ANAMBRA POLITICAL CRISIS AS AN OPENSORE OF A DEMOCRACY *C. Nna-Emeka Okereke PhD emekaokereke@ndc.gov.ng emekaeffiong@yahoo.com Mobile: +234 – 8034002833 Introduction In contemporary times, democracy has turned out to be a most cherished political bride that has attained near global acclaim and admiration by leaders in our contemporary world. The reasons for this are varied. First, democracy has gained acceptability as a form of government based on equity and justice. Secondly, democracy is greatly extolled for its emphasis on popular will which in itself, is a source of legitimacy to governments. It purports to uphold the rule of law as well as guarantee the preservation of human and peoples’ rights. Democracy is also assumed to facilitate development since it integrates popular aspirations in public policies. Thus Anyang Nyongo (1988: 2) argues that democracy with its inbuilt principle of accountability, leads to responsible use of public resources and as such, high level of development. This view is shared by Claude Ake (1990: 2) who maintains that democracy is not only desirable in itself but because it can greatly facilitate development. Today, most donor nations of western industrialised Europe and America are making it a prerequisite for the extension of Official Development Assistance (ODA) to the bulk of the Third World to which Africa belongs. Consequently, democracy has come to assume a new aura of significance in contemporary world affairs. Nigeria is not left out of this sweeping wave of democratic enlargement. The country has since independence experienced a chequered political history characterised by persistent incidences of military misadventure into her political landscape. This phenomenon disrupted the structure and functioning of the body politic and further hindered the effective delivery of public goods. Today, Nigeria is battling to wriggle herself out of the intricate web of infrastructural decay and moral deterioration associated with several decades of leadership failures. The concern of this paper therefore is to examine the trends in Nigeria’s democratic experiment with special focus on the ongoing political crisis in Anambra State which to a reasonable extent has provided a litmus test for competence of the existing democratic institutions in the country. Theoretical Framework It is important to state here that this paper will rely on the functionalist thesis for its analysis. The choice of functionalism is rooted on the fact that it provides a platform for the assessment of our existing democratic institutions in Nigeria and their roles in the on going political crisis in Anambra state. It will also provide an insight into the implication of democracy to development. This is consistent with the views of William Flanigan and Edwin Fogelman (1962: 72) that in its widest usage, functionalism implies that in analyzing some phenomenon, the political scientist will be concerned with among other things, their functions in the sense of the purpose served by the phenomenon. The Nature of Nigerian Democracy The trend in Nigeria’s democracy has been characterised by such features as ethnic based politics, elite domination, widespread electoral malpractices and persistent incidences of political violence. From the era of wild-wild West in the First Republic to the Omoboriowo saga of 1983 and the post June 12th 1993 crisis to the evident siege of Anambra state in November 2004, the quest for political power in Nigeria has remained characterised by intense struggles across ethnic, religious and intra class boundaries. Richard Joseph (1987: 8) identified prebendal politics as a basic feature of Nigerian politics. In the First Republic, the incidences of ethnic and prebendal politics were evident in the power tussle between the three dominant parties, notably, Action Group (AG) led by Obafemi Awolowo, with its base among the Yorubas of the South-West; the National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) led by Nnamdi Azikiwe, with its base among Ndigbo in South-East and the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) led by Ahmadu Bello, with its based among the Hausa-Fulani in the Northern parts of the country. This tripod balance reverberated again in the Second Republic with the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) under the national leadership of Chief Awolowo and dominated by the Yorubas, held sway in the South-West. The bulk of its loyalists were former disciples of Chief Awolowo and the Action Group. The Nigeria People’s Party (NPP), led by Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, like the NCNC held sway in the Igbo states of South eastern Nigeria while the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) which had a more national outlook, had its major support base in the north and reflected the legacies of the defunct NPC. It must be noted that these ethnic based political parties were more of a reincarnation of the tribal politics of the First Republic. The military regime of General Ibrahim Babangida attempted to eradicate this tripod divide in party politics in Nigeria by establishing the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the National Republican Convention (NRC) as the two major political parties in the botched Third Republic. This approach almost succeeded to end ethnic undertone to party politics in Nigeria but for the unfortunate annulment of the Presidential election of June 12th 1993 widely believed to have been won by Bashorun M.K.O. Abiola. It must be noted that the annulment generated intense ethnics, populist and regional antipathy particularly in the southwestern part of the country and further reinforced the contention that there existed a northern oligarchy ready at all times to resist any power shift away from the north. Burkhalter (1993: 6) describes the situation in 1993 The tragedy of the present crisis is that Nigerian citizens who in the election seemed to have overcome a legacy of ethnic conflict and regional barrier to vote Mr. Abiola have been forced once again to narrow their sight and put ethnic identities first, rather than their citizenship as Nigerians. …In the past few weeks, tens of thousands of Nigerians have fled the cities for their home villages, fearing the outbreak of widespread ethnic violence. Southern rage has been ignited, and anti-Hausa sentiments are increasingly given void. In the North, Hausas, who voted for Mr. Abiola have been stung by recent anti-Hausa backlash and are withdrawing back into their ethnic and regional identities. In the present Fourth Republic, the incidence of ethnic oriented political parties found its manifestation in the activities of the Alliance for Democracy (AD) dominated mostly by the Yoruba people of the South-West and the All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA) which has a predominantly Igbo membership. So far, it can be said with a great measure of certainty that it is the ruling People’s Democratic Party (PDP), that has a huge membership across ethnic lines and has so far dominated the thrust of national and local politics throughout the country in the Fourth Republic. Ndi Anambra (Anambra People) In Nigerian Politics Anambra (comprising of the Enugu state, Anambra state and parts of Ebonyi state) was first created by General Murtala Mohammed on February 3, 1976 from the defunct East Central State in South-East Nigeria. The present Anambra State came into existence on August 27, 1991 during the military regime of General Ibrahim Babangida. The present Anambra state is historically significant to Ndigbo (see note) for many reasons. First, the town of Nri, which has genealogical implications as their traditional home, is located there. Secondly, several Igbo personalities of national and global acclaim with proven records of excellence such as Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe (Zik of Africa and First Indigenous Governor General and President of Nigeria) Dim Emeka Ojukwu (the secessionist leader of defunct Biafra), Professor Chinua Achebe, Emmanuel Ifeajuna, Asika Ukpabi, Chuba Okadigbo, Emeka Anyaoku, Alex Ekwueme, are indigenes of the state. Thirdly, Anambra has remained the cockpit of the involvement of Ndigbo in Nigerian politics with its indigenes playing pivotal roles in the structure and functioning of the Nigerian state. It is however quite regrettable that the pursuit and utility of state power in Anambra has since its creation, proved an invitation to conflicts which if not checked, holds no other promise than despair and decadence for the state and its inhabitants It important at this point to highlight that the involvement of Ndi-Anambra (Anambra people) in Nigerian politics dates back to pre independent era. Nnamdi Azikiwe was a prominent figure in the nationalist agitations for political independence of Nigeria. Others like Abyssinia Nwafor Orizu, Chike Obi, Mokwugo Okoye, and MCK Ajuluchukwu were prominent members of the radical Zikist movement and the National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC). It is important to note that while these people played prominent roles in the early years of the Zikist movement, disaffection emerged in the late 1940s and early 1950s. While Mokwugo Okoye registered his disillusionment in his book titled A Letter to Dr. Azikiwe, Chike Obi chose to form an opposition party on whose platform; he secured a seat in the Eastern House of Assembly and for some time at the Federal House of Representatives(The Guardian, August 5, 2004: 65). This party was called the Dynamic Party. At independence, Dr. Azikiwe became the Governor General representing the British monarch, while Abyssinia Nwafor Orizu became the President of Senate in the first republic. The roles of Emeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, Emmanuel Ifeajuna and Humphrey Chukwuka in the early years of military misadventure in Nigerian politics, further demonstrates that Ndi-Anambra have played significant roles in the shaping of modern Nigeria. For instance, while Ifeajuna took active part in the prosecution of the January 1966 coup, Ojukwu frustrated the coupists. During the civil war, personalities from Anambra also played significant roles in the conduct of the war and the administration of Biafra. Emeka Ojukwu led the secessionist Biafra; Dr. Azikiwe opted for the national unification of Nigeria. Others like Ifeajuna was executed for treason under Ojukwu’s government, Christopher Okigbo was slain in battle, Chike Obi was detained while Dr. Asika Ukpabi, a university teacher who opposed the secession from onset was made the administrator of post war East Central state by General Gowon. It is significant to note here that these discrepancies and dissension has remained till date, the hallmark of Anambra politics. The evident division among Anambra political elites widened in the Second Republic. For instance, while Nnamdi Azikiwe led the Nigeria People’s Party (NPP), Alex Ekwueme and Chuba Okadigbo joined the National Party of Nigeria (NPN). MCK Ajuluchukwu was a leading ideologue of the Obafemi Awolowo’s led Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) while Chinua Achebe and Arthur Nwankwo joined Malam Aminu Kano’s Peoples Redemption Party (PRP). The return of Emeka Ojukwu after thirteen years of exile and his subsequent declaration of membership of the NPN also contributed in compounding the divergent alliance and trends in Anambra politics. It is significant to note that at the state level, the intrigues in Anambra politics during the second republic was also characterised not only by the intense struggle for political control between the NPP and NPN which saw Jim Nwobodo and Christian C. Onoh at polar extremes of an intense political contest, but also by antagonistic dichotomy between Anambra North (Wawa i.e Enugu State) and Anambra South (Ijekebee i.e present Anambra state). This proved a potent divisive factor and source of persistent tension in the young state. The evident tensions attained national acclaim with the activities of Ikemba Front (a gang of political thugs loyal to Dim Emeka Ojukwu, the ex-Biafran warlord) and their chains of violent confrontations with the then incumbent Governor of the state, Chief Jim Nwobodo which climaxed in the 1983 bloodbath at Nkpor junction. This complex web of crisis also manifested during the military administration of Colonel Robert Akonobi (from old Anambra South) who got entangled in the Wawa-Ijekebee controversy and consequently had a rough time contending with strong personalities of Wawa origin such as Chief Christian C. Onoh. In the botched third Republic, the short lived civilian administration of Okwadike Chukwuemeka Ezeife was not isolated from the intrigues in the New Anambra politics. However, he did not experience such political hiccups and strangleholds as his predecessors and successors. Yet, the Aguleri-Umuleri communal violence which is usually a demonstration of bloodbath and devastation still adds another dimension to the Anambra Crisis. With the advent of the Fourth Republic and emergence of Governor Chinwoke Mbadinuju as the Executive Governor of the state on May 29, 1999, the people of Anambra State were set for another wave of political crisis between Governor Mbadinuju on the one hand and his defacto political Godfather, Chief Emeka Offor who could not get all his candidates for executive positions in the state appointed and Igwe John Nnebeolisa (the Ibilibi Ogada na Awkuzu) who claimed that the Governor had plans to dethrone him as the traditional ruler of his people. Governor Mbadinuju’s attempts to secure a second term in office was unsuccessful due to mounting opposition to his style of leadership and having failed in his bid to secure the gubernatorial candidacy of his original party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), he changed party and contested the 2003 Gubernatorial election on the platform of the Alliance for Democracy (AD). Mbadinuju was eventually defeated by the PDP candidate, Dr. Chris Nwabueze Ngige, in the election. It is the ongoing political crisis between Governor Ngige and his erstwhile political sponsors led by Esele Chris Uba that constitutes the main focus of this article. The Nature and Genesis of the Current Political Crisis in Anambra State Varying interpretations have been emerging in attempts to unravel the persistent political crisis in Anambra state. First, there is the ethnic interpretation of the crisis. Proponents of this view maintain that the ongoing political turmoil in Anambra is an attempt to disorganize Ndigbo in national politics. The argument here is that, since Anambra is the cockpit of Igbo politics and since the crème la crème of Igbo political elites are indigenes of Anambra, that the surest way to pocket Ndigbo in national politics is to hijack the power base in Anambra which can be achieved through the use of Trojan horses and Fifth columnists. Secondly, there is the intra class dimension, characterised chiefly by the infighting within the established political class in the state. This trend was very evident in the second republic and manifests this time with the likes of Chuba Okadigbo, Alex Ekwueme, and Emeka Ojukwu competing from different poles to influence the trend of governance in the state. Yet, there is the inter class analysis which views the crisis in Anambra as a struggle by some nouveau riche businessmen in the state to wrestle power from the established political class. Here, politics is conceived as a big investment to be pursued with deadly seriousness. The activities of Chief Emeka Offor and Esele Chris Uba buttress this point. Finally, there is another contention that the on going political imbroglio in the state is chiefly motivated by the attempt by the incumbent Head of State, President Olusegun Obasanjo to settle some personal score with his political opponents in the state, notably, Chief Alex Ekwueme who contested against him in the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) Presidential primaries in 1999 and 2003; Chief Emeka Ojukwu, who was the presidential flag bearer of the All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA) and the impeached Senate President, Chuba Okadigbo who was the Vice Presidential candidate of the opposition All Nigerian People’s Party (ANPP). The strategy here is to use some political neophytes to embarrass these heavy weights in their home state. The latest political logjam in Anambra state came to public knowledge with the failed abduction of the incumbent Governor of the state, Dr. Chris Ngige on July 10, 2003 by Esele Chris Uba’s faction supported by a team of policemen led by an Assistant Inspector General (AIG) of Police, Raphael Ige who claimed to be acting on Orders from Above. The Nigerian Police authorities denied any prior knowledge of the abduction which coincided with President Obasanjo’s trip to Principle and Sao Tome to reinstate that country’s President, Fradique de Menezes, who was earlier toppled in a military putsch. Consequently, the Presidency, like the police authorities, also denied prior knowledge of the abduction saga. Since the July 10, 2003 episode in Anambra State, several issues have emerged between the contending factions in the crisis. First Esele Chris Uba’s faction claimed that the Governor resigned from office and this provided the grounds for their attempt to swear in Dr. Okey Ude (the then deputy Governor) as the executive governor. The incumbent governor, Dr. Chris Ngige refuted the allegations claiming that the purported resignation letter was signed by him under duress in a shrine before his assumption of office and that things fell apart between him and Chris Uba’s faction when he refused to mortgage Anambra State by paying N3 billion naira (about $22.8 million USD) state funds to Uba’s function. Next, despite the persistent public demand that the culprits be tried for treason, as a deterrence to future occurrence, the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) preferred to treat the matter as a family Affair while the Presidency preferred to adopt a mere Political Solution to such an affront to the country’s nascent democracy. The purported complacency, if not complicity of the PDP dominated Federal government becomes more obvious when it merely retired AIG Raphael Ige and refused to charge the principal actors in the abduction saga for treason under the provisions of Criminal Code Act (cap. 77, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria, 1990) as a violation Section 1, Subsection 2 of the 1999 Constitution (Federal Republic of Nigeria: 1999) which categorically asserts that: The Federal Republic of Nigeria shall not be governed, nor shall any person or group of persons take control of the Government of Nigeria or any part thereof, except in Accordance with the provisions of this Constitution. To this effect, the attempted coup on the Anambra state government is an affront on the constitution which should be treated in accordance with what the legal statutes of the country stipulate. It is the position of this paper that if Governor Ngige had resigned as claimed, there would have been no need for the heavy police invasion of Anambra State Government House as occurred on July 10, 2003. (See note) A chronology of the events that followed the July 10, episode includes: The impeachment of the Speaker of Anambra State House of Assembly, Honourable Eucharia Anozodo and subsequent replacement by Honourable Mike Belonwu. Retirement from service of AIG Raphael Ige and his subsequent death on suspected case of heart failure. Impeachment of the Anambra State Deputy Governor, Dr. Okey Ude and subsequent replacement by Chief Ugochukwu Nwankwo. Justice Wilson Eboh Eboh’s – ruling in July, 2003 that Dr. Chris Ngige should stop parading himself as Governor of Anambra State. This he later denied in reaction to adverse public opinion. Constant harassment of Governor Chris Ngige by Chris Uba and his group who have heavy police escorts. This culminated and in the reported assault on Governor Ngige’s convoy on November 24, 2003 at Amawbia along the Enugu-Onitsha expressway by Chris Uba’s faction. The expulsion of Chris Uba and some members of his faction from the PDP and their subsequent re-admission into the party. Failure of the police to implement the ruling of an Awka Magistrate Court ordering the arrest of Chris Uba and 14 others for harassing the Governor in a suit filed by the Anambra State government. Violent clash between the loyalist of Governor Chris Ngige on the one hand and Chris Uba on the other at the December 6, 2003 South East Zonal Congress of the PDP scheduled to hold in Enugu (South East Nigeria) Peace deal in Owerri, Imo State (South East Nigeria) between Governor Ngige’s and Chris Uba’s faction concluded in December 22, 2003. January 2nd 2004 ruling by Justice Stanley Nnaji of Enugu State High Court, during court vacation, ordering the Inspector General of Police to withdraw the policemen attached to Governor Ngige. The Inspector General implemented this verdict with immediate effect, thereby exposing Governor Ngige’s life to danger. Mass rally in Anambra State in support of Governor Chris Ngige with demonstrators carrying the effigy of Chris Uba and his cohorts. In March 2004, Governor Ngige was involved in a ghastly auto accident. An L300 commercial bus collided with his bullet proof jeep. Governor Ngige miraculously escaped the cold hands of death but his vehicle severely damaged. Though no group claimed responsibility, but the crisis continued. In mid 2004, tales of the absurd reigned following the discovery at Ogwugwu shrine in Okija, Anambra state where the purported Ngige-Uba Power Pact was sealed in secrecy. Between November 10th and 12th 2004, Anambra state was subjected to an orgy of violence by political thugs believed to be working for Esele Chris Uba. The hoodlums virtually shut down governance in the state for three days. About seven persons were feared dead while the offices of the Governor, Deputy Governor, State Legislative quarters and House of assembly, State Independent Electoral Commission, Anambra State Broadcasting Service, Onitsha South Local Government Council, State Education Commission and Women Development Centre were razed. Beside the dead persons, the destruction wrought by the hoodlums was put at about $230 million (USD). (Africa Today, February 2005) The State Police Commissioner acknowledged receiving intelligence report from the State Security Service and other security agencies about the impending violence, but confessed that the efforts of the Command to contain the insurgency was overwhelmed by the thugs (The Punch, November 17, 2004: p. 16). Yet, the State Police Command had earlier in October disbanded and arrested members of the Anambra Vigilante Service (ANVS) On December 6th 2004, Chief Audu Ogbeh, ex- PDP National Chairman, wrote an open letter to President Obasanjo, urging him to take decisive steps to end the political embarrassment in Anambra state. In January 2005, Dr. Chris Ngige and Esele Chris Uba were suspended from the PDP and an Eight man panel headed by the incumbent governor of Osun state, Brigadier General Olagunsoye Oyinlola (rtd) was set up to investigate the allegations against them. The suspension however did not affect Ngige’s position as a governor. In February 2005, Chief Audu Ogbeh was compelled to resign as National Chairman of the PDP under what he termed “unsettling circumstances” He was succeeded by Colonel Ahmadu Ali (rtd) Dr. Ngige and Esele Chris Uba were eventually expelled from the PDP in March 20, 2005. These events have so far provoked several speculations. Anambra Crisis and Nigeria’s Fourth Republic: A Functional Analysis The significance and choice of the Anambra crisis for this evaluation of Nigeria’s democratic experiment is that it provide a platform for the assessment of the performance of the existing democratic institutions in Nigeria. These institutions includes executive, legislature, judiciary, mass media, political parties and the mass of the people. It further stimulates several constitutional issues such as the demand for state police, resource control, limits of presidential power, the transparency or otherwise of Election 2003 and the structure and functioning of our federalism. Election 2003 It is a widely held belief that rigging elections has for a long time been as Nigerian as pounded yam. (West Africa, 1983: 1863). The conduct of Election 2003 appears not to be an exception. The ongoing political crisis in Anambra State has so far raised question on the transparency of the 2003 General elections which the opposition and critics qualify as a Monumental Fraud and a Legitimating of the People’s Disempowerment. The case of Anambra state is one instance. Trapped between calls for trial on charges of treason and possible conviction, members of Chris Uba’s faction, threatened that if they are not freed of any complicity in the abduction saga, that they will open up and reveal how the 2003 election was contested and won by his party, the ruling PDP in Anambra State. It is the position of this paper that this threat may have contributed to the way and manner in which the PDP and Presidency has handled the matter so far. Esele Chris Uba, a brother in law to the President’s wife, Lady Stella Obasanjo, is reputed to have spent about a billion naira ($7.6 million USD) to ensure that both Obasanjo and the PDP swept Anambra during the 2003 general election in Nigeria. Uba even boasted openly that he had made history by single handedly producing the three senators from the state, all members of the Federal House of Representative from the state, all but one of the 30 members of the state House of Assembly, plus the state governor and his former deputy. (Africa Today, February 2005: p. 1) Insisting that he is not a Father Christmas, Esele Chris Uba vowed to unseat Ngige for his refusal to pay a whooping N3 billion Naira (about $22.8 million USD) as election expenses.(This Day, January 7, 2004: p. 4) As such while Dr. Chris Ngige remains the Governor, the case of electoral malpractice against the PDP instituted by Peter Obi, the All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA) gubernatorial candidate in Anambra State is still at the electoral tribunal and may be the last joker of opponents of Governor Ngige (within the PDP) when they may have exhausted other antics at removing the Governor. Political Parties Party politics in a democracy is not all about contesting and winning elections. It also extends to checkmating the excesses of the ruling party. So far, and with special reference to the Anambra crisis, the opposition parties have failed to either mount pressure on the present administration to charge the culprits involved in the abduction saga for treason or adequately sensitise the populace to the excesses of those in the corridors of power. It is very strange that the APGA in Anambra State is more preoccupied with election petition without giving adequate fairness to the need to preserve the dignity of political offices in the state. This oversight is detrimental to sustainable democracy in Nigeria. Yet the conduct of the ruling PDP in this episode still leaves much to be desired. While reading the verdict of the PDP National Working Committee (NWC) set up to investigate the abduction episode in Anambra State, the party’s National Chairman, Chief Audu Ogbeh observed that the entire atmosphere surrounding the incident smells of a well hatched conspiracy. For him, the speed with which the AIG arrived in Awka without the knowledge of the local Anambra State Commissioner of Police or the State Director of the State Security Service (SSS); the speed with which the Speaker, the House and the Deputy Governor moved within 12 hours to accept the ‘letter of resignation’ and urged the Anambra Chief Judge to swear in the deputy; the rush to broadcast, all have the elements of a coup which fortunately failed (This Day, August 19, 2005: p. 5). Commenting on the role of Governor Ngige, Chief Ogbeh regretted that either by negligence or by careless unawareness of the enormity of his place and power as governor, he allowed himself to become a virtual slave at the hands of manipulators and a willing complaint to evil happening, even when these were clearly detrimental to his own and his office well being and indeed that of the state and the nation (ibid.). Yet, the PDP tagged this evident rape of democracy, A Family Affair. Who knows what the party will come up with if tomorrow, another cohort within the party kidnaps the President? Maybe, a Bedroom Affair, this time. In all the PDP initially expelled the culprits from the party, especially Chris Uba, Chuma Nzeribe, Obi Okoye, Ikechukwu Abana, and Okechukwu Odunze and later recalled them. Governor Ngige was advised to strengthen his hold on his state and recognise that he is the captain of the ship. It has however been reasoned that the expulsion of Chris Uba and his cohorts seems a deliberate ploy of the PDP to appease enraged public opinion so as to recall them when public nerves has calmed down. Today, Governor Ngige has been expelled from the party. What a noble way to uphold democracy. The Armed Forces The role of the Nigerian Police in the whole episode stands significant. It raises questions of national security on the one hand, while stimulating the demand for state police on the other. First, it must be realised that the abduction of Governor Ngige was perfected by some men of the Nigerian police, led by Assistant Inspector General (AIG) of Police, Raphael Ige. It is interesting to note that AIG Ige was sent on summary dismissal after the police authorities denied involvement. The question now is what happened to other men and officers involved in the episode? It is also thought provoking that the then Inspector General of Police, Tafa Balogun, founds it easy to attach men of the mobile police to guard Esele Chris Uba, a young business man, while it is a federal policy that top ranking public officers like Judges should be stripped of their police orderlies. Yet, it is even more thought provoking that the then Inspector General, acting on a court ruling of questionable jurisdiction found it easier to withdraw the policemen attached to guard the Anambra State Government House, and by extension the State Governor, than to effect the arrest of Esele Chris Uba as ruled by an Awka Magistrate Court of competent jurisdiction in compliance with the verdict. Yet and equally thought provoking is the fact that the Nigerian police force which has attained global certification for competence in international peace keeping and which has often been used to quell ethnic agitations in the Niger delta was unable to prevent the political brigandage that wrought mayhem in Anambra in November 2004 despite adequate security alert from the SSS. The unfolding drama adds another plus to the agitations for state police. This even becomes more pronounced with the increase in wave of violent crimes, political assassination and recurring incidence of attacks on elected governors. It is of note here that the military with particular reference to the army, navy and air force has exercised severe restraints to intervene. This is quite remarkable but the position of the military should not be taken for license since military intervention usually occur against a background of political pathologies and socio economic anxieties now evident in Nigeria. Legislature The role of the legislative arm of government at both the national and Anambra state levels has been a case of mixed spices. It is on record that while the National Assembly went out in theory to condemn the abduction saga, there was attempt on the floor of the Senate to deliberate on a bill that will encourage the declaration of a state of emergency in Anambra state with an aim of removing Governor Ngige. But for the likes of Comrade (now Senator) Uche Chukwumerije, who were vehemently opposed to the move, Senator Arthur Nzeribe and his co-marksmen of the executive may have succeeded. This action goes further to give credibility to the allegations of federal government complicity in the so called Orders from Above. The Anambra state House of Assembly on its part also demonstrated initial legislative ineptitude and conspiracy in the attempted putsch. For instance, the then speaker of the House, Honourable Eucharia Anozodo, together with the members of the House, accepted the purported resignation of Governor Ngige and without caution, mounted pressure on the state Chief Judge, Chief U.N. Udechukwu to swear in Dr. Okey Udeh, (the then, but now impeached Deputy Governor) of the state – as Governor while the where about of Governor Ngige was still unknown. Though the Honourable members later retracted their actions after the successful triumph of Governor Ngige, claiming that they were misled into taking presumptive actions by the Speaker and members of Chris Uba’s faction, their initial collaboration with the coupists, still leaves much to be desired from an elected legislative body in a supposed growing democracy. Judiciary This is another institution for the consolidation of democracy. It is important to note that there is no better test of the excellence of a government than the efficiency of its judicial system. This is because the citizenry feel secure with the awareness that he can rely on the certain, prompt and impartial administration of justice. Bearing this in mind, one will be at a loss at the role of the Nigerian Judiciary in the Anambra State crisis. For instance, the unpopular verdict passed by an Enugu State High Court presided over by Justice Stanley Nnaji over a case of human right violation instituted by one Nelson Achuku (a suspended member of Anambra State House of Assembly) against the Governor on January 2, 2004, during the courts vacation, is not only seen as an a re-enactment of July 2003 ruling of an Abuja Federal High Court presided over by Justice Wilson Eboh Eboh which has been generally conceived as an evidence of judicial complicity in the whole episode, but it is also a violation of Section 308, subsection 1, of the 1999 Constitution(Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999) of Federal Republic of Nigeria which grants immunity against civil or criminal proceedings to a Governor in any court in Nigeria while in office. It is even more embarrassing to hear Justice Eboh Eboh retracting a judgment he signed and made public on the guise that the Court Registrar misrepresented his verdict. Could this be a second thought in response to public uproar to the judicial embarrassment? The conduct of the judiciary in the Anambra episode also gives credence to the so called orders from above. This becomes obvious when one reflects that Chapter 7, of the 1999 Constitution locates the recommendation for the appointment and promotion of judges throughout the country in the National Judicial Council (NJC) which is a federal executive body established under Section 153 subsection 1(i) of the said document. To this effect, the complicity of Judges at both the state and Federal levels may be in response to anticipated elevation to higher national offices like the Supreme Court, when they play ball or for some anticipated financial gains in a society that attach high premium to materialism. Governors The reactions of other state governors throughout the federation is worthy of assessment. Their epileptic approach to the current Anambra crisis is certainly devoid of the required assertiveness in view of the evident disdain to their office. Could this be for the fear of incurring the wrath of the All devouring Leviathan of the Presidency? Today, the executive governors in Nigeria have become targets of criminal harassment. This is evident in the attack by unknown assailants on Governor George Akume (Benue State), Bola Tinubu (Lagos State) and the camouflage invasion and detention of the Deputy Governor of Delta State, Chief Elue over charges of unauthorised possession of firearms. Even, Governor Orji Uzor Kalu of Abia State added a new dimension to the whole episode with his claim that Chief Tony Anenih, the incumbent Chairman of PDP Board of Trustees severely threatened his life. Indeed, all these demonstrate a mockery of democracy. Focusing on the input of Governor Ngige to the genesis of the crisis, first, he has been accused to have sworn before the Okija shrine to abide by the wishes of his political sponsors and also to have signed his purported resignation letter before his swearing in as Governor. This is what the PDP termed willing accomplice to evil happenings even when it was detrimental to his office and the state. It must be realised that Governor Chris Ngige acted in strict compliance to political morality. This is consistent with the doctrine of Niccolo Machiavelli (Crankston, 1964: 42) that in the actions of a ruler, the end justifies the means and as such, The Prince should aim at conquering and maintaining the state and the means will be judged honourably and praised by everyone. To this effect, The Prince may renege on agreements and manipulate religion in the pursuit and maintenance of state power. Relating this to the Anambra crisis, whether Governor Ngige went to the Okija Shrine to take an oath with a bible under his armpit as he claimed, or whether he signed and reneged on the purported agreements and resignation letter, it must be known that all was done in the quest for political power and the interest of the state. As such, Governor Ngige like, The Prince, should now consolidate on state power so as to enhance his delivery of public goods. Presidency This analysis of the Anambra crisis will be incomplete without an examination of the role of the Presidency in the whole episode. It is on record that President, Olusegun Obasanjo was away in Principe and Sao Tome when the abduction took place. Could this be a perfect alibi to evade allegation of complicity? On his return to the country, the President was relatively quiet over the incident as he preferred to adopt a mere political solution over a treasonable felony of such magnitude. For sure, the so called political solution was excusable in the Shari’ah controversy because of the sensitive nature of the Shari’ah to the corporate existence of Nigeria, but such an approach on the abduction and attempted overthrow of an elected governor of a state is an assault on Section 1, sub section 2 of the 1999 Constitution which the President swore under oath to uphold. Today, there exist mounting allegations that the President is deliberately shielding the culprits from the law to avert his complicity in the incident. It is a known fact in Nigeria that Esele Chris Uba’s elder brother, Andy, a physiotherapist is married to the younger sister of the President’s Wife and wields much power in Aso Rock as Obasanjo’s aide in charge of domestic affairs. Consequently, the incumbent Speaker of the Anambra State House of Assembly, Honourable Mike Belonwu openly threatened to hold President Obasanjo responsible for any outbreak of anarchy in Anambra state as a result of his (the President’s) unflinching support for those he, (Belonwu) referred to as the band of treasury looter and rascals of known pedigree (referring to Chris Uba and his cohorts). In his words, The President is giving support to the shameless and heartless cabal whose main objective is not only to despoil but to desecrate and dehumanize and also to perpetually enslave the good people of Anambra state physically and financially.(The Comet, January 10, 2004: p. 14) Even Professor Chinua Achebe, a man not usually associated with politics, in October 2004, rejected a national honour of Commander of the Federal Republic (CFR); He hinged his reasons on the strange political happenings in Nigeria. In an open letter to the President, Achebe lamented that Nigeria under Obasanjo is too dangerous for silence. In his words, Achebe stated that: For sometime now, I have watched events in Nigeria with alarm and dismay… I have watched particularly the chaos in my home state of Anambra where a small clique of renegades, openly boasting of its connections in high places, seems determined to turn my homeland into a bankrupt and lawless fiefdom. I am appalled by the brazenness of this clique and the silence, if not connivance of the Presidency. (Africa Today, op. cit. p. 13) Now, while we expect the President not to embark on press war, the bulk of the Nigerian populace do earnestly seek that the Presidency should clear itself of any complicity in the Anambra saga by righting the wrongs inflicted on public conscience and constitutional morality as a result of the July 10, 2003 episode and its aftermath. Mass Media The role of the media in the Anambra crisis demands commendation. First, the media by its strategic significance as the Fourth Estate authenticated the news which initially rent the public conscience as rumour. Subsequently, the media has kept the public updated with the unfolding events associated with the crisis. However, it is necessary that the media should be cautious in the discharge of its functions so as not to blow events out of proportion and in effect, jeopardise its principle of social responsibility. People It is of note here to extol the role played by the mass of the Nigerian populace in general and the people of Anambra State in particular that rose in one voice to condemn the damnable acts of all democratic misfits in the Anambra state crisis. Governor Ngige is still in office today because the Anambra people rose up against oppression and subjugation. Indeed, a demonstration that political power truly belongs to the people. It is however regrettable to note that the Oha Na Eze Ndigbo (See note) has so far demonstrated that it is a house divided against itself, and as such cannot guarantee the protection and welfare of Ndigbo. Conclusion and Recommendations The above analysis reveals that Governor Ngige was first kidnapped, a court ruled that he should no longer parade himself as Governor, later harassed at the Enugu PDP rally in 2003, he was stripped of police protection, had a fatal accident in March 2004, his office was invaded by hoodlums, he was suspended from PDP and today, Ngige has been expelled from the party. It is not an over statement to assert that the crisis in Anambra state is indeed a dangerous development for Nigeria’s on going experiment with democracy in the Fourth Republic. From it, several questions can be rightly asked about the conduct of public affairs in the Fourth Republic. In view of the turmoil so far raised by the crisis and having in mind that it has become one of the impeachable offences levied against Mr. President by the Federal House of Representatives, this paper makes the following recommendations as a commitment towards the resolution of the crisis and the sustainability of democracy in Nigeria. First, in realization of the fact that the crisis in Anambra state has its roots in the conduct of the 2003 General Elections; concerted efforts must be made to ensure that future elections in Nigeria are free and fair. Efforts should be made to prevent electoral malpractices in whatever its manifestations. Culprits found guilty of electoral offences should be punished accordingly and where an incumbent rises to power through established cases of electoral misconduct, the relevant legal statutes should be invoked to redress the anomaly. To this effect, it must be realised that Dr. Ngige has been sworn in as the Executive Governor of Anambra state and his office as the Governor must be respected If at all Dr. Ngige is to be removed, then let it be through the established process of law. Secondly, there is the need for our political leadership and public officials to be exposed to continuous training which will enhance their efficiency. This has become obvious in view of the conduct of the various public officers involved in the crisis. The deplorable roles played by some judges and men of the police force leave much to be desired by strategic institutions that were established to sustain the course of democracy in the country. It is also important to note that the conditions of service among public officer should be enhanced to reduce the temptations pervert justice. Finally, the entire political class must realise that military rule take place in atmosphere of crisis and uncertainties. Experience has shown that it is the persistence of crisis as evident in Anambra state that provides the military the variable which they manipulate to intervene into politics. So far the military has stayed off but the civilian political class should ensure that the failure of Nigeria’s current experience with democracy should not arise due to their inability to generate and sustain credibility and legitimacy in governance. REFERENCES Textbooks Carter Centre, African Governance in the 1990’s: Objectives, Resources and Constraints, (Atlanta: The Carter Centre of Emory University, 1990) Charlesworth, J., (ed.) Contemporary Political Analysis (New York: Free Press, 1962) Crankston, M., (ed.) Western Political Philosophers, (London: The Bodley Head, 1964) Oyediran, O., Diamond, L. and Kirk-Greene (eds.) Transition Without End (Ibadan: Vantage, 1997) Joseph, R., Democracy and Prebendal Politics in Nigeria: The Rise and Fall of the Second Republic (Ibadan: Spectrum, 1987) Journals Africa Development, Volume XIII, Number 1, 1988. Newspapers and Magazines Africa Today: Voice of the Continent, Volume 11, Number 2, February 2005. The Comet, Saturday, January 10, 2004, p. 14 The Guardian, Thursday, August 5, 2004. The Punch, Wednesday, November 17th 2004. This Day, August 19 2003. This Day, Friday, January 7 2004. West Africa, 15 August 1983. Official Document Federal Republic of Nigeria, Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (Lagos: Federal Government Press, 1999) United States of America, Holly Burkhalter, “Human Right and Political Development in Nigeria” Testimony before the House Foreign Affairs Committee on African Affairs on 4, August, 1993. Notes July 10th 2003 has been declared as the Day of Liberation by Anambra state Government. Ndigbo is the indigenous ethnic group that inhabits the South East geo-political zone (Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu and Imo) in Nigeria. Oha Na Eze Ndigbo is the umbrella Pan Igbo socio-political organisation. PAGE 20 Opensore of a Democracy… Anambra Crisis C. Nna-Emeka Okereke PAGE PAGE 20