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Paris, France: Payot. are a set of topographical metaphors that ed a key role in the anthropology of globalizaas it was developed in the 1990s. The concept icably linked to the work of the anthropolo.\rjun Appadurai. He first introduced the idea 1990 article "Disjuncture and Difference in Global Cultural Economy" and subsequently d it, and it became the cornerstone of his M odernity at Large, published in 1996. Like other anthropologists at the time, Appadurai ooking for a new descriptive language to caphow cultural globalization cuts across tradipolitical and social boundaries while cultural is occurring outside the nation-state supposedly stable cultural entities. This entry - .--. n ,p c the theoretical importance of scapes for ｾＺ｡Ｎ ｊＺｬｧｭﾷ＠ Lg the dynamics of global processes. his attempt to capture the shifting interconnecbetween the local and the global, Appadurai · the global cultural economy as a comoverlapping, and disconnected order that is unpredictable. Global cultural flows of capital, information, and people occur in and through · junctures between five dimensions, which he renns scapes -edmoscapes, redmoscapes, financeseapes mediascapes and ideoscapes. As a scape refers to both a scene and a "view," the notion lends itself expediently to analyzing the way people experience and understand their world(s), thereby superseding standard geographical thinking in social cultural analysis. Importantly, Appadurai does not see scapes as parts of a united global system. They interrelate but are not causally ordered; no single organizing principle rules. Together, scapes provide a framework for making sense of transnational cultural flows and a way of connecting the deterritorializing forces of globalization with the situated production of specific localities. Ethnoscapes refer to all people making up the globalized world in which we live (although Appadurai privileges mobile groups such as tourists, immigrants, refugees, exiles, and guest workers). The prefix "ethno" refers to people rather than strictly to ethnicity. Ethnoscapes are the landscapes of group identity, no longer bound to certain territorial locations. Technoscapes consist of highly mobile (and mobilizing) technologies, particularly new information and communication technologies, facilitating the movement of information, images, and sounds at high speeds across unlikely parts of the world. Financescapes refer to the transnational culture associated with global financial markets and mobile forms of capital. Mediascapes consist of the movement of information throughout the world and to the images of the world created by the global media and culture industries. Finally, ideoscapes are the global flows of ideologies, both of states and of political-social movements explicitly oriented to capturing state power, or a piece of it. Scapes, by analogy to landscapes, are given material shape and meaning by human action. They are the results of global processes at any given time but are not the processes themselves. The processes are specifiable "flows" (e.g., mobilities and relations ). The sheer speed, scale, and volume of these flows are so great that the disconnections they produce have become central to the politics of global culture. The visual metaphor of scape signifies how flows are understood from the perspectives of sociohistorically situated groups and individuals. It points to the fluid, irregular relationship between the local and the translocal. Far from providing a rigid taxonomy, the various scapes indicate that these are not objectively given relations that look the same from 754 Schapera, Isaac every angle of vision but, rather, deeply perspectival constructs, inflected by the historical, linguistic, and political situatedness of different sorts of actors: nation-states, multinationals, diasporic communities, interest groups, villages, neighborhoods, families, and individuals. As Henrietta Moore has noted, the notion of scape as a metaphor explicitly moves away from part-whole relationships. One of its great strengths is its commitment to the idea of flow, processes, interconnections, ex periences , a nd imagination at the expense of units, entities, systems, and subsystems . Far from being mutually exclusive, scapes and flows continually intersect, with the former providing a partial structure- a global order- within which fluidity can emerge and thrive. Whereas Appadurai's original the ory assumes that static units are the opposite of flow s, Heyman and Campbell propose a processual geography to understand how flow s can create, reproduce, and transform geographic spaces . Rather than seeing flows as disconnected and thus implying causal equality among different scapes, Hayman and Campbell give greater weight to flows of capital, especially financial capital, and to a lesser extent to centralized political pow er, than to other flows and scapes. This elaboration of Appadurai's model moves beyo nd a list of globally settled scapes, paying more attention to global inequalities and the continuing importance of boundaries. In sum, the notion of sea pes offers a useful tool to analyze the complex play between fluidity and fixity in global cultural flows, in a context where physical borders no longer necessarily sustain locality. The contribution of scapes is that they provide an alternative spatial conceptualizing of the present. By using the notion of scapes, we can explore the dynamics of various place-making flows, from the personal to the institutional and from the local to the national, transnational, global, and diasporic. Appadurai is to be credited with introducing this concept in anthropology. His model not only offers multiple flows and scapes but also insists on their empirical and analytical separation. This is particularly helpful in opening up multiple approaches to the study of global mobilities. With the loss of place as a dominant metaphor for culture goes a methodological redirection from order to nonorder, which allows anthropologists to capture not only mobilities in the landscape but also the deterritorialization and reterritorialization mobilities involve. See also Appadurai, Arjun; Globalization Theory; _ Further Readings Appadurai, A. (1990). Disjuncture and difference in global cultural economy. Public Culture, 2(2), 1- _ - -. (1996 ). Modernity at large: Cultural dimens: globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnes Press. Heyman, ]. M., & Campbell, H . (2009 ). The ant of global flows: A critical reading of Appadurai' "Disj uncture and Difference in the Global Cultur::.. Economy." Anthropological Th eory, 9(2), 131-1Moore, H . L. (2004). Global anxieties: Concept-m and pre-theoretical commitments in anthropologr. Anthropological Theory, 4(1), 71-88. SCHAPERA, ISAAC Isaac Schapera (1905- 2003 ), born anthropologist, compiled the richest and authoritative body of ethnographic work o Tswana people of Botswana and played a key in developing anthropological perspectives on change. Biography and Major Works A child of immigrant Jewish parents, Schapera born in a small town in the arid northern r of Cape Colony, South Africa, where there w large population of indigenous Khoekhoe ｰ ･ ｾﾭ He enrolled at the University of Cape Town an intent to study law, but an interest in European travelers' accounts of southern Africa him to pursue a master's degree in anthropol.-r• under A. R. Radcliffe-Brown. In 1926, he jo· the London School of Economics (LSE) to purs doctorate under the supervision of C. G. Seligm:.· and was one of a group of students at the LSE went on to pursue outstanding careers (Raym Firth, Audrey Richards, E. E. Evans-Pritcha:Gordon Brown, and Lucy Mair, among ers). Returning to teach in South Africa in 1