canon, itself a potentially reprehensible act (2001: 1).
4
See Held (1980) and Jay (1973) for a discussion on the early writings of the Frankfurt
school.
5
Shmuel Eisenstadt’s theory of multiple modernities was part of the new developments
in the field (Eisenstadt 2000).
6
For Bauman, liquid modernity ‘…is the growing conviction that change is the only
permanence, and uncertainly the only certainty’ (2012: viii, emphases in original).
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of new forms of surveillance has led many to argue in favour of increasing control and domination over citizens. This trend, sometimes termed
‘governmentality’ and ‘biopolitics’, has enhanced, according to some,
the increasing use and legitimation of violence over citizens by the state
and between citizens and across nation states (Bauman 1989; Giddens
1990). These theorisations were associated with two further developments,
one of which can be characterised as methodological. This led to
epistemological and philosophical questions of sociology’s practices such
as: how best to study humans; do we need evidence from all aspects of society
to understand social life and is sociology inherently interdisciplinary; what
counts as evidence; are social science arguments of the same weight and
validity as that of natural sciences; how does one marry methodologically,
the particular with the universal; what is explanation; what is the relationship
of science with normative and moral queries.
The other development can be named as critical and praxiological which
asked: how does social science help to transform society and provide a
good life; what is good life and what values can be considered good; what
is the relationship between theory, politics and ethics; how can theory be
connected to practice; are theories merely partial assessments and is modernity
a partial realisation of human emancipation. These questions combined the
empirical queries with a critique of philosophical assumptions governing
sociology, directing the latter to query not only substantive issues of how to
understand and comprehend the positivities and negativities of European
modernity7 but also urging theorists towards epistemological and ontological
questions (Delanty 1999; Giddens 1994). And given that there was no
consensus on these positions, sociology increasingly came to be seen
as a field postulating plural and eclectic positions8 and its theoretical
specialisation, now re-named ‘social theory’, as distinct from its earlier
avatar—sociological theory—was given a specific role to debate these
problems. Henceforth, social theory was conceived to be an assessment
of how and what modernity is, the analysis of its origin and its impact
on the world, but it was also a deliberation of the ‘philosophical and
logical questions’ of the practice of theory and how these relate to the
7
Such as emancipation on one hand or alienation and disenchantment on the other.
For instance, Giddens suggests, ‘(o)ne significant consequence of the change and
fluctuations to which social theory has been exposed has been the identification of a
proliferation of perspectives or the recognition of the existence of “diversity of theoretical
standpoints”’ (quoted in Ritzer and Smart 2001: 4).
8
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‘betterment of humankind’ (Giddens 1994: 1; see also Delanty 1999;
Ritzer and Smart 2001).
In this article, I wish to analyse the changes9 that took place in the field
of sociology in India in the late 1970s and particularly in the 1980s and
1990s. It is my contention that the discipline of sociology in India has gone
through catalytic changes in these decades, in a fashion similar (but not
same) to the narrative given above in the case of North America and Europe
(Patel 2011b). I suggest that in India, the feminist interrogation of the
analysis10 of the domains associated till then with the sociology of family,
caste and religion has played a critical and important role in redefining
the field. Prior to this interrogation, sociology in India conceived itself as
investigating the structures and institutions of family, caste and religion
which it defined as being ‘traditions’ and saw itself studying the changes
occurring in them as a consequence of the introduction of modernity.11
My argument is that feminist studies12 in the guise of women’s studies13
presented a theory of modernity (some scholars have called it colonial
modernity14), thereby displacing the existing perspective regarding
9
Veena Das (1993) initiated a discussion on the ‘crisis’ in Indian sociology in early 1990s
in the pages of Economic and Political Weekly. However, her critical stance was not focused
on the problems within the traditions of sociological thinking in India. Rather, her comments
were related to institutional issues regarding higher education and professionalism of the
discipline together with the nature of pedagogic practices. That the crisis has something to do
with the nature of sociological traditions in India is an issue which is addressed much later
(Patel 2011a), although some initial interventions in this debate, such as made by Deshpande
(1994) and later by Rege (1997), had already signalled this trend. Rege’s (1997) intervention
also discusses the impact of a non-innovative alliance between the fields of sociology and
feminist/women’s studies on their identities. For an overview on this discussion in the context
of changes taking place in the discipline, see Patel (2006, 2010a).
10
For a different perspective on this relationship, see John (2001).
11
See Srinivas (1966) as an example of this approach, popularly known as structure
and change approach. No wonder the five volumes Festschrift for M.N. Srinivas is titled
as such (see Shah et al. 1966).
12
This article focuses on Marxist–feminist studies (Patel 1993).
13
The nomenclature used by early feminists in India of the knowledge system that
assessed women’s discrimination was women’s studies. Today the market is burgeoning
with texts and readers on women’s studies, such as John (2008).
14
Colonial modernity is used as a discursive term/concept, that is, it is not only about
modernity experienced in the colony or in the period of colonialism but it is the way ideas,
ideologies and knowledge systems were organised to refract and invisibilise the ‘modern’
contours of everyday experience of the people as non-modern.
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tradition–modernity in India.15 By establishing gender (Geetha 2012) as
a category and linking it to the theory of patriarchy,16 it made visible the
dominant class and caste orientation of the Indian project of modernity
and argued that modernity was not value neutral,17 suggesting thus a need
not only to interrogate the conceptualisation of ‘traditions’, that is, the
representations of institutions such as family, caste and religion, but also
to develop a critical language to examine these. Feminists argued that
these ‘traditions’ were invented and not inherited from the past, rather
they were contemporary in nature and character and had been articulated
and organised during the colonial period by both the colonial state, in
and through legal interventions, and the nationalist movements. These
were reasserted in post-independence policies and programmes (Agarwal
1988). Additionally, they argued that these were instruments of patriarchal
power and a means to subordinate women.18 They propagated conflicts and
violence and justified inequities and asymmetries that organised women’s
15
Satish Deshpande has argued that although the dominant anthropological perspective
in India ‘did not show deep or sustained interest in social change, except in the form of
enquiries into the decay or degeneration of traditional practices, institutions and communities’
(2004: 175), it is still possible to identify three ways in which modernisation was seen in
relation ‘to the enduring but not unchanging traditional system’ as ‘a) tradition prevails over
modernity absorbing or obstructing it successfully; b) modernity triumphs over tradition,
undermining and eventually supplanting it; or c) tradition and modernity coexist in fashion’
with the last position dominating the discussions in India (ibid.: 176).
16
One of the key areas of theoretical interrogation in the initial years of feminist
discussions was the elaboration of the concept and theory of Indian patriarchy. Gail Omvedt
wrote an extensive note on this concept for the Research Centre of Women’s Studies (RCWS)
at Shreemati Nathibai Damodar Thackersey (SNDT) Women’s University, and this note as
well as those by others (e.g. Agarwal 1988) was used by various researchers for teaching
and learning of women’s studies. Later, these concepts were re-published in a series edited
by Maithreyi Krishnaraj titled Theorising Feminism. For the new rendition of the concept
of patriarchy, see Geetha (2007). On the history of the series, see Krishnaraj (2007).
17
‘Middle class reforms undertaken on behalf of women are tied up with the self
definition of class, with a new division of the public from the private sphere and of course
with a cultural nationalism…’ (Sangari and Vaid 1989: 9).
18
For instance, Sangari and Vaid argue that
Both tradition and modernity have been in India, carriers of patriarchal ideologies….
Both tradition and modernity are eminently colonial constructs…we need to see how
woman and womanhood are inserted into and affected by social change, and how change
is made to appear as continuity. That is the ideologies of women as carriers of tradition
often disguise, mitigate, compensate, contest actual changes taking place. Womanhood
is often part of an asserted or desired, not an actual cultural continuity (1989: 17).
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status at the workplace and within the economy, in the political system
and in their home (Singh and Kelles-Viitanen 1987). No wonder feminist
studies placed the debate of social theory squarely within the project of
critical social science.
II
The feminist project
Before I frame the particulars of my argument, let me present some caveats.
I use the phrase feminist studies very deliberately, although I recognise
that in India, feminist studies were presented to its audience as women’s
studies (Pappu 2002, 2008).19 For me, feminist studies are studies that
include reflection, research and teaching about the way power organises the
relations of gender as they intersect with class, caste, ethnicity, sexuality,
nation and region, ability and other differences through its structures and
institutions. The practitioners of women’s studies in India in the mid-1970s
conceptualised women’s studies in this way and thereby distinguished
it from the pre-mid 1970s perspectives that engaged with the women’s
question (Desai 1995). They, thus, argued that their practice was fundamentally different from the earlier understanding of the women’s question.
The post mid-1970s focused squarely on women’s subordination unlike
the earlier position which highlighted their evolutionary inclusion in
the processes that made modern India (see Jain 1975; Mazumdar 1976).
More specifically, their work documented a shift from a perspective that
promoted women’s education as a means to augment women’s status
and knowledge to the one that evaluated the differential incorporation
of women in the colonial and nationalist political project. Their work
focused on the structural frames of class and caste that restricted and
constrained women’s recognition and their participation equally in the
institutions of family, work and labour, politics and culture (Desai and
Krishnaraj 1987).
The focus of their analysis was on ideas and ideologies, literature and
consciousness, norms and values of everyday lives (Thorner and Krishnaraj
2000). This was enhanced by an examination of the way institutions and
structures of the household relate to work and labour and to economy
and polity (Krishnaraj and Chanana 1988). Not only did women’s studies
19
See Desai (1995) for the reasons for this.
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as feminist studies shift the 1950s and 1960s focus on the ‘middle class’
women towards the poor, the deprived and the marginalised, but by
doing so, it established that the analysis of the entire set of relationships
organising contemporary India is enmeshed in structures of domination
and subordination as defined in and through patriarchy. The assertion that
these relationships are embedded in the experience of the political and
thus of patriarchal power, in overt and covert conflicts and through normal
and extraordinary violence (Kannabiran 2005), allowed the feminist
perspective to move beyond the limited Marxist materialist position of
class and examine these sociabilities as being contiguously constructed
and structured within the private and public domains.20
The practitioners of women’s studies have noted many of these
achievements as being steps in the formulations of this discipline and
its institutionalisation in India (Desai 1995; Krishnaraj 1986; Mazumdar
1994). However, I would like to suggest that these achievements also
reframed the discipline of sociology in India and shook it out of its slumber,
particularly its epistemic location within the colonial discourse.21 I am not
suggesting this only because the main actors organising women’s studies in
India were by and large sociologists/anthropologists22 or were influenced
by sociological concerns,23 neither am I arguing that this was because in
a large number of cases, women’s studies departments found their homes
in the departments of sociology of various universities in India, starting
20
It is important to note that in its initial decade of existence, the feminist studies engaged
with the problem through Marxist orientation (see C.S. Lakshmi, ‘Interview of Neera
Desai’, 13–15 June 2003. Available at http://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/handle/2027.42/55735.
Accessed on 15 February 2014).
21
The later parts of this article explain the ways that this epistemic reorientation was
organised. Interestingly, feminist thought has not made a similar intervention in the fields
of political science and economics.
22
On the divisions structuring sociology and anthropology, see Patel (2011a: xiii–xviii).
23
Neera Desai and Maithreyi Krishnaraj in Bombay and Leela Dube in Delhi
identified themselves as sociologists and anthropologists respectively, and the Status of
Women report which Vina Mazumdar organised and wrote with Leela Dube and Neera
Desai together with other members of the Committee gave a historical and sociological
perspective to the conditions that organised women’s subordination (C.S. Lakshmi,
‘Interview of Vina Mazumdar’, 11–13 July 2003. Available at http://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/
handle/2027.42/55726. Accessed on 15 February 2014). See Dube (2000) for testimony of
the extensive work of collation and interpretation done to understand gendered dimensions
of kinship and caste system.
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from Bombay 24 and western India and later across the country. Undeniably,
however, there was an institutional implication of this linkage and this
is significant for our discussion: in addition to the research that this first
generation of women studies/sociologist/anthropologist scholars initiated,
dissertations and theses were being written by their research students
and those whom they nurtured and mentored.25 An entire generation of
sociologists/anthropologists grew to view themselves as feminists and as
sociologists and anthropologists. The work of the first and increasingly
of the second generation has slowly and surely changed the discipline of
sociology, initially through unobtrusive and silent steps and in the last
decade or more through their extensive publications and the roles played
by them as leaders of and in these departments.26 If we just collate the
titles of the MPhil and PhD theses written on the women’s question in
sociology departments from 1975 onwards,27 first in western India and
then in northern, southern and eastern India, we will be able to understand
this impact in clear terms. It would be relevant to mention here that this
change needs to be located in the context of a secular and demographic
shift taking place initially in western India and later across the country that
saw the increasing presence of women of all classes and castes entering
into coeducational universities.
24
The RCWS started in the Department of Sociology at the SNDT Women’s University
(C.S. Lakshmi, ‘Interview of Neera Desai’, 13–15 June 2003. Available at http://deepblue.
lib.umich.edu/handle/2027.42/55735. Accessed on 15 February 2014; Desai 1995).
25
Maithreyi Krishnaraj and Veena Poonacha, both Directors of RCWS, did their
doctorates at the Department of Sociology, SNDT Women’s University. Leela Dube was
a mentor/interlocutor to many second-generation scholars such as Rajni Palriwala and
Kamala Ganesh.
26
In many universities, when the first-generation male leaders in the departments of
sociology started retiring, women took over leadership roles, for example, Veena Das
became Head of the Sociology department at the Delhi School of Economics in 1994. At the
University of Bombay, this trend took place much later. However, in the Indian Sociological
Society (ISS), women were active as members and in 1986–88, Suma Chitnis and Neera
Desai became Secretary and Treasurer of the ISS, respectively. It took more than a decade
for the next woman leader to take over a leadership role in ISS when in 1996–97, Mohini
Anjum became the Treasurer. ISS had never had a woman President (until now) nor until
2013 had a woman scholar been asked to give the Srinivas or Mukerjee lecture. The presence
of women in official positions in the late 1980s has more to do with the politics of regional
networks controlling the ISS, first from western India and later from northern India, rather
than an acceptance of women’s professional leadership (Irawati Karve in Pune was an
exception). On this politics, see Patel (2002).
27
A study of such dissertations and theses has still to be undertaken.
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III
Feminist challenges to sociology
Thomas Kuhn (1962) has argued that new paradigms do not emerge
through acts of falsification, rather new paradigms sit with old ones which
he calls ‘normal science’, without displacing them—in fact, sometimes
normal science or old paradigms sharpen their scientific practices as they
take challenges posed by the new ones. This is exactly what happened with
sociology which sat with women’s studies while ignoring it most of the
time. When its precepts started chipping away slowly away at sociology’s
self-defined boundaries, the latter started incorporating some aspects of
gender analysis. Srinivas’s (1984) sudden interest in the dowry question
can be cited as an example of such incorporations.28 A case can perhaps
be made that sociology ghettoised women’s studies within courses such
as ‘Women and Society’ which started being taught in the end 1980s and
early 1990s and later through a course such as ‘Sociology of Gender’
and through the establishment of a separate research committee of ISS
on women, and that the ISS has rarely invited a feminist to present a
feminist perspective in its symposiums as against a sociological one.29
However, the fact that the radical content of women’s studies provoked one
male sociologist of the discipline to make a frontal attack on its feminist
perspective in 1995 and then to declare that no women studies scholar in
India is a feminist (Gupta 1996a: 1546) suggests that feminist studies had
made a mark after being in existence for only a decade.30
Before we proceed any further, there is need to make another caveat.
It is important to accept that the field of sociology (as other disciplines),
though referred to in the singular, is extremely diverse and unevenly
organised and can be differentiated at two levels. The first level of division
is the diversity of scholars and scholarship, that is, the way scholars
28
The same is true for Dhanagare (2014) and Oommen (2006) who have since the 1990s
shown increasing interest in gender questions. On the limitation of Srinivas’s approach on
gender and women’s studies, see Krishnaraj (2002).
29
A perfunctory glance at the titles of the symposiums and names of invitees would
confirm this position.
30
One of the many ways to be critical is to deny the existence of a perspective and its
contributions. Gupta (1995, 1996a) uses this strategy effectively. His polemical commentary
led many feminists to debate with him and affirm the many ways Indian feminist studies
have contributed to social sciences.
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have organised theories, methodologies and method; sometimes these
differences are related to schools and geographical locations.31 Thus,
there is diversity in terms of integration of the feminist concerns within
these different perspectives. While some perspectives such as Marxism
have been more open to feminist concerns, others such as structural–
functionalism have been less so.32 Second, there is also diversity in the
institutionalisation of the practices of these perspectives as these manifest
themselves in teaching, research and publications; this creates unevenness
in the professionalisation of the discipline. Many commentators have
argued that the unevenness in the profession33 in terms of its practices is
a consequence of unequal access to adequate and competent financial,
human, physical and intellectual resources to teaching communities in
various universities of the country. This unequal access is also related
to inadequate and almost non-existent production of regional language
intellectual resources. Over time, this unevenness has been converted
into a division that positions non-English state universities in mofussil
towns as lower and English language central universities in metropolitan
cities as higher.34 Thus, when I suggest that feminist studies have posed
a challenge to the field of sociology, it is important to recognise that this
challenge is not to be understood in the singular but in the way it has been
institutionalised in unequal and diverse ways. Thus, feminist interrogation
has also been integrated in the discipline unevenly. No wonder the most
pedantic interpretations of feminist positions have sat side by side with
highly complex ones. My focus is on the latter.
I have already indicated that the major achievement of feminist/
women’s studies has been to present an alternate theory of modernity and
its main contours have been outlined above. To reiterate, this theory argued
31
On the Bombay school, see Savur (2011) and on its differential impact in Maharashtra,
see Dhanagare (2011).
32
On the other hand, though not a Marxist, Leela Dube’s feminist work and research
have fundamentally changed the understanding of kinship and caste systems and brought
to the fore the discussion on how anthropology has to revisualise itself when it analyses the
domains of family, marriage and kinship. See Dube (1986, 1988, 2000, 2001).
33
Oommen argues that the discipline is characterised by little professional competence.
See T.K. Oommen, ‘Professions without professionalism?’, Seminar, 2000, (495): 24–28.
34
As a consequence, the field has become hierarchised in terms of its representation in
professional language, with the discipline showcasing the best and hiding its worse (Patel
2006, 2011c).
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that capitalist social change was inaugurated in and through colonialism;
that these changes brought about new forms of inequalities between
various groups and between women and men in India; that the colonial
state with the help of the ‘indigenous’ middle-class elite reconstituted these
inequalities by creating a new discourse of traditions and traditionalism
that legitimised these new hierarchies; and that this discourse came to
be inscribed in law and various policies of the colonial state and also
ironically became part of the consciousness of the nationalist Indian
elite, thus getting legitimised as a way to present the women’s question
in pre-independent India.
This theory of modernity, I am arguing, has changed the epistemic
concerns of what constituted sociology in four distinct ways:
1)
It introduced a notion of power as central to an assessment of
all relationships and argued that the women’s question should
be located and understood in terms of distribution of cultural,
political and economic resources. As a consequence, sociology
in India had to grapple with the concept of power, which was
not even recognised, leave alone theorised. Even today, the
specialisation of political sociology, which focuses on power as
a category, is least developed in non-feminist and non-Marxist
oriented sociological traditions and remains weakly articulated in
established mainstream sociology. Most sociology departments
do not teach political sociology.35 Feminist studies intervened in
the domain of power at three levels: (a) at the substantive level—
in terms of an assessment of the structures of distribution of
resources and an assessment of the political system that organised
formal power, but its most important contribution was in laying
bare the nature of power in the private invisible domain—in
the family, household and kin systems and in the organisation
of sexuality (Dube 1986; Dube and Palriwala 1990; Saradamoni
1992); (b) by connecting power and knowledge, feminist theories
gave a theory for relating everyday ideas and practices with
ideologies and consciousness (Thorner and Krishnaraj 2000);
35
The first short review on the state of art in political sociology was done by Gupta
(1996b) to be followed nearly two decades later by an introduction in Kumar (2014). These
reviews do not give space to the discussion on the sociological idea of ‘male domination’
because its time has come very late in sociological thought in India.
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and (c) it argued that knowledge itself is power and interrogated
the epistemic and methodological moorings of the field. As a
consequence, not only were the methodological assumptions of
value neutrality and that of ethnographic distance promoted by
sociology and social anthropology questioned but the framing of
the entire corpus of sociological knowledge and its assumptions
was also questioned (Chakravarti 1989, 1998, 2006).
2) The second aspect is related to the first whereby a sense of time
and that of its theory and methodology was introduced. An
engagement with the theories of Marxist history and historiography was central to the quest of feminist studies in their endeavour to comprehend women’s subordination in India (Chakravarti
2003). And herein lies the most significant challenge that feminist
studies presented to the contemporary sociological discussion in
India which promoted an ahistorical epistemology. Although a
sense of history and a form of evolutionism was something that
was always present in sociological discussions whether on caste,
religion and on family and kinship,36 this was enmeshed in orientalist
methodologies and thus a notion of past which was located in
ancient India. G.S. Ghurye embodied this orientation most clearly
and it flowed into much of sociological thought and remains present
even today.37 Ghurye’s sociological oeuvre was located within what
is known as ‘tradition al nationalist discourse’, a discourse that
valourised the ancient past (the golden age) as a way to construct
and understand the present and, thus, to build a new future for
India (Patel 2013).
For the traditionalist nationalist intellectuals from which
mainstream sociology drew, ‘it is precisely the present [given the
colonial experience] from which we feel we must escape’ (Chatterjee
1997: 20). As a result, the desire to be creative and search for new
principles of modernity were now transposed to the past of India, a
past ironically organised in and through orientalist methodologies
36
Some commentators have mistaken the evolutionary perspective in Ghurye (1932)
where he traces the changes in the concept of caste through four periods in two chapters
with a critical historical perspective. For example, see Celarent (2011).
37
See the detailed expositions made on Ghurye by Upadhya (2002, 2007). On Ghurye’s
Orientalism, see Patel (2013).
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Feminist challenges to sociology in India / 333
and thus within colonial modernity. No wonder Chatterjee suggests
that these intellectuals ‘construct a picture of “those days” when
there was beauty, prosperity and healthy sociability. This makes the
very modality of our coping with modernity radically different from
the historically evolved modes of Western modernity’ (ibid.: 19). In
a different way, the historian Sumit Sarkar (1997) makes a similar
argument when he suggests that while Western and modern history
writing has generally been state oriented with an understanding of
nation as a reflection of the nation state, the historical consciousness
of the Indian intelligentsia in the late 19th and early 20th centuries was
oriented to the valourisation of culture against the state.
As argued earlier, feminist studies in India questioned and demolished the shibboleths that valourised ‘traditions’ and exposed
their moorings in covert and overt violence.38 Feminists made a critique of the late 19th century reform movement and argued that this
was limited to a discussion of the religious basis of these practices
and on the fine points of scriptural interpretation, and legitimised
the civilising missions of colonialism and evangelism.39 More
38
It is interesting to note that the birth of feminist historiography and subaltern studies
took place within years of each other. Both shared many characteristics, such as their focus
on the marginalised; an attempt to unearth the histories of the marginalised/subaltern from
their own perspectives; the use of non-conventional sources, for example, the vernacular and
life histories, narratives and oral records; and the deconstruction of the archive and the formal
text (in the case of feminists for male bias) together with a critique of orientalist positions.
However, there were significant differences between feminist historians and the subaltern
position. The early feminist historians were Marxists or influenced by Marxist feminism and
were interested in analysing the cultural in its entanglements with the political–economic.
They, thus, critiqued an essentialist and culturist interpretation associated with ‘traditions’
which they suggested was patriarchal. Their questions regarding history emerged from their
engagement with their own, sometimes radical, involvements with contemporary feminist
politics (see Geetha 2011 on how the issues of the present made Uma Chakravarti re-render
the ‘ancient’ past). The subaltern perspective was against all master narratives, including
the master narrative of the enlightenment, a position with which feminists would not and
do not agree. As a consequence, both held different points of view on the notion of agency.
On this, see Sarkar (1994) and Nair (1994).
39
While earlier feminists were interested in understanding how patriarchy was structured
and reproduced today, contemporary feminist historians are interested in understanding the
way women from various regions of the country were engaged in contesting patriarchal
discourses on womanhood and were creating roles for themselves that often differed from
male perceptions and aspirations for them (Nair 1994).
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particularly, the discussion on women’s entitlements within the
family system brought out the deep organic relationship between
modern laws, colonial constructions of religion and the framing
of the family in India.40 For sociology, this was a revolutionary
intellectual intervention. Not only did this orientation displace
the thesis of ‘modernity of tradition’ but it also simultaneously
recognised the fact that Indian modernity was inaugurated with
colonialism. Feminists were asserting an argument which some
Marxists had presented earlier: the discourse of traditions and
the valourisation of the principle of purity and pollution were
organising and legitimising material and was constitutive of social
processes of inequalities within India. Even today, a significant
number of sociologists find it difficult to state that India has been
a modern society since the time of colonialism and possibly even
before that where traditions have been reconstituted in many ways
to legitimise control of women’s bodies, actions/agencies and
representations of themselves. It has also been difficult for many
sociologists to acknowledge that its so-called ‘traditions’ were
constructs freezed to argue that its modernity was very new and
particularly a post-Independence phenomenon.
Thus, feminist studies have interrogated the intellectual
insularity that had structured sociology as a discipline. After
independence, sociologists in India had affirmed a need to have a
sociological language that can comprehend the uniqueness of Indian
nation, its culture and its civilisation. Sociologists in India saw
their project as that which analyses one’s own society and nation in
one’s ‘own terms’, without colonial and now neocolonial tutelage.
This project allowed for the institutionalisation of a particularistic
problematique, namely, an assessment of the changes occurring
within India’s characteristic institutions such as caste, kinship,
family and religion. This particularistic problematique had much
in common with the notion of India embedded within elite and thus
mainstream nationalism. Hence, sociologists examined modernity
and modernisation (in the context of nation building) and the
changes occurring within the institutions of family, caste, kinship
40
Contemporary historians have framed nuanced positions on the nature of colonial law
and its relationship with the private domain. On this, see Tambe (2000).
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Feminist challenges to sociology in India / 335
and religion as part of analysis which they termed ‘structure and
change’ (Patel 2006, 2011a, 2011c). As against this, feminist studies
opened up its theoretical discussion to new intellectual trends
organising contemporary social sciences, such as structuralism
and psychoanalysis, poststructuralism and postcolonialism, and
showed awareness of the comparative processes of subordination
taking place in various parts of the world, particularly in the
Global South, something the sociologists and anthropologists
have rarely examined. As a consequence, a window to new ideas
opened up, making sociology in India engage once again with
international trends.41 Additionally, feminists have also made
comparative analysis of the regional and local variations of
women’s subordination within the country, again a methodological
innovation which contemporary sociology and social anthropology
had not addressed; some mainstream sociological traditions
continue to valourise the micro, which it suggests defines the macro:
a study of caste relations in a village is a generalisation about
what happens in India. Feminist scholarship has suggested that
a contextual analysis necessarily moves backwards and forwards
between micro, meso and the macro.
3)
As a consequence, feminist studies argued that everyday
practices organise women’s subordination and that these were
expressed and legitimised in and through various norms,
values and ideologies, institutions and structures, and that
these intersected differentially with class, caste, ethnicity,
region/nation and religion. Certainly, sociology in India had
a notion of cultural diversity but it had little to no intellectual
resources to comprehend the diversities in and of intersectional
subordinations.42 Sociologists have tended to understand
order and change in a linear fashion. For example, some
presented a thesis that caste becomes class as the traditional system
moves towards being modern, or that caste transforms itself as ethnic
groups as a consequence of secular trends or that modernisation
41
Feminists have had no engagement with what sociologists have called the indigenous
perspective. On this, see the discussions on the Lucknow School (Thakur 2014).
42
Various feminists have taken this position. See the work of Chakravarti (1998, 2003),
Kannabiran (2012) and Rege (2006).
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changes villages into towns and cities. On the other hand,
because contexts and interdisciplinarity are so critical for feminists, linear analysis has little or no place and relevance in feminist studies.
4) There was one more methodological challenge presented to sociology and this was in connection to the notion, concept and theory
about agency. As we know, sociological inquiry brings together
three elements—order, change and action—when it analyses the
dynamics that interrelates action with order and change. Action
became redefined in feminist thought when it linked subjectivities/
experience to agency. In feminist studies, these subjectivities—
also called narratives—were initially given epistemic privilege.
However, when feminists interrogated women’s involvement
in dowry deaths wherein women were accused of murdering
other women, there emerged doubts on the use of experience as
a privileged epistemic category to understand agency and the
affirmations that there was a complex interplay of structures of
dominations and individual agencies. These methodological
doubts were later reinforced when studies documented women’s
involvement in communal riots and their participation in rightist and
Hindutva movements (Sarkar 1991). Later, these queries have been
sharply posed in the context of active participation of women in the
murder of the female foetus and the girl child, and have led many
to ask whether one can give epistemic privilege to actions which
are inherently patriarchal, thus suggesting a need to disaggregate
the category of women. This has led some feminists to use
poststructuralist analysis while some others have reframed the
problematique of agency.43 And yet others have raised fundamental
issues regarding the organic connections between knowledge and
power and agency and critical social science.44
43
Nair (1994) argues that feminist agency combines both assertion and resistance and
is goal driven, thus embracing an effort to bring about change in power relationships. It
is also relational and takes place in context with other forms of agencies, coexisting and
competing with them.
44
The adoption of poststructuralist positions by feminists and other scholars has made
many to argue that the state has unlimited domination. As a consequence, scholars have
ignored ways in which consciousness, new subjectivities and interventions have questioned
the power of the state.
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IV
Conclusion
In an earlier contribution (Patel 2011a), I had argued that sociology in
India had gone through major upheavals in the 1980s. In this article, I am
suggesting that without feminist studies dethroning the main foundations
of received sociological practices, the subsequent changes in the discipline
which took place in the late 1980s would not have been possible. The
displacement of ‘traditional’ paradigms of family and kinship, caste and
religion led sociological traditions in India to reframe the discipline and
introduce interdisciplinary ways of doing theories and new methodologies,
allowing for reflections on both nature of modernity and contemporary
institutions of domination that organise social processes in India. This
interrogation also created conditions in the late 1980s for other subaltern
perspectives such as dalit studies (Guru 2011) and tribal studies (Sundar
2007) to mark its presence in the discipline and allowed the insular Indiaoriented sociological tradition to open itself to a dialogue with international
and global traditions of social sciences.
In this article, I have also suggested that in many ways, the contemporary
trajectories within sociological traditions in India reflect similar trends to
those within the sociological traditions in the Global North (Patel 2010b).
However, it is important to note two differences: first, unlike the latter, the
causes that led to these changes within sociology in India were significantly
different; in the Indian case, these were related to the feminist interventions.
Second, the contribution of feminist studies to issues relating to the nature
of evidence and more generally to the science question can be termed,
at best, weak. In the Global North, the churnings in the discipline led to
the growth of new thematic focus—what Michael Burawoy has called
reflexive sociology.45 Reflexive sociology has redefined its contemporary
stance by interrogating the tensions between science, scientific knowledge
and everyday practices, incorporating not only Karl Marx’s initial precepts
on sociology of knowledge but also that of Max Weber’s on objectivity
in social science and Emile Durkheim’s perspective on the relevance of
social facts, together with deliberations from the Frankfurt theorists and
structuralist and poststructuralist interventions.
45
Burawoy (2007) divides the field of sociology into four quadrants: professional,
reflexive, policy and public.
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Today, no sociological theory can constitute itself in this global world
without relating to these methodological and epistemic issues of knowledge
and that of praxiological concerns. As a consequence, in today’s postpositivist perspective, competing theories of reflexivity (e.g. Bourdieu,
Giddens, Gouldner, Beck and Collins) are being used as tools to further
develop new theories of modernity. This legacy is of significance because
without going back to the global debates on reflexive sociology, it will
be difficult to go forward and work out new practices of doing empirical
studies both within India and in the larger world. Feminist studies has
presented this challenge to sociology in India; while shaking its foundations, it has allowed sociology to reconfigure its disciplinary practices and
thereby reaffirmed sociology’s key identity of methodological and epistemological reflections as a basis of organising its theories of modernity.
What I have presented here is a framework to understand the linkages
between feminist studies and sociology. Feminist studies cannot substitute
sociology nor can sociology substitute feminist studies. Both need to grow
in constant dialogue but also in tension with each other. Therein lies the
future for both these systems of knowledge.
Acknowledgements
This article is a revised version of the valedictory presentation made at
the seminar organised by the Department of Sociology, University of
Mumbai titled ‘Genders, Feminisms and Sociologies: Towards a State
of Altered-ness’, 31 January 2014. Many of the issues raised here are
integrally linked with the growth and development of my own scholarship.
I thank Anurekha Chari, Bandana Purkayastha, Gita Chadha, Kalpana
Kannabiran and Maithreyi Krishnaraj for detailed comments on the original version of the article. Errors if any are mine.
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Sujata Patel