The Oxford Handbook of THE PSALMS Edited by WILLIAM P. BROWN 1 3 Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford New York Auckland Cape Town Dar es Salaam Hong Kong Karachi Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Nairobi New Delhi Shanghai Taipei Toronto With oices in Argentina Austria Brazil Chile Czech Republic France Greece Guatemala Hungary Italy Japan Poland Portugal Singapore South Korea Switzerland hailand Turkey Ukraine Vietnam Oxford is a registered trademark of Oxford University Press in the UK and certain other countries. Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press 198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016 © Oxford University Press 2014 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, by license, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reproduction rights organization. Inquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above. You must not circulate this work in any other form and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer. CIP data is on ile at the Library of Congress ISBN 978–0–19–978333–5 1 3 5 7 9 8 6 4 2 Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper CONTENTS Preface List of Contributors Abbreviations ix xi v i. T he Psalms: An Overview 1 WILLIAM P. BROWN PART I ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN BACKGROUNDS 2. Mesopotamian Parallels to the Psalms 27 ANNA ELISE ZERNECKE 3. Canaanite Backgrounds to the Psalms 43 MARK s. SMITH 4. Egptian Backgrounds to the Psalms 57 BERND U. SCHIPPER PART II LANGUAGE OF THE P SALMS 5. Poetry of the Psalms 79 F. w. DOBBS-ALLSOPP 6. The Psalms in Poetry 99 PETERS. HAWKINS 7. Language of Lament in the Psalms 114 CARLEEN MANDOLFO 8. Praise and Metonymy in the Psalms 131 TRAVIS J. BOTT 9. Wisdom Language in the Psalms DIANE JACOBSON 147 Vi CONTENTS PART III TRANSL ATING PSALMS 10. The Aramaic Psalter 161 DAVI D M. STEC 11. The Septuagint Psalter 173 JOACHIM SCHAPER 12. Jerome s Psalters 185 ' ScoTT G o r ns PART IV COMPOSITION OF THE PSALMS i3. The Levites and the Editorial Composition of the Psalms 201 SUSAN E. GILLINGHAM 14. On the Ordering of Psalms as Demonstrated by Psalms 136-150 214 YAIR ZAKOVITCH 15. Unrolling the Dead Sea Psalms Scrolls 229 PETE R W. FLINT PART V HISTORY OF INTERPRETATION AND RECEPTION: A SAMPLING 16. Some Aspects of Traditional Jewish Psalms Interpretatio n 253 ALAN COOPER 17· Psalms in the New Testament STEPHEN P. AHE A RNE K ROLL - 18. The Psalms in he Qur'an and in the Islamic Religious Imagination 281 WALID A. SALEH 19. Reception of the Psalms: The Example of Psalm 91 297 BRENNAN BREED PART VI INTERPRETIVE APPROACHES 20. Psalms and the Question of G e nre WILLIAM H. BELLINGER, JR. 313 CONTENTS 2i. Psalms of the Temple Vii 326 RICHARDJ. CLIFFORD 22. Non-Temple Psalms: The Cltic Setting Revisited ERHARD S. GERSTENBERGER 23. The Shape and Shaping of the Psalter: Psalms in Their Literary Context 350 J. CLINTON MCCANN,JR. 24. The Meta-Narrative of the Psalter NANCY L. DECLAISSE-WALFORD 25. Ancient Near Eastern Iconography and the Psalms 377 JOEL M. LEMON 26. Rhetoric of the Psalms 392 ROBERT L. FOSTER 27. Poetic Attachment: Psycholog; Psycholinguistics, and the Psalms 404 BRENT A. STRAWN 28. Feminist Interpretation of the Psalms 424 MELODY D. KNOWLES 29. Kingship in the Book of Psalms 437 NORMAN K. GOTTWALD PART VII CULTURALLY BASED INTER P RETATIONS 30. Singing a Subversive Song: Psalm 137 and "Colored Pompey" 447 RODNEY S. SADLER, JR. 31. Rising rom Generation to Generation: Lament, Hope, Consciousness, Home, and Dream 459 JOHNJ.AHN 32. Psalms in Latin America EDESIO SANCHEZ 475 vii i CONTENTS PART VIII THEOLOGIES OF THE PSALMS 33. Jewish Theology of the Psalms MARC Zvr BRETTLER 34. Christian Theology of the Psalms 499 ROLF A. JACOBSON PART IX ANTHROPOLOGIES OF T HE PSALMS 35. On "Being Human" in the Psalms 515 .WALTER BRUEGGEMANN 36. The Righteous and the Wicked 529 JEROME F. D. CREACH PART X PR ACTICING T HE PSALMS 37. The Psalms in Christian Worship 545 KIMBERLY BRACKEN LONG 38. Preaching Psalms 557 THOMAS G. LONG 39. Singing the Psalms 569 MICHAEL MORGAN 40. Psalms as Resources or Pastoral Care CAROL L. SCHNABL SCHWEITZER 4i. The Pslms: A Monastic Persoective . A EDMEE KINGSMILL SLG 42. Ecological Use of the Psalms 608 DAVID RENSBERGER Appendix T "Apocryphal" salms in the Psalms Scrolls and in Texts Incorporating Psalms PETER . F.INT Appendix r Contens of he Psalms Scrolls and Related lanuscripts PETER W. FLINT Subject and Names Index Textual Index 621 Chapter 18 The Psalms in the Qur’an and in th e I sl a mi c Religious Imagination Walid A. Saleh Who Inherits the Earth? In the Bet Hale Disputation (c. 720 CE), a Christian disputation that records the conversation between a Muslim commander (Emir) and a Christian monk, the Muslim Emir poses several questions about the truthfulness of the Christian faith, for which the monk has ready answers.1 his is one of several such disputations that have now been published and extensively studied. Written in Syriac, they ofer a robust defense of the Christian faith against the newly forming Islam. What is of interest here is a question (or a statement of fact) raised by the Muslim Emir, that has so far been understood by scholars as boastful military talk to which the monk gives a military response.2 However, the matter is actually far graver and more profoundly theological, having nothing to do with military boasting. Let me quote the issue raised by the Emir: “But here is a sign that God loves us and is pleased with our religion (tawdîthan): He has given us authority over all religions and all peoples; they are slaves subject to us.” To this remark the monk states that “you Ishmaelites are holding the smallest portion of the earth. All of creation is not subject to your authority” (paragraphs 21–22). Sydney Griith, who discusses this debate, does not comment on the nature of the Emir’s claim, whose background can be found in the famous verse in Psalm 37 (“he righteous shall inherit the land, and live in it forever” [v. 29]). he Emir gave a Qur’anic reading of this psalmic verse, a reading that Islamic tradition, more sobered by the vicissitudes of history, would later deemphasize. 282 the oxford handbook of the psalms It is not insigniicant that Psalm 37:29 happens to be the only instance of an explicit verbatim quotation from the Bible in the Qur’an (Q.21:105). he Qur’anic verse states: “and we have decreed in the Book of Psalms (zabūr)—ater admonition (dhikr)— that the righteous shall inherit the earth.” It is hard to ascertain what the interjectory phrase “ater admonition” signiies; the Arabic is not clear. he term dhikr is usually translated “remembrance.” Angelika Neuwirth has translated it “ater the praise.”3 I am taking the term to allude to the reverse of the statement, that it is the wicked, or those who abandon God’s covenant, who will be dispossessed.4 I argue that the quoting of this psalm verse is of utmost signiicance to the theology of the Qur’an, a quotation echoed in other Qur’anic verses where inheritance and righteousness are understood as related. he Bet Hale Disputation is one of our earliest documents that bears witness to how Muslims understood this Qur’anic verse and what they took it to mean. Indeed, the antiquity of this understanding is clear from the fact that it was soon displaced, and by the time the earliest documented internal Islamic evidence does appear (e.g., Qur’an commentaries), we see a shit in the reception of this Qur’anic verse and an attempt to marginalize what I would consider to be the early widespread understanding. he body of prophetic hadith (reports attributed to Muhammad), which ties conquest with righteousness, is thus a set of archaic reports that, although clearly not from Muhammad, were circulating among the early generation of Muslims.5 hat Q.21:105 is central in the Qur’an is clear from the other reiterations of this theology of inheritance, where the Qur’an shows a spiritualizing understanding of the formula “inheriting the earth.” Q.39:74 is explicit in its juxtaposing inheriting the earth (awrathanā al-arḍ) and dwelling in Paradise, leaving no doubt that if such a promise was made earlier to the people of God, it meant an other-worldly salvation. Chapter 39 (al-zumar) is clearly Meccan, where salvation is deemed personal and not communal; there is no inkling of earthly victories or dominion for the believers.6 Nevertheless, there is in the Qur’an a more worldly understanding of the phrase “inheriting the earth.” Q.24:55 is unambiguous in declaring that the kind of inheritance at stake is dominion on this earth: “God has promised those who believe among you and do good deeds that He shall bequeath to them the earth just as He bequeathed it to those before you,7 He shall make your religion irm—a religion that He is happy with—and He shall make you safe ater being terrorized—you shall worship Me and will not put another God near me—those who go astray ater this, those are the corrupt.” he word for “make irm” (tamkīn) is about earthly dominion. Chapter 24 was composed later, in the Madinan period, when Muhammad was the ruler of the city. he conditions are diferent here; thus, the Qur’an is able to make a safe bet that Madina is an abode for the believers. And so, according to later Madinan Suras, the Qur’an is reminding believers that they have inherited “their land, abodes and wealth, and lands you have never stepped on before” (Q.33:27). hat w-r-th (“inherit”) is ultimately political is clear from another cognate, kh-l-f (“to come ater, to inherit, take over”), which is also used to promise believers custody on earth in a phraseology that echoes the use of the phrase “inherit the earth.” his is especially prominent in Q.24:55—“God will make you take over (yastakhlifannahum) psalms in the qur’an 283 the land just as He had already made previous generations take over the land [presumably the Israelites].” he kh-l-f root is a potent root in the Qur’an; humanity was made a khalīfah (a vicegerent) on earth in the Qur’an (2:30); David the king was dubbed one (Q.38:26), and early Muslim rulers were Caliphs (or khalīfah) as well.8 hese two terms show the degree to which the theology of Psalm 37:29 permeated Qur’anic discourse. here is another term in the Qur’an that played a major role in describing the nature of the early Islamic polity and that eventually came to denote conquests—f-t-ḥ. his term, like the two others—to inherit (w-r-th) and to take over (kh-l-f)—is also semantically lexible: it denotes physical opening, such as the opening of a gate or a sack (Q.6:44; 12:65) but also the gates of heaven from which rain, mercy, and torture pour forth (Q.7:96; 54:11). he verb f-t-ḥ also denotes the opening of the gates of Paradise and Hell (Q.7:40; 39:73; 39:71, 72) as well as a more abstract kind of opening, a judgment, a clariication, a separation, or a decision (Q.2:76; 34:26; 7:89; 14:15; 2:89; 7:89). Such abstract uses indicate that the verb has already acquired soteriological meanings in the Qur’an. Conquering (a city) becomes the ultimate soteriological summation of all these usages in the Qur’an: the Day of Fatḥ (yawm al-fatḥ) in the Qur’an commemorated both conquest and salvation (qabl and baʽd; cf. Q.57:10). God promises Muhammad a great fatḥ, a clear fatḥ, ater which people convert in droves (Q.48:10; 110:1). Such is the nature of the fatḥ: it results in total absolution of sins and assures victory (Q.48:2–3). Mecca was considered the ultimate prize.9 he adroit use of these three terms, encapsulating both eternal salvation and earthly success, makes them foundational for understanding the politics of salvation in the Qur’an. Together, they constitute a web of concepts that ties aspects of military success with salvation, where the dominion of God is given to the believers.10 hese theological articulations in the Qur’an are conducted under another fundamental Hebrew Bible dilemma, that of the role of a king for salvation. Nowhere does the Qur’an mention the opening chapters of 1 Samuel. Yet it is clear that Muhammad decided against kingship, and salvation was, even when achieved by the arms of believers, only God’s doing.11 he Qur’an bristles with divine anger at the notion that anyone but God achieves victory—“you threw not when you threw, God did the throwing” (of the javelin, Q.8:17). Indeed, the only instance where the Qur’an attempts to revoke its strict rule against miraculous explanations for Muhammad’s career is in its attempt to rob the believers of their pride in victory. God apparently sent ighters from Heaven to ight alongside believers (Q.9:26), the only instance of a miraculous claim to Muhammad in the whole of the Qur’an. his was a statement that went too far, and when it irst appeared in the Qur’an, it was more circumspect: invisible soldiers they were (Q.33:9). Pride in numbers is useless, and God showed that he would humiliate the believers when they are swollen with arrogance, making them run for cover (Q.9:29). It is God alone who grants victory. Victory is received, not gained, by the believers “when God’s Opening [fatḥ!] and victory come” (Q.110:1). So we can see that the Muslim Emir was thus engaging in a complicated theological argument that has a very old lineage: what is the kingdom of God, and what is the relationship of victory to salvation? he signiicance of the Emir’s statements and its 284 the oxford handbook of the psalms relationship to early Muslim conquests have never been fully appreciated. he Hadith already make a very close link between the early Arab conquests, salvation, and God’s pleasure with the Muslims. he evidence from the Bet Hale Disputation is of great significance because it is an independent witness to the centrality of Psalm 37:29 via Q.21:105 and how it was understood by early Muslims. he Emir was elaborating on a verse from the Qur’an by tying the success of early Muslim conquests with God’s favor and ultimately with the truthfulness of the message of Islam. One does wonder whether the Emir also knew of the Sermon on the Mount (although such a supposition is unlikely), yet he knew for certain how central this verse was for Christians. he monk, regardless of whether the reference of the Emir was to the Psalms or to the Sermon on the Mount (Matt. 5:5), would have been fully aware of the point made by the Emir even if he was unwilling to accept it, as was the case. he earth is not yet under your command, he emphasizes to the Emir. However, the monk is not disputing the argument that dominion and salvation go hand in hand. his was a disputation that, thanks to Psalm 37:29, shared a common fundamental notion of how God acts: He will grant the earth to His people. hat this theological issue was at the heart of the Emir’s relections is clear from the fact that the Emir comes back to this point again at the end of the Disputation, where he states: While I know your religion is right, and your way of thinking is even preferable to ours, what is the reason why God handed you over into our hands and you are driven by us like sheep to the slaughter, and your bishops and your priests are killed, and the rest are subjugated and enslaved with the king’s impositions night and day, more bitter than death? (Griith 2000: paragraph 36) I am inclined to believe that although the Disputation is fashioned by Christian apologetic concerns, this emphasis on victory as soteriologically meaningful does relect a peculiar understanding advocated by early Islam. Although the Emir himself is presented as convinced of the Christian truth, he persists, in face of historical reality, in his theology of victory. God, the lord of history, has given a clear sign that Muslims are righteous. If anything, this Disputation points to the degree to which Psalm 37:29 was central in understanding the meaning of history to early Muslims. Given the complete absence of direct quotations in the Qur’an from older named scriptures, apart from a Talmudic citation that the Qur’an seems to imply comes from the Torah,12 we must take Q.21:105 very seriously. Why did the Qur’an depart from its usual rhetorical style and venture to name both the source and cite the verse? he analysis given above is my answer to this question: the verse, I am arguing, is fundamental to the theology of salvation in the Qur’an and hence the pointed reference to its lineage. he spiritualizing understanding of inheriting Paradise (seen as synonymous to inheriting earth), as presented in several parts of the Qur’an, points to the dire predicament of the early Muslim Meccan community, an understanding that was fully shed and indeed negated later in the Qur’an, where conquest (fatḥ), a new term coined by the Qur’an, soon became central.13 he prophet who at irst disputed being someone who wanted a psalms in the qur’an 285 wage or sought dominion, was now leading armies, collecting taxes, and issuing judgements.14 It is in light of this new theology that we can understand the sudden centrality of the notion of jihād and its intimate connection to faith.15 The Psalms in the Qur’an Before continuing to discuss the use of psalmic material in the Qur’an, one needs to ask to what degree was the Qur’an or its author aware of the Psalms as a book. he term used in the Qur’an to refer to the Psalms as the book of David is zabūr (Q.4:163, 17:55, “We gave David the Psalms”), a term reminiscent of the Hebrew root z-m-r. he root z-b-r is already used in Arabic poetry to refer to books or written material, and it is used as such in the Qur’an (in the plural form, zubur, Q.26:196). he reference to the book of David as zabūr leaves no doubt that it is the book of Psalms that is meant. Because we have a direct quotation from this zabūr that turns out to be Psalm 37:29 makes the matter certain. Moses was given the Torah (tawrāt), Jesus the Evangelium (injīl), David the Psalms (zabūr), just as Muhammad has now been given the Qur’ān.16 Modern scholars have shown ainity between certain chapters in the Qur’an and certain biblical psalms, implying that Muhammad must have been familiar with this book. All this raises the interesting question about the availability of versions, or at least selections, of the Psalms in Arabic. here has been a reappraisal of the role of the Psalms and their relationship to the Qur’an in recent scholarship. Leading the movement to place the Psalms as pivotal to understanding the compositional nature of some of the Meccan chapters of the Qur’an is Angelika Neuwirth.17 One should note that the importance of the Psalms for the study of the Qur’an has long been recognized in Qur’anic scholarship; it is, however, an insight that has lain dormant until Neuwirth’s pioneering work.18 Hartwig Hirschfeld was certain that the Psalms imprinted Muhammad’s style to such a degree that one could see its inluence all over the Qur’an.19 Heinrich Speyer tabulated the numerous instances where he detected Quranic material drawing upon or resembling the Psalms (Speyer 1961 [1931]: 447–49). He was already building on the insights of Wilhelm Rudolf and others before him (Rudolph 1922). Such correspondences, however, remained without investigation; it was not clear what to make of such resemblances or indeed how one begins to understand what the Qur’an was attempting to achieve by using the Psalms.20 Speyer’s work was both a culmination of this trend and a stark illustration of this type of scholarship. He simply listed a Qur’anic verse and its supposed correspondence in the Psalms and let it at that. Beyond stating the obvious, such an approach did not tell us much about the Qur’an. he resemblances between Q.55 and Psalm 136, for example, have been noted from early on, yet it took at least two decades for Angelika Neuwirth to establish a coherent analysis of this relationship. he signiicance of her work is that she has shown us a way to compare full chapters from the Qur’an to the Psalms, thus allowing for comparisons beyond the mere statement of correspondence, as had been the case 286 the oxford handbook of the psalms in much scholarship.21 Previous scholarship used examples of resemblance to state the obvious. hus Hirschfeld, ater stating that the correspondences between the Qur’an and the Psalms are extensive, concluded that Muhammad, having heard the Psalms, had thought very highly of them and had used them in his preaching (1866: 32). Angelika Neuwirth highlights several aspects about the psalmic material in the Qur’an. First, it is the early Suras of the Qur’an that are most in conversation with the Psalms.22 he Qur’an, moreover, turns minor rhetorical aspects of the Psalms into major features of its own style. Nature and natural phenomenon are central to the Qur’anic discourse and not limited to one or two Suras. In fact, almost every Sura has a nature section. here is also a radical diference between the texts regarding the use of history and the remembering of the past. According to Neuwirth, “the historical part of the psalm is thus replaced by an eschatological part in the surah” (2011a: 769). “Eschatology in the emerging Qur’an,” she asserts, is the most signiicant discourse and thus “parallels the importance that history enjoys in Jewish contexts” (p. 771). Psalmic material in the Qur’an has to be understood in the new historical context of the Qur’an, not as a mere reproduction of psalmic images and concepts. Neuwirth rightly highlights the polemical emphasis on the Arabness of the Qur’an’s new revelatory language and its early liturgical use. he Psalmic material was thus molded to it this emerging Arabic national religious language. I would add that what we see in the Qur’an is a mode of monotheistic development in late antiquity made possible because it was so peripheral. Instead of a saint showing up among the barbarian unchristian tribes on the periphery of imperial rule to convert them and translate the Bible into their language, a native prophet appears with a burning proclamation for the nonscriptural Arabs, the ummīyūn, the Gentiles who are to join the God of Israel. he new revelation has a shallow historical narrative to draw upon, Neuwirth notes, and it enshrines the notions of Arabic revelation and the future apocalypse into the cornerstone of a new mode of discourse. As such, the Qur’an is profoundly complex: it is a hymn book, a revelation, a polemical argument, and a law book all rolled into one, attempting to give the Arabs a quick push into the complex scriptural heritage already enjoyed by the ahl al-kitāb, the “people of the Book.” So poignantly was this Gentile status felt that the Qur’an itself invented the expression “people of the Book,” keenly aware that the Arabs were not but also keenly hoping that they would soon join their ranks. Neuwirth’s article on Q.78 (as an echo of Psalm 104) and Q.55 (as an echo of Psalm 136) is perhaps the most extensive analysis of this relationship between the Qur’an and the Psalms, a relationship resulting in the remolding of psalmic material in the Qur’an (Neuwirth 2011a).23 Any work on the Qur’an and the Psalms has to answer now to her analysis and understanding of this relationship. he irst volume of her commentary on the Qur’an highlights the centrality of the Psalms to her understanding of the early Meccan chapters of the Qur’an (Neuwirth 2011b).24 he above investigation of Q.21:105 is my own attempt to detail an approach to understanding a psalmic quotation in the Qur’an. In this example, I chose a short quotation, the most famous psalm quotation in the Qur’an, to illustrate my method. he Qur’an was psalms in the qur’an 287 elaborating on the notion of inheriting the earth, transferring the covenantal promise of the Promised Land into an Arabian context. he promise made to Muslims was tentative at irst, tied to the apocalyptic phase of Muhammad’s early career, where inheritance was tied to Paradise. While explaining the polemical use of this verse in the Qur’an is not possible, I am inclined to understand it as a promise spoken to the believers as a form of vindication of their faith and not directed against Jews or Christians. Neither do we have in the Qur’an the notion of inheriting the Promised Land as a way of supplementing or superseding Judaism and Christianity. What was at stake was a share in dominion, a desire to be like the Rūm up north (the Romans), a sort of a monotheistic dominion for the Arabs. he Bet Hale Disputation shows clearly how this changed dramatically due to the early Arab conquests and how this promise made inside Arabia became understood in the wider Near Eastern realm. Qur’an Commentary Tradition and the Psalms Although the Hebrew Bible and the New Testament did not become part of the Islamic scriptural corpus—despite the fact that the Qur’an builds on them and acknowledges them as scripture—their presence was always felt. Both the biblical material in the Qur’an and Islamized biblical lore assured that the biblical past was a constant in the Islamic imagination. his has to be kept in mind when we study the subsequent history of the Bible (both the Hebrew Bible and the New Testament) in Islam. Because much of the biblical material in the Qur’an is terse and referential (i.e., assuming that one knew what the Qur’an was referring to), early Muslim exegetes relied heavily on Jewish and Christian converts to transmit material to Muslims, hence the development of an Islamized biblical lore. his was an extensive corpus of biblical material in Arabic that was tailored to suit the Qur’anic material and Islamic sentiments. Access to the “biblical” past was soon mediated through this Islamized biblical lore rather than through the Bible or through Christian or Jewish literature. his was a conscious decision, because Muslim heresiographers, polemicists, apologists, and historians easily availed themselves of Arabic Bibles, which were soon available thanks to both Christian and Jewish translations. If religious savants wanted to consult the Bible, they could have, and some did, but only sparingly. hus the Psalms in Islamic history has a bifurcated history. here is irst the Psalms as a book habituated in its Christian and Jewish Arabic environment,25 and, second, there is the Islamic use and understanding of this book, or attempts at understanding this book, the topic of this section of the essay. Early Muslim exegetes were not eager to admit that zabūr in Q.21:105 was simply the Psalms, although clearly the Qur’an does mention the term enough to make it clear that zabūr did mean the Psalms here. Moreover, the early Muslim exegetes were attempting to sever this verse from any supersessionistic claims, or at least its messianic or salviic 288 the oxford handbook of the psalms value that associated notions of dominance with true religion.26 I ind this a signiicant development in the history of the reception of this verse, because it is the only instance where Muslim exegetes, had they wished to, had the chance to discourse on the Psalms and discuss issues such as what is this book, what does it contain, and so on. Muqātil (d. 150/767), one of the earliest authors of Qur’an commentaries, glosses zabūr in Q.21:105 as the three divine books: Torah, Evangelium, and Psalms (Muqātil 1984: 3.96). his terse gloss is, of course, problematic. Was Muqātil trying to say that the promise of inheriting the earth is found in these three scriptures (which would be technically true)? here is much to recommend this understanding, that zabūr meant the totality of pre-Islamic scriptures. Understanding zabūr in Q.21:105 as previous scripture, moreover, did not result in any attempt to seek out the exact citation from these scriptures. he term dihkr, “admonition,” is glossed by Muqātil as the Heavenly Tablet (al-lawḥ al-maḥfūẓ), the ur-scripture in Heaven that has everything written on it. Al- abarī (d. 310/923) attempts to give a uniform reading for this verse and to harmonize the various interpretations he inherited in order to veer the reader toward the meaning that the tradition now wished to import (1968: 17:102–105). Although al- abarī records several conlicting interpretations (including a reference to one authority who believed that the zabūr here was indeed the book of David), he took zabūr to mean not just the Psalms but all the books of all the prophets that had copied the Heavenly book. Moreover, he gives his full support to the interpretation that understood this verse to mean that God had proclaimed in zabūr that the earth, meaning Paradise, shall be inherited by the believers (17:104). More interesting is the perfunctory manner in which al- abarī acknowledges the interpretation that understood this verse to be a promise to the Muslims themselves, that it is they who will inherit the earth: “some have said that it is actually the terrestrial earth bequeathed by God to the believers in this world” (17:105). To al- abarī the earth is Paradise. He then supplies the interpretation of those who believe that this verse referred to the Jews and cites in support of this understanding with Q.7:137. Finally, only then does he acknowledge that a tradition from Ibn ʽAbbās understood this verse to support the minority interpretation that the earth itself will be inherited by the Muslims. It is remarkable how little efort or credence al- abarī wants to give to a militant understanding of this verse. Indeed, the interpretation presented by al- abarī is counterintuitive. If the tradition wanted to boast, just as the Emir had done earlier, it is here. Yet, remarkably, al- abarī opts not to do so. I am inclined to see in this a determined shit away from a military soteriological understanding, a clear attempt to rob the Qur’an of its political agency. Al-Māturīdī (d. 333/944), a contemporary of al- abarī, is far more willing to preserve older material—he does give us the majority interpretation, which is the same as the one favoured by al- abarī, but he also treats equally the interpretation that states that the zabūr is the book of David.27 Earth, understood to mean Paradise by the majority of interpreters, could also mean the Holy Land, arḍ bayt al-maqdis, which will be inherited by the believers, and then he adds, “good believers will always inhabit this area.” his is an echo of the earliest interpretation given to this verse, which we ind relected in the psalms in the qur’an 289 Bet Hale Disputation. Indeed, it is only through reading al-Māturīdī that we can judge that al- abarī was attempting to downplay the old interpretations. Much later Islamic commentary tradition follows in the footsteps of al-Māturīdī and not al- abarī.28 None of these exegetes seem to be interested in telling us more about the zabūr of David. A rare instance of divergence comes from an early Shiite commentator, al-Qummī (alive c. 260/873), who gives a summary of the content of the book of Psalms. He cites a report on the authority of the Shiite Imams (and also of the Mahdī himself) that al-zabūr “has apocalypse (malāḥīm), thanksgiving (taḥmīd), adoration of the Lord (tamjīd), and supplication (duʽā’)” (al-Qummī 1991: 2:77). his is a rough summary of the content if we understand the word “apocalypse” to mean “battles” in a loose sense. It is not clear how the Imams came to know about the content of the work. he perfunctory attitude of the religious Islamic religious tradition to its sources is an interesting situation to assess.29 he hitherto historical judgement was one of regret and censure, if only Muslims had shown more interest in the Bible. Yet, I have come to see the virtue in this apathy. Nothing good comes out of a dominant culture taking an interest in the religious afairs of its minorities, and as historians we should not measure the beneits of any such encounter from the vantage point of the dominant culture. he apathy of the Muslim majority exhibited toward the Bible was a necessary condition for the thriving of Jewish biblical scholarship in medieval Islam. he history of the Arabic Bible is yet to be written, and the downgrading of Arabic and the Arabic Bible ater the discovery of Ugaritic in the early twentieth century, as an aid for biblical Hebrew, had a detrimental efect on what was already an endangered ield. But the story of the Arabic Bible is a fascinating story, for not only is there an Arabic Bible in this story, but also the Hebrew Bible itself was redeined in the Islamic world, due to the philological revolution that the Arabs brought to the study of Arabic. he discovery of Arabic philology, so early in Islamic history, produced a radically philological culture, where the original language of the text was paramount—not only Arabic as such but Hebrew too was understood to have the same privilege vis-à-vis the Bible as Arabic possesses vis-à-vis the Qur’an. Translation was thus never confused with the original text. Within this radical notion of ur-languages, a claim over the Hebrew Bible was impossible to muster, and appropriating a translated version could never suice. Muslims, as a result, stood hamstrung by their own intellectual arrogance; they could never appropriate the Hebrew Bible unless they claimed a mastery over Hebrew, a language they did not care to learn. he Hebrew Bible remained the domain of the Jews, and it is this cultural apathy that allowed the Judeo-Arabic culture a freedom from the otherwise restrictive majority that was utterly prevalent across the cultural sphere. he Arabic Bible is thus a misnomer if it is meant to describe the history of the Bible in the Muslim lands, for the Hebrew Bible itself was habituated in an Arabic philological culture that radically transformed how the Jews, and later Europe, approached the Hebrew Bible. he grammatization of Hebrew is a direct result of this Muslim apathy, for it allowed the Jews to absorb the Arabic philological revolution on their own terms. As such, the very success of the Judeo-Arabic experience was conditioned on Muslims’ limited capability to penetrate the cultural domain of the Jewish minority. he Hebrew Bible, in the wake of the philological revolution that 290 the oxford handbook of the psalms happened in the Near East and which engulfed Hebrew, meant that the Hebrew Bible was no longer a midrashic Bible but an Arabized Bible, studied in the same spirit as the Qur’an was studied. his cultural situation meant that not only was there no Islamic typological reading of the Psalms, but given that the Hebrew Bible was impossible to appropriate when encountered by Muslims, it remained a Jewish book and was read on Jewish terms. Muslim polemicists did their best to undermine the Hebrew Bible (and the New Testament), but we do have examples of more sympathetic readings. hese positive encounters are all the more remarkable because they are encounters of a religious nature and because they happened in a medieval setting. he impact was also signiicant because it happened in the medium of the Qur’an commentary tradition, Tafsir, the religious genre of Islam. I am referring here to the Qur’an commentator al-Biqāʽī (d. 885/1480), whose use of the Bible to interpret the Qur’an remains one of the most singularly signiicant Muslim encounters with the Hebrew Bible on the interreligious plane in the pre-Modern period.30 Al-BiqĀʽī and the Psalms Al-Biqāʽī is the irst Muslim exegete to inquire ater the scriptural origins of the quotation in Q.21:105. He knew where to ind it using an Arabic Christian translation of the Psalms from the Septuagint (he gives the Psalms number as 36). Having located it, he understood the enigmatic phrase “ater admonition” in Q.21:105 to indicate the location of the quotation in the book of Psalms: God had been discoursing for a while in the Psalms before he declared what he declared. he location al-Biqāʽī stated comes at the end of the irst quarter of the book of Psalms. Something strange then happens. Al-Biqāʽī, instead of quoting Psalm 37 (or 36 according to the Septuagint), starts by quoting Psalms 1, 2, 5, 6, 9, 13, 15, 17, 18, 22, 31, 34, 35, and inally 37, the location of the quotation in the Qur’an. In this sense, the interpretation of the enigmatic phrase “ater admonition” is here given in full; it is nothing but the irst quarter of the book of Psalms.31 his is not the only instance of al-Biqāʽī quoting from the Psalms. Indeed, long before the advent of modern Qur’anic higher criticism, al-Biqāʽī realized that the language and content of certain Qur’anic verses are “reminiscent” of psalmic rhetoric and themes. He copied the Psalms extensively into his Qur’an commentary with the result that the psalmic material was incorporated for the irst time in an Islamic genre, as part of God’s divine Scripture. When he encountered Q.7:198 (“if you call them [the false Gods] to the right path, they will not hear you. You ind them looking toward you but they cannot see”), al-Biqāʽī quotes Psalm 115:3–5. his is an unusual way of doing Qur’an commentary, so unusual that it was never again repeated in the Islamic tradition.32 A far more radical moment of Psalms quoting in this Qur’an commentary is found when al-Biqāʽī encounters the gloriication verses in the Qur’an. hus arriving at Q. 17:44 (“he seven heavens and the earth and everyone in them glorify Him. here psalms in the qur’an 291 is not a single thing that does not celebrate His praise, though you do not understand their praise”), al-Biqāʽī gathers a veritable summary of the praise language of the book of Psalms to illustrate that this mode of divine discourse is an old form of speech. He starts irst by saying that this verse if oten repeated and quoted in the Book of David. He then quotes Psalms 69:35; 68:8–10; 89:11–16; 96:1, 9–12; 97:4–5; 148; and 150:1–3, 5–6. his is not only unprecedented in the history of Qur’anic exegesis, but such equal treatment of the scripture of Judaism is also rare. It is not that Muslims did not admit or grant the Hebrew Bible and the New Testament the rank of Holy Scripture, but rather the ambivalence of this acknowledgment—are these scriptures falsiied?—and the polemical setting of this recognition—do they acknowledge Muhammad as a prophet?—have rendered these two texts obsolete on the religious plane for Muslims. It is not that Suis did not sometimes avail themselves of the Bible, or that sobered historians did not dare to defend their integrity; the Bible simply did not have a place in the interpretation of the Qur’an. Al-Biqāʽī had other occasions to quote from the Psalms, including the famous Psalm 137, which was quoted in full.33 In addition to quoting the Psalms, al-Biqāʽī did discuss the Book of David as a book. In his attempt to articulate the place of David in Jewish history, al-Biqāʽī had to address the value and substance of a new scripture for the same religion. his is necessitated by the commentary on Q.17, which according to Muslims mentions the Temple and David. Al-Biqāʽī stated that it is precisely because already the Jews had the Torah, a book of law, that the Book of David is entirely homiletical (mawāʽiẓ) (1976: 11.446–47). he aim of this style, al-Biqāʽī contended, was to prevent people from “strutting on earth with a smirk,” to instil humility; it was a call to be sincere, to be vigilant in judging oneself, and to be charitable to others. It is also a book illed with praise to the Lord (tasbīḥ). he Book of David was, moreover, the only instance in the corpus of Jewish Scripture that explicitly mentions hell and resurrection, which are not mentioned in the Torah (11.447). Ater summarizing the aim of Sura 17 of the Qur’an, which according to al-Biqāʽī was never to rely on any one but God for help (wakīl), he quotes from the Book of David with a rough paraphrase of Psalm 144. he extensive nature of the quotations from the Book of David points to an inordinate fascination with this book and a remarkable sensitivity in approaching it. hrough al-Biqāʽī, the Psalms have been habituated to the Qur’an through the medium of Qur’anic interpretation. On Islamic Pseudo-Psalms Recently, David Vishanof has rekindled academic interest in a genre of Islamic writing that purports to be the true Psalms of David (2011: 85–99; 2012: 151–79). hese texts were studied early in the twentieth century but have since been forgotten. Vishanof has done extensive research on the manuscripts of these texts and on how we should understand this literature. Because they bear little, if any, resemblance to the original Psalms—only the irst two psalms are more or less accurately translated—the issue of their signiicance 292 the oxford handbook of the psalms has been hard to fathom. he relocation of this literature from a polemical setting—in which these texts were understood to be part of an Islamic discourse on the corruption of Jewish and Christian text, the usual mode of understanding this literature—to an intra-Islamic literature (i.e., as a form of Islamic homiletic writing intended for a purely Islamic context that has little to do with Muslim–Jewish or Chrisitan–Muslim interaction) goes a long way in elucidating this form of writing, the only form of pseudo-biblical writing in Islam. his new understanding ofered by Vishanof shows the degree to which the Bible was more an imagined text in the Islamic realm, whose substantive content was ultimately not an abiding concern for Muslims. A new edition of these texts would greatly add to our understanding of this imagined world of biblical writing. I would also add that when we tell the story of the Bible in Islam, the history of these texts has to be incorporated. he history of the Psalms in the Islamic world, ater the introduction of printing in the nineteenth century, is a matter that needs another discussion. Notes 1. For the disputation and an initial analysis see Griith 2000. For the literature on such disputations, see the bibliography listed in Griith’s article. 2. Recently, Gerrit J. Reinink rightly argued that the issue of dominion frames this disputation, although he was not interested in analyzing the reasons behind it or connecting it to Ps. 37:9 (2006: 153–69). 3. For her translation, see Neuwirth 1998: 388–420. Haleem reads, “As we did in [earlier] Scripture” (2004: 208). Although Rudi Paret stated that “Die Deutung des Ausdrucks min baʽad al-zikr is nicht sicher,” he translates it in a manner akin to my understanding (1989: 347; 1996: 230–31). 4. he Qur’an is careful about how the covenant (ʽahd) of God is to be understood— inheritance is only for the righteous regardless of who they are, a Pauline argument that is made scriptural in the Qur’an and placed in the mouth of God. hus Abraham’s pleading for his progeny is rebufed by God, “the unjust has no share in My covenant” (Q.2:124). his and other places show a distinct sensitivity against arguments of the ilial relationship to God, or sonship, as possible venues for God’s grace (see the famous Q.5:18, a bristling mockery of the language of sonship in the Bible and in Jewish and Christian liturgy). his polemical setting is presented in a wider context that is arguing for the right of the Arabs to be included in the prophetic history of Israel. hat is why I take the dhikr here to mean the reverse of the promise, in keeping with the clauses added to the covenantal language in the Qur’an that qualify it. he term dh-k-r is not regularly used in negative terms in the Qur’an, but its usage as such is not absent; see Q.26:209. 5. hese prophetic traditions are cited in Qur’an commentaries on several verses, including Q.21:105. 6. One would not have expected the root w-r-th (“to inherit”) to be used as a synonym for entering Paradise (instead of the more commonly used “enter,” d-kh-l)—see, e.g., Q.19:63; 23:11; 7:43; 43:72. In all these instances, the believers are said to inherit Paradise. he term is rather odd and can only make theological sense if we understand it to be a fulilment of the psalmic covenantal promise. psalms in the qur’an 293 7. Cf. Q.7:128, where Moses is telling the Israelites that “God will bequeath earth to whom He wants of His creatures.” he Qur’an is fully aware of the covenantal promise to the Israelites (see Q.26:59, a peculiar verse that seems to imply that the Israelites took over Egypt), though any such notion is later removed: the Holy Land is promised to Muslims, as is clear in Q.5:21. 8. On this term, see Qadi 1988: 392–411. I do not share the author’s conclusions about the term. he term is already political in meaning in the Qur’an. 9. he hesitation of Chase Robinson to accept the notion of fatḥ (“conquest”) as Qur’anic is puzzling. hat Mecca was the ultimate prize is clear even from the Constitution of Medina—that the city was conquered without a battle does not diminish the achievement or the monumentality of the event or the military nature of the victory. It was only ten years prior that Muhammad was driven out of the city. he turn of events is nothing short of breathtaking. See his otherwise detailed discussion of the term in the Encyclopaedia of the Qur’an 1:397–401. he scepticism is unwarranted unless we remove references to the Day of Fatḥ from the Qur’an, which Robinson does not propose. 10. See also the use of the term f-l-ḥ, “success, salvation, victory.” It is also an evocative and expansive term that should be grouped with the terms I discussed above. he most illustrative use of this term is in Q.58:22, which culminates a discussion about the party (ḥizb) of the Devil, which will lose, and the party of God (ḥzib Allāh), which will win. Q.58:14–22 is a good example of the purposeful confusion between victory in this world and entering into paradise. he term ẓ-h-r (“to appear, overwhelm, be victorious”) is also relevant. It is used in the story of Moses, where the Egyptians were “manifest” in the land. he term is then used three times for Muhammad’s new dīn (religion), which will overwhelm other dīns (Q.9:33; 48:28; 61:9, all in context of conquest and wars). 11. On kingship in the Qur’an, see Saleh 2006: 261–83. 12. his is the famous Q.5:32. On this verse, see Speyer 1961 [1931]: 459; Paret 1989: 120. he issue of the direct quotations in the Qur’an is an interesting one, since we have yet to establish criteria for indicating whether the Qur’an was quoting (or whether the author of the Qur’an was thinking he was quoting). here are other places where the Qur’an claims to be quoting scripture, but these are so apologetically driven that we are not certain to what exactly they are referring. According to the Qur’an, the coming of Muhammad is prophesized in the Torah and the Gospels, but we are not given a verse or a quotation apart from an airmation that his coming was attested in the Bible (Q. 61:6; 7:157, but see also 48:29). I am thus discounting such instances of what I would call direct quotations. Regardless of the situation, Q.21:105 remains unique in the Qur’an: it names the source and the quotation is verbatim. 13. It is remarkable that the Qur’an does not use military terms common among the Arabs then, such as gh-z-w (to “raid,” used only in Q.2:156)—although all of Muhammad’s campaigns were called maghāzī, raids. here is something impermanent about a raid, and the Qur’an clearly wanted conquest—permanence; fatḥ was thus preferred. In this sense, the historical vision of the prophetic voice went even beyond the participants themselves. Seeing the armies of his enemies retreat ater the ominous siege of Madina for one month, Muhammad is quoted to have said, “Now we will raid them and they will not raid us” (see Saleh 2008b: 181). he language is reminiscent of warring tribes, not of a statesman who will establish an empire. he Qur’an has the model of Rome; the Qur’an’s vision was so alien to Arabia that for the irst time in the recorded history of the Near East a political vision came out of Arabia. 294 the oxford handbook of the psalms 14. See the various denials in the Qur’an of taking a wage (ajr), especially in chapter 26, where Muhammad is distinguishing himself from poets, and Q.88:22, which denies that he is a tyrant. he Sira (Biography of Muhammad) has him deny that he wanted to become a king. 15. On jihād and holy war, see Donner 2006. 16. his is precisely how al- abarī understood prophetic history, although he names the book of Muhammad the Furqān. His statement comes at the irst encounter with the word in Q.4:163. 17. See Neuwirth 1998: 388–420. his argument is fully developed in Neuwirth 2011: 733–78. 18. Perhaps the irst and strongest advocate for the centrality of the Psalms in understanding parts of the Qur’an is Hirschfeld 1866. 19. See Hirschfeld 1866: 27, where he states that Psalms was the most inluential book on Muhammad ater the Torah. Indeed, it inluenced the structure of the early Suras such that they resembled the Psalms more than any other form of composition: “Das die Psalmen einen mächtigen Reiz auf sein Gemüth ausübten, ist liecht verständlich, er citirt sie nicht nur, sondern ahmt sie auch nach.” Ater citing several similarities between the Qur’an and the Psalms, especially Sura 1, whose form he airms is psalmic, he asserts: “Dies alles verräth eine verhältnissmässig frühzeitig Kenntniss der Psalmen (p. 28). 20. he entry “Psalms” in the Encyclopaedia of the Qur’an is indicative of the lamentable state of scholarship on the Psalms in the Qur’an. he article has nothing to say about the Psalms in the Qur’an, fails to mention relevant secondary literature, and misattributes Q.21:105 to Ps. 37: 9, 11, 29—it is not the poor or the meek; the Qur’an uses the term “righteous” (ṣāliḥūn), a clear reference to v. 29. 21. Hirschfeld noted the resemblance between the initial iteen verses of Q.16 and Psalm 104. His analysis consisted of showing the similarities between the two. Although duly noted, one is not clear what to conclude from such an analysis (Hirschfeld 1866: 27–32). 22. Neuwirth 2010: 563–64: “So könnte man ihn von seiner Form her in seiner frühen Phase am ehesten mit den Psalmen vergleichen. Wie der Psalter besteht auch der frühe Koran aus kurzen, knapp formulierten Versen in dichterischer Sprache, die inhaltlich wie die Psalmen Gotteslob, Gebete, aber auch Klage eines exemplarischen Frommen formulieren.” 23. At forty-ive pages, the article represents a major contribution to the problem. See also her analysis of several other Suras as psalmic compositions in Neuwirth 2010: 398–408. 24. See Neuwirth’s index for psalm citations. 25. he study of this history lies beyond the scope of this article. 26. he danger of using victory and military success as a sign of God’s favor and grace must have seemed too hazardous for these scholars, given the course of human history. Muslim apologists were at the receiving end of such arguments in the Iberian Peninsula. See the Codex Vindobonensis Palatinus, Vienna A. F. 58, fol. 50a, where a Muslim scholar is at pains to deny that military victory is a sign of God’s favor shown to Christians and a clear sign of Christianity being the true faith. His Christian interlocutor was having none of that. 27. Al-Māturīdī 2007: 9:332. 28. Indeed, in al-haʽlabī (d. 427/1035) we ind direct statements that understood the covenantal promise of the Promised Land to be from the beginning between God and the Muslims. his statement is attributed to a Jewish convert to Islam. See al-haʽlabī 2002: 6:313. 29. Joseph van Ess published a monumental work on the Islamic heresiographic “mind set” (2010). his and other works will eventually shit the nature of the debate. 30. For a general assessment of al-Biqāʽī, see Saleh 2008a: 629–54. psalms in the qur’an 295 31. My irst attempt at understanding why al-Biqāʽī quoted so extensively from the book of Psalms here did not take into consideration the phrase “ater admonition.” See Saleh 2007: 331–47. 32. here is a poignancy in the pioneering work of al-Biqāʽī that still haunts the Islamic tradition. As late as the 1960s, the liberal Tunisian scholar Ibn ʽĀshūr was unable to ind the location of this verse in the Psalms on his own and had to quote an Italian Orientalist for the citation. He did, to his credit, cite the verse, but his inability to access the Bible is all the more telling. See Ibn ʽĀshūr n.d.: 8:162. 33. See Saleh 2007 for more references on these quotations. Bibliography Al-Biqāʽī. 1976. Naẓm al-durar fī tanāsub al-āyāt wa-al-suwar. Haydarabad, India: Dā’irat al-Maʽārif al-Islāmīyah. Al-Māturīdī. 2007. Ta’wīlāt al-Qur’ān. Edited by Murat Sülün. Istanbul: Mizan Yayinevi. Al-Qummī. 1991. Tafsīr al-Qummī. Edited by ayyib al-Jazā’irī. Beirut: Dār al-Surūr. al- abarī. 1968. Jāmiʽ al-bayān ʽan ta’wīl al-Qur’ān. Cairo: Mu tafā al-Bābī al- alabī. al-haʽlabī. 2002. al-Kashf wa-al-bayān. Edited by Muammad ibn ʽĀshūr. Beirut: Dār Iyā’ al-Turāth al-ʽArabī. Donner, Michael. 2006. Jihad in Islamic History. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Griith, Sydney H. 2000. “Disputing with Islam: he Case of the Monk of Bet Hale and a Muslim Emir.” Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies 3. Available at http://syrcom.cua.edu/Hugoye/ vol3No1/HV3N1Griith.html#FNRef42. Haleem, M.A.S. Abdel. 2004. he Qur’an: A New Translation. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Hirschfeld, Hartwig. 1866. Beiträge zur Erklärung des Ḳorân. Leipzig, Germany : Otto Schulze. Ibn ʽĀshūr. n.d. al-Taḥrīr wa-al-tanwīr. Tunis, Tunisia: Dār Sunūn. Muqātil ibn Sulaimān. 1984. Tafsīr Muqātil. Edited by ʽAbd Allāh Shiātah. Cairo: al-Hay’ah al-Mi rīyah al-ʽāmmah li-al-Kitāb. Neuwirth, Angelika. 1998. “Qur’ānic Literary Structures Revisited: Sūrat al-Ramān Between Mythic Accound and Decodation of Myth.” In Stefan Leder, ed., Story-Telling in the Framework of Non-Fictional Arabic Literature. Wiesbaden, Germany : Harrassowitz Verlag, 388-416. ____. 2010. Der Koran als Text der Spätantike: Ein Europäishcer Zugang. Berlin: Verlag der Weltreligion. ____. 2011a. “Qur’anic Readings of the Psalms.” In idem et al., eds., Qur’an in Context: Historical and Literary Investigations into the Qur’anic Milieu. Leiden, he Netherlands: Brill, 733–78. ____. 2011b. Der Koran: Frühmekkanishe Suren: Poetische Prophetie. Band 1, Berlin: Verlag Der Weltreligion. Paret, Rudi. 1989. Der Koran: Kommentar und Konkordanz. Stuttgart, Germany : Kohlhammer. ____. 1996. Der Koran: Übersetzung. Stuttgart, Germany : Kohlhammer. Qadi, W. 1988. “he Term kahlīfah in Early Exegetical Literature.” Die Welt des Islam 28: 392–411. Reinink, Gerrit J. 2006. “Political Power and Right Religion in the East Syrian Disputation Between a Monk of BĒT H. ĀLĒ and an Arab Notable.” In Emmanouela Grypeou et al., eds., he Encounter of Eastern Christianity with Early Islam. Leiden, he Nethrelands: Brill, 153–69. Robinson, Chase. 2002 “Fatḥ.” In Encyclopaedia of the Qur’an 1:397–401. 296 the oxford handbook of the psalms Rudolph, Wilhelm. 1922. Die Abhängigkeit des Qorans von Judentum und Christentum. Stuttgart, Germany : Kohlhammer. Saleh, Wadi A. 2006. “ ‘What If You Refuse, When Ordered to Fight?’ King Saul (Talut) in the Qur’an and Post-Quranic Literature.” In Carl S. Ehrlich, ed., Saul in Story and Tradition. Tübingen, Germany : Mohr Siebeck, 261–83. ____. 2007. “Sublime in Its Style, Exquisite in Its Tenderness: he Hebrew Bible Quotations in al-Biqāʽī’s Qur’an Commentary.” In Tzvi Langermann and Josef Stern, eds., Adaptations and Innovations: Studies on the Interaction between Jewish and Islamic hought and Literature from the Early Middle Ages to the Late Twentieth Century. Paris: Peeters, 331–47. ____. 2008a. “A Fiteenth-Century Muslim Hebraist: al-Biqāʽī and His Defense of Using the Bible to Interpret the Qur’ān.” Speculum 83: 629–54. ____. 2008b. In Defense of the Bible: A Critical Edition and an Introduction to al-Biqāʿī’s Bible Treatise. Leiden, he Netherlands: Brill. Speyer, Heinrich. 1961 [1931]. Die biblischen Erzählungen im Qoran. Hildesheim: Olms, 1961. van Ess, Joseph. 2010. Der Eine und das Andere: Beobachtungen an islamichen häresiographishchen Texten. Berlin: de Gruyter. Vishanof, David. 2011. “An Imagined Book Gets a New Text: Psalms of the Muslim David.” Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 22: 85–99. ____. 2012. “Why do the Nations Rage? Boundaries of Canon and Community in a Muslim’s Rewriting of Psalm 2.” Comparative Islamic Studies 6: 151–79.