9
Fisheries resource-use culture
in Fiji and its implications
Joeli Veitayaki
Like other Pacific Islanders, most Fijians are maritime people, with
ongoing fishing traditions that are continually retold to the younger
generations. Skilled fishers and seafarers are highly regarded. In
coastal areas, fish provide an important component of the people’s
diet, and are of considerable cultural significance. The way in which
people use their fishery resources is still influenced to some degree by
these cultural factors. Although they may no longer believe literally in
all the supernatural aspects involved, or, indeed, slavishly observe all
the traditional prohibitions, they are generally aware of them and
make reference to their usefulness.
The current consciousness surrounding the significance of
traditional fishing practices has made it important that people today
understand the culture that was part of traditional resource use.
Traditional resource-use practices were based on empirical knowledge
of localised natural and cultural systems. Although resource-use
methods are rapidly changing, contemporary practices include
features that were once part of the traditional system, and these often
provide knowledge that can be usefully employed to enhance the
sustainable utilisation of fishery resources.
There is an on-going debate as to whether the management
practices of traditional fishery resource can be introduced as part of
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Culture and sustainable development in the Pacific
contemporary resource management arrangements (Johannes 1978;
Hviding 1994; Ruddle 1994; Veitayaki 1995), but it is beyond the scope
of this chapter, which is limited to considering how elements of
traditional practice influence the contemporary resource-use system.
The system of resource-use now observed in many parts of the
country is a combination of the traditional system of resource-use and
contemporary methods, that take into consideration the changes in
Fijian communities. Understanding how the changes in resource use
culture takes place and their implications on future fisheries resourceuse will influence the successful implementation of sustainable
fisheries development and the effective involvement of local
communities.
Coastal communities in Fiji today are undergoing socioeconomic
and technological modernisation. Commercial exploitation has given
most communities the capability to deplete coastal resources rapidly.
With the economic demands to which the people are subjected and
their increased capacity and productivity levels, the sustainable use of
marine resources has become a major issue. The situation has become
so serious that one of the main contemporary challenges is the
sustainability of fisheries development projects (Carleton 1983;
Johannes 1989; David 1990; Dolman 1990; Liew 1990; Munro and
Fakahau 1993). Meanwhile, most coastal fisheries development
continues to be characterised by the periodic boom and bust cycles
which are associated with the peaks and troughs of trade in marine
commodities.
The changes that have taken place in most communities in Fiji call
for modern management input. Most traditional communities have
not fully understood the environmental issues and the scientific base
of inter-relationships in the ecosystem. Science is required to provide
information on the nature of the resources and ecosystems. Furthermore,
the impact of modern fishing technology on the resource base is
important because fishers now have the capability to overfish distant
areas where they have never gone before. The increase in the number
of fishers makes it critical that every fisher is familiar with the need to
keep production levels well within the stock’s capacity to replenish
itself. The scenario is made more complicated by the deteriorating
state of the marine environment.
In some areas of Fiji, the traditional owners of fishing grounds and
fishing rights have become passive observers, allowing government
officials and external experts to make all the resource-use decisions. In
Fisheries resource-use culture in Fiji and its implications
117
these instances, the traditional owners of fishing grounds and fishing
rights are instructed in new ways to use their resources. In others,
traditional fishing ground and right owners are suspicious of the
government’s motives because they do not fully understand them. The
short lifetime of most fishery development projects, which have been
introduced to increase productivity, income-earning opportunities and
employment, has often negatively affected the state of the resources
and the people’s enthusiasm to be part of projects. In some cases, the
people are burdened by the failure of projects that were doomed from
the beginning because they did not accommodate the sociocultural
reality of Fijian communities.
Fishery exploitation in Fiji involves five discrete sectors: subsistence,
artisanal, aquaculture, recreational and industrial. The different
sectors vary in nature, characteristics and associated issues. Interesting
developments are now taking place as coastal Fijian communities are
addressing the ecological problems associated with dwindling
resources. The people have initiated various attempts to identify more
sustainable ways of using their fishery resources and are incorporating
traditional and community-based resource-use methods into
contemporary arrangements.
Traditional resource-use culture
The most significant traditional practice still followed in Fiji is the
customary ownership of rights to fishing grounds, which extend to the
outer reef slope (Iwakiri 1983; Kunatuba 1983; Fong 1994; Waqairatu
1994; Veitayaki 1995). Like land rights, traditional fishing area rights
are defined and owned by vanua or tikina (social units that include a
number of villages in a district) which regulate their use and
exploitation. People are expected to use their own allocations, and
those seeking to use grounds belonging to others are expected to get
permission from the owners. From time to time fishing ground owners
may declare a portion of their grounds out of bounds to preserve the
resources for a special purpose such as a wedding, birth or a death
ceremony (Ravuvu 1983). On other occasions, the people can place
restrictions on fishing methods to protect the resource (Fong 1994).
Traditional management arrangements were embedded in the
wider social system, in which traditional authority prevailed, and the
systems of retribution ensured compliance. In some parts of Fiji people
were killed or banished for serious offences relating to fishing
practices (Tippett 1959). The traditional notion of ‘sacred ground’ is
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Culture and sustainable development in the Pacific
still prominent in many parts of Fiji. The sacred fishing grounds were
special areas where special rules were strictly adhered to. In such
cases ‘a close association was perceived between the living and the
dead, whose spirits inhabited sacred areas, who showed offence when
customary taboos and rituals were not adhered to’ (Siwatibau
1984:366). Fishing at such sites was conducted only with the permission
of a bete, or traditional priest, or when special requirements were met.
In Qoma today, the people going to Cakau Davui, the sacred fishing
ground, are expected to obtain special permission, to perform the
rituals of an arrival party at the reef, and to fish according to the rules.
Among the turtle fishermen of Qoma, the belief is that their gods will
provide a catch sufficient for the purpose for which the fishing was
asked. The fishers know that once a turtle swims through their net
they have caught enough and they will not catch any more. To be
successful in their fishing, the people need to please their gods by
doing the correct and expected things. In Kaba, the traditional
swimming spot for the paramount chief is fished only at the request of
the chief.
This association with the supernatural ensures that the ‘sacred
grounds’ are respected and protected at all times, and not only when
enforcement officers are around. The supernatural associations can
also lead to incidents that seem to defy normal logic and rational
thought (Koroi 1989). Fijians accept these special cases because they
embody their traditional culture and beliefs. The close ties between the
people of Cakaudrove and sharks is one such example. In this part of
Fiji, sharks are revered by the people, who in turn are protected by
them while at sea. During a trip to one of the islands on the edge of
Fiji’s Economic Exclusion Zone (EEZ), a naval vessel with the former
president and high chief of Cakaudrove on board was caught in a
freak storm. At the height of the storm, the listing vessel was propped
up by a shark as large as the boat that stationed itself alongside the
vessel until the storm passed (Fiji Times, 1 June 1985). In a similar
incident, a barracuda which had stationed itself at the Suva Wharf
before the Royal yacht Britannia berthed only swam away after the
same chief arrived and communicated with it (Sunday Times, 31
October 1982).
On Naigani island, trevally are traditionally fished and eaten
according to certain prescribed rules. Fishing is decided by the
traditional priest. People would only take home fish sufficient for the
day. No fish was to be kept overnight at home, and the unsevered
Fisheries resource-use culture in Fiji and its implications
119
bones are returned to the sea in the morning, where they again become
a live fish (Veitayaki 1990). In Vanua Balavu, the inland lagoon at
Masomo is fished by the community only when the traditional priest
authorises it (Koroi 1989). During the fishing, which normally takes
around six hours, fishers are not allowed to wear anything other than
grass skirts specially made for the occasion. The people should also oil
their bodies well. Failure to follow the rules will anger the gods and is
a recipe for trouble. Penalties which reflect the severity of the offence
are meted out by the spirits.
The thought of retribution by the ever-vigilant gods are a
continuous reminder to the people of the need to adhere to tradition,
and expected behaviour. The fishing grounds in Fiji, like the land, are
associated with the spirits that protected them. Siwatibau explains that
in such societies the environment is not something separate ‘but an
integral part of one’s self, providing the physical manifestation of the
vital link between the living and the dead’ (1984:367). Outsiders,
therefore, must observe the protocol and code of conduct in any area
they are visiting. For instance, visitors are expected to make an
offering to publicise their arrival at a place. This practice ensures that
the members of the community are aware of the presence of visitors
among them and also protects the visitors from the wrath of the spirits
who show offence when customary protocol is not followed
(Siwatibau 1984). The tradition also ensures that the customary
owners of fishing grounds and rights are consulted every time
outsiders want to fish in their area.
Totemic beliefs may also contribute to conservation goals. All
Fijians have a plant, a bird and a fish totem (Cappell and Lester 1953;
Ravuvu 1983; Veitayaki 1995). The taboo associated with totems
restricts particular clans, families, age groups or sexes from catching
or eating the species concerned. Exploitation is thus restricted to a
certain extent because the fishers are always careful not to harm their
totem. In Qoma, for example, the fishers would abandon their nets if
their totem fish was caught. Fishing was also a highly specialised
activity, carried on by only a relatively few members of the
community. This in itself limited the catches and contributed to the
general maintenance of stock and the protection of the marine
environment.
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Culture and sustainable development in the Pacific
The contemporary resource-use culture
Fiji is presently self-sufficient in fish and earns F$66.54 million
(representing 2.8 per cent of GDP in 1995) through its export of fishery
products (Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Forests 1995). The
estimated value of the inshore commodities during the same period
was around F$58.32 million. The Fisheries Division has the responsibility
for the exploitation and management of all fishery resources,
formulating plans for the development of all the various sectors, and
monitoring on-going programs. The development of infrastructure
and capacity is resulting in a continued increase in the exploitation of
inshore resources.
Of the different fishery sectors in Fiji, the industrial sector and the
recreational fisheries are predominantly conducted offshore and are
associated with high capital inputs. These two sectors are adequately
managed and are sufficiently covered in the literature. The development
of offshore industrial fishing is beneficial both for the exports that it
generates, and the relief that it gives to inshore resources. The inshore
fisheries consist of subsistence, artisanal, commercial sectors and
aquaculture that are mostly small-scale and operated cheaply by local
people. Variations within the inshore fisheries are evident in spite of
the use of the same resource base.
Since the establishment of the Fiji Fisheries Division in 1968, the
national five year plans have emphasised the development of smallscale artisanal fishery through the introduction of new, motorised
fishing boats, improved fishing gear and methods, the processing of
traditional export items, the establishment of marketing and
transportation systems, ice-making and cold storage plants, and the
improvement of landing and berthing facilities in the main fishing
centres.
The developments taking place in the management of inshore
resources illustrate the incorporation of traditional practices into
contemporary resource-use arrangements. The government, for
instance, has recorded, surveyed and registered customary fishing
ground boundaries that were previously based on oral claims. Some
406 customary fishing grounds have already been established. The
government has involved the customary owners in the award of
Fisheries resource-use culture in Fiji and its implications
121
commercial fishing licenses within their areas (Kunatuba 1983; Cavuilati
1994), and is planning to return to the communities the ownership of
their traditional fishing grounds, which currently rest with the state, a
direct result of Fiji’s colonial experience (Waqairatu 1994).
Commercial fishers operating within customary fishing areas in Fiji
are required by law to have a licence which is renewable every year
(Ministry of Agriculture Fisheries and Forests 1994; 1995). The licences
are not transferable and are issued by the Fisheries Division on receipt
of the approval of the head of the customary units owning the fishing
area. Fishers seeking fishing licenses within the customary fishing
areas are expected to pay goodwill money. Though open to abuse, this
system effectively restricts the number of users in any customary
fishing area and removes open access conditions. Fishing licenses
offered in this way, although not rationally decided upon (as the
traditional owners offer their consent to nearly everyone who asks and
pays for them), can be improved if some scientific basis for permit
allocation is used.
It is government policy that the customary fishing areas (inside
demarcated area—IDA) be reserved as much as possible for local
owners and other residents. The Fisheries Division is thus encouraging
commercial fishing operators to go to outside demarcated areas
(ODA) and exploit resources in those areas that are not traditionally
important to people. The government’s intention to develop specific
ODA sectors are well illustrated by the placement of Fish Aggregation
Devices (FADs) and the promotion of half cabin FAO-designed fishing
boats; both of which enhance the movement away from the
exploitation of inshore fisheries.
There are other examples that illustrate the incorporation of
traditional and community-based marine resources management
systems in Fiji. In Kaba Point the people, who were fed up with poorly
planned fishery projects that they had been part of, decided that any
future marine-based development, involving the use of their coastal
resources within their customary fishing areas, required thorough
evaluation (Veitayaki et al. 1996). They invited researchers from the
local university and government to scientifically assess the viability of
their proposed fisheries project. The study findings indicated that local
fishery resources were extensively used and that further
intensification of current fishing practices could not be viable. As a
result of the study the villagers are redefining their goals and options
for using and managing their coastal resources.
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Culture and sustainable development in the Pacific
In a related development, the people approached their paramount
chief and briefed her on the disturbed natural situation. The chief
responded by initiating a six month ban on gillnet fishing within the
Kaba Point areas. In 1995, the chief decided not to renew the seventeen
permits for the commercial fishers within their customary fishing
grounds and to restrict fishing to only the people of Kaba Point for a
year. In May 1996, the villagers hosted a marine awareness workshop
where they invited government representatives, non-government
organisations and researchers to discuss the management of their
coastal resources. The villagers are now pursing other alternatives
such as aquaculture and deep-sea fishing to allow for the recovery of
their fishing grounds. The people of Kaba Point are aware of the issues
facing them and are using the opportunities available through
traditional management arrangements to address them.
Similar developments are taking place in other parts of Fiji as
customary fishing ground owners determine the exploitation of their
resources. In Lau, the paramount chief of the province in the late 1980s
banned the commercial exploitation of fisheries in his domain.
According to the chief, commercial fishing makes a mockery of
customary fishing tenure and therefore promotes a system of marine
resource use that is detrimental to people and the proper utilisation of
fishery resources (Veitayaki 1990).
In Verata, Tailevu, the people have banned the use of driftnets in
their customary fishing grounds for about two years now. This
decision was taken by the owners of the customary fishing area after
observing the deteriorating status of their fisheries. A year after the
moratorium on gillnet fishing, there was much celebration when the
big fish that the people claimed to have missed for years returned to
the fishing grounds. The chief and the people of Verata have decided
to extend the moratorium and are thinking of making the ban a
permanent management arrangement. A similar arrangement is being
observed within Macuata in Vanua Levu, where the chiefs have
testified to the value of a moratorium on gillnet fishing, huka gear use
and Sunday fishing (Fong 1994).
In some other parts of Fiji, customary fishing ground owners have
refused the building of roads and the use of coastal resources by
tourists because of the pressure on fishery resources. The chief and
people of Kiuva, Tailevu, for instance, have repeatedly opposed the
construction of a road to their village because it would involve
clearing and draining extensive mangrove areas on their land. The
Fisheries resource-use culture in Fiji and its implications
123
mangrove areas provide the people’s main fishery resources. According
to the chief and the people of Kiuva, it is better to travel by punts and
have a good productive fishery than to travel by road and be left with
badly destroyed resources.
On many occasions the owners of customary fishing areas have
confronted fishers and tourist operators they believed were abusing
their coastal resources. Although this situation is not conducive to the
economic reputation of the country, it shows that the owners of
customary fishing areas are serious about the proper use of their
coastal resources. In some instances, fishing gear has been destroyed
and lives threatened as customary owners exert control within their
areas.
In some parts of Fiji, owners of customary fishing areas have
employed fish wardens to patrol their territory. These people
undertake surveillance work within their customary areas on behalf of
the owners of customary fishing areas and the Fisheries Division.
Although fish wardens are not paid, their involvement illustrates the
commitment of coastal communities to the proper use of their
customary fishing areas.
There is an increasing interest throughout Fiji in the declaration
and development of marine reserves and protected areas. This is a
direct result of the deteriorating state of fisheries, public education
initiatives, and the realisation that a great deal of money can be earned
through the display of properly managed marine environments and
fishery resources. The development of protected marine areas and
reserves in Fiji will be easy, as the ownership of the customary fishing
areas is already held by the people, who only need to agree as a group
to have a portion of their fishing ground declared a marine reserve or
protected area. In some districts such as Tacilevu in Savusavu on
Vanua Levu, the people have decided to prohibit fishing at all times in
some portion of their fishing grounds. Fish do not respect humandrawn boundaries and so the effects of the fishing ban on a portion of
the fishery is expected to have a positive influence on the whole
fishery. The lifting of the prohibition period on a given portion of the
fishing ground is decided on by the people depending on the feedback
received by the fishers. Once a prohibited area is opened another
portion is closed to all fishing. According to the people, they are
enjoying good catches and are happy with their arrangements.
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Culture and sustainable development in the Pacific
In collaboration with government departments and some nongovernment organisations, such as the Fiji Dive Operators Association,
the International Ocean Institute, the World Wide Fund and the
University of the South Pacific, some owners of customary fishing
areas are participating in marine public education workshops to
educate people who use the fisheries to consider the impact of their
activities and to appreciate the importance of having a healthy,
productive and vibrant marine environment. Judging from the current
interest in these workshops the message appears to be getting through
and is being well received by people.
Issues of fisheries resource-use culture
Although the traditional system of resource use was formulated for a
time long gone, contemporary experience in Fiji has shown the
usefulness of some traditional practices. Customary Marine Tenure
and the involvement of customary ground owners in the management
of fishery resources today, illustrate the amicable amalgamation of the
two systems. In addition, some of the activities of those involved in
fishery resource management are possible only because of the
traditional rights people have over fishery resources. The traditional
ownership of fishing areas, for instance, alleviates most of the
problems associated with open access. On the other hand, custom is
often quoted as a reason why people are still having difficulty
managing their fishery business.
The development of fishery resources is a major undertaking
because of the importance of fish to people and the significance of the
marine environment. The uncertainties within the marine environment
require that careful planning be conducted to ensure the amicable
development of all sectors. An emphasis on maximising production
and development should be pursued cautiously because of the need to
ensure that resources are sustainably exploited and that the
environment is not overly degraded. Other users of the sea should be
consulted so that they are included in management decisions to
conserve the resources and the marine environment.
Major contemporary fishery development issues are associated
with the increasing commercial exploitation of the resources and the
continued degradation of the marine environment. The major issues
Fisheries resource-use culture in Fiji and its implications
125
associated with the commercial exploitation of inshore fisheries
include: the successful development of small-scale or artisanal
fisheries; the management of fisheries and fishing grounds; the use of
appropriate fishing technology; the importance of fish and fishing
income; marketing and the distribution systems; uncertainty over
what constitutes the resource, and the loss of traditional management
practices.
Issues relating to the degradation of the marine environment
include: the changing availability of fishery stock; the difficulties of
conducting resource assessments, changes in environmental
conditions, pollution and the pressures of land based activities.
The sustainable utilisation of fisheries in the future will depend on
how well these issues are addressed. The present low number of
successful fishery projects seems to indicate our failure to find the
magical formula. The fact that the technology or the capital is
available from an external source should not be allowed to drive the
development of fisheries.
Future implications
Challenging times are facing nations like Fiji, which are attempting to
develop their fishery resources for maximum benefit while
undertaking to ensure their sustainability. The transition from
subsistence to commercial and industrial fishery exploitation places
more stress on the fisheries. The increasing number of fishers and their
greater capacity will make the situation acute. Although the
development of deep sea fisheries may help to reduce the intensity of
fishing in inshore areas, the dominance of foreign interests in the
exploitation of resources in the sector is cause for concern. It is
unlikely that Fijian interests will dominate in this sector within the
foreseeable future. There is a need for education to promote the
importance of exploiting the resource in a manner that will enable
future generations to enjoy the same resource that we are exploiting
today.
The task of sustainable fishery management is made more difficult
by the fact that the marine environment is being changed by the
impacts of human activities and the reduced fish biomass. The
preferential fishing demanded by the market places some species at
greater risk. In addition, the impact of depleted fisheries on the
ecosystem generally is uncertain. Thus the resources, their range and
their nature are little known to people who are trying to manage them
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Culture and sustainable development in the Pacific
(Veitayaki and South 1993; Slatter 1994). The figures used for
management are approximations based on what people hope are
reasonable assumptions and estimations. In the meantime, the
business-as-usual approach continues in the hope that the current
exploitation levels are within the capacity of the stocks to limit the
impact of fishing.
The industrial fishery development in offshore areas is especially
welcomed in Fiji because of the opportunities it provides to food
provision and income earning. Offshore resources provide useful
alternatives to intensively exploited inshore resources. The difficulty
of establishing local markets for offshore fishery products and the
problems associated with the need to extend fishing to offshore areas
are related to traditional fishery resource-use customs. Unlike inshore
areas, the offshore is open and the government is responsible for the
management and control of all activities outside of customary fishing
areas and extending outward to the edge of Fiji’s EEZ. In these areas,
enforcement of legislation is a necessary but costly exercise.
Maximum production is not the only way of attaining maximum
gain. Improving post-harvest treatment and processing can enable
people to maximise their gain and simultaneously protect their
resource base by encouraging people to catch fewer fish and thus
cause less disturbance to the marine environment. Reducing postharvest loss is an aspect of contemporary fishing which is new to
Fijian communities. Fijians traditionally did little of the processing
they are now required to do by the commercial fishing in which they
are involved.
The loss of traditional management arrangements currently
experienced in Fiji is linked to the social changes taking place in
traditional communities. Although the systems of resource-use of
traditional communities are appropriate and effective, they have been
quickly eroded and replaced by modern systems. There is a serious
dilemma now in trying to save what is known of these rapidly
changing systems of resource use. Current experience is showing how
the useful elements of traditional resource use systems can be put to
good use. The Customary Marine Tenure system for example, is a
traditional management arrangement that is addressing the issues of
open access characteristic most contemporary fisheries.
It is critical to understand fully the sociocultural situation affecting
fishery use. Often, fishery projects that are planned elsewhere are
imposed on people whose system of doing things is not well
Fisheries resource-use culture in Fiji and its implications
127
understood by those planning the projects. The lack of consistency
among Fijian fishers in villages, the cultural factors that hinder
commercial fishery operations and the people’s lack of interest in
certain fisheries are all related to traditional customs. Fijians need to
be trained in marketing skills and fishery valuation.
Marine reserves and protected areas should be encouraged because
of poor knowledge about marine habitats and organisms. Fishery
resource management at the community level provides a workable
unit for implementing this management concept. The chances of
success will be better if the necessary scientific knowledge is made
part of the system. The customary fishing areas are part of the people’s
heritage which they will need to manage.
A good system of education is required to improve the management
of fishery resources. Modern scientific knowledge and data collection
methods need to be disseminated through an effective education
program that targets not only schools but all categories of users. Public
education is as important as the development of curriculum for
schools and tertiary education institutions. The proper use of fishery
resources will demand commitment from all people and a good
education system should be used to mobilise community support.
Education is also critical to the acceptance of rational fishing in line
with sustainable fishery use.
The traditional culture of fishery resource use is important to the
sustainable utilisation of fishery resources in the future and should be
taken into consideration when fishery developments are being
planned. It is important to involve local communities in sustainable
fishery development and to convince them through the use of good
education programs. Fishery resources are important to the people
and should be utilised in a manner that enables the people to enjoy the
use of these resources now and in the future. For this purpose, Fijians
need to employ all available fishery resource use culture to draw up
effective methods for contemporary resource use; methods that allow
maximum benefit and at the same time protect the resource base.
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Culture and sustainable development in the Pacific
Joeli Veitayaki