‫اع ب‬ ‫ا ج‬ ‫ا‬ 2015 ‫ابط ا‬ ‫عش‬ ‫ب خ‬ / ‫ أ‬28-25 ‫اح‬ THE 11th CONFERENCE OF AIDA BUCHAREST MAY 25-28, 2015 LA 11e CONFÉRENCE D‟AIDA BUCAREST 25-28 MAI 2015 Abstracts Résumés ‫ص‬ ‫ا‬ Prepared by George Grigore & Gabriel Bițună Published by: © Center for Arab Studies Pitar Moş Street n o 7-13, Sector 1, 010451, Bucharest, Romania Website: http://araba.lls.unibuc.ro/ Phone: 0040-21-305.19.50 2 Index of speakers Index des auteurs A ● Soha Abboud Haggar ● Ahmet Abdülhadioğlu ● Yaşar Acat ● Mahmut Ağbaht & Werner Arnold ● Jordi Aguadé ● Faruk Akkuş ● Saif Abdulwahed Jewad AlAbaeeji ● Saleh Alabdullatef ● Hafid Ismaili Alawi ● Yousuf B. AlBader ● Muntasir Al-Hamad ● Adnan Shibeeb Jasim Alhameedawi ● Ahmad Al-Jallad ● Mona A. AlShihry ● Ward Aqil ● Jules Arsenne ● Lucia Avallone ● Andrei A. Avram B ● Abbes Bahous ● Peter Behnstedt ● Alex Bellem ● Najat Benchiba-Savenius ● Karima Benheddi ● Montserrat Benítez Fernández ● Adam Benkato & Christophe Pereira ● Najah Benmoftah, ● Saïd Bennis ● Marwa Benshenshin ● Simone Bettega ● Gabriel Bițună ● Fida Bizri ● Aziza Boucherit ● Mehrez Boudaya ● Farouk A. N. Bouhadiba ● Bachir Bouhania ● A.S. Réda Boukli-Hacene 3 ‫ا حض‬ ‫ف‬ C ● Dominique Caubet ● Letizia Cerqueglini ● Guram Chikovani ● William Cotter D ● Ines Dallaji & Ines Gabsi ● Luca D‟Anna ● Francesco De Angelis ● Emanuela De Blasio ● Zoubir Dendane ● Joseph Dichy ● Emilie Durand-Zuniga E ● Karim Farok Ahmed El-Kholy ● Kamal El Korso ● Moha Ennaji F ● Paule Fahmé-Thiéry ● Khalid Mohamed Farah ● Ioana Feodorov ● Daniela Firănescu G ● Aharon Geva Kleinberger ● George Grigore ● Smaranda Grigore & Jonathan Owens ● Narine Grigoryan ● Elisabeth Grünbichler ● Jairo Guerrero H ● Atiqa Hachimi ● Moin Halloun ● Mbarek Hanoun ● Ashraf Hassan ● Qasim Hassan ● Nancy Hawker ● Sam Hellmuth & Rana Almbark ● Roni Henkin 4 ● Bruno Herin ● Uri Horesh & William Cotter ● Bohdan Horvat I ● tefan Ionete J ● Salem Mohammed Jafsher ● Najib Ismail Jarad ● Otto Jastrow ● Safa Alferd Abou Chahla Jubran & Felipe Benjamin Francisco ● Jidda Hassan Juma‟a K ● Najla Kalach ● Elie Kallas ● Boutheina Khaldi ● Mustapha Khiri ● Maciej Klimiuk ● Maarten Kossmann ● Mario Kozah L ● Cristina La Rosa ● Thomas A. Leddy-Cecere ● Jérôme Lentin ● Aryeh Levin ● Diana Lixandru ● Christopher Lucas M ● Alexander Magidow ● Emanuela Magrini ● Ahmad Makia ● Stefano Manfredi ●Yafit Marom ● Lucía Medea-García ● Reem Mehdoui ● Gunvor Mejdell ● Marcin Michalski ● Karlheinz Moerth & Daniel Schopper & Omar Siam 5 N ● Amina Naciri-Azzouz ● Shuichiro Nakao ● Aldo Nicosia O ● Abdellah Cherif Ouazzani ● Ahmed-Salem Ould Mohamed Baba ● Victor Pak ● Maria Persson ● Yulia Petrova ● Tornike Pharseghashvili ● Stephan Procházka R ● Oleg Redkin & Olga Bernikova (2 papers) ● Jan Retsö ●Veronika Ritt-Benmimoun ● Gabriel M. Rosenbaum ●Judith Rosenhouse ● Judith Rosenhouse & Sara Brand ● Sergii Rybalkin S ● Nabila El Hadj Said ● Lucie San Geroteo ● Jason Schroepfer ● Apollon Silagadze & Nino Ejibadze ● Ana Silkatcheva ● Romain Simenel & Evgeniya Gutova ● Lameen Souag ● Tatiana Smyslova (Savvateeva) ● Laura-Andreea Sterian ● Phillip W. Stokes ● Mehmet Hakkı Suçin ● Mehmet Şayır T ● Catherine Taine-Cheikh ● Shabo Talay ● Fathi Salam Terfas ● Fathi Salam Terfas & Imen Chaif 6 ● M. Faruk Toprak ● Zviadi Tskhvediani ● Michael Turner V ● Ángeles Vicente ● Marijn van Putten W ● David Wilmsen ● Manfred Woidich Y ● Sumikazu Yoda ● Attia Yousof ● Islam Youssef Z ● Liesbeth Zack ● Magdalena Zawrotna ● Karima Ziamari & Alexandrine Barontini 7 Abstracts Résumés ‫ص‬ A Egyptian proverbs in al-Shaykh al-Tantawi‟s short stories collection written in Russia in the 19th Century ● Soha Abboud Haggar University of Madrid, La Complutense As I‘m ending the edition and the linguistic and folkloric study of the collection of short stories written by al-Shaykh Muhammad Ayyad al-Tantawi (d. 1861), I considered suitable to share with the AIDA Assembly three more stories that were not included in my previous paper on the same manuscript, published in the proceedings of Pescara (Italy) in 2014. The three stories I‘ve selected were written by al-Shaykh al-Tantawi to explain 3 Egyptian colloquial proverbs to his Russian students in St. Petersburg University. To reach his goal, the azhari teacher invented the tale that concluded with the proverb. In my presentation I‘ll summarize those short stories with their colloquial proverb and I‘ll shed light on their interesting folkloric and linguistic particularities. Mardin Night Stories and their Role in Preserving the Dialect and the Culture ● Ahmet Abdülhadioğlu Mardin Artuklu University In the pre-classical age of Arabs (i.e. Ğ hiliyyah), the themes of legends, superstitions and tales were the main themes in the Arabic stories. During the Abbasid dynasty, the stories improved and by means of the Persian and Indian impact, they developed in a different way as it is seen in works such as ―One Thousand and One Nights‖, ―Kalila wa Dimna‖, and so on. In Mardin, a storyteller told stories of Antarah, Bahlul and Nasreddin Hodja in a way that people were affected emotionally. This way of storytelling continued till the 1980s, and it played an important role in preserving the dialect and culture. Apart from these, there were stories in which they mentioned imaginary characters and legends such as ―The Rock of the Shepherd‖. 8 In this paper, some stories from the Mardin region shall be presented and analyzed from a cultural and linguistic perspective. A Comparative Study of Common Elements in Contemporary Anatolian Arabic Dialects ● Yaşar Acat Şırnak University In this study we have examined common features of the Arabic dialects spoken in Turkey in the frame of the comparative typology of Otto Jastrow. There are three areas, in Turkey, where Arabic dialects are spoken, namely Mersin-AdanaHatay, Urfa and Diyarbakir-Mardin-Siirt. The Arabic dialects of each of these areas belong to a different branch of Arabic: to Syrian sedentary Arabic, to Bedouin Arabic and to Mesopotamian sedentary Arabic. The linguist M. Swadesh has prepared a list of a hundred words in order to point out the kinship of the languages. Through a comparative analysis, this article aims to point out the common features in the Anatolian Arabic dialects. To achieve this end, M. Swadesh‘s list has been applied to dialects of Mersin-Adana-Hatay region, the Urfa region and the Diyarbakir-Mardin-Siirt region, and the results are interpreted accordingly. The Arabic Dialects of Diršāya and Darsūni Compared ● Mahmut Ağbaht Ankara University and ● Werner Arnold Heidelberg University Darsūnī is a village situated five kilometers from the capital city of the province of Hatay. It consists of an upper part called Darsūnī and of a lower part called Dirš ya. The inhabitants of the two quarters speak a typical Alawi dialect which is characterized by the preservation of old *q and the monophthongization of aw > ō and ay > in closed syllable. Both dialects have extraordinary pausal forms which differ between Darsūnī and Dirš ya. To give one example, old verb final -i is lowered to -a in Dirš ya but diphthongized to ēy in Darsūnī: Dirš ya: māti > māta# Darsūni: m ti > mātēy ʿmy mother in lawˀ Our presentation will focus on similarities and diffirences between these two dialects. 9 The modern Arabic dialect of Tangiers (Morocco) ● Jordi Aguadé Universidad de Cádiz The scope of this paper is a diachronic outline of the Arabic dialect spoken in the North Moroccan town of Tangier. Concerning this dialect we have an important number of data covering a gap of more than hundred years, in other words, from the time when Tangier was a small town until today when its population is estimated at about 670.000 inhabitants (according to the data from the 2004 census). First and foremost there is the collection of texts with transcription, French translation and glossary edited and published by W. Marçais (Textes arabes de Tanger, Paris 1911). Secondly, there are the data collected about 1970 by al-Asaad and in addition we have some articles about this dialect published in the last twenty years. Data from these publications are compared with those collected by J. Aguadé in the last four years among young speakers. The Arabic Dialect of Mutki-Sason Areas ● Faruk Akkuş Yale University This paper presents a range of linguistic data from Sason Arabic (Kuzzi, Mutki and Pur ang, Batman areas) and focuses particularly on the verbal morphology. Sason Arabic has the particle kǝ-, k-, similar to k- in Hasköy dialect (Talay, 2001:84) and the verbal modificator kǝl- that Isaksson (2005: 187( notes for the Sason area. However, I will argue that this particle functions differently. Talay calls this prefix ‗imperfective past‘ and Isaksson defines it as a particle that ‗before the perfect marks the perfect tense‘. The example (1) shows that the prefix kǝ- does really express imperfective past: (1) kǝ-yayel ‗he was eating/he would eat‘ (2) kǝ-ayal ‗he had eaten‘ Crucially, in addition to the imperfective verb, in SA kə- attaches to the perfective verb as well and expresses past perfect meaning as in (2). The function of kə- in (2) shows that it is not just an imperfective past marker. The example Isaksson gives for his definition is the following: (2) bōwš kəl-štaġal ingilzġa ‗He has spoken much English‘ (transcription retained) 10 Note that the perfective form of the verb ‗speak‘ is used, hence the reading expected is ‗he had spoken much English‘, i.e. past perfect, not present perfect, in traditional sense. One way to test is via temporal adverbials that are used with each tense. The compatibility of the sentence with ams ‗yesterday‘ shows that the meaning of (3) should be ‗He had spoken much English‘. With respect to the copula, the following table illustrates the paradigm: (3) Sason -ye -ye -nen 3m.sg 3f.sg 3pl Hasköy -wa -ya -nne, ne` Tillo (Lahdo 2009) -yye -ye -nne Mardin (Jastrow 2005) -we -ye -nne SA doesn‘t mark gender distinction in positive sentences, but only in negative sentences (5). (4) 3m.sg 3f.sg 3pl muu mey mennen Moreover, different from the Hasköy dialect, the personal pronominal suffix for the 2nd masculine is -y, not -ək, k. The paper disccusses various other linguistics properties from the dialect of Mutki-Sason areas as well, highlighting its peculiar aspects in comparison to other Anatolian varieties. Aspects of Grammatical Agreement in Iraqi Arabic Relative Clauses: a Descriptive Approach ● Saif Abdulwahed Jewad AlAbaeeji University of Delhi This paper explores aspects of grammatical agreement in Iraqi Arabic (IA) relative clauses taking into account some combination of grammatical properties such as person, number, gender and definiteness that are usually present in agreement relationships in IA. We identified three types of grammatical agreement in Iraqi relative clauses, i.e., (i) antecedent – clause agreement, (ii) antecedent – pronoun agreement and (iii) subject – verb agreement. This paper demonstrates that the so called Iraqi relative particle (Erwin 2004: 381) illi‗ that/which/who/etc.‘ is nothing but an aspect of agreement in definiteness exhibited by the relative clause only when the associated antecedent is definite. This is an instance of (i) above. The paper concludes the status of resumptive pronouns in IA which is in essence an instance of (ii) above. Finally, the paper also concludes that when the antecedent functions as both the syntactic and 11 semantic subject of the relative clause, agreement on the verb, pronoun and/or other elements such as adjectives within the relative clause is realized in accordance with that antecedent. While when the antecedent functions as only the logical (semantic) subject of the clause, grammatical agreement is not marked on the verb in accordance with that particular antecedent. Instead, the verb strictly agrees with its syntactic subject, i.e., the subject of the relative clause (whether overt or covert) however, in such cases, pronoun(s) and adjective(s) within the relative clause still exhibit agreement in accordance with the antecedent of the clause and Thus, satisfying the requirement of tying the clause grammatically to that particular antecedent. ‫ب غ اع ب اق‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ع‬ ‫ج ج ا‬ ‫عاق‬ ●‫ا ع ا ط ف‬ (Saleh Alabdullatef) ‫إ ا‬ ‫إ‬ ‫ء‬ ‫ف‬ ، ‫ا‬ ‫أ‬ ‫غ‬ . . ، ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ ‫أ‬، : . ‫غ اخ‬ " :Ẓ95/7 ẓ ‫ف‬ ‫ غ‬، ‫أ‬ ، ‫ف‬Ẓ . ‫أ‬ ‫أ‬، ‫أ غ ف‬ ‫ءأ‬ ‫خ‬ - ẓ ‫ف‬ - ‫أ‬ ، ‫أ‬ ،Ẓ َ َ ẓ -1 : ‫ا‬Ẓ ẓ ، ‫ء ف‬ ." ‫غ ا خ‬ ‫غ‬: ،... ‫غ‬ . : ‫أ‬، :‫ا‬ ،Ẓ َ َ ẓ -2 " :Ẓ94/7 ẓ ، ‫ا‬Ẓ ẓ ، ‫ء ف‬ ." ‫ف‬ ‫أ غ‬ ، ‫أ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫أ ء‬ ‫أ‬ : . ‫ ف‬، ، ، : ‫ ا‬، ‫ ف‬، ، ، :‫ا‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ء‬ ، ‫ ا‬: ‫ ا‬، ‫ ا ا‬: ‫ء‬ ، : ‫ ا‬، ُ . ‫ف‬ ‫ا‬ ، ‫ف‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ف‬. ، ‫ خ‬، :‫ا‬ . ‫ف‬ ‫اأ ف‬ ‫إ‬ ‫؛‬ . ‫غ‬ Ẓ ẓ ‫ا‬ ‫غ‬: ‫أ‬، ، 12 ، :‫ا‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ب اا ش اق‬ ‫اع ب ف ا‬ ‫ع‬ ● ẒHafid Ismaili Alawiẓ ، ‫ا‬ ‫ أ‬، : ‫أ‬ ‫غ‬ ‫خ‬ ‫أخ‬ ‫أ‬ . ‫ا ج‬ ، ‫أ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ء‬ ‫أ‬ ‫خ‬ ، ‫أ‬ ‫ خ‬، ‫؟‬ . ‫ف‬ ‫ف؟‬ ‫ف أ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫؟‬ ‫ا‬ ‫خ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ف‬ Quadriliteral Verbs in the Spoken Arabic of Kuwait ● Yousuf B. AlBader The University of Sheffield The study presents some reflections on the morphology and semantics of quadriliteral verbs in Kuwaiti Arabic. The data were mostly gathered in Kuwait City between 2012 and 2014, but there is also some local published material on the dialects of Kuwait from which the quadriliteral verbs have been gleaned. The result is that the quadriliteral verbs are consistently on the increase. As for their origin, it was found that the quadriliteral roots in Kuwaiti belong to three major categories: a) Indigenous roots which may be traced to triliteral or quadriliteral roots (of verbs and nouns) in Classical Arabic; b) Borrowed roots, mostly denominative, from contact non-Semitic languages, like Persian, Turkish, French, and mostly, English; c) Native creations, mostly mimetic-onomatopoetic, with no or only an obscure relationship to (a) and (b). In common with several other Arabic dialects, Kuwaiti has a rich inventory of quadriliteral verbs on various templates. Along with the structurally similar Pattern II of the triliteral verb, the quadriliteral template CaCCaC is the most productive verb type in Kuwaiti dialect, e.g., ba lag ‗to stare with eyes wide open. Quadriliterals of the CaCCaC type may be passivised or reflexivised by the prefixing of ti- or ta-, e.g. ta arbak ‗to become, get entangled‘. Other attested patterns in the dialect include: a) b) c) ẒtẓC CaC ẒtẓCōCaC ẒtẓCēCaC e.g. tsāsar ‗to whisper to one another‘ e.g. bōbaz ‗to squat, hunker down‘ e.g. tfēxar ‗to brag, parade, show off‘ 13 - Furthermore, a number of denominative examples have been assimilated into the phonology and morphology of Kuwaiti dialect, yet which are clearly derived from relatively recently foreign borrowings. For instance, a) b) c) d) sansan ‗to blow one‘s nose‘ Ẓ< English ‗sneeze, sinus‘ẓ tmakyağ ‗to put on make-up‘ Ẓ< French ‗maquillage‘ẓ kalbač ‗to handcuff‘ (< Turkish ‗kelepče‘ẓ nēšan ‗to hit a target‘ Ẓ< Persian ‗nēš n‘ẓ The Impact of Diglossia on Heritage Learners of Arabic as a Foreign Language ● Muntasir Al-Hamad Qatar University This study examines the diglossic features occur in the language production of an Arabic heritage language learner (HLL). An average HLL faces a dynamic context of rich multiplicity of the Arabic dialects spoken, polyglossic variety, bilingualism prevalent among rising Arab youth and the domination of English in the world today. The corpus of this study was collected in a supplementary school in Manchester of a sample of 20 learners at B1/B2 level of the Common European Framework of Reference for Languages (CEFR) studying Arabic through the Jordanian Government textbook for Arabic Language. These learners responded to various structured activities and tests to examine the grammatical, phonological, and semantic domains. Although this study will deal with the diglossic features, yet it will be divided into two main parts, the first is the diglossic features by presenting a stratification of the levels of Arabic, which would lead to the multiplicity of the Arabic dialects spoken in various parts of the Arab world which are reflected in immigrant Arab communities in the West. The second part of this study will pay attention to remarks on bilingualism. These two linguistic phenomena are prevalent among rising Arab youth in the West. The early finding of the data collected suggested that there are the following language transfer used different translational activities including: borrowing, abbreviation, style-shifting, code-switching... etc. As expected that the context plays a major part in this study, therefore the implications and recommendations of the study are quite relevant to a language context similar to where the study was conducted. This study aims to make it possible for educators and administrators to reach HLLs and address their learning specific needs. 14 The Influence of the Semitic languages on the Iraqi Dialect ● Adnan Shibeeb Jasim Alhameedawi University of Baghdad This research deals with the influence of the Semitic languages on the Iraqi dialect and environment. There are several Semitic languages that existed in Iraq since ancient ages, beside the other parts of the Iraqi society. They had a role in the culture and the Iraqi civilization. This aspect influenced the culture of the Iraqi people, so we can find many words in the Iraqi dialects like (gzaz, tarish, ashtimer, gat, bithil, tbiliah, zuri, shrugi, brakh, saglah, tamrikh, cha, buri, masguf, falak, tirgaˀah and others). The Semitic languages were in Mesopotamia since ancient ages, so they influenced the Iraqi society and they had a clear role in Iraq. The Semitic languages were languages to the ancient Iraqi peoples like, Sumerians, Akkadians, Arameans, Nabatians, Mandaecs, Jews, Assyrians and Arabs. Therefore we can say that the Iraqi society is a mixture of those peoples. There were several peoples mixed with each others, but we find that some of these peoples have dwelt until now. The Nabatians melted among Iraqi society especially after the coming of Arabs to Iraq, but Syrians and Mandaecs kept their culture, folklore and language. Through the history, Syrians shared with the other peoples the different fields of the life, so we can look at their influences in all these fields. Semitic peoples are the original people of Iraq, they lived in this country before Arabs, and we cannot forget that there are many Semitic peoples that have lived in Iraq, if we may ask ourselves, where did they go? They melted in the society for many reasons like the treatment of the new people or the press of the new governments or the regard of the Bedouin clans that came to live in Iraq. In the final analysis we can say that Semitic peoples are the original people of Iraq and they shared their country under all circumstances; also they influenced the Iraqi society through the folklore, dialect and others. Actually there are many vocabularies transferred into the Iraqi Arabic dialect. A new Old Arabic inscription in Greek letters: Evidence for case inflection in the pre-Islamic period and other linguistic observations ● Ahmad Al-Jallad Leiden University A newly discovered pre-Islamic graffito from Wadi Salma (northern Jordan) contains seven lines of Old Arabic written in Greek letters. The short text attests several important linguistic features, including the preterite use of the short prefix conjugation, a voiced realization of * , and a productive accusative case. Given the informal nature of its composition and contents, the inscription stands as an important witness to vernacular Arabic from the pre-Islamic period. 15 The Emergence of a New Linguistic Style in Saudi Arabia ● Mona A. AlShihry University of Texas at Austin There is an established tradition in sociolinguistics to categorically attribute variation to ethnographic factors like gender and race. However, this approach does not sufficiently describe gradient variation at the inter- and intra-speaker levels, nor does it explain processes of spread (Eckert 2008). This paper explores these aspects of language variation by examining one variable that is characteristic of a linguistic style employed by a growing number of young women in Saudi Arabia. The variable in question is the pronunciation of two distinct morphological units in identical phonological environments: final (-ah) in the Arabic feminine morpheme /-ah/ ~ /a:/ and the third person singular masculine suffix /-ah/ ~ /u:/. In the speech of these women, the variable is produced by deleting word-final /-h/ while lengthening the preceding vowel (compensatory lengthening) in words like /bukrah/, realized as [bukra:] and /innah/, realized as [innu:] (AlShihry 2013). I have also observed that this style of speech, which appears to be spreading, has been adopted by several male YouTubers as well. The corpus for this study consists of the recordings of several young famous Saudi YouTube vloggers and podcasters. The research attempts to postulate a sociolinguistic interpretation for the use of this variable by examining inter-gender variation. A follow-up experiment examines the attitudes of Saudi youth toward the persona using this variable via a perception experiment designed to elicit its indexical value or values (Eckert 2000). The Use of the Preposition ˁala in Palestinian Arabic Compared to Standard Arabic ● Ward Aqil The Academic Arab College – Haifa This lecture introduces the use of the preposition ala in Palestinian Arabic (PA) compared to Standard Arabic (SA). The usage of ala is well spread in SA and in Arabic dialects in general, including PA, but it is possible to find a coherence difference between the two levels of Arabic in using ala. Classical Arab grammarians and modern researchers in SA introduce the several meanings and uses of ala, and noticed that the main meaning of it is ―on/ above‖ ẒSee, for example, Ibn Yaesh: 4, 496-499 and Fischer: 162-164). On the other hand, PA researchers mentioned ala as a preposition and never considered differences between its usage in PA and its usage in SA (See, for example, Spoer & Nasrallah Haddad: 17). 16 In addition to the meaning of ―on/ above‖ and other meanings of ala in SA, it can be used in PA in the meaning of ila in SA, as clear in the following example: PA: rā ala l-bēt SA: ḏahab-a ila l-bayt-i EN: He went to the home The lecture introduces several examples and uses of ala in PA, including its use in the meaning of ila, in comparison to the uses of it in SA. Part of the lecture introduces idiomatic patterns in PA containing ala, like: rā at alēk (i.e. you have lost). Le parler arabe de Jnanate (Maroc) ● Jules Arsenne LaCNAD-INALCO – Paris Dans le cadre du Projet International de Coopération Scientifique (PICS) La montagne et ses savoirs, j‘ai été amené, aux côtés des ethnobotanistes Younès Hmimsa (chargé de recherche à l'Université Abdelmalek Essaadi de Tétouan) et Malou Delplancke Ẓchercheur au Centre d‘Ecologie Fonctionnelle et Evolutive de l‘Université de Montpellierẓ, à réaliser une enquête de terrain dans les montagnes du Rif au Maroc. C‘est dans le cadre de ce projet de recherche que j‘ai pu recueillir huit heures d‘enregistrements dans la variété d‘arabe parlée à Jnanate. Le village de Jnanate constitue une enclave arabophone dans une région où le berbère est la langue de communication quotidienne : la région de Beni Bou Frah, située dans la partie orientale de la chaîne montagneuse du Rif et appartenant au groupe socioculturel des Berbères zénètes. L‘arabe de Jnanate partage ainsi certaines caractéristiques linguistiques avec d'autres parlers préhilaliens du Pays Jbala (Vicente 2000, Moscoso 2003) ; il s‘en distingue également par des caractéristiques qui lui sont propres. Sa situation géographique aux frontières de la berbérophonie, son histoire avec différentes périodes d'occupation – notamment française et espagnole – sont des facteurs explicatifs de son caractère atypique et hybride. Ce parler n‘a jusqu‘à présent fait l‘objet d‘aucune attention particulière (Aguadé et al. 1998). En me basant sur le Questionnaire de Dialectologie du Maghreb (Caubet 2001) et sur le corpus recueilli in situ en février 2014 dans le cadre du PICS, le but de cette communication est de présenter une esquisse de description de cette variété d‘arabe : éléments de phonétique et de phonologie, de morphologie, de syntaxe et de lexique. Le corpus récolté permettra également de mettre en évidence des variables linguistiques existant entre les parlers féminins et les parlers masculins de différentes générations (Messaoudi 1999). Cet exposé permettra notamment de contribuer à la connaissance des parlers montagnards du Maroc. 17 Spelling variants in writing Egyptian Arabic, a study on literary texts ●Lucia Avallone Università degli Studi di Bergamo Egyptian Arabic is the spoken vernacular for the most populated Arab country. It is also a form of written communication in informal genres, for instance chats, blogs, emails etc., and in more traditional genres such as novels, short stories, poetry, and theatre. Although the current systems of online communication have seen it emerge as a relevant phenomenon in recent years, the vernacular writing is not a novelty in the modern age. From the last decades of the 19th century onwards, Egyptian literature has offered several cases of works written in vernacular. This paper presents some results of a study carried out in a diachronic perspective on literary texts belonging to different genres and discourse modes, in search of words written according to different spellings, to identify variants, to compare them, and to evaluate their common and diverse elements. Indeed, comparing the practice of writing Egyptian Arabic, which has not been codified as a literary means, some noteworthy features emerge not only from the lexical and morphological choices of authors but also from the graphical representation of this language variety, allowing the description of a framework of variants which could be considered as a basic corpus in a possible operation of normalizing the vernacular orthography. On the developmental stage of Gulf Pidgin Arabic ● Andrei A. Avram University of Bucharest Gulf Pidgin Arabic is still relatively poorly documented (for general descriptions see Smart 1990, Wiswall 2002, Avram 2013b, 2014), in spite of an upsurge of recent publications on varieties spoken in specific territories (Almoaily 2008, Al-Azraqi 2010, Albakrawi 2012, Almoaily 2013 and 2014, El-Shurafa forthcoming – on Saudi Arabia; Salem 2013 – on Kuwait; Yammahi 2008 – on the United Arab Emirates; Næss 2008 – on Oman; Bakir 2010 – on Qatar). A matter of some debate in the literature (see Almoaily 2008, Næss 2008, Almoaily 2013, Alghamdi 2014, Almoaily 2014, Versteegh 2014) is whether Gulf Pidgin Arabic is still a pre-pidgin/minimal pidgin/jargon or rather an already stable pidgin (in accordance with the developmental stages posited by Mühlhäusler 1997). While previous work has mostly focused on the morpho-syntactic features of Gulf Pidgin Arabic to establish its developmental stage, the present paper also examines evidence from the phonology and vocabulary. The issues covered include: (i) phonology (see also Avram 2013b and 2014) – the reduction of the inventory of vocalic and consonantal phonemes and of phonological contrasts; (ii) morphology – reduplication and compounding; (iii) syntax – categorial multifunctionality (see also Avram 2012, 2013a, Bakir 2014, Al-Shurafa forthcoming), tense and aspect marking (see also Bakir 2010, Avram 2012, Versteegh 2014), negation, word order, 18 coordination and subordination; (iv) vocabulary (see also Avram 2013b and 2014): polysemy, lexical hybrids, synonymy, reanalysis of morphemic boundaries, circumlocutions. The findings are assessed in light of the criteria suggested by Mühlhäusler (1997) for determining the developmental stage of pidgins. B On Some Aspects of Melhun in Algerian Arabic and its Teaching in a Translation Class ● Abbes Bahous University of Mostaganem Literate or educated Algerians, including University students, often jeer at their own national literary or artistic productions because of their supposedly low status vis-à-vis Classical Arabic or MSA ones, considered as canonical. The case of Melhun poetry taught in class reveals a cultural or sociological inferiority complex vis-à-vis the Arab East (Machreq) supposedly the source of knowledge in Arabic. Moreover, this stance deepens when rendering such poems into say English, a Western language. This paper examines some aspects of Melhun related to lexis and the students' reactions / attitudes when facing these texts. The niktib-niktibu issue revisited ● Peter Behnstedt Independent Researcher In my talk I will discuss several theories concerning the regional origin of these famous shibboleth forms of Maghrebi Arabic. I will talk about my own and Manfred Woidich‘s interpretations as for its distribution in Egypt. I will discuss the hypothesis of F. Corriente according to whom the forms have originated in the north of Egypt in the creolized speech of Yemenites and at a later stage in the dialect of the bedouin Bani Hil l, forms which then were brought on two occasions to the Maghreb. I shall adduce evidence that the forms partially are already attested in dialects of the Arabian peninsula and therefore must not be necessarily an innovation originated in Egypt. Nor should they be interpreted within the framework of some kind of a Yemeni Creole. The larger part of my talk will deal with J. Owens‘ theory who, too, claims an Egyptian origin of the forms in question and I shall reply to his partly erroneous criticism of my interpretation Ẓ―the Haww ra hypothesis‖ẓ regarding the modern regional 19 distribution of them in Upper Egypt. I will adduce new material as for the origin of ―Upper Egyptian-3‖, a niktib- nikitbaw dialect, and evoke some Sudanese data. Consonant identity in Arabic (dialect) phonology: resonance ● Alex Bellem University of Durham This paper treats Arabic consonant identity, focusing on resonance (the elements I, U and A) in consonants, and the different behaviour this evokes crossdialectally. Much of the phonology literature on emphatics assumes that there is one process involved in back–front contrasts (analysed as tafx m / ‗emphasis‘ / ‗uvularisation‘ẓ, typically approached as if it were one phenomenon occurring in isolation. I re-analyse the problem with a more holistic, systemic approach which sees so-called ‗emphasis‘ as part of a broader patterning of consonant identity. Data is drawn from several varieties of Arabic (Baghdad, Wasit, Damascus, Jerash, Jabal ʿ milẓ to show how phonological words in Arabic consist of resonance domains necessarily associated with one resonance quality (I, U or A). The resonance identity of consonants within a domain is crucial in determining the extent and spread of these domains, and thus the perception of ‗emphaticness‘ or ‗nonemphaticness‘. Integral to the analysis is the demonstration that ‗frontness‘ Ẓthe I elementẓ also spreads across domains – a process called imāla Ẓ‗inclination‘ẓ by the Arab grammarians, but generally disregarded in generative analyses of ‗emphasis‘. However, dialects differ with respect to the presence of an U domain and thus the blocking effects on the spread of I: trichotomic dialects, such as that of Baghdad, have three active resonance domains (A, U and I); however, a dichotomic dialect like that of Damascus does not have U domains, only A and I domains. In a trichotomic dialect, a domain-final I cannot spread left into a U domain (triggered by labials and some velarsẓ, so different patterns of ‗backness‘ are seen. Tafx m is thus not subject to segmental ‗blocking‘ in the sense usually intended, which implies that tafx m is an isolated process; rather, this indicates a whole system of consonant identity whereby every consonant must be associated with a resonance quality (i.e. in this theory of phonological representations, a resonance element). The cross-dialectal differences make the issue of ‗resonance‘ in Arabic sound systems particularly interesting from a typological perspective. Further, it provides evidence for the evolution of Arabic emphatics and demonstrates how this aspect of the sound system has developed across dialects. 20 „When French became Moroccan‟ – How a possessive marker changed nationality in code-switched discourse ● Najat Benchiba-Savenius University of Oxford An in-depth analysis of Moroccan Arabic (MA) and English code-switched discourse shows how the use of the French ―de‖ transformed into a semi MA/French ―dyal‖ in certain syntactic structures by bilingual MA and English speakers in the UK. As a possessive marker, ―dyal‖ can only take a direct Moroccan Arabic suffix in Moroccan Arabic and not in English. In line with Myers Scotton‘s (1993) Matrix Language Frame Model (MLF), the well-formedness constraint is a pre-requisite in that ―dyal‖ cannot be used in an ad hoc manner nor can it be randomly assigned even in general discourse. Over time, bilingual speakers dropped the French ―de‖ and merged the MA marker to form ―dyal‖ which is frequently employed by bilingual speakers today using certain discourse strategies whereby certain linguistic environments allow the use of this possessive marker and others do not. The frequency, usage and implications are discussed in this paper, together with an analysis of lexical insertion and linguistic accuracy used by bilingual MA and English speakers also highlighted. Dialect and Taboo words in the Algerian Literature: The Case of Ors Baghl by Tahar Ouattar ●Karima Benheddi Naama University Center The central core of this present research paper is to shed light on the use of dialect and taboo words in literature. Since, dialect use in literature has long been rejected by various authors and speakers all over the world; considering it as a symbol of underdevelopment. Fortunately literary dialect has struggled to maintain its place in literary world as a helpful tool and important technique that reinforces the literary text and serves to distinguish between characters stressing on their cultural and social background. Thus, the novel is considered as a speech community and it is also affected by social variables, in this case, the only mean to show the difference between characters and to be realistic is dialect use- As the case of inn characters in the sample novel Ors Baghl by Tahar Wattar – how can the reader expect them to use a formal standard language and the inn is the most adequate place where you are likely to hear taboo, and slang words. The sample novel is chosen because it is a fertile field that serves the study. Based on a set of literary, linguistic and sociolinguistic approaches, the available cultural and linguistic data in the novel have been analysed and interpreted to unveil the real and 21 ordinary life of the novels‘ fictional characters with an aim to rise dialect awareness among readers and to capture the post independent Algerian era. Notes sur le sociolecte propre des jeunes d‟Ouezzane ● Montserrat Benítez Fernández Universidad Complutense de Madrid/Universidad de Granada La ville de Ouezzane n‘a pas encore attiré l‘attention des chercheurs dans le cadre de la dialectologie, ce qui n‘est pas le cas d‘autres disciplines (Elboudrari 1985, 1991; Napora 1998, entre autres). La situation stratégique de la localisation de la ville devrait nous mettre sur la voie de l'intérêt que cette ville renferme pour les chercheurs en linguistique. Il s‘agit d'une petite ville située aux contreforts occidentaux de Jbala dont la population est étroitement liée aux alentours ruraux proches, mais aussi, jusqu‘à très récemment, elle faisait partie de la province de Sidi Kacem, dans la région de Kenitra-Chararda-Beni Hssen, favorisant le contact des variétés sédentaires de Jbala aux bédouines propres de la plaine atlantique. Au cours d‘une mission de travail de terrain menée récemment dans cette ville (Février 2014ẓ, on a pu observer que l‘arabe d‘Ouezzane montre certaines particularités dignes d‘une analyse approfondie. Lors de cette communication, on va présenter les résultats préliminaires d‘une étude sociolinguistique, encore en cours, sur la population de la ville. Plus spécifiquement, on va se concentrer sur la description des traits linguistiques de la génération d‘informateurs la plus jeune ayant participé au travail de terrain mentionné auparavant. bda et gʕǝd en arabe de Tripoli et en arabe de Benghazi (Libye) ● Adam Benkato School of Oriental and African Languages, London ● Christophe Pereira LACNAD – INALCO – Paris Généralement, dans les vernaculaires arabes, bda est un auxiliaire à valeur inchoative alors que gεəd est un auxiliaire à valeur aspectuelle exprimant la concomitance (le progressif). Le but de notre communication est de confronter les valeurs et le sémantisme de ces deux auxiliaires dans deux parlers de Libye : celui de Benghazi (Benkato 2014) et celui de Tripoli ẒPereira 2008, Pereira 2010ẓ. Il s‘agira notamment d‘examiner les autres valeurs que peuvent prendre ces auxiliaires dans ces deux variétés - dans leurs emplois comme copule par exemple. Il sera en outre 22 question de montrer que ces verbes auxiliaires ne sont pas employés avec les mêmes valeurs à Benghazi et à Tripoli. Cette comparaison nous permettra d‘approfondir notre compréhension des variétés arabes de Libye. D‘un point de vue diachronique, elle devrait permettre d'attester une origine différente pour chacune d'elles. L‟expression de la cause à Tripoli )Libye( ● Najah Benmoftah, CLESTHIA – Paris 3, France Seuls les parlers des deux villes les plus importantes de Libye ont bénéficié d'études approfondies : Tripoli (Cesaro 1939, Pereira 2010) et Benghazi (Benkato 2014, Owens 1984, Panetta 1943ẓ. Quant à l‘arabe du Fezzân, les documents laissés par William et Philippe Marçais ont abouti à une description incomplète (Caubet 2004, Marçais 2001). Dans l‘ensemble, ces travaux insistent beaucoup plus sur la phonétique et la phonologie, ainsi que sur la morphologie ; la syntaxe reste le parent pauvre de la linguistique arabe. Le but de cette communication est de décrire les propriétés syntaxiques et sémantiques de marqueurs de cause employés en arabe de Tripoli tels que li anna, le xāṭǝṛ, māhu, b ukm et bsabab, à partir de corpus oraux que j‘ai recueillis auprès d‘informateurs tripolitains. Cette communication devrait permettre d‘approfondir nos connaissances de la morphosyntaxe de l‘arabe de Tripoli et notamment de déterminer avec précision l'emploi de ces marqueurs, dont certains sont polyvalents. ‫اإ ا‬ ‫اج‬ : ‫ا غ‬ ‫ا ثق ف ب غ‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ا ثق ف‬ ‫اج‬ ‫ا ع ا غ‬ ‫ا‬ ● Saïd Bennis Mohammed V University ‫ف‬ ‫ا‬ ‫غ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫إ‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ف‬ .‫غ‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ا‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ا‬ ‫غ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ف ف‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ف‬ 23 ‫أف‬ ‫غ‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ف أ‬ ‫أ‬ . ‫غ‬ 2011 ‫غ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫أخ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫إ‬ ‫غ‬ 2011 . ‫إ‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ف‬. ‫أ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫أخ‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫غ‬ ‫غ‬ : ‫ف‬ ،‫ف‬ ،‫ إ ا‬، ‫اخ اف إ‬ . ‫ف‬ ‫أ‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ا‬ ẓ ‫ف‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ف‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫؟‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫غ‬ ‫غ‬ . ‫ف‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ا‬ ‫غ‬   Ẓ...، ‫إ‬ ‫؟‬ ‫إ‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫خا‬ ‫ف ا‬ ‫غ‬ Les interrogatifs šən, šənu et šəni dans le parler arabe de Tripoli (Libye) ● Marwa Benshenshin La Sorbonne Nouvelle, Paris 3 A Tripoli, šǝn, šǝni et šǝnu s‘utilisent généralement en tant que pronoms interrogatifs dans les phrases interrogatives directes et en tant que subordonnants avec un emploi percontatif dans les questions indirectes. Bien que ces trois mots partagent le même sémantisme – ils servent tous les trois à s‘interroger sur l‘objet – leur fonctionnement diffère dans les phrases interrogatives : contrairement à šǝn, les deux pronoms šənu et šəni disposent d‘une autonomie syntaxique par rapport au verbe (dans les phrases verbales) et par rapport au thème (dans les phrases averbales). En me basant sur des corpus oraux et sur des études précédentes concernant l‘arabe de Tripoli ẒStumme 1898, Pereira 2010ẓ, le but de cette communication est de décrire les emplois de šǝn, šǝnu et šǝni dans la variété d‘arabe parlée dans la capitale libyenne. Il s‘agira notamment de présenter les fonctions grammaticales que peuvent assurer ces termes dans les phrases interrogatives verbales et averbales. Il sera en outre question d‘examiner de quelles propriétés sémantiques et pragmatiques ils disposent. 24 Standardization, Koineization and Self-Representation: the Case of the Sedentary Dialects of Northern Oman ● Simone Bettega University of Torino In the context of the Gulf Region (or, more specifically, of the countries which form the Gulf Cooperation Council) the Sultanate of Oman is often referred to as ―the odd one out‖, because of its peculiarity in terms of history, dress, religion and language. As far as this last point is concerned, Al Nabhani (2011) correctly points out that ―Hadari Omanis are specifically aware that their dialect lacks prestige and that it is mocked and stigmatized in the region‖:the sedentary dialects of northern Oman – which are what most Arabs refer to when using the label ―Omani Arabic‖ –indeed present a number of traits which are, if not unique, rarely encountered outside the boundaries of the Sultanate. This presentation is concerned with certain morphosyntactic features particular to those dialects, which include: the suffixed pronoun of the feminine second person singular; the suffixed pronouns and verbal endings of the second and third persons plural feminine; the patterns of agreement of the non-human plural; the infixing of an -in(n)-particle between an active participle and its object pronoun; the verbal endings of the second persons of the imperfect of verbs with final y . The aim of this paper is to show when and how features which are perceived as typically ―local‖ by native speakers are replaced by other, identifying a pattern in this change and possibly suggesting a hierarchy in the preferences of the speakers. This research is based on data gathered on the field by the author in 2014, as well as on material drawn from popular Omani TV shows and You Tube channels. Is the Spoken Arabic of Siirt Progressing or Decaying? ● Gabriel Bițună University of Bucharest This paper focuses on analyzing the development of the Spoken Arabic of Siirt, based on a corpus containing recordings employed in the city of Siirt, starting with the ones of Jastrow (1981) and ending with the ones made by me in 2013 and 2014, from informants with ages ranging from as little as 10 years old to more than 65-70. Following the works of Aitchison Ẓ―Language Change – Progress or Decay?‖ – 1991), Crystal Ẓ―Language Death‖ – 2000), Dorian (editor of ―Investigating obsolescence – Studies in language contraction and death‖ – 1992) et al., the Spoken Arabic of Siirt could be subjected to being treated as a decaying language or not. The analysis will take into account all applicable points of view regarding any traces that could indicate towards the progress (continuous development) or the 25 decay (halted development or continuous decline) of the North-Mesopotamian variety of Arabic in question. Focus Strategies in Pidgin Madam ● Fida Bizri INALCO – Paris Although closely related (via the circular migration of most of its speakers) to other varieties of Asian Migrant Arabic Pidgins spoken by a cluster of mainly South Asian migrant communities in neighbouring Arab countries, Pidgin Madam proves to be unique in that it is spoken only between Sinhala-speaking Sri Lankan housemaids in Lebanon and Arabic-speaking Lebanese employers. It appears, therefore, as a case where a pidginized variety is produced with only one substrate involved. Two focus strategies are discussed here: First, the development of a verum focus device developed from the Lebanese Arabic pseudo-verb bade (originally denoting desire or intention). Second, an intonational pattern creating an IP boundary and delimiting an initially-detached topicalized constituent. The topic is not limited to one syntactic role in the utterance, it could be a subject, a verb, an object, a subordinate clause where the intonation acts as a correlator delimiting the protasis of correlative sentences. The same strategy also co-ordinates narrative sequences through tail-head linkages, whereby the main verbal predicate of the last clause finds itself as an initially-detached topic at the beginning of the new clause. These strategies are quite innovative with regard to both the superstrate and other Asian Migrant Arabic Pidgin varieties. A look at the Sinhala language from a pragmatic perspective points towards a possible influence from the substrate where equivalent focalized structures appear at a much lower threshold than in any of the Indo-Aryan languages to which Sinhala is related, or even than in any of the Dravidian languages that have historically participated in shaping the Sinhala focalizing arsenal. Examples from Colloquial Sinhala will therefore be discussed, in an attempt to assess its possible impact on Pidgin Madam. Le fonctionnement des déictiques spatio-temporels en arabe algérien. Sémantisme de base et relations interlocutives ●Aziza Boucherit Université Paris Descartes – PRES Sorbonne Paris Cité Dans cette communication, je me propose de décrire le fonctionnement des déictiques spatio-temporels en arabe algérien en tenant compte de leur sémantisme de base et des relations interlocutives dans lesquelles se construit l‘échange verbal déterminé par la position spatio-temporelle des participants à l‘acte d‘énonciation. 26 Comme il a été démontré en son temps par Bühler (1 934), la signification des déictiques, type ici, maintenant, dépend d‘un « centre déictique », c‘est-à-dire d‘un repère constitué d‘un sujet, d‘un lieu et d‘un temps Ẓsoit je ʻ ici ʻ maintenant), déterminé par l‘« orientation subjective » des interlocuteurs. La prise en compte des coordonnées de cette orientation subjective conduisant à l‘emploi de tel ou tel déictique selon trois modes principaux : la demostratio ad oculos, la deixis am Phantasma (« à l‘imaginaire ») et la deixis anaphorique et cataphorique. Souvent, les déictiques spatio-temporels sont envisagés en termes de degrés. Pour ma part, je considèrerai que les déictiques spatiaux articulent une opposition entre < ICI > et < NON ICI > et, en parallèle, que les déictiques temporels articulent l‘opposition < MAINTENANT > vs < NON MAINTENANT >. En d‘autres termes, les référents de < ICI > et < MAINTENANT > sont présents et accessibles ad oculos ou am Phantasma Ẓà l‘imaginaireẓ aux interlocuteurs qui partagent un champ perceptif commun ; l‘inverse valant pour < NON ICI > et < NON MAINTENANT >. Le corpus, constitué de textes oraux divers, est examiné à partir de ces notions et en rapportant les déictiques à l‘instance d‘énonciation Ẓrécit, discours direct/rapporté) (Benveniste 1974) dans laquelle ils sont utilisés. ‫ف ا ا ج ا‬ ‫اا ع‬ ‫ا ا ح‬ ‫ا‬ ‫”ك “ب‬ ● ẒMehrez Boudayaẓ ‫؟‬ : ‫؟‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫أ‬ ‫؟‬ ‫ا‬ ،" – " ، ‫أ‬ ‫أ‬ : ‫ف إ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫إ‬ : Ẓ46 – 1 ، Ẓ45 – 1 ، ، Ẓ71– 1 ، ، ‫غ‬ ، ẓ ẓ ، ẓ ‫أ‬ ‫ه أخ‬ ‫أ خ‬ ‫خ‬ ‫فا‬ 27 ‫أ‬ ‫–خ‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ءخ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ف؟ أ ؟‬ ‫ف‬ .1 .2 .3 .4 .5 .6 .7 .8 .9 .10 .11 .12 .13 .14 – .15 ، ، " : ]Ẓ ، ẓ ‫ف غ‬، ‫ا‬ ‫أ‬ ‫أخ‬ ] ‫أ‬ " ‫ا‬ . . ‫أ‬ ‫ خ‬Ẓ2002 / 1999ẓ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ا ا‬ ‫فف‬ : ‫[ أ خ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬، ‫ف‬ ‫ إ ء‬:‫خ‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ أ‬، ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ Ẓ ‫آ‬ ‫ا‬ . . ẓ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫أ‬ " ‫ا‬ ‫ إ ء‬:‫أ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫غ‬ " ‫اف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ا أ‬ ‫ا غ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ أ‬،‫غ‬ ‫ا‬ ‫أ‬ ‫خ‬  Ẓ2002،1:254/ 1999 ‫ف‬ ẓ " ‫ا‬  ‫ف‬ ‫أخ ف‬ ‫ف‬، ‫خ غ‬ Ẓ 324 : 1 ، 2002/ 1999 ‫ف‬ ẓ ‫أ‬ ‫ا‬ ‫أ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫غ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ [ .‫غ‬ ‫آ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫غ‬ grammaticalisation : ‫ا أ‬ ‫ف‬ .1 . .2 . ‫إ ء‬ .3 Field Description and Theoretical Formalism: The case of Spoken Arabic in Algeria ● Farouk A. N. Bouhadiba Université d‘Oran Es-Senia This presentation considers the failure of the structural model to describe the facts of language in Algeria and Spoken Arabic in particular. For this, it draws a general account of previous structural debates on this variety and the inadequacies between theoretical persuasions and field observation and exploration. An illustrative sample of the dynamics of language use in Algeria is then examined in order to demonstrate what is meant here by the new concept of ―Complexe de Langue‖. The author then draws some conclusions and offers some insights into how such a linguistic situation should be tackled and accounted for. 28 Young Tuatians Ethnodialectological Perceptions of Dialectal Boundaries: A Diachronic Comparative Study ● Bachir Bouhania University of Adrar Dialectology and dialect geography assert that actual linguistic borders correspond to past political ones (Auer, 2005), and that former sociohistorical events account for the lay people‘s cognitive representations of their own dialectal boundaries. Starting from these postulates, the present research is carried out with young university students from the department of English at the University of Adrar, southern Algeria. The study compares ethnodialectological maps drawn by Tuat students at two different periods of time, 2002 and 2014. Its aim is twofold; first it seeks to discover any differences in the participants‘ cognitive maps of their mother-tongues‘ boundaries, and whether the latter coincide or diverge from each other synchronically and diachronically. Second, it endeavours to discover and to demarcate dialect areas by comparing students‘ hand-drawn maps. Sample n°1 consists of 45 second year students of the academic year 2002, while the second comprises more than 60 third year participants from 2014-2015. The results show that the learners do not agree upon the dialectal boundaries, and do not share knowledge about isoglosses and transition zones. Furthermore, dialect areas and dialect continua (Chambers & Trudgill, 1998) are also discussed, for there are no sharp breaks between the various dialects but dialect continua with language islands (Zenete, for instance) interspersed among them. Consequently, our hypothesis is that the informants‘ ethnodialectological maps reflect linguistic history through geographical distributions of the dialects (Fukushima & Heap, 2008). The maps do not correspond to the objective reality of spatial boundedness, isoglosses and heteroglosses, but to subjective mental representations. Contrastive Analysis of Code switching phenomenon among Northern and Southern Algerian university students ●A.S. Réda Boukli-Hacene African University of Adrar The linguistic situation is very complex due to its social, ideological and political considerations on one hand and the existence of four groups of language on the other: Semitic (Algerian Arabic), Hamito-Semitic (Berber) – each one of both exists with different variants – in addition to Latin (French) as well as Classical Arabic (Semitic).The coexistence of Algerian Arabic, Berber and French in the Algerian society, presents a total contradiction towards the language policy which was undertaken by the Algerian political power since the independence in 1962 until nowadays on one hand. On the other hand, it influenced language practices of 29 Algerian people leading to Diglossia, Code-switching and Code-mixing. In other words, the sociolinguistic and sociocultural reality of the Algerian society denies totally the idea of monolingualism (i.e. the arabization policy) that was promoted by Algerian politicians. Although the above linguistic situation engendered many sociolinguistic phenomena; it was not our concern to carry out a complete and exhaustive analysis of all of them, but rather a contrastive comparative analysis of Code-switching among university students of West Northern vs. West Southern Algeria. C Le parler de Msek – Beni Itteft (El Hoceima) revisité en 2014: un parler arabe à la frontière de la berbérophonie ● Dominique Caubet LaCNAD-INALCO, CJB Ce parler a été décrit pour la première fois par Amal Maghdad en 1993. Plusieurs descriptions de parlers Jbala avaient été publiées au début du 20ème siècle, puis des travaux importants avaient été réalisés par des chercheurs espagnols depuis une vingtaine d‘années, mais personne n‘avait encore décrit le parler des Beni Itteft, qui n‘appartient pas vraiment aux parlers Jbala, mais qui partage avec eux et avec les parlers villageois algériens de nombreux traits. Après un premier travail dans le cadre d‘un master et d‘une communication aux Journées de Tetouan par Khalid El Jattari (2013), nous avons décidé de revisiter cette région en 2014 et les données présentées ici ont été recueillies lors d‘une mission conjointe ethnobotanistes-linguistes effectuée dans le cadre du PICS « La montagne et ses savoirs » et du Programme Jbala du Centre Jacques Berqueen février 2014 avec Yildiz Thomas, UMR CEFE 5175, Montpellier, Khalid El Jettari et Amal Maghdad, elle-même qui est aujourd‘hui traductrice à Tanger. C‘est grâce à elle que nous avons pu retrouver l‘une des familles où elle avait enquêté à l‘été 1992. Nos informateurs étaient une jeune femme d‘environ 35/40 ans et son fils de 13 ans. La famille est arabophone, mais cette région est marginale, à la frontière de la berbérophonie rifaine ; les arabophones sont donc en situation minoritaire, ce qui n‘est pas si courant. Ainsi, le jeune garçon a appris le berbère qui est la langue parlée dans la cour de l‘école. L‘entretien a été mené par Yildiz Thomas sur diverses techniques, en particulier concernant les huiles Ẓd‘olive, d‘amande amèreẓ et la fabrication et la conservation du pain et de la levure. 20 ans après, quelles évolutions ? 30 Semantic Effects of Etymology in the Use of gidd m and wara in Traditional Negev Arabic ● Letizia Cerqueglini Ben Gurion University of the Negev, Israel The prepositions giddām Ẓ‗in front‘ẓ and wara Ẓ‗behind‘ẓ describe in Traditional Negev Arabic (TNA) spatial relations on the horizontal plane, in the Front and Back Regions respectively, between a Figure-object (F) and a Groundobject (G), with respect to which F is located, e.g. ‗the tree ẒFẓ is in front of me ẒGẓ‘. According to Svorou Ẓ1993ẓ the main lexical sources of spatial prepositions are nominal or adverbial. Human and animal body-parts represent the largest inventory of nominal sources, as in the case of giddām, etymologically related to gidm ‗Ẓhumanẓ foot‘, whereas wara, not etymologically related to any concrete object, represents an adverbial source. Fresh semantic observations of TNA spatial language show that giddām is used to express the Front Region of a restricted class of G-objects such as horse/man/donkey, e.g. ad-dims giddām al- ṣān, ‗the stone is in front of the horse‘, while it is never used with objects like stone/tree: in such cases, other locative strategies are applied (e.g. astronomic directions). I argue that since the root g.d.m. is related to the idea of ‗foot‘, ‗movement‘ and ‗direction‘, giddām is used with animate G-objects showing properties like [mobility], [orientation], [facedness]. These objects prime the Object-Centered Perspective, based on intrinsic features (face, back...) of G. giddām is not used with G-objects such as tree/stone, which have no intrinsic front or back and prime Egocentric or Allocentric (astronomic/ geocentric) Perspectives. In contrast, wara describes the Back Region of G-objects attracting both Object-Centered and Egocentric Perspectives, e.g. al-kurrah wara al- ṣān/aš-šajarah ‗the ball is behind the horse/tree‘. This means that the lexical sources of grammaticalised spatial prepositions affect the selection of G and of the Perspectives according to which prepositions are used. Syntactic Constructions in Arabic Dialects of Central Asia ● Guram Chikovani Free University of Tbilisi Syntactic constructions different from literary Arabic language have developed in Central Asian Arabic dialects as a result of contacts with non-kindred Indo-European (Tajik, Dari) and Turkic (Uzbek, Turkmen) languages. During my scientific missions to Central Asia, instances of code switching were identified, where Turkish izafet is borrowed by informants as a loan translation. The most characteristic types of sentence in QAD are the following: 1. SPO (Subject- Predicate-Object): pōšō gāl i͜ walad ―Pasha said to the boy‖; 2. SOP 31 (Subject-Object-Predicate): bōy i͜ bint ḫušrūya gāl-ki ―Bei said to the beautiful girl‖; 3. OPS (Object-Predicate-Subject): mōrati i͜ hama mānṭi-gāl-ki ―He said: I don‘t give him my wife‖. The type SOP is spread most of all in Arabic of Central Asia. On the status of the interdental fricatives /ṯ/, /ḏ/, and /ḍ/ in Gaza City ●William Cotter The University of Arizona As De Jong (2000) noted in his analysis of the dialect, the status of the historical interdental fricatives, /ṯ/, /ḏ/, and /ḍ/ in Gaza City is unclear. Early dialectological work (Bergsträsser 1915) notes the stop counterparts, [t], [d], and [ḍ], as the primarily realizations of the interdental fricatives in Gaza. However, the texts contained in Salonen‘s Ẓ1979/80ẓ account of the dialect provide a contrasting hypothesis, with interdental fricative reflexes for both /ṯ/ and / ḏ/ and a questionable status of /ḍ/ with dialectal realizations varying between [ ] and [ḍ] (Salonen 1979: 38). Stemming from fieldwork conducted in Gaza in May 2013, this study will re-examine the status of the interdentals in Gaza City. Preliminary results suggest that for /ṯ/ and /ḏ/ the present dialect of Gaza appears to be firmly in line with Bergsträsser‘s earliest account; showing widespread use of the stop counterparts [t] and [d] in casual speech. With respect to /ḍ/, the corpus shows widespread use of the emphatic stop [ḍ] across multiple generations and genders. However, in the oldest generation of Gaza speakers there does appear to be at least some evidence of use of the emphatic interdental /ḍ/. Given what appears to be some minor variation in the oldest generation of Gaza speakers, this study will examine the position of the emphatic interdental in the Gaza data in an attempt to test the hypothesis put forward by Al-Wer (2003). Namely, that the process of change from the plain interdentals /ṯ/ and /ḏ/ to their stop counterparts is a clear case of merger. However, the change in the emphatic interdental /ḍ/ to its emphatic stop counterpart is not a phonological merger but a straightforward sound change, as the dialect did not maintain the distinction between the two phonemes in the first place (Al-Wer 2003: 29). 32 D Overabundance in the Arabic dialect of Tunis: a diachronic study of plural formation ● Ines Dallaji University of Vienna and ● Ines Gabsi Austrian Academy of Sciences During our fieldwork in Tunis in the framework of the Vienna-based project ―Linguistic dynamics in the Greater Tunis Area: A corpus-based approach‖ we conducted research on plural forms of the dialect of Tunisia‘s capital. Our main purpose was to collect data absent in historical sources or our own corpus in order to add this data to the dictionary of Tunis Arabic we are about to create. As the consulted historical sources (e.g. the Takrouna glossary by Marçais/Guîga, Singer‘s grammar of the dialect of Tunis) also contain nouns with two or more plural forms, another purpose of our research was to find out if the listed forms are still used and if plural doublets differ in meaning or not. The research was based on a list of approximately 200 nouns and conducted with the help of almost 30 informants, most of whom were younger than 35. This is due to the fact that the focus of the project lies on youth language and on drawing conclusions about the actual linguistic situation in Tunis and its suburbs. Our paper is a first approach to study overabundance in the Arabic dialect of Tunis. In particular, we are going to deal with the question, why certain nouns are prone to multiple pluralisation, and give examples for plural doublets with and without difference in meaning. The comparison of collected data with forms listed in historical sources enables diachronic research that may also allow drawing conclusions about processes of linguistic dynamics. A comparison between Fezzanese nomadic and sedentary varieties, based on the texts collected by Ph. Marçais ● Luca D‟Anna University of Naples ―L‘Orientale‖ Fezz nese dialects represent one of the most interesting varieties of Maghrebi spoken Arabic and still need much effort in order to be fully described. The importance of their study stretches far beyond the knowledge of the linguistic dynamics of the area, since, as W. Marçais pointed out, they represent a crucial spot on the line that divides Mashreqi from Maghrebi Arabic. The varieties spoken in the area, in fact, frequently baffle the traditional isoglosses employed to distinguish pre33 Hil lī from Hil lī dialects and start to acquire, especially in their nomadic specimens, Oriental traits. The texts collected by Ph. Marçais and published by D. Caubet, A. Martin and L. Denooz in 2001 represent a first step towards the knowledge of such varieties. A first description, attempted by D. Caubet in 2004, already yielded interesting results, calling for further research and investigation. Starting from these premises, a comparison between the nomadic and the sedentary varieties spoken in the area, both represented in the texts represented by Ph. Marçais, will be carried out in the limited time at our disposal. All the texts have been analysed employing Caubet‘s Questionnaire de dialectologie du Maghreb (2001) and showed, alongside typical Maghrebi traits, a few peculiarities that seem to question some of our traditional distinctions between Bedouin and sedentary dialects. The preliminary results of such analyses will be the object of our discussion, while new researches, employing informants of different ages, will clarify in the next future the development of a dialectal group that displays all the typical features of a transitional area. Egyptian Dialect for a Democratic Form of Literature? ● Francesco De Angelis University of Milan This paper compares two different ways of approaching literature and language in Egypt. In particular, I concentrate on the use of Egyptian colloquial in literature, specifically in prose. I look at the ideas of Naǧīb Ma fū and aha usayn on Egyptian dialect and contrast them with those of intellectuals and writers contemporary to Ma fū and usayn, such as Sal ma Mūs , Luwīs ‗Awaḍ and Mu af Mušarrafa, the first Egyptian author to write a novel entirely in patois. Naǧīb Ma fū , for example, in a radio interview, described dialect as a disease affecting his fellow-countrymen and preventing them from attaining social as well as technical progress. In aha usayn‘s opinion, dialect is unworthy of being called a language and unfit to fulfill the aims of intellectual life. On the other hand, intellectuals like Sal ma Mūs maintain that the use of dialect, even as an official language, and a linguistic reform are the most important pre-requisites for the progress of Egypt. Extremely interesting, moreover, is Mūs ‘s idea that the use of colloquial in literature would give birth to a literature for everybody, that is a popular or democratic literature. 34 Linguistic Study about Syrian Rap Songs ● Emanuela De Blasio Università degli Studi della Tuscia There is a deep connection between music and the desire for redemption and renewal among Arab youth. Rap is an art form that has had a grip among the youth of the Arab countries, from Iraq to Morocco and it is a channel through which they denounce, directly or metaphorically, social injustices. The texts are centered on the protest against corruption, poverty, social inequality and the assertion of their national identity. The young dissent in the Arab world is expressed through music and in particular through the rap by strong language, sometimes vulgar. As also stated the linguist Calvet (1981), the song is a historical document. The song must be object of study, such as literature, cinema, because, like other human productions, it talks about the society. Rap songs provide interesting material of sociolinguistics and they are an example of mixed speech and language contact. The text, though it's not the only element of a song, remains central and through its analysis you can do interesting considerations not only in the social and historical but also linguistic and philological context. In this work there will be taken into consideration some texts of the Syrian rapper singer from ar ūs, Abu Hajar ẒAbū aǧarẓ, whose songs, after a careful listening, were transliterated and translated and they are object of linguistic study for what concerns the phonology, verbal and nominal morphology and syntax. The study examines the cases of code-switching, code-mixing and neologism, loanwords, the semantic widening or narrowing of a term. Language is not a uniform block, immutable but it evolves over time. Every language changes the vocabulary and its structures in relation to the passage of time and in relation to the mutations that occur in culture and society. The texts of the songs may be a mirror of such change. Urbanization and Dialect Levelling: the Case of pre-Hilali Tlemcen Arabic ● Zoubir Dendane Tlemcen University Research in contemporary dialectology and linguistics has shown interest in the impact of urban development on language variation and change. The rapid urbanization of Tlemcen in the past decades has resulted in a great number of changes in the so-called pre-Hilali dialect of this long-established city. On the basis of data collected from the observation and recordings of speakers settled in Tlemcen speech community today, this paper intends to highlight some of the most important dialect changes that have occurred at the lexical, morphological and phonological 35 levels. These clearly result from the long-term migration of rural people towards the city and hence the contact of two types of Arabic dialectal forms. The article will also bring to light another outcome of the co-existence of Tlemcen Arabic and the other varieties, namely a type of dialect levelling as far as some linguistic features are concerned. Les fluctuations de la frontière entre arabe littéraire et arabe dialectal : les glosses observables dans les éditions Būlāq et Mu sin Mahdi des Mille et une Nuits ● Joseph Dichy Université Lumière-Lyon 2 et Laboratoire ICAR L‘on oppose souvent les éditions Būl q et Mu sin Mahdi des Mille et une Nuits en décrivant l‘une comme rédigée en arabe littéraire et l‘autre comme relevant d‘un mixte d‘arabe littéraire et d‘arabe dialectal, appelé arabe moyen. Un examen attentif de l‘édition Mu sin Mahdi montre qu‘on y trouve les traces de plusieurs arabes moyens (expression à mettre au pluriel : les arabes moyens étant constitués du « mélange Ħ de l‘arabe littéraire et d‘un dialecte donné, il serait illusoire de penser qu‘il n‘existerait qu‘un seul « arabe moyen » ; Dichy, 2010). Les parlers en présence étant essentiellement les dialectes syrien et égyptien, on trouve donc, dans cette édition, un usage des arabes moyens syrien et égyptien. Une analyse parallèle de l‘édition Būl q nous a réservé une surprise : les deux ensembles de dialectes ci-dessus y sont présents à un degré bien plus élevé qu‘il n‘était attendu. Une différence fondamentale se fait toutefois jour entre les deux textes, quant à la nature de la fluctuation entre dialectes et arabe littéraire. Les seconds semblent bien l‘emporter sur le premier dans l‘édition Mu sin Mahdi (J. Lentin, 2004 ; Dichy, 2010ẓ, à l‘inverse de l‘édition Būl q. Cette intuition doit toutefois être soumise à l‘examen. Nous avons procédé à des analyses fines dans une perspective comparative. Celles-ci apportent un éclairage supplémentaire à notre hypothèse de travail de 1994, qui postulait la présence de deux types d‘arabes moyens, selon qu‘y prédomine (syntaxiquement, morphologiquement, lexicalementẓ l‘arabe littéraire ou un dialecte donné (hypothèse affinée et enrichie par A. Medfai, 1998). La présente contribution proposera une description des deux types d‘arabes moyens dans ces éditions, et apportera, ce faisant, de nouvelles précisions au modèle de la polyglossie de l‘arabe ẒDichy, 1994, 2007ẓ. Au passage, la langue utilisée dans l‘édition Būl q devrait recevoir une description affinée. 36 Pausal form in Il-Čillī )Southern Turkey(: an acoustic study ● Emilie Durand-Zuniga The University of Texas at Austin Pausal forms have been documented in many Arabic dialects spoken in places like Egypt, Yemen, Palestine, Lebanon, Southern Turkey and Malta. The existing literature typically provides a more or less detailed impressionistic account of the pausal phenomena found in the different dialects at stake. In this presentation, I will provide the results of what is, to my knowledge, the very first acoustic analysis of pausal forms in Arabic. Typically, pausal forms are defined as the forms words take at the pause (i.e. at the end of a sentence or speech unit). They usually differ from the regular word forms in that they undergo certain phonological changes word-finally. While both consonants and vowels can be affected by the pause, this study focuses on vowels in non-emphatic environments in both open and closed syllables. More than 3,500 tokens of word-final vowels were extracted both at the pause and in other contexts out of 8 hours of recorded sociolinguistic interviews performed by the author with 15 female informants. For each token, vowel duration and formants were measured in PRAAT. All informants were born and raised in Il-Čillī ẒTekebaşıẓ, an Alawite village of the Hatay province of Southern Turkey, and recordings took place on site in May-July 2014. By providing a comparison of pausal vs. non-pausal vowel formants and duration for each vowel, the results reveal the most striking effects of pause on nonemphatic vowels in this dialect, namely the raising of long / / and short /a/ in closed syllables, and the lowering and/or diphthongization of /i/ Ẓ<ī and <atẓ in open syllables. The position of /a/ in open syllables and /u/ in both open and closed syllables will also be discussed. E ‫ا ع ا غ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ج‬ ● ‫أح ا‬ ‫ك ف‬ (Karim Farok Ahmed El-Kholy) ، ‫أ‬ ‫اأ‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ف‬ ،1 ‫أ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ف ا‬. ‫أ‬ - ‫غ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫غ‬ ، ‫ غ‬، ، ‫ف‬ ، ‫خ اف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ أ اف‬. ‫غ‬ ‫غ‬ ‫خ‬ . ‫غ‬ .‫أ‬ 37 ‫غ ف‬ ‫خ اف‬ . ‫آ‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫أ‬ – ‫غ‬ ‫غ‬ ، ‫ ا‬، ‫ غ ف‬: ‫غ‬ ‫ف‬ ، ‫غ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫غ‬ ، ‫غ‬ ‫أ‬، ‫أ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫؛أ‬ ‫؛ اأ‬ ‫ف‬ ، ‫غ‬ ‫غ‬ ‫أخ‬ ‫ا‬ ‫أ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ . ، ‫ا‬ ‫ف‬ . ‫ف‬ . ‫ف‬ ‫أ‬ ، ، . ‫خ‬ ‫غ‬ ‫غ‬ ‫أخ‬ : ‫ ف‬، ‫غ‬ ‫ف‬، . ، ‫خ‬ ‫ف‬ . ‫ف‬ ، ، ‫غ‬ ، : ‫ف‬ ‫ءأ‬ ‫غ‬ ‫غ‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ا‬ ، ‫ف‬ ، ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ،‫ء‬ ‫ا‬ : ‫غ‬ : ‫ف‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ف ف‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫غ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫غ‬ ‫غ‬ ‫غ‬ ‫غ‬ ، . ، ‫اأ‬ ‫غ‬ ‫غ‬ ‫غ‬ ، ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ . ، . ‫ا‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ء‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ف‬ ، : ، ، ‫ا‬ Le capital culturel dans la communication interculturelle ● Kamal El Korso Université d‘Oran On constate que la pratique interculturelle joue un rôle important tant dans l‘apprentissage et dans l‘acquisition de la compétence interculturelle et dans l‘enrichissement du capital culturel des étudiants. Le progrès de ces derniers justifie ce qu‘indique D. Veronique et R. Vion (1995) : « Des savoir faire communicationnels montrent l‘investissement complexe du sujet dans la mise en œuvre du code, travail sémiotique indissociable des manifestations d‘une société qui s‘exprime, elle, à travers le recours coordonné à des méthodes interactionnelles, par le biais de rapports de place négociés, et par l‘intermédiaire de procédés d‘affirmation du self ». Cependant, on a l‘impression que la progression des étudiants et l‘enrichissement de leur capital y sont plutôt marqués par un auto apprentissage et un auto perfectionnement. Dans cette dynamique, l‘école semble n‘avoir qu‘un rôle limité. En effet « la découverte culturelle n‘est pas un processus systématiquement déclenché par l‘apprentissage scolaire, mais plutôt, en général, le fait d‘une disposition individuelle qui engage la relation à l‘altérité de chacun » (Coste, Moore et Zarate 1999). La question est donc de déterminer quel rôle positif peut y tenir l‘école. 38 Learning Arabic-as-a-foreign language at American universities ● Moha Ennaji International Institute for Languages and Cultures – Fès The Arab world is characterized by multilingualism in the sense that many languages and varieties are used in different domains, viz: Classical Arabic, Standard Arabic, Colloquial Arabic, Kurdish, Berber, French, Spanish and English. Education and urbanization have contributed to increased contacts between the various languages in use, on the one hand, and the Arabic varieties on the other hand. There are approximately 250 million native speakers of Arabic. In learning this language, one is learning a new culture and a whole new way of life. This paper describes Arabic-as-a-foreign language programs at American Universities that integrate spoken Arabic with Modern Standard Arabic in the same course. The underlying philosophy and possible objections are discussed. It is argued that this is the most efficient way to prepare the current generation of foreign students to deal with Arabic diglossia, since most of these students are interested in gaining overall proficiency in the language and not just reading classical texts. F L‟arabe dialectal aleppin de Hanna Dyâb dans son récit de voyage ● Paule Fahmé-Thiéry EPHE, Paris Je présenterai brièvement le manuscrit du voyage réalisé en 1708 et rédigé en 1764, l‘itinéraire du voyage et la biographie de l‘auteur. Ce manuscrit a fait l‘objet d‘une traduction en français dont la publication est prochaine. Des exemples permettront de constater à quel point la langue utilisée par Hanna Dyâb est un dialecte remarquable par la prégnance et la subsistance, près de trois siècles plus tard, de locutions imagées toujours utilisées, de références arabisées aux langues étrangères Ẓottoman notamment, français, italienẓ, d‘usages métrologiques et de prononciations. Dans ce sens, on abordera également les « sons Ħ tels qu‘ils peuvent être entendus à travers les transcriptions en arabe. L‘examen comparatif de la traduction en français et du texte arabe de certaines séquences permettra de mettre en évidence la distance entre le sens littéral et le sens compréhensible par un lecteur francophone. La poursuite des objectifs de fluidité, de restitution sans folklore des « sentiments » ou des « compliments » par exemple révèle cette distance et illustre la couleur spécifique de cet arabe aleppin. 39 Some words of ancient Semitic origin in the current Sudanese Arabic dialect ● Khalid Mohamed Farah Independent Researcher, Khartoum Without pretending to be totally exhaustive, this paper attempts to present and comment on a number of almost exclusively Sudanese colloquial Arabic words, whose origin could be traced back to some specific ancient Semitic languages, both extinct and still in use, other than the ordinary standard classical Arabic language which is obviously, the main source or stem of all the contemporary Arabic dialects spoken all over the Arab World and elsewhere. It could indeed, be argued that virtually all the contemporary Arabic dialects contain certain words whose origin could be attributed to some old Semitic languages: Babylonian, Aramaic, Sabaean, Syriac etc, however, the existence of such distinct and peculiar ―Semitic‖ words in the Sudanese Arabic is particularly interesting, given the fact that it is generally held that the Arabic speaking community in the Sudan is rather relatively historically recent, as well as somewhat geographically and culturally peripheral. Mixed Terminology as a Feature of Middle Arabic in Paul of Aleppo‟s Journal of His Travels between 1652 and 1659 ● Ioana Feodorov The Institute for South-East European Studies of the Romanian Academy Paul of Aleppo, Archbishop of the Church of Antioch and All the East (b. 1627), the son of Patriarch Macarius III Ibn al-Za‗īm, is the author of a lengthy journal in Arabic (670 fol. in the longest copy available), which comprises travel notes, a chronicle of the Antiochian Patriarchate, historical information, and comments on various topics connected to the Church, religious practices, etc. Besides Arabic, this author employs vocabulary specific to several languages – mainly Greek and Turkish, interspersed with Romanian, Polish, Hungarian, or Russian words – in a declared effort to make his text a vivid a mirror of the facts that he witnessed while journeying to Constantinople, Moldavia, Wallachia, Ukraine, and Russia (1652-1659). I present in my contribution the various types of borrowings Ẓor mere transfers into Arabicẓ present in Paul‘s journal and to propose explanations for their necessity in given contexts. The recurrent borrowing of Greek words by Christian Arabs is a recognized language feature, originating in their status as heirs of the Byzantine culture. However, the interference of Ottoman Turkish words – well reflected in Paul‘s notes – leads to conclusions as to the mixed lexical features of the Middle Arabic specific to Syrian Christians in the 17th century. If the rich Church-Greek terminology is not a surprise for an Archbishop of 40 the Antiochian Church, the presence of Ottoman Turkish terms in descriptions of the Moscow Court, for instance, reflects the difficulties that he encountered in describing realities foreign to his realm. While shedding light on the way Ottoman Turkish influenced the variety of Arabic spoken by Levantine Christians, Paul‘s philological comments – added whenever he used a peculiar foreign word – allow an insight into the author‘s knowledge of Classical Arabic morphology and syntax. My remarks are chiefly based on the copy of Paul‘s Journal recorded as Arabic Ms. 6016 at Bibliothèque Nationale de France (311 fol. r/v), which has just started to be researched properly from a philological perspective, following the completion of its edition, soon to be published. š ki y bintī! On Alethic and Deontic Modalities in Spoken Arabic from Syria ● Daniela Firănescu Dalhousie University This paper adds a link to a series of articles (most of them published) devoted to modalities in spoken Arabic from Syria (Damascus and Aleppo) that we have presented in AIDA conferences, in the last decade. This time, we focus on modalities such as ‗necessity‘, ‗possibility‘, ‗impossibility‘ (commonly defined as ‗alethic‘, but sometimes included in the ‗epistemic‘ modalitiesẓ and the modal categories of ‗permission‘, ‗recommendation‘ Ẓwith the sub-categories of ‗advisable‘, ‗commendable‘, ‗desirable‘, etc.ẓ, ‗obligation‘, ‗defend / not allow / impede / prevent / obstruct / forbid‘ – or ‗deontic‘ modalities. The title contains an illustration of a semantically complex modal expression ( š ki y bintī! – ―far be it from you, my daughter!‖ẓ, in which various shades of meaning meet, making possible, contextually, the convergence of the alethic and deontic modalities and their blending into a hybrid modal sense. By analyzing the discursive values of modal expressions in their pragmatic context of utterance, we aim at observing in depth matters related to: specialization of modal expressions in conveying specific discursive meanings related to the two categories of modalities examined; the extent of interchangeability versus semantic exclusivity, related to context and conventionalized speech acts; grammaticalization (where it occurs) aspects; the connection between these two categories of modalities and their contextual interference within verbal interaction. 41 G The Contribution to Palestinian and Transjordanian dialects based on lettercorrespondence between Gustaf DALMAN and local informants ●Aharon Geva Kleinberger University of Haifa In 2013 I discovered tenths of letter-correspondence between the German world-known dialectologist Gustaf Dalman (1855-1941) and five local informants. These letters were discovered in dusty boxes at the archive of Dalman Institute in Greifswald/Germany where he used to teach. As we know, G. Dalman wrote his famous masterpiece on Central Palestinian dialects, Arbeit und Sitte in Palästina which was published in the thirties of the last century and reprinted 1964. The discussed letters shed new light not only on the life of this renowned scholar but handles us also a deep glance into Palestinian and Transjordan Arabic dialects of the first third of the twentieth century. The lecture includes linguistic and historical details of this corpus between three Palestinian informants one of them the well-known doctor and anthropologist Tawfīq Canaan, one Transjordanian informant and an English noble lady who resided in Nazareth. The letters were written between the years 1900 and 1933, most of them in the German Sütterlin script and in thousands of transcriptions of the local Arabic dialects. Expressing Certainty and Uncertainty in Baghdadi Arabic ● George Grigore University of Bucharest In this paper I shall present some linguistical ways to express epistemical modalities, with a special focus on certainty and uncertainty. Based on a corpus of data in the Spoken Arabic of Baghdad recorded by me two years ago, the present analysis shall point out the main modal verbs, the verbs with modal meaning, adverbs and adverbial expressions, adjectives, pragmatical particles and so on, used in different constructions to introduce the degree of credibility of an assertion. 42 Why languages change, and why they don‟t ● Smaranda Grigore and ● Jonathan Owens Bayreuth University While it has been observed that the rich number of varieties of Arabic make it a particularly interesting language for observing language change, inductively deriving concrete generalizations from individual case studies has been the exception in Arabic dialectology. In this presentation we would like to present two diametrically opposed developments in Arabic, one a case of remarkable stability across varieties separated by some 1200 years of history, and one a case of remarkable change across varieties separated by a less period of 600 years. The first case pertains to Emirati and Nigerian Arabic. Not only the verb paradigm, but more interestingly the discourse conditions governing the choice of overt and null subjects have shown no evidence of change over 1200 years. This will be demonstrated using measures of anaphoric discourse reference developed in Owens et al. 2009, 2013. The second pertains to idiomaticity in Egyptian and Nigerian Arabic, where the idiomaticity of Nigerian Arabic is shown on qualitative and quantitative terms to be vastly different from that of Egyptian, even though Egyptian Arabic is the direct ancestor of Nigerian Arabic. The study highlights two basic aspects of language change. From the first it can be hypothesized – comparative studies in this respect are lacking – that so long as anaphoric discourse reference is maintained in speech communities, the underlying morphological paradigms will change relatively little, and not at all in their basic values. The second confirms what is an often unstated truism of language change that non-core components (non-basic vocabulary, discourse markers) are more liable to change than are core ones (phonology, morphology, basic vocabulary). The dramatic degree of difference, however, isolates idiomaticity as an important phenomenon driving language change. Syrian Coastal Dialect in drama and comedy of Syrian film production ● Narine Grigoryan Institute of Oriental Studies, University of Vienna During these turbulent times it is interesting to see how Syrian film producers/ directors used in the past Coastal dialect and what is the message sent by modern Syrian series in the same dialect. Renowned Syrian film director Abdellatif Abdulhamid with his Rasael Shafahiyyah (Verbal letters) are put vis-à-vis Leith Hajo‘s, a younger but also prominent Syrian director of Dheya Dhayy‘a ẒLost Villageẓ. The language in Abdulhamid‘s heroes is simple as his heroes are, while in more modern Hajo‘s 43 works Syrian Coastal dialect is sometimes not easy to understand, so the viewers in other parts of Syria or other Arabic countries where series were aired need subtitles to understand the expressions. A comparison is made between the ―realistic‖ Abdulhamid‘s characters and Hajo‘s Jaude and As‘ad that are full of humor. There is a transparent line where drama and comedy meet, as the Abdulhamid‘s drama is humorous, colorful, while the lively comedy of Hajo brings us to dramatic reality. Linguistic remarks on the dialect of al-Buraimi, Oman ● Elisabeth Grünbichler Institute of Oriental Studies, University of Vienna Al-Buraimi is the principal town of the oasis in eastern Arabia which bears the same name, in the north of the Sultanate of Oman, on the border between Oman and the United Arab Emirates. Until October 2006 thecity belonged to the region of a - hira and is now the capital of the newly created province of al-Buraimi. The dialect of al-Buraimi was covered in Clive Holes‘ groundbreaking study on the dialect geography of Oman, published in 1989. The Arabic spoken in al-Buraimi has been classified by him as a Bedouin dialect of the northern desert of Oman. In contrast with the rest of Oman, the dialect of al-Buraimi does not share all typical Omani features, but shows resemblances to the eastern Arabian group. In my paper I will present some phonological and morphological features of the dialect based on own fieldwork. For this purpose, I will prepare a grammatical sketch of the dialect which mainly relies on information gained through interviews with speakers of Buraimi Arabic. Furthermore, I will deal with lexical peculiarities comparing and enhancing the data presented in P. Behnstedt and M. Woidich‘s Wortatlas der arabischen Dialekte (Leiden, Brill 2011-2014). Finally I will go into the question whether or not there have been significant changes concerning the dialect of al-Buraimi since Holes‘ fieldwork done nearly 30 years ago. A phonetical sketch of the Arabic dialect spoken in Oran (North-western Algeria) ● Jairo Guerrero University of Cádiz Oran is the second largest city of Algeria after the capital Algiers. It is an important harbour town that is home to over 800.000 people. Fieldwork-based researches on the Arabic dialect of Oran are very scarce and most of them date back to the early twentieth century: Doutté (1904) and Boualem (1987). 44 This study aims to provide a description of the phonological system displayed by the dialect involved. I will also analyze several phonetical aspects such as the dissimilation and assimilation processes occurring in stems containing sibilant sequences or the devoicing involving pharyngeal / /. Special attention will be paid to the distribution of the two reflexes of classical qāf: voiceless uvular stop /q/ and voiced velar stop /g/. My study is based on data gathered by means of recordings and a questionnaire during a four-month stay in the city of Oran (from February to June 2014). Most of my informants were young students at the University of Es-SeniaOran. This research stay resulted in a short article that was published by RomanoArabica XV (2015). H Policing loyalty to Moroccan Arabic on Facebook ● Atiqa Hachimi University of Toronto This paper is an effort to understand metalinguistic discourse in an increasingly globalized and mediatized Arabic-speaking world. It explores in particular the contestation in online metalinguistic discourse from the perspective of the Maghreb-Mashreq language ideology – the hierarchical relationship between Mashreqi (Middle Eastern) and Maghrebi (North African) vernacular Arabic varieties (Hachimi 2013). Specifically, data come from a Facebook page created by Moroccans and dedicated exclusively to the ‗Blacklisting‘ of co-nationalartists who converge to Middle Eastern Arabic varieties in mediatized pan-Arab encounters. The paper examines these artists‘ linguistic practices made available in embedded videos and their metalinguistic and metapragmatic framings by the Facebook community. The paper shows the ways in which the ‗Blacklisting‘ is informed by a gendered form of folk ―verbal hygiene‖ ẒCameron 1995ẓ that demands national dialect loyalty, especially from female cultural figures. It also shows that the verbal hygienists‘ condemnation or exoneration of dialect loyalty do not always match the artists‘ actual linguistic practices and stylistic choices. The paper argues that the anxieties and language ideological debates implicit or explicit on the Facebook page are not exclusively about language, but more broadly, they unravel the complex relationships between linguistic choices and practices, morality, and today‘s conceptualizations of Moroccan national identity. 45 Italian Words in the Palestinian Dialects ● Moin Halloun Bethlehem University The last survey which was carried out in 1922, dealt with languages usually spoken in Palestine. This survey showed that Italian speakers (455) were less than the English speakers (3008), French (716), and German (1781). In spite of that hundreds of Italian words are used in the Palestinian dialects, more than the influence of all the other languages combined. Italian words are not limited to Jerusalem area (318) and Galilee (132), where the majority of Italians lived, but also in areas where the number of Italian speakers was small (only 5 people). As a matter of fact, most of Italian words in the Palestinian dialects are exist also in the Ottoman Turkish language. After examining the phonology of the three languages, one can see clearly that these words entered directly from Turkish and not from Italian. Ex. wārda! ‗A word used by stone workers to warn people around before an explosion‘. The same word appears in Turkish . The origin of this word is in Italian guardia which means: Look out!, Take care of youself! alisṭa ‫أ‬ The Palestinians say: kullo alisṭa or āḫir alisṭa to mean that everthing is fine or everything is wonderful. Two words of the same meaning are found in Ottoman Turkish language: ārista and alisṭa. The verb allestire in Italian means ‗to orgnize‘. The word allistito has a similar meaning. The purpose of this survey is to build the lexicon of the of Italian vocabulary that passed to the Palestinian dialects with the intermediation of Turkish. Moreover it will emphasize the morphology accured between these three language in the process of transmission. ‫ص ا ا ا ج‬ ‫ص ا اع ب ا عص‬ ‫ أ عاق ب‬: ‫ا غ ب ؟‬ ● (Mbarek Hanoun) ، ‫اص ا ا ب‬ ‫ح‬ ‫غ‬ contrasts Ẓ ẓ ‫ا‬ ‫اص ا ا قب‬ ‫خا‬ " ‫" غ‬ ‫ف‬ ، ‫ف‬، ‫"؛‬ : ‫ أ اخ اف ف‬.1 " " ‫ف‬ 46 " ‫؛‬ " "‫ـ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫؛‬ ‫خ‬، . ‫غ‬ ‫؛‬ . ‫غ‬ ‫غ‬ ‫خ اف‬ différentielle ‫غ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ا‬ ‫غ أ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫؛‬ ‫ ا ا‬، . ‫غ‬ ، ‫؛‬ : ‫ف‬ ‫أ‬، ‫غ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ف‬ ، ‫ا ا‬ ‫ا‬ ‫غ‬ ، ‫ف‬ ‫ أ اخ اف‬.2 ‫ أ أخ‬.3 ‫أ‬ ‫ أ‬.4 ‫ا‬ ‫خا إ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ا‬ ‫أ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫أ‬ Yūsuf aš-Širbīnī‟s Hazz al-Qu ūf: Some insights on the diachrony of Egyptian Arabic ●Ashraf Hassan University of Naples ―L‘Orientale‖ Hazz al-Qu ūf bi-S̆ar Qaṣ d Ab Šādūf by Yūsuf aš-ṣirbı̄nı̄ (fl. 1665-1687) is a unique work in pre-modern Egyptian Literature. The work is in two parts. The first is plentiful of anecdotes on the Egyptian peasants‘ Ẓfallā n) modus vivendi, together with various linguistic and social observations , and it is written in mixed Middle Arabic and Egyptian Arabic (EA). The second , instead, is a poem (in Egyptian Delta Arabic) ascribed to an Egyptian peasant named Abū ṣā dūf , with ašṣirbı̄nı̄‘s comment ary on it. The work offers a very large corpus of EA as it was spoken in the 17 th century either by Egyptian urban population, ahl miṣr, or its rural one, ar-rayyāfa. In my paper, I intend to shed light on what Hazz al-Qu ūf would provide us of material that helps understanding EA diachronically on various levels: Phonological: the differences in EA pronunciation (urban vs. rural), the development in EA of Standard Arabic interdentals, the vowel alternation of the some words first syllable; Morphological: several morphological changes regarding the quadriliteral verbs, the verbs shifting from IV Form to I Form, the use of different maṣdar for I Form verbs, the alternation of the defective verbs vowel, the diminutives, the dual, the use of different plurals; Syntactic: the negation, the demonstratives, the agreement verb-subject; Morphosyntactic: the EA modals (rāyi , ʿammāl, yā rēt, iss-... etc.), the temporal expression by the verb kān, yikūn; Lexical: lexemes changes (i.e. lexemes that went obsolete, lexemes that substituted others, newly introduced lexemes), semantic change, baby talk lexemes. 47 .1 .2 .3 .4 .5 Concerning some negative markers in South Iraqi Arabic ● Qasim Hassan University of Basra The study of negation in South Iraqi Arabic (henceforth in this paper SIA) has sadly been an uncharted territory in cross-dialectal studies. In contrast with the thoroughly documented written language of Modern Standard Arabic and Classical Arabic, describing the negative morphemes in the spoken SIA presupposes an extensive of natural speech as a source. However, Abu Haidar (2002) has recently provided the most serious work in this respect. She starts describing some negative particles in SIA, discussing them separately, and then citing examples given by her respondents. The purpose of the current study is to show that the lack of accurate written sources for the negative markers in SIA led Abu Haidar to arrive at negative conclusions in this respect. I would like to start with some remarks on the instances Abu Haidar cited for SIA; I will show that these instances are misleading and inadequate. I will then discuss some forms of negative morphemes in SIA that she never introduced in her study. The source material for this study comes from the typical folk poetry and songs from this region, where certain types of negative markers have become stereotype, but little attention has been paid to. Alternate + Shift: The multilingual manoeuvres of Palestinian political speakers in Israel ● Nancy Hawker University of Oxford On 31 July 2013, Israel Eichler of the United Torah Judaism party opposed a bill regarding raising the proportionate electoral threshold for a political party to enter the Israeli parliament by ostensibly addressing the other small parties that would be excluded if the bill were passed: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=D8tpxI0osKk ―Na nu ma‗kum bi-niḍ lkum min ‘ajil ad-dimokratīya,‖ in Arabic: ―We are with you in your struggle for democracy.‖ To which Ahmad Tibi of the Arab Movement for Change responded: ―Mir di araber badanken aykh af der tmikhe eygn demokratye,‖ in Yiddish: ―We, the Arabs, thank you for the support [for your] own democracy‖. The mutual trespassing of these declarations in the other group‘s language signalled an opportunistic alliance of the two parties that otherwise have little in 48 common (except, perhaps, a flair for provocative rhetoric). They failed to defeat the bill, and 17 March 2015 marks the first Israeli parliamentary elections in which ideologically diverse Arab parties have to unite in order to pass the new threshold. Under these adverse circumstances, how do the languages used by Arabicspeaking politicians serve to convince voters to notch up the percentage? Do they speak in fuṣ ā to evoke nationalist sentiment, in Hebrew to gain the trust of Jewish Israelis, or in Palestinian ʿāmm ya to show that they are ―one of the people‖? And when they do use ‗ammīya, what effect does the urban variety have on the Bedouins? Do the politicians borrow Hebrew elements when it is pragmatic to do so, and how do they react to their constituents‘ mixing of Hebrew in the Arabic matrix? With fresh evidence from fieldwork on the campaigning trail of Palestinian candidates, we will be better equipped to investigate these questions. Intonational marking of questions across Arabic dialects: areal features and isolated patterns ●Sam Hellmuth ●Rana Almbark University of York Question intonation varies cross-linguistically (e.g. Rialland, 2007), despite claims of linguistic universals involving high pitch (Bolinger, 1978). This paper reports the results of a comparative analysis of question intonation in a sample of spoken Arabic dialects, from the Intonational Variation in Arabic (IVAr) corpus [www.york.ac.uk/res/ivar]. The corpus contains recordings from 12 speakers (6M/6F) each in a regionally defined subset of colloquial dialects (Morocco, Tunisia, Egypt, Jordan, Syria, Iraq, Kuwait, Emirates, Yemen) and in a range of speech styles (read > spontaneous). We present the results of prosodic annotation of read speech interrogatives elicited using a scripted dialogue task (Hellmuth & Almbark, in prep.). The task yields six lexically distinct tokens per speaker of: broad focus declaratives (dec), wh-questions (whq), yes-no-questions (ynq) and coordinated questions (coo). The position of the stressed syllable in the last word of each utterance is varied to facilitate analysis of the nuclear accent contour, and the last word is segmentally parallel across all dialects, permitting cross-dialectal comparison of nuclear contours in different utterance types. Prosodic annotation was performed by two transcribers, using labels based on the Tones and Break Indices (ToBI) annotation system (Beckman, Hirschberg, & Shattuck-Hufnagel, 2005). The results confirm that intonational marking of questions in Arabic is diverse. In some dialects a ynq is indicated by choice of nuclear accent category (e.g. Yemen: nuclear rise-fall), but in others by the choice of boundary tone (Egypt: H% instead of L%); in some dialects marking of whq and ynqs is the same, whereas in others they differ completely (final rise-fall vs. final fall). Our main case study 49 documents a previously undescribed pattern in Tunisian Arabic, whereby an additional syllable bearing a mid-high ‗question tone‘ is appended to the last word in yes-no questions, regardless of the number of syllables in the host word. Spatial Language in Traditional Negev Arabic: Corpus Data ● Roni Henkin Ben-Gurion University of the Negev Spatial language research is predominantly based on experimental fieldwork methods current in cognitive and anthropological linguistics. Recorded corpora in these domains usually pertain to specific tasks, whereas long corpora of spontaneous discourse, such as narratives and interactional situations, are considered inadequate, as the specific linguistic/cognitive issues targeted may be absent or vague in the situational context, and are in any case not subject to control. But corpus data reveal aspects of spatial language that experimental data cannot. A recent dissertation on spatial language in Traditional Negev Arabic (TNA), based on experimental fieldwork among the niʿ tribe ẒCerqueglini 2014ẓ, has produced findings which may now be submitted to corpus analysis; I will show how the 280,000 word corpus of TNA spontaneous discourse, mainly oral history, folk stories, and personal narratives, constitutes an invaluable source of semantic and cultural information. It shows the culturally specific use of all three spatial Frames of Reference, found by experimental methods to be prevalent in this spatial system. Two examples follow (more in the talk): a) experimental data show cardinal directions to be extremely prevalent. But only the corpus can show that east is used four times as much as south; I will offer some explanations for this. bẓ experimental data show no spatial use of ‗left‘ and ‗right‘; the corpus indeed shows ‗right‘ mainly as a legal term for an oath, and as a cultural term in the highly coded hosting system, whereby coffee is always served to the right. For spatial location we often find cardinal directions: ‗I was sitting on my grandmother‘s eastern knee and my brother was on her western knee‘. The corpus also provides data for non-manipulable arrays, including mountains and rivers. It highlights culturally salient items, reflecting cultural practices and enabling optimal coverage of the dialectal spatial system with complementary methodologies. 50 Old vs new: vanishing features in sedentary Jordanian ● Bruno Herin INALCO – Paris The traditional dialects of Jordan, whether sedentary or Bedouin, are receiving a growing amount of attention. Since Cleveland (1963) and Palva (1984), the varieties now spoken in Jordan have been classified into four types: bi ūl, bikūl, bigūl and yigūl. While only the last two are indigenous, the bi ūl and bikūl types originated from Palestine in the aftermath of the 1948 ethnic cleansing and the massive influx of Palestinian refugees into Transjordan. It is now recognised that the bigūl dialects (1) belong to the sedentary southern Levantine group with distinctive features acquired through contact with contiguous Bedouin varieties (Palva 2008) and (2) are most closely related to Ḥōrā ni dialects rather than Palestinian dialects (Herin 2013). The dialect of Amman, while still exhibiting considerable variation, is stabilising (Al-Wer 2007). It presents features traceable to its two main sources (urban Palestinian and sedentary Jordanian) and forms found in neither source (Al-Wer, in press). Unlike Ammani Arabic, which is an emerging variety, the traditional Jordanian varieties are undergoing dialect levelling. The goal of this presentation is to provide an account of the changes that are occurring in one of these sedentary dialects such as the genitive exponent, verbal morphology, the negative copula and a large number of function words. Social integration and dialect divergence in coastal Palestine: Gaza & Jaffa ● Uri Horesh Northwestern University – Evanston and ●William Cotter The University of Arizona This is a study of a Palestinian speech community which has split into two as a result of ethnic cleansing and displacement. The city of Jaffa, on the Mediterranean coast of central Palestine, was brutally emptied of over 90% of its inhabitants in 1948 during the ‗Catastrophe‘ ẒNakba in Arabic). These Jaffa residents who were driven out of the city became refugees, many of whom fled to Gaza, some 69 km south of Jaffa. Being a refugee in Gaza carries a social stigma, partly as refugees are identifiable through dialect differences. The traditional dialect of Jaffa differs from that of Gaza in a number of ways. This is one prime example of two urban Palestinian coastal dialects – three features which are known in Arabic dialectology to indicate convergence of dialectal features – which have nonetheless diverging features. 51 1. (q) – In the Jaffa vernacular, /q/ is invariably realized as a glottal stop [ ]. In Gaza, it is variable, whereby the traditional dialect manifests it as a voiced velar stop [ɡ] ẒSalonen 1979/80, de Jong 2000), but a glottal stop exists as well. 2. (AH) – in Jaffa and most non-Gaza urban and rural dialects, the wordfinal feminine suffix /-a/ is raised to [e] in phonetically non-back environments. This raised variant is not typical of indigenous Gaza and other southern Palestinian varieties (Bergsträßer 1915, Al-Wer 2007). 3. ( ) – the newest and most advanced variable, a change in progress for contemporary Jaffa speakers, involves the lenition of the voiced pharyngeal fricative into a glottal stop, a vocalized variant or total deletion. The current study uses a corpus of sociolinguistic interviews with Jaffaorigin speakers who currently reside in Jaffa (50%) and Gaza (50%) to statistically and qualitatively explain the different trajectory in which these two dialects have progressed in contact with and isolation from one another. Voices and registers in the [dialect] poetry of Fuʼād addād ● Bohdan Horvat Institute of Philology Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv Fuʼ d add d produced a comparatively large corpus of poetry in the Egyptian dialect. The eight volume – d wān ʻ of his works contains more than twenty collections of poems which represent his polygenre and polyphonic poetical oeuvre. One of the characteristics peculiar to his style is combining different and even seemingly dissonant genres in one text. Exploiting the capabilities of formal verse components the imām of āmmiyya poets created such characters as the Misa ar tī and the Ar gūz each having his own identifiable voice. Human beings of all ages are not the only ones who speak in add d‘s poetry, for one may recognize in it voices of puppets, animals or even household items. In this paper I analyze the registers in which these voices were produced and try to answer questions about what makes them distinguishable and recognizable as well as where they are interrupted by the voice of the poet (in meditation or addressing the audience). While on one hand add d‘s poetry leans on the oral tradition as means of unmediated approach to an audience and implies synthetical arts such as theatre and performance, on the other hand its language argues the boundless potentiality of the written dialect to produce senses and meanings. 52 I Some Features of the Arabic Spoken in Hasköy (Turkey), as Inferred from a Version of the Tale of “Mem and Zin” ● tefan Ionete University of Bucharest Hasköy is a town in Eastern Turkey, in the province of Mu . The inhabitants of this town form an Arabic speaking community. Arabic is only used, as a language of communication, within this community, as, in the region, Turkish and Kurdish are widely spoken. In this paper, I intend to present a short description of this variety of Arabic, the most northern Anatolian one. Here, I am taking into account the review of the distinctive phonetic characteristics, as well as of the morpho-syntactic ones, both verbal and nominal. Besides this, I will include in the paper some features of the phrase‘s syntax. This paper is based on a version of the tale of ―Mem and Zin‖, recorded by me in the town of Hasköy, in the summer of 2014. J ‫اع ب ا ع‬ ‫ا‬ ‫طق ع‬ ‫ج بعض ق ئ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫عج‬ ‫خص ئص ص‬ ‫طق ع‬ ‫ج‬ ● (Salem Mohammed Jafsher) ‫ج ش‬ ‫ف‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ف‬ ، : ‫أ‬ َ ‫ ف‬، .Ẓ . ‫؟‬ ‫ف‬ َ ẓ:Ẓ ‫ ف‬: ‫أ‬. Ẓ ‫أ‬ẓ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫؟‬ ، ‫إ‬ ‫ف‬ ،. ‫ا‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ َẓ ‫ف‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ه‬ Ẓ ẓ ‫فف‬ ‫أخ‬ ‫ف‬ ، 53 . ‫أ‬: ‫ف‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ أ‬: ‫ أ‬، َ ‫ َخ‬، َ َ : ‫ء غ‬ ‫ء‬ ‫أف‬ ، ، ‫أ‬: ، ، ‫أ‬ . َ ‫ف‬      ‫أخ‬  ‫ف‬ . ‫َ ف‬ : ، ‫ف‬، ‫ف‬ ، ‫ا‬ ‫َ ف‬ " " ‫ءف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬   From Bodily Posture to Progressive Aspect Marker ●Najib Ismail Jarad University of Sharjah The fact that posture verbs tend to grammaticalize into aspectual markers of progressivity in a wide-range of (un)related languages makes them particularly interesting objects of study. The present paper aims to contribute to our understanding of how the active posture participle yālis (sitting) plus imperfective verb have come to express the progressive aspect in Emirati Arabic. The proposed answer to this puzzling question involves the claim that, cross linguistically, progressive constructions are known to originate from locative constructions in which the agent is described as in the midst of an activity. Therefore, if X is reading, then X is regarded as being located in the midst of reading; ongoing activities are construed as locations in which agents find themselves in (e.g. John is in the middle of reading). The transfer from a bodily posture to a progressive construction can be explained as the result of a unidirectional transfer from the more concrete domain of space to the more abstract domain of verbal aspect. This development may thus involve a metaphorical process whereby the abstract meaning of progressive aspect is conceptualized in terms of the concrete meaning of bodily postures. The function of yālis (sitting) as an auxiliary verb –like appears to be the result of a grammaticalization process, as certain principles of grammaticalization such as extension, desemanticization, and decategorialization were found to apply to it. Data from Emirati Arabic variety suggest that yālis (sitting) has undergone semantic and morphosyntatctic changes but retained its phonetic content. This is not unusual since phonological change is not reliant on syntactic change. As part of the new construction, the active participle yālis (sitting) has also changed its argument structure. What can peripheral Arabic dialects tell us about the prehistory of Semitic? ● Otto Jastrow Tallinn University Classical Arabic is cast into a very rigid system of root and pattern which dominates the morphology. Verbs must follow this root-and-pattern system because otherwise it would not be possible to inflect (conjugate) them. Nouns likewise 54 follow this pattern, which is applied also to loan words, e.g. barnāmaǧ, pl. barāmiǧ ―programme‖. In Modern Standard Arabic ẒMSAẓ the treatment of foreign loan words is less rigid; they are mostly put in the plural by means of -āt. In the modern dialects this tendency has become much more pronounced: Loan nouns are usually no longer treated as consisting of root and pattern, and even loan verbs can be inflected by simply adding the respective inflectional pre- and suffixes to an unchanging base. When looking at some peripheral Arabic dialects (and even more so at some Neo-Aramaic idioms) we find that even in the inherited lexicon roots are not any more preserved as the unchanging core of a word but are subjected to farreaching changes: loss of radicals, radicals changing place, erosion of the dichotomy of strong and weak verbs etc. This gradual unraveling of the unique Classical Arabic (and, in fact, Semitic) morphological type opens a new perspective on the emergence of this structure during the pre-history of Semitic. The process can be imagined as the inverse of the present one: the gradual establishing of a more and more rigid structure by means of analogy, structural adjustments and a strong pressure towards a symmetrical and transparent morphology. Translating the Lebanese dialect in Rashid Al-Daif‟s Tiṣṭifil Mῑrῑl Strῑb ●Safa Alferd Abou Chahla Jubran ●Felipe Benjamin Francisco University of Sao Paulo The purpose of this research is to analyze the translation decisions of the Lebanese dialect on the novel Tiṣṭifil Mῑrῑl Strῑb ( ), written by Rashid Al-Daif, as taken by each of his foreign translators. Based on the theory proposed by Antoine Berman in his work La traduction et la lettre, ou Lˀauberge du lointain, we selected the case of the dialectal verb yiṣṭifil that occurs on the title of the novel and only once in the body of the source text. Berman argues that there are ―deforming tendencies‖ taking place during the translation of literary prose, which keep the translation away from its ethical aim by destroying the ―letter‖ of the source text so as to keep the meaning transmission. The deforming tendency we focused at is called ―the destruction of vernacular networks or their exoticization‖ which plays an important role erasing the dialectal elements which are abundant and very clear all long the text. Taking the case of the verb yiṣṭifil and the ways it was translated into Brazilian Portuguese, Spanish, Italian, French and English, we discussed here how successful each of the translators was in neutralizing this deforming tendency. 55 Interjections: Cases of linguistic borrowing in Nigerian (Shuwa) Arabic code switching ● Jidda Hassan Juma‟a University of Maiduguri Nigerian (Shuwa) Arabic is spoken by a considerable minority in Nigeria specifically in the northeastern part of the country. As a minority language in contact with many ethnic- based languages in the area, it has over the years, frequently borrowed linguistic elements -specifically interjections- in interaction or conversations with other ethno-linguistic groups. These interjections are widespread among the different languages spoken in the area to such an extent that their origin is hardly identified as they appear belong to any of the languages they were found used in them. In this work we highlight the frequent occurrence of these elements in a language corpus in different social setting i.e. monolingual village or city based, group discussion monolingual city based and group discussion of multilingual nature also based in the city of Maiduguri. The study found that some of these elements were peculiarly used in the city whether monolingual group discussion or multilingual. Some other elements i.e. (interjections) were found in monolingual setting village based and were also marginally shared by the group discussion monolingual or multilingual. The structure of the elements seems to be shared by all the languages in which they were used in the text and that is why it is difficult to identify the elements with a specific language structure and therefore no specific language in the region can claim its origin as they are widely spread and used by different languages. Coupled with this, is the fact that these elements do not change in form or structure even when they are borrowed or used in Nigerian (Shuwa) Arabic texts from different social setting. K Syrian Dialect: Main Features in the Vernacular of omṣ ● Najla Kalach Università degli Studi della Tuscia My paper is based on the dialect spoken in the city of om , located in the Central part of Syria. The goal is to present the main data, collected after the beginning of the civil war in 2011. The recordings contain elements of dialect spoken by natives who decided to escape from Syria. The sources were gathered throughout Italy and various Arab countries such as United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Qatar. The native language might have been influenced by this kind of emigration and that is the reason why the linguistic analysis presents the peculiarities of al56 omṣiyya on a phonetic and morphological level and a general description of syntax. Lutte de la Poésie vernaculaire néo-arabe contre le colonialisme au MoyenOrient et au Proche-Orient ● Elie Kallas Université de Trieste Le prestige de la langue arabe standard, favorisé par les institutions médiévales et contemporaines, est si intériorisé, que même les auteurs peu instruits avaient souvent recours à des usages non vernaculaires, classiques, standards ou pseudo-corrects. L‘éducation scolaire dans le « monde arabe » était élitaire, et elle est toujours déficitaire dans plusieurs pays néo-arabophones. Ceux qui ne connaissaient pas l‘arabe scolaire et ceux qui voulaient s‘exprimer dans l‘idiome qui leur était plus familier devaient-ils se taire, même contre les colonialismes anglais et français ? Il y eut toujours dans les pays néo-arabophones, des littératures populaires, quoiqu‘elles soient documentées par écrit à une date postérieure, ou « corrigées », pour les « nobiliser » souvent en langue arabe standard « savante ». La poésie populaire de protestation sociale ou anticoloniale, nationale et panarabe, a connu une popularité énorme dès la deuxième moitié du 19 ème siècle au MoyenOrient et au Proche-Orient. Accuser ses poètes d‘hérésie linguistique ou d‘être antiarabes, ennemis du panarabisme et de l‘Islam, isolationnistes et valets du colonialisme, parce qu‘ils s‘expriment dans leurs langues maternelles non scolarisée – est une idéologie où schizophrénie sociale et hallucination, dédoublement et sentiment de persécution s‘entremêlent; refusant l‘unité dans la diversité, ressuscitant une littérature écrite en une langue scolaire, essayant d‘enterrer une littérature parlée qui respire à pleins poumons. Investing in Tunisian Dialectology: al-Bashir Khrayyif‟s Al-Dagla fi „Rajinha‟ ● Boutheina Khaldi American University of Sharjah ، ، ‫أ‬ ، ẓ ‫أ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ف أ‬ Ẓ1949-1909 ẓ ‫ا ق ف‬ ‫خ فف‬ ‫؛ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬. ،Ẓ1983-1917 ẓ ‫خ ف‬ ‫ف‬. ‫خ‬ 57 ‫ غ‬، ‫أ ء‬ ، . ‫ ف‬، ‫أ ءأ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫غ‬ Ẓ ، ‫أخ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ع اج‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ا ق ف‬ ‫؟أ‬ ‫؟‬ ‫ا ؛‬ ‫ا‬ ‫خا‬ ‫خ فف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫أ ء‬ ‫أ‬ : ‫أ أ‬ ‫أ ء‬ . ‫إ‬ ‫ءا‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ف‬ ، ‫إ‬ ‫ع اج‬ Le parler arabe urbain marocain. Nouveaux phénomènes phonétiques : l‟affrication de [t] et le désemphatisation de [r] ●Mustapha Khiri Université Moulay Ismail – Meknès Le parler urbain marocain est un mélange des parlers citadins et ruraux avec une domination plus au moins légère de ces derniers selon les villes. Plusieurs chercheurs ont présenté des études sur les parlers urbains marocains. D‘autres distinguent entre les parlers citadins des anciennes cités impériales et les parlers urbains des nouvelles agglomérations contemporaines où se côtoyaient les anciens citadins des ruraux qui s‘y installaient depuis le début du 20 siècle. Entre ces deux parlers en contact en ville nait des phénomènes linguistiques et sociolinguistiques. Au début, le parler rural est fortement stigmatisé par rapport au parler citadin. Après et avec la consolidation du parler urbain (mi citadin mi rural), on a vu naitre des variétés linguistiques selon le sexe. Le [g] rural est privilégié par les hommes alors que le [q] citadin l‘est par les femmes. On a constaté également, que pendant une longue durée, les filles préféraient prononcer un [r] (entre [l] et [r]). Actuellement et depuis plus de dix ans, nous avons observé deux changements phonétiques intéressants dans les réalisations linguistiques en ville. Les locuteurs réalisent un [tʃ] affriqué au lieu de [t] tandis que les locutrices prononcent un [r] désemphatisé. Quelle est l‘origine de ces deux réalisations phonétiques ? Sont-elles attestées dans tous les environnements linguistiques ? Concernent-elles toutes les tranches d‘âge de la population ? Quelles sont les facteurs sociolinguistiques de l‘adoption de ces deux phonèmes ? Third Person Masculine Singular Pronominal Suffix(es) in the Arabic Dialect of Latakia ● Maciej Klimiuk Universität Heidelberg We can distinguish two third person masculine singular pronominal suffixes in the Arabic dialect of Latakia. The most commonly used form is that that acquires the -u suffix in words ending with a consonant (-C), and the -āh, -ōh, -āh form which 58 applies to words ending in a vowel (-Ca, -Cu, -Ci). This differs in the Damascus dialect, for example, where we observe a lengthening of only the last vowel in the syllable in word sending with a vowel and with the pronominal suffix-o. The second pronominal suffix has the -(a)hne form, and most often occurs with the pseudoverb f / fā(f + -hne>f́hne) and with two verbs with special forms with the pronoun hne: sta káhne and šəftáhne. In contrast to the two verbs mentioned above, the form f́hne is rare and now only used by older generations. The pronominal suffix (a)hne has so far, only been observed in the Antakya, Samandağ, and Altınözü dialects. The origin of this pronoun is not entirely clear although, according to some academics, it is a remnant of an emphatic mode (energeticus). In my presentation, I will present the two types of third person masculine singular pronominal suffixes in the dialect of Latakia. I will also explain how they function in the dialect and discuss their possible origin. Is the Maghribian Arabic vowel system really due to a Berber substratum? ● Maarten Kossmann Languages and Cultures of Africa – Leiden The sedentary Arabic dialects of Algeria and Morocco – both Hilalian and Pre-Hilalian – have undergone enormous changes vis-à-vis what seems to be reconstructible for earlier Arabic varieties in their short vowel system. These changes can be resumed under two major developments: (1) The change of a three vowel distinction /a/, /i/, /u/ to a binary opposition /ə/, /u/, in which the latter is relatively rare, and, especially in the far west, mainly found in the vicinity of velar and uvular consonants. (2) The introduction of a syllabic constraint that implies that a short vowel is not allowed in open syllables. In some varieties this is paired to avoidance of CCC clusters, giving rise to large-scale metathesis. These two features are highly similar to what is found in the Berber languages of the same region, which have one short vowel (ə), phonemic labialization in velars and uvulars, and no short vowels in open syllables. Therefore, it is no wonder that many scholars consider the Maghribian vowel system the result of a Berber substratum. This talk reviews some of the evidence for this substratum, focussing on the historical development of the Berber vocalic and syllabic system, which seems to have followed similar lines to Maghribian Arabic. 59 Some Observations on the Aramaic and Syriac Substrata of Cypriot Maronite Arabic ● Mario Kozah American University of Beirut The Aramaic component in the Eastern Arabic lexicon has been the subject of a number of preliminary lexicographical and etymological studies that have attempted to establish the Syriac origins of words within the Arabic word-stock of certain dialects and most particularly in the Lebanese colloquial (Féghali 1918; Hobaika 1939; Freyha 1973; Nakhla 1973). However, an overall assessment of the Aramaic substrata of the Eastern Arabic lexicon that takes into consideration historical continuity and stratification is a desideratum that has yet to be attempted. As a peripheral insular dialect, Cypriot Maronite Arabic (CMA) may provide a more reliable linguistic context for comparative lexicology of this sort. According to A. Borg CMA attests in a clear fashion to the early interaction of historical bilingualism in Arabic and Aramaic (Borg 2002: 45). This paper will attempt to draw on the CMA lexicon as well as field notes from interviews with native speakers of CMA to make certain preliminary observations regarding this neglected dialect‘s Syriac and Aramaic lexical and syntactic substrata and its relationship with Lebanese colloquial. L Le relateur -Vn en arabe de Sicile : exemples et remarques linguistiques ● Cristina La Rosa Université de Catane Le relateur -Vn (Lentin 1997 ; Owens 1998), également appelé morphème de liaison (Ferrando 2000) et tanw n connectif, est un suffixe ayant la fonction syntactique de ‗lier‘ le substantif non déterminé à l‘attribut qui le suit. La genèse du relateur -Vn, attesté dans plusieurs variétés d‘arabe telles que, entre autres, l‘andalou ẒCorriente 1977, 1980 ; Ferrando 2000, 2004), le soudanais (Owens 1993), le judéo-arabe ẒBlau 1965ẓ, l‘afghan ẒIngham 1994ẓ, l‘uzbèke ẒFisher 1961ẓ et l‘arabe du Naǧd ẒIngham 1994ẓ, est loin d‘être connue : selon une première théorie (Baneth 1945, Blau 1965, 1993) le suffixe /-an-/-in-/-un- n‘est qu‘un résidu du tanw n de l‘arabe classique ayant la fonction de marquer l‘indétermination du substantif ; d‘après une deuxième théorie ẒOwens 1998, Ferrando 2000ẓ, il s‘agit, par contre, d‘un morphème indépendant du tanw n classique qui a développé la fonction syntactique de liaison nominale. Il s‘agirait d‘un archaïsme, conservé dans quelques dialectes périphériques et non périphériques, déjà attesté au début de l‘époque islamique et donc précédent à la standardisation de l‘arabe classique ẒFerrando 2000ẓ. La seule variété d‘arabe occidentale dans laquelle le morphème /an/ avait été relevé jusqu‘à récemment était l‘andalou, dont le vaste corpus est très 60 riche d‘exemples. Quelques spécimens du relateur –Vn dans les formes /-an/ et /-in/ ont dernièrement été attestés dans l‘arabe de Sicile ẒLentin 2007, La Rosa, à paraîtreẓ, variété d‘arabe maghrébin non hil lien dont les caractéristiques demeurent encore largement à reconstruire. Le but de la présente contribution est celui d‘analyser les exemples attestés dans quelques-unes des œuvres siculo-arabes, telles que la Chronique de Cambridge et les Diplômes, en les comparant avec les exemples andalous, afin de tenter d‘éclaircir le contexte linguistique dans lequel le relateur -Vn est utilisé et sa fonction morpho-syntactique dans l‘arabe de Sicile. A Linguistic Reevaluation of the Egypto-Sudanese Dialect Grouping ●Thomas A. Leddy-Cecere University of Texas at Austin Global treatments of Arabic dialect classification (e.g., Kaye and Rosenhouse, 1997; Versteegh, 2001; Weninger, 2011) generally identify EgyptoSudanese as a macro-level subgrouping along side North African, Levantine, Mesopotamian, and Peninsular dialect areas; the goal of the present study is to assess the linguistic validity of this Egypto-Sudanese classification. Utilizing data from three Egyptian and three Sudanese Arabic varieties (those of Cairo, il‗Aw mra, and il-Bi‗ēr t, as well as Khartoum, al-ṣukriyya, and Abbéchéẓ in comparison with those of three localities (Jerusalem, Mecca, and Benghazi) immediately outside the proposed dialect area, I examine twenty-four features drawn from the domains of phonology, nominal and verbal inflectional morphology, and closed-class lexicon. Drawing on innovative glottometric methods presented by François (2014) in addition to more traditional isogloss mapping techniques, I demonstrate that an Egypto-Sudanese grouping roundly fails to account for the nature of the linguistic data: while the Egyptian and Sudanese varieties respectively show a degree of cohesion amongst themselves, no convincing picture emerges of a broader Egypto-Sudanese subgroup either by weight of common isoglosses or by the presence of uniquely shared features potentially diagnostic of a taxon. In light of this finding, I propose that it is in fact non-linguistic material, in the form of prevailing historical, political, and sociocultural views, which has driven the field to adopt the Egypto-Sudanese classification; the lack of correspondence between these traditional understandings and the dialect data examined is cause not only for a reexamination of the primary tier of Arabic dialect classifications but also for a closer scrutiny of the accepted wisdom of other academic disciplines with regard the relationship between Egypt and the Sudan. 61 Sur quelques types de propositions circonstancielles syndétiques dans les dialectes arabes ● Jérôme Lentin INALCO – Paris Les dialectes arabes connaissent en général une construction (comparable à celle de la langue standard, avec wāw al- āl) w + {NP (déterminé) + Prédicat} / w + {Prédicat locatif etc. + NP (indéterminé)} pour former des propositions circonstancielles, décrivant un ‗état‘ lié d‘une façon ou d‘une autre Ẓpar exemple par une concomitance temporelle) au procès décrit dans la proposition principale. Cette construction connaît des variantes diverses, en particulier une où, lorsque NP est un pronom personnel indépendant ẒPPẓ, l‘ordre w ~NP est inversé :ˀana w-rāyi vs wˀana rāyi ‗tandis que je partais‘. Après avoir dressé un inventaire aussi complet que possible des constructions attestées dans l‘ensemble des dialectes arabes, on s‘interrogera sur les valeurs de la construction de base et de ses diverses variantes, et sur le rôle central qu‘y joue la conjonction w. Pour la variante {PP + w + Prédicat}, on essaiera de montrer l‘influence probable qu‘ont exercée sur son émergence d‘autres constructions (par exemple PP w NP) qui utilisent également le pronom personnel indépendant immédiatement suivi de w. Vestiges of asm al-fi‘l in the Modern Arabic Dialects ●Aryeh Levin The Hebrew University of Jerusalem In Arabic grammatical terminology the term asmā al-fiʿl refers to certain interjections denoting a sense of an imperative verb, such as nazāli ʻ ―Go down!‖, halumma ʻ ―Come here!‖. Some vestiges of imperative forms which belong to this category can be found in modern Arabic dialects. For example: lēk – ―Here is‖, ―Look!‖,which originates in old Arabic ilayka, occurs in Damascus and in the Galilee ; ʿindak and ʿandak ʻ ―Stop!‖, in Syrian and Palestinian dialects, ʿandāk ʻ ―Watch out!, Beware of!‖ occurs in Casablanca; nazāli – ―Get down!‖ in the Beduin dialect of Qašqa D rya, in Central Asia (Uzbekistan). This paper proposes to discuss some synchronic and historical aspects of these and of other imperative forms, originating in old Arabic asmā al-fiʿl. 62 Dialy – Status Constructus or A New Grammar of the Moroccan Body ● Diana Lixandru Independent Researcher, Lisbon Mais n'allez pas croire au moins que c'est pas par la bouche qu'elles parleront. Et par où donc [...] parlerontelles donc? Par la partie la plus franche qui soit en elles, et la mieux instruite des choses que vous désirez savoir, [...] par leur bijoux. The present article revisits the representation of the body in a Moroccan form of contemporary art: Dialy (Dyāli), a theatre play, throughout which we seek to explore the emergence of a new discourse and rapport with the body. Written and performed in Moroccan dāriğa, Dialy comes in a long series of Aquarium productions, a small Rbati theatre company. Their portfolio includes a generous number of theatre forum sketches (theatre for development, with a strong participatory approach), where stringent contemporary social themes (clean art, polygamy, sexual tourism, abortion, women and politics) are brought to the public in the form of a theatre play. Given the strong social component of the shows, Moroccan dariğa is the language used. As one of the lead Dialy actresses states in one of her interviews: ―Mttalna w ḫtābna šaʿb b-lloġa yǝfhemha‖ ẒWe preformed and addressed the audience in a language they understand). Among the many merits Dialy has is its shedding light on a dormant discourse and a shift in paradigm when it comes to portrayal of the body. Unlike its highly metaphorical representation in modern poetry and other forms of art (like songs) or the pedagogical engineering of this topic in old literary texts, the play in question makes use of a naked language, priding itself on calling the things by their names in nowadays society. Therefore, the main purpose of the article is to follow the transition from order to disorder, chaos (fawḍā) and explore this trio of terms vagin (in French), -farğ (in Fuṣ ā), -tabbūn (in Dāriğa) and the layers of meaning derived from employing them. At the very heart of the play, the act of naming the female sexual organ was what stirred most the viewers and non-viewers. The many interpretations and reactions to the performance can only but prove the absence of a unitary perspective on the body. The article will argue how this brief example of a new art tries and draws a new map, while breaking with the well embedded body discourse structured on the binary oppositions m entioned by Foucault: body/soul, flesh/spirit, licit/illicit, allowed/forbidden, and the Moroccan triptych of šūma-ʿ bʿār. 63 Another look at the development of postverbal negation in dialectal Arabic ● Christopher Lucas SOAS, University of London In certain Arabic dialects of Egypt, the southwestern Levant, Oman (according to Reinhardt 1894), and perhaps sporadically elsewhere, it is possible in at least some contexts to express negation with the enclitic element-š alone (henceforth X-š), instead of with the more familiar and more widespread bipartite mā X-š construction. In a recent paper, Wilmsen (2013) advances a novel hypothesis regarding the development of X-š: rather than being an innovation relative to mā X-š, achieved by ‗dropping‘ mā, X-š is, according to Wilmsen, at least as old as its bipartite counterpart, having developed independently of the latter from an earlier use of -š as a marker of interrogation, whose own origin Wilmsen does not believe is šay ‗thing‘. The present paper offers a critical examination of Wilmsen‘s proposals, making the following main arguments. I) Relative to mā X-š, the number and spread of dialects in which X-š occurs as a negative construction is tiny, andits occurrence is possible only in a subset of grammatical contexts in Palestinian and Cairene (and different contexts in each of these dialects; Lucas 2010). These facts should be explained by positing a handful of independent parallel innovations of negative X-š via mā-dropping or other mechanisms. Wilmsen‘s alternative, which entails positing massively parallel independent losses of negative X-š in dialects lacking the construction today, is less parsimonious. II) There are dialects recorded in the twentieth century in which there is a clear reflex of šay as a postverbal negator, e.g. various Moroccan dialects with ma…šay (Caubet 1993: 68, Heath 2002: 212) and (ma…)-šey in the aʿīdī dialect described by Khalafallah (1969: 100–2). M Towards a collaborative database of Arabic dialectology ●Alexander Magidow The University of Rhode Island The past two centuries of Arabic dialectology in the western tradition have produced incredible quantities of data on the spoken dialects of the Arab world, but very little of this data is available in a meaningful, standardized electronic form. Some scholars have digitized dialect data, but typically in the form of flat spreadsheets, and rarely to a standard that allows for easy search and access, nor can they make this data publically available. It is also not easy to map this data, and indeed most dialect maps are made by hand rather than automated. 64 To address these issues, I propose creating an online, collaborative, searchable database of dialect data with intuitive input interface and multiple forms of data visualization. I have developed a basic prototype of this application, and in this talk I will present my solutions for data storage, data input, and data visualization. The database structure is designed for storing morpholexical data (in a manner similar to a dictionary), though the structure should also be flexible enough to handle phonological and syntactic data. The interface itself is designed to be intuitive and easy to use, hiding most of the internal database structure from the user. It is hoped that researchers carrying out descriptive fieldwork could input their data directly into the database, and then could use that data to output a template for a traditional descriptive dialectology article such as those normally published in the AIDA proceedings or the Encyclopedia of Arabic Language and Linguistics. The latest prototype application has been developed with the Django web framework, which allows for easy sharing of source code and easy portability. I expect that by the time of the AIDA conference the prototype will be significantly more sophisticated, and may by that time be based on a different framework such as MIT's Datahub or the Vienna Corpus of Arabic Varieties (VICAV). If possible, source code will be released under an open source license. NESSMA TV: Towards a Middle Maghrebi Arabic? ● Emanuela Magrini Tuscia University of Viterbo It is well-known that in the diglossic Arabic society dialects are primarily used as the favourite means of expression in everyday communication among Arabs and that they are generally used in informal situations. On the other hand, Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) represents the language of all formal contexts. Thus, we find it on the written media, such as newspapers, books, street signs, advertisements, and it is also the language of public speaking and news broadcasts on radio and television. The present paper offers a clear example of the usage of dialectal Arabic in one of the fields in which MSA is usually spoken, namely that of the mass media, and in particular that of television. The case in point, almost unique in the Maghreb area, is that of the Tunisian TV channel Nessma TV. Programmes and commercials of the channel, founded in 2007, are broadcasted in dialectal Arabic, unlike what happens on other Arabic language channels like Al-Jazeera, BBC Arabic or AlʿArabiyya, where MSA is used. This article, based on the analysis of excerpts from programmes broadcasted by Nessma TV, raises two main questions: - Is a particular linguistic variety mainly used in the channel programmes or can we identify and compare different dialectal varieties? - Can we affirm that in the programmes a middle Maghrebi Arabic is used? 65 How does Emirati Arabic stand in relation to other Arabic dialects? ● Ahmad Makia Sharjah Art Foundation This presentation surveys Arabic dialects, specifically Emirati, in Dubai. It will look at how different dialects are distributed in the city along race and class lines. Given Dubai‘s cosmopolitan and globalized state, the local Arabic corpus is spoken in a varied collection. In most encounters, residents will accommodate their speech to sound more suitable to their listener, thus making spoken Arabic in Dubai a very dynamic and fluid component of daily life. Yet, Emirati, the local parent dialect, is safeguarded and rarely trickles into the public domain of spoken Arabic in the city. Even rarer is for local media to broadcast in Emirati, instead favoring Lebanese and Egyptian programming. Only the local population speaks Emirati, while migrants scramble between collections of other Arabic dialects when conducting daily transactions. The relationship between other Arabic dialects to the local position of the Emirati dialect will be discussed and analyzed in this presentation. The history of kedé in Sudanese Arabic and in Arabic-based creoles: from speaker-oriented modal marker to polysemous subordinator ● Stefano Manfredi CNRS, SeDyL (UMR 8202) This paper deals with the issue of the relation between modality and clausal subordination and how this relation can be revealed by synchronic data from different languages (Nordström 2010). In more detail, the paper provides a semantic analysis of the modal marker kedé in Sudanese Arabic (Trimingham 1946) and in the Arabic-based creoles of East Africa (i.e. Juba Arabic, Miller and Manfredi forth; Ki-Nubi of Bombo, Wellens 2005; Ki-Nubi of Mombasa, Luffin 2005). By describing the synchronic meanings of kedé, the study argues that this marker expresses a set of related modal functions developed along the lines of the grammaticalization path speaker-oriented modality > subordinate modality (Bybee et al. 1994). Against this background, it is noteworthy that the use of kedé as clausal subordinator represents an innovative development of Arabic-based creoles in which it introduces different types of subordinate clauses, in possible combination with other subordinators inherited from Sudanese Arabic. The question can therefore be raised as to which semantic category underlies the increase of the functional scope of kedé in Arabic-based creoles and as to whether creolization resulted in a complication of the clausal subordination of the lexifier language. 66 The Fox Has No Limits – A Humorous Story from the Tarabin an-Nuweb‟a Bedouin Tribe, Sinai Peninsula, Egypt ●Yafit Marom University of Haifa The Tarabin an-Nuweb‘a (TN) is a settled branch of the Bedouin Tarabin tribe. The village is situated on the east coast of the Sinai Peninsula, on the northern outskirts of Nuweb‘a, a town whose population consists mainly of Egyptians from the Nile Valley. The people of the TN number a few hundred. They basically earn their living from the tourist activities along the Red Sea coast, an area that in the last few decades has been intensively developed as a site for foreign tourists. Since I began my fieldwork research among the women of the TN in 2005, I have collected hundreds of recorded texts. Most of the texts deal with several kinds of monsters and supernatural beings, miracles, holy people, the evil eye, animals speaking a human language, and more. Other texts include personal narratives about the women lives, such as love, marriage, sexuality, female circumcision, etc. One fascinating recorded text is about a sly fox who deceived a whole group of animals that wanted to have a feast. He devoured all the prey they had hunted while they were asleep, but he made them think that it was the hyena who had done this. He used a very humorous trick... Eventually, the other animals beat the innocent hyena instead of the guilty fox. Two versions of this story were recorded among the TN women, and one version among the Ahaywat women, a neighboring Bedouin tribe. The proposed paper will present a short background about the tribe and about the fieldwork and will focus on the chosen story. The presentation will be followed by authentic soundtracks with their transcription and translation (using power point facilities). The use of the Egyptian Arabic Wikipedia as a linguistic corpus: methodology and sociolinguistic repercussions ● Lucía Medea-García Autonomous University of Barcelona This presentation examines the advantages and drawbacks of the use of the Egyptian Arabic Wikipedia (EAW) as a linguistic corpus and explores the sociolinguistic repercussions that would derive from its use as a linguistic resource. The EAW started in 2008 and is the first and the only Wikipedia written in one of the Arabic dialects – Egyptian, in this case. Since its beginnings it has been surrounded by controversy, as this initiative is considered by most as an attack on the Arabic language and the pan-Arabism. 67 Among its advantages, it is one of the few resources with written dialectal data on electronic media, as well as free, quick and easy to access. However, it presents some drawbacks that need to be addressed when used as a linguistic tool. The main disadvantage is its high level of linguistic variation, caused by the lack of an official writing system, on the one hand, and by the submission of articles in Modern Standard Arabic as a way to discredit the project, on the other hand. The use of EAW as a linguistic corpus can entail several sociolinguistic implications. It can be used as a basis for the creation of other Wikipedia projects in the Arabic vernaculars, and it can serve as a tool for the teaching of Arabic as a foreign language. Furthermore, it constitutes an interesting testing ground for the creation of a writing system, that could be applied in future language policies of Egypt and the Arab World. By promoting EAW as a corpus for research on language, the linguistic status of the Egyptian dialect is enhanced and, by extension, its social perception can ameliorate. This linguistic acknowledgement broadens and improves the social recognition of its speakers, and at the same time questions some of the language myths existing about the Arabic language. Debating Persepolis: Language and Power in Postrevolutionary Tunisia ●Reem Mehdoui University of California When the 2007 French-Iranian animated film, Persepolis, was dubbed into Tunisian dialect and broadcast on the privately owned Nessma TV in October 2011, it immediately resulted in attacks on the station‘s offices and its owner‘s house. The popular demonstrations and heated debates, not to mention the lawsuit against Nessma, that followed galvanized public opinion for months afterwards. The film‘s visual depiction of God and candid examination of taboos (such as alcohol, sex and sexuality, etc.) were perceived by most Tunisians as an affront on their own faith and values. All the more so given the timing of the broadcast of the film – a couple of weeks before the first postrevolutionary elections in which the Islamic party, Ennahda, was taking part. The film may indeed have been used to demonize political Islam and Ennahda, but my summer research in Tunisia shows that language (i.e., the Tunisian dialect) played an important, if overlooked, role in fueling the outrage of demonstrators. My field research in Tunisia and interviews have led me to conclude that most demonstrators were indeed protesting the use of the Tunisian dialect (which for them is a debased form of articulating the sacred) and used the umbrella framework of religion and politics as a more convenient vehicle for their frustrations. Relying on filmed debates, documentaries and personal interviews, as well as on archival research and newspaper articles, my paper will rethink and shift the debates around Persepolis from the secular-sacred Manichean dichotomy to the politics of dubbing and the vernacular. The Tunisianized Persepolis represents a very rich case not only for the study of the relationship between the sacred and the 68 vernacular, but also for the exploration of the shifting functional boundaries of Arabic dialects (vis-à-vis MSA or foreign languages) in the public sphere. „Diglossia‟ versus „standard-with-dialects‟: (what) does itmatter? (Rerevisiting a conceptual framework for a typology of language situations) ●Gunvor Mejdell University of Oslo The concept of 'diglossia' has been used to characterise Arabic language communities for more than 80 years (since Marçais 1931) and as a sociolinguistic model for nearly 60 (Ferguson 1959). It has ever since been challenged and modified, but largely remained (only occasionally ignored or passed over) the conceptual framework for analysing Arabic language practices. In this paper, I wish to reflect on the typological aspects of the concept: what does it imply when we consider the Arabic dialects we are studying as part of a construct Ẓideological, sociocultural, linguisticẓ labelled ‗diglossia‘ – as opposed to dialects of another typological construct, namely ‗standard-with-dialects‘? The perspective is – naturally – comparative, and I will draw on language cases considered ‗diglossic‘ and others that are not. What properties of ‗diglossia‘ may be maintained as being distinctive, what properties appear different by degree or not significant at all, with regard to developments in - the status of spoken varieties - the impact of 'standard language ideology' - style and register variation - the mutual structural impact of the standard language and spoken/dialectal varieties. Spelling Tendencies in Written Moroccan Arabic ● Marcin Michalski Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznán For some time now, various varieties of vernacular Arabic used in Morocco (Moroccan Arabic) have been used in writing in publications such as literary works, journalistic texts or advertising. Like other Arabic dialects, Moroccan Arabic has no codified spelling standard. Authors who write it employ, often inconsistently, their own rules that may be, roughly speaking, phonetically oriented or follow the model of the orthography of Standard Arabic. The phenomenon of Moroccan Arabic used in modern publications has not been much studied. Pioneering work in this area has been done by Aguadé (2005, 2006, 2013) and Hoogland (2013), the matter, 69 however, needs further research. Aiming at presenting some new data, the paper discusses spelling tendencies identified in a corpus of printed literary works that have not yet been described. They concern: marking gemination; marking assimilation; the spelling of the hamza; the type of the word-final alif in various parts of speech and its interchangeability with ‫ ـ‬and ‫ ;ـ‬the spelling of the preposition l- ‗to‘; and marking vowels by means of matres lectionis, sometimes different for the same sound. Another issue is the spelling of some units, such as negative and vocative particles, temporal-aspectual markers (ka-, ta- and ġa-) and some numerals, as joined to another word or as separate words. The analysis shows that it is impossible to speak of a stable system of spelling rules for this variety of Arabic, some tendencies can, however, be identified. Towards a diatopic dictionary of spoken Arabic varieties: challenges in compiling the VICAV dictionaries ● Karlheinz Moerth ● Daniel Schopper ● Omar Siam Austrian Academy of Sciences, ICLTT The research being presented here is part of a number of text technological projects with a strong interest in eLexicography. These projects constitute a joint research agenda of the University of Vienna and the Austrian Academy of Sciences. Thematically, the project is situated at the borders of variational linguistics and language technology research. The transdisciplinary and applied approaches pursued in these Digital Humanities projects have already created demonstrable results with respect to research-driven tool development and the work on interoperability mechanisms such as e.g. encoding standards or language related norms. One result of these endeavours was an innovative interface offering a single point of access to several lexical databases. Our presentation will deal with the technical background of these efforts and touch on issues relevant to research both in the fields of NLP and dialectology focussing on new technologies and their applicability to the field of Arabic dialectology. Important key words in this respect are Semantic Web and Linked Open Data. This research has been based on a collection of digital lexicographic resources that are being created as part of the VICAV project (Vienna Corpus of Arabic Varieties), which is a virtual platform to host and exchange a wide range of digital language resources (such as language profiles, bibliographies, lexical resources, corpora, NLP tools, best practices or guidelines) and the TUNICO project (Lexical dynamics in the Greater Tunis area: a corpus based approach; Austrian Science Fund P25706-G23). In addition to a dictionary of Damascus Arabic, dictionaries for the varieties of Rabat and Cairo are being compiled. A fourth item on the list is a small, micro-diachronic dictionary of the variety of Tunis which is being created as part of the TUNICO project. 70 N Les variétés arabes de Ghomara ? s-s ħǝl vs. ǝǧ-ǧbǝl (la cote vs. la montagne) ●Amina Naciri-Azzouz Université de Saragosse Aujourd‘hui Ghomara est un ethnonyme qui regroupe les neuves tribus situées entre les fleuves L w et Urīnga Ẓnord-ouest du Marocẓ. D‘une part, on trouve les tribus côtières : Bni Zǝž l, Bni Zy t, Bni Bu Zra et Bni Grīr ; et d‘autre les tribus situées à l‘intérieur : Bni Sǝlm n, Bni Smī , Bni Mǝn ūr, Bni Rzīn et Bni X lǝd. Cette division est faite avec un intérêt uniquement méthodologique car les pluparts des tribus bordantes la Méditerranée s‘étendent vers l‘intérieur. Le but de cette communication est de présenter les premiers résultats de ma thèse doctorale qui concerne sur l‘étude des variétéẒsẓ arabes chez les Ghomara. Grâce à mes travaux de terrain en Bni Zy t ẒQ asr s et Targhaẓ et Bni Sǝlm n Ẓ ǝnn šǝn et Z wyaẓ, en mars et août 2014, j‘ai pu recueillir et analyser un corpus oral qui reflète les différences au niveau phonétique-phonologique et au niveau morphologique entre les deux tribus ghmāra. Dans ce contexte, je présenterai ces différences en comparaison avec les traits des variétés de Jbala déjà décrites (cf. Vicente 2000 ; Moscoso 2002). Au même temps, j‘essayerai de préciser les facteurs extralinguistiques qui expliquent pourquoi les variétés intérieures sont plus conservatrices que les variétés côtières où les facteurs d‘identité tribale et ethnique peuvent intervenir mais pas seuls ; ainsi on trouve d‘autres facteurs sociaux et spatiaux, tels que la mobilité et la scolarisation de la population ghomari. More on Early East African Pidgin Arabic ● Shuichiro Nakao Kyoto University Compared to the progresses indescriptive linguistic studies on Nubi, little has been done on its early attested history since Kaye & Tosco (1993), which examined Jenkins (1909), the second oldest vocabulary of Nubi. Importantly, this previous study pointed out that there seemed to have been two Arabic varieties in the early 20th century in Uganda, which they labeled ―Ugandan Pidgin Arabic‖ Ẓbasilectẓ and ―Ugandan Dialectal Arabic‖ Ẓacrolectẓ. This presentation analyzes archival sources of such Arabic varieties in Uganda (Cook 1905, Meldon 1913, Owen & Keane 1915, and a manuscript letter written in 1898), and shows the following points, regarding the diversity of early Nubi. 71 (I) EXISTENCE OF BASILECTAL AND ACROLECTAL VARIETIES. Cook (1905) and Meldon (1913) apparently record both basilectal and acrolectal varieties, and this fact well supports Kaye & Tosco Ẓ1993ẓ‘s assumption. Especially, Cook Ẓ1905ẓ distinguishes them by the layout (although he mentions nothing about them). Owen & Keane (1915) represents the basilect. (II) USE OF ACROLECTAL VARIETY IN CORRESPONDENCES. A letter appearing in the appendix of Meldon (1913)and a manuscript letter (in the file: Dugmore, William Francis Brougham Radcliffe, Lt-Colonel (1868-1917), 2012-039, National Army Museum, London) show the use of the acrolectal variety to write letters by Nubi of that time. Thus, it is assumable that the two varieties were in the diaglossic hierarchy among the early Nubi community (Besides, Nubi then also might have spoken Swahili, Luganda, and their ethnic languages). (III) DIVERSITY IN THE EARLY 20TH CENTURY NUBIAND PRESENT-DAY ARABIC CREOLES. The early Nubi sources show more diversity than the current Nubi dialects in Uganda and Kenya. In contrast, several evidences (e.g. from the presenter‘s fieldwork in Jubaẓ show that the Arabic pidgin/creole spoken around Juba in the early 20th century was more similar to early Nubi. Le Petit Prince in Algerian Arabic: a lexical perspective ● Aldo Nicosia University of Bari In the Arab cultural panorama, the novella Le Petit Prince, by Antoine de Saint-Exupéry, represents a unique case: apart from several versions into Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) and Tamazight, it has been translated into each of the three main varieties of Maghrebi Arabic. Both the Tunisian and Moroccan translations were signed by two well-known researchers and supporters of their national mothertongues (respectively Hedi Balegh in 1997, and Abderrahim Youssi in 2009). The object of this paper is the lexical and morpho-syntactic analysis of the Algerian version by Talbi and Brousse, published by Barzakh in 2008. In the complex linguistic map of Algeria and the on-going battle for/against arabization, it seems interesting to see how the present translation has been welcomed. My aim is to underline which strategies the translator used to re-write, adapt and even domesticate the source text in a arabo-islamic cultural context. I will compare the Algerian translation with the Tunisian and the Moroccan ones, through the analysis of a collection of data that are presented qualitatively and numerically. Apart from negotiating Arab identity through a strategic use of ʿāmmiyya, translators demonstrated that it has all of the elements that enable it to be a language for creative literature. They sometimes insert classical register terms amidst a stylistically non classical Arabic sentence, some other times they use spoken Arabic constructs, so creating a sort of binary tension in their texts. We‘ll discuss cases where the choice to translate a word in a MSA register or in Algerian Arabic seems 72 not supported by stylistic justifications. This kind of ―unfaithfulness‖ to the local term may have practical functions. Sparkling idioms give also a three-dimensional touch and situate the novella in an Arab macrocosm. O ‫خا‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ب ا ج ا غ ب‬ ● (Abdellah Cherif Ouazzani(ِ ‫ا‬ ‫أ‬، ‫ف‬ ‫غ‬ ، ‫غ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫أ‬ ‫غ‬ ‫أخ‬ ‫أخ‬ ، ، ‫ا‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ء‬ ‫إ ا‬ ‫ف‬ .‫ف‬ ‫إ‬ ، ‫أ‬ . ‫غ‬ ‫غ‬ ‫فأ‬ ‫ف‬، ‫ف‬ ‫أ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫غ‬ ‫أ‬ . ‫غ أ غ‬ ‫إ ا‬ . ‫ أ غ أ‬، ‫ف‬ ، . ‫ف أَغ‬ ‫ء‬ ‫إف‬ ، ‫ا‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ا‬ ‫غ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ف‬ ، ‫ف‬ ‫آ‬ ‫ا‬ ‫اأ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ه‬ ‫أ‬ ‫غ‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ف أ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫غ‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ا‬ . ‫أ‬ ، ‫غ‬ ‫ء‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ا‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫اخ اف‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ا‬ ‫خا‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ا‬ ‫أغ‬ ‫اأ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫أ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫أ ا‬ ‫أ‬ . ‫إ ا‬ Le lexique de l‟azaw n. Une aproche ethnolinguistique ●Ahmed-Salem Ould Mohamed Baba Universidad Complutense de Madrid L‘Azawān est la musique traditionnelle des Biḍān chantée par les ggāwən (chanteurs traditionnels professionnels) sur tout le territoire du Trābəl-Biḍān (Mauritanie, Sahara; ouestmalien, sudouestalgérien). Malgré la controverse au sujet de son origine, il est logique de penser qu‘il est né d‘un métissage de plusieurs musiques, à savoir la musique anh žä, la musique arabe et l‘africaine. 73 L‘azawān a joué un rôle important dans la conservation de la tradition orale, notamment le patrimoine poétique ass nī car les ggāwən ont mémorisé une grande partie de cette poésie populaire lə-ġnä et l‘ont conservée de génération en génération jusqu‘à nos jours Les points à traiter sont les suivants: ●Un historique de l‘azawān, patrimoine musical des Biḍān, et ses rapports avec la poésie populaire. ●Analyse du lexique relatif à l‘azawān (voies, modes, instruments, chants etc.). ●L‘analyse du point de vue ethnolinguistique des éléments culturels du lexique d‘azawān. P Some Thoughts about Description and Teaching of Arabic Dialects ● Victor Pak Institute of Asian and African Studies, Moscow State University There is little doubt that specific features of the rhythmical structure of any given Arabic dialect or a group of dialects can cause major difficulties in understanding Arabic colloquial speech. Teaching and describing of the rhythmical structure of Arabic dialects is usually based on the segmentation in syllables. Syllable is regarded the minimal unit of prosodic description. The problem is that such a way of speech segmentation is usually based on previous experience in learning European languages. The result is that for instance the number of syllable types in descriptions of Damascus Arabic is rating from 8 to 22 where as in formal (Classical and MSA) and Egyptian Arabic we are usually speaking about one short (CV), two long (CVV, CVC) and two superlong (CVVC, CVCC) syllables. Such difference in number and types of syllables is due to the fact that in some Arabic dialects the syllables include consonant clusters consisting (in some cases) of two, three and even more consonants before and after a vocal (CCCvCCC). It must be noted as well that these clusters often arise as a result of the elision of short vowels (what usually takes place almost in all known Arabic dialects when a morpheme is added to a word causing the changes in syllable segmentation). The obvious similarity of morphological structure of Formal and Colloquial Arabic makes it reasonable to search for such minimal units of presentation and segmentation of Arabic speech which could be applied to the description of the rhythmical structure of different dialects. These units can be found in the medieval Grammatical Theory of Arabic. In their basic form they consist of a consonant with a short vowel (Cv) and a consonant with a zero-vowel (CØ). Combinations of these two kinds of units (which are known as harfsẓ constitute a ―deep‖ morphological structure with different variants of its realization on the surface phonetic level. Subsequently the rhythmical structure of different Arabic dialects can be presented in simple models of alternation of these two kinds of units. 74 Non-main clause linking in Gulf, Syrian and Maghrebine Arabic ● Maria Persson Centre for Languages and Literature, Lund University “… hypotactic or paratactic relations among clauses are logical relations, not necessarily syntactic ones. Counting up things that look like subordinate clauses is not the way to arrive at judgments about relative hypotaxis or parataxis.ʾ (Johnstone, 1990, p. 222) At AIDA 2013 in Doha, I presented data, based on corpus analysis, to show how switches between verb forms and clause forms are used as general markers of hypotaxis, but also as discourse markers, in Gulf and Syrian Arabic (Persson 2013). I also demonstrated how this discovery leads to a reanalysis of non-main clause linking in these dialects, with implications, for example, for the classification of clauses in the grammar of these dialects. The study behind my presentation sprung from comparative research on non-main clause linking in various forms of Arabic and in general Semitic that had led to the discernment of a scale for marking non-main clause linking that goes well beyond traditional conjunction marked hypotaxis. During 2014/2015, more studies on the topic have been published or are being printed (Isaksson forthcoming, Isaksson and M. Persson forthcoming, Persson forthcoming a, b). Among other things, the comparison between Syrian and Gulf Arabic revealed similarities in the basic marking of hypotaxis (the scale of markedness), but also obvious differences in frequency, and context of use, for the least marked non-main clauses, as well as differences in the use of discourse markers.Since the actual distribution of these similarities and differences was unexpected, and since some of the similarities were shared also with other Semitic languages, the choice has been made to broaden the study of Arabic dialects and include Maghrebine dialects. A first preliminary database of Moroccan and Tunisian Arabic has recently been collected will now be transcribed in preparation for analysis. At AIDA 2015 I will present the results of a first comparison between the Moroccan/Tunisian recordings and previous studies as to the types of non-main clause linking used. Preliminary analyses so far suggest, not surprisingly, major differences, but also important similarities. As the study in an initial stage, a vital goal of my presentation is to invite to a stimulating discussion on the usefulness of the theory, including the scale of markedness for clause linking and the overall syntactic model proposed, on Mahgrebine Arabic. 75 A case of colloquialization of the text: the Kyiv manuscript of “The Travels of Macarius” ● Yulia Petrova A. Krymskiy Institute of Oriental Studies of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine The present study examines the linguistic features of the well-known 17th century historical source ―The Travels of Macarius Patriarch of Antioch‖, written originally in Christian Middle Arabic by Archdeacon Paul of Aleppo. There is an abridged version of this document, dating back to the 18 th century, preserved in Kyiv. The scribes who probably addressed the redrafted text to a certain reader or customer, made a lot of structural and stylistic changes. The quality of the variations in the text demonstrates that the scribes felt free in dealing with its original. As a result, a new version was created, differing from the expanded manuscripts in many respects. Linguistically, the text appeared to be more ―informalized‖ than that one of Paul of Aleppo. The results of our collation of the manuscript versions show that the proportion of ―colloquialized‖ forms and features increases across the modified text, not only at the phonetic and morphological level, but also in vocabulary and syntax. A general tendency towards ―koineization‖ may be observed, especially in the lexical field, given that the scribes made efforts to replace unknown foreign words and ―high‖ classical variants by generally known or even plainly colloquial ones. We should bear in mind that since the language variety discussed is Middle Arabic, it is scarcely possible to develop guidelines for the use of colloquial features. Nevertheless, we point out to some tendencies that are observable in the studied source and may shed light on the Arabic diglossia history. Linguistic Archeology of peripheral Arabic ●Tornike Pharseghashvili Free University of Tbilisi, Institute of Asia and Africa The main part of my speech will be the topic about the importance of good exploration of dialects. Because they didn‘t go through the same development way as the classic Arabic language did. And just because of that, some Arabic dialects keep many important ancient words and structures, which are not preserved in fuṣ ā. That‘s the matter of the name of this topic. The Study of dialects better to behave like archeology. It must go step by step to the new discoveries. The paper deals with linguistic peculiarities of peripheral Arabic dialects spoken in Central Asia, Turkey and Morocco, as well as in Malta. Peripheral Arabic Dialects manifest various linguistic features, which are mainly caused by their close linguistic contacts with non kindred Indo-European, Turkic, Berber and other languages. They contain extremely rich material for the study of the history of Arabic language and internal development tendencies of Arabic linguistic material. 76 The dialectological material of peripheral Arabic recorded in Central Asia and published in Tbilisi (Tsereteli G. 1956, Chikovani G. 2002) show that Bukhara and Qashqa-Darya Arabic Dialects have preserved many archaic features. A significant linguistic picture has resulted from the development of Arabic dialect in the non-identical linguistic environment when they co-existed, being in linguistic contact with Tajik and Uzbek languages over centuries. Forms and functions of active participles in Šāwī Arabic ● Stephan Procházka Institute of Oriental Studies – Vienna Several studies have shown that active participles can be regarded as a third aspectual and/or temporal form in most if not all modern Arabic dialects. In spite of many common traits it seems obvious that there are significant differences between the dialects, in particular with regard to the usage of participles to express a perfective aspect. The situation is further complicated by the fact that semantic notions of the verb influence the possibilities how they can used syntactically. My paper will deal with the Bedouin-type dialects called spoken on the northern fringes of the Syrian Steppe. The focus will be on the dialects of the Harran-Urfa region in Turkey but I shall also consider ṣ wī varieties spoken in Syria. In those ṣ wī dialects which are spoken within the borders of Turkey active (and passive) participles are commonly used to express evidentiality. Thus, they possess not only aspectual but also temporal functions as the evidential always refers to the past. This usage has most likely developed under the influence of Turkish. A special category of action verbs realize the active participle in the form fa lān rather than fā il. These participles seem to describe a state which can be compared to transient characteristic (mostly of a person), e.g. waǧ ān ―being ill‖ or ašgān ―being in love‖. R The Arabic Diglossia: What is next? ● Oleg Redkin ● Olga Bernikova Saint-Petersburg State University More than half a century has gone since Ch. Ferguson introduced the term ―diglossia‖ which have been widely used by dialectologists and applied to the simultaneous coexistence of Standard Arabic and vernacular Arabic. Meanwhile the time has gone and it is necessary to revise whether the term diglossia still reflects 77 the real state of the current linguistic continuum in the Arab world. So the question is: does diglossia still exist in the Arab world, or there is mono- or polyglossia? In fact such extralinguistic factors as spread of information and communication technologies, mass media, development of infrastructure, social and economic life, as well as migrations have brought along unifications of local koinés, emergence of new dialectal ―melting bowls‖ in centers of political and economic life. Conventional dialectal division based on territorial feature is to a certain degree a conditional one and does not reflect the entire picture. Meanwhile each group of dialects includes a number of koinés, numerous dialectal style variants and isoglosses. In spite of abundance of data related to the Arabic dialects nowadays we can rely on the results of only few field investigations which have been carried out after 2010. At the same time the Arab world has undergone through rapid and dramatic changes. The changes have affected the state and distribution of Standard Arabic, as well as the spread of other languages – French and English. It is most likely that during the last decades the linguistic picture faced significant changes and new field investigations of local dialects must be carried out. At the same time the goals and objectives of modern Arabic dialectology have to be revised. Al-Fuṣ or al- mmiyya: what is the priority in the Arabic language learning programs? ● Oleg Redkin ● Olga Bernikova Saint-Petersburg State University The present research aims to define the place of al-fuṣ ā and al- āmmiyya in the Arabic Language Learning Programs in high schools. For this purpose we need to create an optimal pedagogical model that reflects the percentage ratio of different varieties of Arabic in educational programs. The study is based on a comparative analysis of the Arabic language teaching traditions in a number of higher educational institutions in the United States, Europe, Russia and some Arab countries. Today there are three basic varieties of Arabic that are included in educational programs worldwide, which are MSA (Modern Standard Arabic, Classical Arabic and dialects). In the United States, Arabic teaching primarily focuses on the development of communicative skills. Moreover, the colloquial language which is taught in fact it is a kind of ―medium language‖ between MSA and dialects. Grammar material in this type of programs is reduced to a minimum. Meanwhile in Russian universities, there is a tendency to teach Classical Arabic with its profound study at all linguistic levels. The optimal pedagogical model, focused on the four-year education cycle should consider the following proportional distribution between Standard Arabic 78 and the colloquial one. The first two years of studying should be dedicated to Standard and Classical Language learning. The percentage of colloquial classes should be no more than 20% of the total amount of lectures. On the third year of study it is advisable to include in the program one of the dialects of Mashriq, while on the fourth year – one of the dialects of Maghreb. Study of any dialect should take no more than 10% of the total Arabic language learning program. The present model is to be applied to those educational programs in which Arabic is the major. The almighty imperfect: multifunctionality of a morphological category in Arabic ● Jan Retsö University of Gothenburg The morphological variety of the imperfect in the ʿArabiyya language has no counterpart in the spoken forms known today. The modal distinctions marked by the morphemic opposition between the indicative, subjunctive and jussive are in many dialects coded by other morphemic and syntactic means: preverbal affixes, periphrastic constructions of different kinds. There are, however, plenty of evidence from quite a few dialects, e.g. those spoken on the Arabian Peninsula, that the imperfect can have a lot of different functions similar to those marked by the different modes in the ʿArabiyya without any corresponding morphological marking. The paper will give examples of this multifunctionality. The multifunctionality of the simple imperfect in Arabic dialects is not an isolated phenomenon. Ample traces of it are found even in the ʿArabiyya itself. An example is the widespread use of the imperfect indicative as a pure narrative tense. This is sometimes explained as a case of ‗historical present‘. This category is, however, problematic and its definition should be reconsidered. It should also be pointed out that the syntax of the imperfect in the Arabic dialects in question is paralleled in other ancient Semitic languages. The difficulties in deriving the morphology and syntax of the imperfect in many Arabic dialects together with the striking parallels in other Semitic languages demand rethinking and new suggestions of diachronic and typological relationship between Arabic dialects, the ʿArabiyya and the close relatives of these two language forms. 79 l -k n y ṣuġri līya twalli: Conditional and irreal structures in South Tunisian Bedouin Dialects ●Veronika Ritt-Benmimoun Institute for Oriental Studies, University of Vienna Conditional clauses have been intensively investigated for Classical Arabic and also for many modern Arabic dialects, among them the dialect of Damascus (Bloch 1965), Baghdad (Grigore 2005), Mardin (Grigore 2008), the Bedouin dialects of the Arabian Peninsula (Ingham 1991), and the Negev Bedouins (Henkin 2000). They have not been investigated thoroughly in Maghrebian dialects (a chapter in Owens 1984, and Caubet 1993). Relying on my texts on the dialect of the Marazig-tribe in Southern Tunisia (Ritt-Benmimoun 2011), on several other published texts, and on informal conversation I will try to elaborate on the syntactic structure of conditional clauses in the Bedouin dialects of Southern Tunisia, on their function and their semantic reference induced from the context. Ingham who investigated these parameters for Eastern Bedouin dialects will be my basis for comparison concerning similarities between Eastern and Western Bedouin dialects. The time/aspect model will be explained and the verb forms used in both real and unreal conditional structures. The latter will be divided into hypothetical and counterfactual conditionals. I will list the conditional markers that introduce the protasis and the apodosis and explain whether they can be used with suffixes or not. I also wish to take a look at the use of conditional markers in vernacular Bedouin poetry. Also a comparison with the conditional system used in Tunisian sedentary dialects, e.g. Tunis, would be of interest. Another question will be if there are structures that do not use a marker for expressing irreality, an example of this is gi attu l ibtu ġādi! ―You should have gone on playing up there!‖ The Use of Quranic Components in Colloquial Egyptian Arabic ● Gabriel M. Rosenbaum The Hebrew University – Jerusalem The language of the Quran is regarded in Islam as the word of God, and as such is inimitable and the most beautiful and perfect. The colloquial (any colloquial), on the other hand, is regarded in Arabic speaking societies as inferior, a corrupted version of Classical/Standard Arabic. Yet, many Quranic components constitute a part of the colloquial vocabulary, and thus the ―elevated‖ and the ―inferior‖ meet and create a kind of a mixed style. Colloquial Egyptian Arabic (CEA) contains many Quranic components that are frequently used in everyday speech, either intact or in changed forms and versions. The accepted meanings as they appear in the Quran are sometimes preserved in CEA, too, but occasionally they are different, sometimes with no connection at all to the original context and meaning. Many of these components 80 also appear in written literature, in addition to quoted verses of the Quran that are not a part of the CEA vocabulary. This paper will describe this phenomenon and show examples of various methods of the use of Quranic words and phrases in CEA, with examples collected from the mouths of the native Egyptians and from written texts. An acoustic analysis of Levant Arabic dialects: similarities and differences ●Judith Rosenhouse SWANTECH Ltd. and Technion – I.I.T. – Haifa Acoustical phonetics of Arabic has been a developing research field since the last half-century, but not enough research of this field already exists. This talk aims at a relatively detailed comparison of acoustic features of a certain dialect region, the Levant, which has not been done so far, to the best of my knowledge. At first, acoustical features of F1, F2 and duration of Arabic dialects in the Levant countries are presented. (We refer to Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Israel and the Palestinian Authority.) From Israel the vowels of two regional dialects–the Galilee (GD) in the north and the Mouthallath ('Triangle') in the center (MD) are discussed (based on Amir, N., O. Amir and J. Rosenhouse, to appear, 2015). The vowel systems of the Levant dialects reveal (as expected) similarities and differences, found even between the GD and MD. Gender-based differences have also been found (as expected). Indeed, the phonetic and descriptive literature presents such similarities and differences between short and long vowels in their spectral structures and durations, and these will be discussed in the talk. The second part of this presentation focuses on vowel lowering of /i/ >/e/ and /u/ > /o/, found in some of the Levant dialects, including the GD and MD. Vowel lowering is usually linked to pharyngealization in the literature on Arabic dialects, as well as other languages. But in GD and MD, pharyngealization could not cause the phenomenon, because pharyngeal consonants did not appear in the tested words. I would like to suggest that this finding reflects the combined process of ˀima:la expanded by a ―natural‖ articulatory acoustic-phonetic process. This combination results in an on-going vowel merger process, which in some Levant dialects has already yielded vowel neutralization of /i/ and /u/ to schwa. 81 Arabic-Hebrew code switching in the spontaneous speech of Israeli Arab students ● Judith Rosenhouse SWANTECH Ltd. and Technion – I.I.T. – Haifa and ● Sara Brand Bar Ilan University, Department of Arabic, Ramat Gan, and Oranim College, Tiv'on It is well known that constant inter-language contacts affect languages, revealed in the use of Code Switching (CS) (Bullock &Toribio, 2009; Grosjean, 2008; Muysken, 2000; Myers-Scotton, 2006). This paper reports a research of Arabic-Hebrew CS in Israel, where as well known, Hebrew is the dominant language and Arabic is a minority language. Not much literature exists on CS between these languages in Israel, and this study aims to contribute to the field. Several Arab Students of Oranim College from various native-Arabic-speaking social groups (categorized by religion, birth place and gender) participated in the study. They were urban and rural Muslims and Christians, as well as Druze and Bedouin speakers. They were recorded in 23 spontaneous conversations and in 21 semi-formal interviews following a questionnaire. No non-native speakers of Arabic participated in the conversations and interviews. CS differences have been found between the speakers' social sub-groups (i.e., religion, birth place and gender). Thus, CS items occurred in 14% of the Druze recordings, in 7% of the Bedouins' and the rural Christians' material, in 6% of the urban Muslims' material, and in 4% of the urban Christians' and rural Muslims' material. CS rates varied in the two discourse types (conversation or interview), the discussed topics and the linguistic elements. This talk focuses on some of the linguistic findings of the study, demonstrated by morphological and syntactic examples. Most of the code-switched elements were nouns, as expected. Fewer than those were CS in verbs and discourse markers. Many combinations of CS in noun- and verb-phrases also occurred. The findings are discussed with relation to a few socio-pragmatic motivations and are compared to CS between Arabic and other languages (e.g., Abu Haidar 2002, Boumans 1998, Boumans and Caubet 2000). The paper is based on Dr. Brand‘s dissertation entitled Arabic-Hebrew Codeswitching among Arabic Speaking College Students: Structural, Sociopragmatic and Psycholinguistic Dimensions which was submitted for the degree of doctor of philosophy to the Department of Arabic, Bar-Ilan University, Ramat Gan, Israel, and approved on 20.1.2014. The supervisors were Professor Judith Rosenhouse, Professor Joel Walters and Professor Eliezer Schlossberg. 82 Rap voices of North Africa: Code-switching in the Maghrebi Hip-Hop ● Sergii Rybalkin Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv The research is based on analyzing the texts of contemporary (2005–2015) Maghrebi Hip Hop, especially Moroccan, Algerian, and Tunisian bands. The study focuses on the linguistic aspects of the Maghrebi Rap songs: Codeswitching (mixing the languages together in one track); bilingualism or multilingualism (using of two and more languages); figures out the place of MSA and its dialects; sheds light on the meaning of some dialectal terms functioning in the Hip Hop songs. The Art of Rap becomes in the 21 st century not only a way of selfexpressing or experimenting with sound mixing (as a traditional part of urban youth culture it was during the last decades of 20st century), but also a form of proving a national identity, based on the language and social fundamentals. Hip Hop culture in the states of Maghreb is a fusion of Arabic, European, and African traditions. The linguistic phenomenon of Maghrebi Rap continues to be a point of research interests for a number of scholars since 2010 and the beginning of protests in Tunisia. However, the quantity and quality of North African Hip Hop bands increase in rapid terms, the topics and meanings of lyrics develop, become deeper and more concerned with traditional Arabic Arts, preserving in the same time the French and American origins. The Codeswitching becomes an inalienable part of Maghrebi Hip Hop songs under both frames of MSA and its dialects. Arabic in the Rap lyrics is mixed with different European languages, mostly French and English, but some bands could use Spanish, German, Dutch, or local regional languages such as Tamazight. S Innovation of New Words Borrowed from French into the Algerian Dialect by Young Adults ● Nabila El Hadj Said Naama University Among the multilingual countries all over the world, Algeria can be cited as a perfect example of linguistic complexity. Despite the fact that the linguistic situation in Algeria is still problematic, it can be described as a real laboratory for sociolinguistic studies because of the diglossic, bilingual and even multilingual situations that prevail. These linguistic situations have created a phenomenon of mixing between languages. Thus code switching has become a very common practice among all the individuals of the Algerian society. Bilingualism (Arabic, French) in Algeria is dictated not only by the necessity of communication, but also by the heaviness of history (Colonialism), 83 i.e., French language has left its effects which were radicalized in the Algerians‘ thought, personality as well as their dialect. It is noticeable, nowadays, that the dialect used by adolescents and young adults in our society is sometimes odd because they tend to code-switch, code-mix and borrow words especially from the French language, and this leads to the innovations of new words and structures that did not exist few years ago. The study aims at exploring and explaining the process of ‗Borrowing‘ in the Algerian Society reflected in the younger generation. Due to the influence of the French culture and the worldwide technologies, the Algerian dialect is shifting from the range of the Arabic language to the emergence of a new variety where the French words dominate the speech. The results of the study proved that young adults are integrating borrowings in their talk because they are influenced by the French culture, and are adopting French habits, behaviours and language in order to gain prestige within the society as they consider French more prestigious than their language, except for the new concepts introduced with technologies such as: the internet. Consequently, the analysis of the selected words confirms the hypothesis. Etude d‟une variété syrienne de moyen arabe : l‟analyse de Sîrat al-Zîr Sâlim ● Lucie San Geroteo Université Lyon 2 La sîra du Zîr Sâlim est un texte peu étudié considéré comme le premier épisode de la geste hilalienne et qui relate en particulier les évènements de la guerre d‘al-Basûs. De ce récit antéislamique subsiste parmi d‘autres le manuscrit We 8226, datant de 1785 et provenant de Damas, dont la langue peut être considérée comme du moyen arabe à tendance syrienne. Même s‘il est probablement la recopie d‘un autre texte, ce manuscrit est précieux dans le cadre de l‘étude du moyen arabe car il semble avoir été peu remanié. Il contient une langue plus dialectale et plus imagée que ceux des autres recensions égyptienne ou yéménite. La poésie (environ 40% du texte) se compose des tirades des divers personnages dans une langue très oralisée. La prose fait quant à elle fait large place au sajʿ et contient également de courts dialogues. La langue est en outre perçue comme hétérogène au sein même du texte, au delà de la dichotomie prose-poésie morphosyntaxique et lexicale. Afin de définir les caractéristiques du moyen arabe dans ce corpus, les travaux de Jérôme Lentin servent de point de référence : il s‘agit de dégager les spécificités de cette version de la geste par rapport aux 120 à 750 traits principaux décrits par Lentin, comprenant des dialectalismes, des classicismes, et surtout des traits propres à l‘arabe moyen proche-oriental de l‘époque moderne. Par ailleurs, il convient de déterminer quelle(s) variété(s) dialectale(s) préciseẒsẓ est/sont concernéeẒsẓ et d‘en déterminer les raisons, mais également de 84 mieux comprendre les variations sur le continuum linguistique à l‘intérieur même de ce corpus littéraire entre une langue plus classique et une langue plus dialectale. C‘est ainsi que l‘étude des traits linguistiques dégagés croise nécessairement une analyse narratologique du texte, prenant en compte la situation d‘énonciation et le contexte de pluriglossie, afin de démontrer non seulement une certaine volonté de retranscrire l‘origine géographique et sociale des personnages mais également la nature de leurs interactions. A Cognitive Approach to Describing Aswan Arabic Demonstratives ● Jason Schroepfer University of Texas at Austin Monumental works like Behnstedt and Woidich‘s Die ÄgyptischArabischen Dialekte capture dialectal variation across great geographic distances in Egypt. Nishio (1994) and Khalafallah (1961) also contribute descriptively to the body of knowledge concerning Upper Egypt. Such works have facilitated Egyptian dialect classifications and served as data for comparative and diachronic investigations. However, none of these works fully document and describe linguistic features in Aswan Arabic. The present study is concerned with documenting the use of demonstratives in Aswan Arabic via a cognitive framework. This requires contextual examples, a number of which Schroepfer (2013) gathered through recorded sociolinguistic conversations at the University of Aswan. This paper illustrates the functions of ―daj:a‖ and ―dij:a‖ in relation to ―da‖ and ―di:‖ through an approach adapted from Brustad (2000). It analyses the non-deictic and deictic functions of these demonstratives, which are gestural, anaphoric, and contrastive. While the paper concludes that all the demonstratives can be employed gesturally, they convey slightly different meanings. Further, they differ in anaphoric function on the discourse level. It also illustrates how ―daj:a‖ and ―dij:a‖ can be used contrastively, whereas the other forms cannot perform this function. This study not only contributes to our knowledge of Upper Egyptian dialects, but provides new data for typological and historical investigations. 85 On Arabic (Egyptian) Fiction Created in the Vernacular ● Apollon Silagadze and ● Nino Ejibadze Iv. Jakakhishvili Tbilisi State University – Tbilisi Egyptian literature created in the dialect begins to develop intensively from the middle of the past century. Naturally, these literary texts are recorded by means of the classical Arabic graphic system, and their reproduction/deciphering occurs as that of a dialectal text (heterography). Taking into account that Egyptian dialectal fiction nowadays is a finally established phenomenon, it is possible to formulate several generalized theses. Sociolinguistic aspect. a) It seems, that the Egyptian dialect is no longer only a means of oral communication – it also becomes the language of literature (resp. literary language/a means to create literary heritage). b) The fact that the dialect is recorded in a literary style, indicates that it undergoes standardization, assumes the standard language form, and the common Egyptian language – the literary koiné (mostly based on the Cairo dialect) – finds itself in opposition with all the other Egyptian dialects. Finally, broadening of the Egyptian dialect to the full condition (vernacular and language of literature) means that the functions of the elements involved in the sociolinguistic situation will change; thus, literary Arabic will no longer be the only language of Arabic literature. Literary aspect. Literature created in Egypt was one of the fragments of the common Arabic literary sphere, which was based on the same language as literature of any other Arab country. At present, the situation is obviously changing: it seems that there already exists Egyptian Arabic fiction proper, which is no longer a fragment of common Arabic literature, as it uses its own – Egyptian – Arabic/dialect, rather than common Arabic literary language. Elsewhere, in other Arab countries, literature is not and will not be created in this language (dialect). At the same time, today the literary situation in Egypt contains two components: parallel coexistence of literature created in literary Arabic and fiction written in the Egyptian dialect is observable. Further development can be assumed in two ways: maintaining the two-component situation or unification in favour of literature created in the Egyptian dialect (Egyptian Arabic). Teaching Colloquial Jordanian Arabic to Archaeologists: What Special Interest Groups can tell us about Arabic Dialect Pedagogy ● Ana Silkatcheva University of Sydney Traditionally, Arabic language teaching has focused on proficiency in fuṣ ā as the ultimate goal for all students, while recent years have seen a trend towards an integrated approach, where fuṣ ā is taught alongside a colloquial, dialectal form of 86 the language. Despite the introduction of Arabic dialects into the classroom, Arabic language teachers continue to hold the firm view that skills in fuṣ ā are the most important takeaway of Arabic language training. It must be recognised that there do exist large groups of learners who will never need to make use of fuṣ ā Arabic, despite the strongest desires of Arabic language teachers. In this paper I look at one such group as a case study: professional and volunteer archaeologists who participate in annual one- or twomonth excavations in Jordan. The combination of non-urban locations and a large number of local Jordanian workers results in a milieu where communication skills in dialectal Jordanian Arabic are desperately required. No matter what their status – professional or volunteer – the need to speak Arabic amongst the great majority of participants is limited to this short season yearly or even less often. This means that most will never see the value of time spent learning fuṣ ā either in classrooms or in their own time. In 2014 I taught a short professional development course at the University of Sydney: Colloquial Arabic for Archaeologists in Jordan. Many students, despite years of intensive immersion in Arabic-speaking environments, had only rudimentary communication skills limited to a small vocabulary of context-related words, and absolutely no conception of sentence formation. In looking at the specific needs of these students and their responses to the explicit teaching of grammar, in this paper I make recommendations for a ―research translation‖ of the work of dialectologists, to focus on the creation of dialect-specific learning resources. Baby talk in Morocco (and the Maghreb) ●Romain Simenel Institut de Recherche pour le Développement (IRD) ●Evgeniya Gutova Paris 3 (Sorbonne Nouvelle) The use of a specific way of speaking to address babies is very common in North Africa. Generally, in the Maghreb, the baby talk is highly codified. As in most human societies, the structure of the terms of the baby talk is quite simple, usually made up of two syllables consisting of a consonant and a vowel (CVCV). This is known as ―minimal words‖ in modern prosodic phonology. Baby talk terms often involve syllable reduplication (ninni ‗sleep‘, mimmi ‗eat‘, titti ‗sit‘, diddi ‗pain; everything that hurts‘, fuffu ‗fire‘ẓ. Frequent gemination of C2 has to do with the phonological and prosodic system particular to the Afro-Asiatic languages, including Berber and Arabic. The baby talk, as is often the case around the world, is usually accompanied by an accented prosody. The baby talk in the Maghreb is quite rich. In some parts of Morocco, the number of terms can reach 200. They mostly comprise verbs and nouns, that are usually morphologically defective (i.e. do not take morphological markers): nouns are not differentiated for number (singular vs. plural), and verbs do not take 87 agreement in person, number, and gender. This is due to the fact that the young speakers still have to master the morphological rules of the standard (adult) language. As regards the meaning of these terms, one can distinguish five major semantic groups: food, domestic animals, everyday objects, body parts, and actions (Bynon 1968: 133). In the Maghreb, in most cases, the structure and the roots of the baby talk terms differ radically from the corresponding words in the standard language. According to George S. Colin, the baby talk in Morocco is not merely ―childish distortions‖ of words borrowed from the adult language Ẓ1999: 106). Furthermore, some of the sounds that occur in the baby talk are not part of the phonetic system of the standard language (e.g. p and v). This fact, together with the morphological dissimilarity between the baby talk and the standard language, undermines the view of the baby talk as an adaptation of the language to the vocalization capabilities of the child. Remarkably, there are many similarities between the baby talk terms throughout Morocco and in the wider Maghreb, whether the region is Arabic- or Berber-speaking (Colin 1999: 80; Bynon 1968: 108). One of the reasons for this proposed by linguists lies in the shared motivation of adults for the language acquisition by their infants. Georges S. Colin speaks, for Morocco in general, of ―children vocabulary taught temporarily to babies‖, common to both Arabic and Berber communities (1999: 79). But why do the adults give so much importance to teaching their infants a language so divergent from the standard language? From existential to indefinite determiner: kaš in Algerian Arabic, and šī in early Arabic? ● Lameen Souag LACITO – CNRS – Paris In many Arabic varieties, a single word š has a variety of functions, including indefinite determiner, polar interrogative marker, uncertainty marker, negator, and just the noun ―thing‖. The connections between these functions can only be explained historically rather than synchronically, but the chain of development is controversial; the dominant explanation starts it from a noun ―thing‖ (Lucas 2007), while Wilmsen (2014) instead takes an existential as the starting point. Direct evidence on their relative chronology is scarce. However, a more recent parallel development can be found in Central Algerian Arabic. There, the existential predicator has combined with polar interrogative and negative ši to yield a new form kaš(i), functioning as an interrogative indefinite existential predicator. This in turn has been reanalysed to become an irrealis indefinite determiner, entirely replacing ši in that function. It also combines with ma to yield an indefinite focus construction, and thence an uncertainty marker. While the present-day functions of kaš have never previously been fully described, enough historical textual data on Algerian Arabic exists to 88 show the development unfolding from its start over the past 150 years. This directly attested grammaticalisation chain combines major features of both proposals for the origin of š . An interrogative existential becomes an indefinite determiner, as in Wilmsen‘s scenario, while uncertainty-marking usages develop from the indefinite determiner, as in Lucas‘. However, rather than being the result of a long chain Ẓexistential > ―it is‖ > polar interrogative marker > indefinite determiner – cf. Wilmsen 2014:172, 209), the indefinite marker developed directly from the interrogative existential, as expected on semantic grounds. Thus, in the event that indefinite š derives from the south Arabian existential marker, direct derivation would be more parsimonious; the other functions of š can easily be derived from the indefinite pronoun/determiner. Syntax and Semantics of Proverbs-Dialogues in Egyptian Arabic ● Tatiana Smyslova (Savvateeva) Institute of Asian and African Studies, Moscow State University This abstract is dedicated to the problem of correlation of structure and content of the utterance in the Egyptian proverbs and particularly those that have a form of a dialogue. In our research we have chosen the term paremia (from the Greek – παροιμία ―a stable phraseological unit with didactic meaning‖ẓ to call all kinds of proverbs regardless of their internal structure. The classification of the paremiasis based on the criterion of verifiability of statement proposed by British philosopher of language John Austin who divided the statements into constatives and performatives(interrogative, exclamatory and imperative statements)according to their ability/inability to be defined as true or false. The same approach existed in the medieval Arabic linguistics – Arabic rhetoric (ʿilm al-balāġa) has shown the difference between ―informing‖ (ḫabariyya) and ―creating‖ (ˀinšāˀiyya) statements. Referring to his predecessors, As-Suyū ī says that creation (ˀinšāˀ) is a statement in which the content by the means of the pronounced utterance finds its realization in the external situation [As-Suyū ī 1978: 98]. He also defines ―creating‖ statements as unverifiable. The paremias-dialogues consist of more than one phrase and contain statements of various communicative types. They are used for a specific communicative purpose: inference, generalization, opposition, demonstration of an example to follow, explanation of an action, etc. The peculiarity of paremiadialogue is that it recreates the conversation and presents a short performance. The following example illustrates the basic structure of this type of proverbs Ẓauthor‘s speech + direct speech): qaal eeš xaaṭir l- aɛma qaal quffit ɛuyuun [Mahgoub – 598] One said: ―What does a blind dream of?‖ Another answered: ―A basket of eyes‖. However this structure can be modified by varying the author‘s speech (ellipsis, different verb forms), appealing to one of the characters, personification and so on. 89 The structure of a dialogue is an effective way to express the meaning and the communicative purpose of a proverb. If we destroy this structure and try to reach the same aim by using a declarative statement we will not succeed. Topicalization in Baghdadi Arabic Questions ● Laura-Andreea Sterian University of Edinburgh This paper describes and analyses word order in questions in Baghdadi Arabic. Word order in vernacular Arabic is the object of lively study (El-Yasin 1985; Brustad 2000; Owens et al 2009; Salem 2010); authors report both SVO and VSO in various Arabic vernaculars. But to my knowledge little has been investigated about word order in interrogative constructions and particularly about interrogative constructions in Baghdadi Arabic. In Baghdadi Arabic questions the subject holds the question initial position and is followed by the interrogative pronoun (1): (1) Sa:mer minu ʃa:f bi-l-ma all ? Samer whom saw.3MS in=the=store ‗Whom did Samer see in the store ?‘ In questions with more than one interrogative pronoun out of which one is the subject, the subject interrogative pronoun holds the initial position (2): (2) minu ʃ-ga:l li-Ra:gheb who what=said.3MS to=Ragheb ‗Who said what to Ragheb ?‘ In analyzing word order in Baghdadi Arabic, my starting point is the hierarchy of projections proposed in (Belletti 1990; Cinque 1990; Chomsky 1991) and extended to Arabic in Shlonsky (1997). I analyze subjects in Baghdadi Arabic questions to move to a SpecTop position above the CP. This analysis not only accounts for word order in questions with only one interrogative pronoun as in (1), but it also allows for multiple interrogative pronouns in sentence initial position as in (2). 90 A diachronic analysis of the plural distinction in the Arabic pronominal system ● Phillip W. Stokes The University of Texas at Austin The morphological forms of the plural gender distinction in the Arabic pronominal system show a large amount of diversity across the spectrum of Arabic: Jordanian (Salti) hummu/hinna; Tall ‗Abd ẒSyriaẓ (Behnstedt 1997) hum/hin; Najdi (Ingham 1994) ham/hin; Ga‘ideh ẒYemenẓ (Behnstedt 1985) hum/han; Sug al-jum‗a (Yemen) him/hin, etc. While these forms have occasionally been the focus of dialectologists working synchronically with specific dialect groups, no work of which I am aware attempts to deal with the various vowel/consonant patterning evident across the spectrum of Arabic. Diachronically, the limited historical reconstruction work that has addressed these forms has typically either a) assumed descent from the Classical Arabic forms (cf. the historical remarks in Cantineau1934), or b) marginalized the CA forms (as in Owens 2006). Comparative Semitic data has also been largely ignored (noticeably absent in Owens 2006). This paper examines the morphology of the pronouns and, when relevant, verbal suffix forms from modern dialects, Classical Arabic, pre-Islamic Arabic sources not heretofore considered (e.g., the Graeco-Arabica, Safaitic inscriptions, etc), and other Semitic languages in order to accomplish two goals: 1) to reconstruct forms for proto-Arabic, and 2) to identify the major developmental trends across the Arabic spectrum. This paper will contribute an important attempt to reconstruct proto-Arabic forms, which the researcher hopes will help stimulate further work on historical reconstruction. The paper will reinforce the argument that all relevant Arabic and Semitic data should be weighed in reconstruction work, rather than just CA or modern dialectal forms. This paper will argue that some Arabic dialects preserve the proto-Arabic forms, and that there are several patterns evident into which most of the other Arabic varieties fall. It will further argue that the CA system participates in a common pattern of levelling evident in other modern dialects. Finally, it will consider whether or not the innovatory patterns found in modern Arabic varieties should be considered a genetic feature when subgrouping Arabic dialects. 91 ‫اع ب‬ ‫ا ج‬ ‫طاب‬ ‫اج ع ف‬ ‫ك‬ ‫ا غ اع ب‬ ‫ع ا‬ ● ẒMehmet Hakkı Suçinẓ ‫ص ش‬ ‫غ –أ‬ ‫ا‬ ‫غ‬ ‫فأ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ا ف‬ ‫أ‬ ‫إ‬ ، ‫ف‬ ‫خا‬ ‫ء‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ إ ف‬، ‫ا ف‬ ‫غ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ء ا‬ . ‫آ ء‬ ‫ء ا‬ . ‫أ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫آ ء ف‬ ‫غ‬ ‫غ‬ " ‫ف‬ ‫أ‬ . ‫غ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫غ‬ " ‫أ ث ف ا ج اع ب ب‬ ‫اش‬ ●)Mehmet Şayır( ‫–أ‬ ‫غ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫خ‬ .‫" خ‬ ‫غ‬ ‫اقف أ‬ " ‫غ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ " ‫خا‬ . ‫أخ‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ا‬ ‫غ‬ " " ‫أ‬ Ẓ ‫غ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ف‬ : ‫ف‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ا‬ ‫أ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ف‬ ẓ ‫أ‬ . ‫غ‬ ‫ا ص ئص ا ا‬ ‫ش‬ ‫أ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ا‬ ‫أف‬ ‫أ‬ ، "‫ه‬ . ‫أ‬ ، ‫ف‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫أ‬ " ‫ا‬ ‫أ أ‬ " ‫خ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ا‬ T baˁd(a) dans les dialectes arabes : glissements sémantiques et phénomènes de transcatégorisation ● Catherine Taine-Cheikh LACITO, CNRS – Universités Paris 3 Sorbonne Nouvelle et INALCO La racine B D fait partie des racines attestées dans l‘ensemble du domaine arabe. Elle y est représentée par des unités verbales, nominales et/ou adjectivales, qui ont généralement en commun le sème de « distant/distance, lointain/éloignement ». Cependant, parallèlement à ces unités lexicales, on trouve 92 aussi une ou plusieurs lexies invariables dont les valeurs et les emplois sont en partie divergents. Le rôle le plus fréquent est celui de fonctionnel (préposition et/ou conjonction). En effet, ba d est employé dans la plupart des dialectes arabes comme préposition, en général avec le sens temporel — éventuellement spatial — de « après » (S. Procházka, 1993, Die Präpositionen in den neuarabischen Dialekten, pp. 83-86). Une forme souvent étoffée (ba d-ma, ba d-la, ba d-əlli, ba d-ən…) est également usitée pour l‘expression d‘une subjonction : temporelle (« après que ») ou causale (« puisque », (« du moment que »), voire restrictive (« même si », « quand bien même »). Cependant, ba d (ou une de ses variantes) a également des emplois adverbiaux. Il y exprime alors diverses nuances temporelles (« après », « déjà », « ensuite Ħħẓ, mais tend également à assumer des emplois de particule énonciative (D. Caubet, 1995, « Enunciative particles in Moroccan Arabic : bə da and zə ma », Proceedings of the 2nd International Conference of l‘AIDA, pp. 21-29). Enfin, ba d et ba d ənn, quand ils sont suivis d‘un pronom suffixe, fonctionnent parfois comme des pseudo-verbes : ainsi dans baˤadha mar ḍa « She‘s still sick » (D. R. Woodhead & W. Beene, 1967, A Dictionary of Iraqi Arabic : Arabic-English, p. 39) et dans ba d ənn-i ṭə t « j‘ai failli tomber » (C. Taine-Cheikh, 1988–ħ, Dictionnaire assāniyya français, I, p. 112). Mon intervention portera notamment sur les emplois de ba d en ass niyya, à la fois comme particule discursive et comme pseudo-verbe. Grammatical Aspects of the Arabic Dialect of Sine ● Shabo Talay Freie Universität Berlin The dialect of Sine is a qeltu type Arabic dialect of Anatolia spoken in a a village today called Uyuklu in the province of Diyarbakir. Although discovered in Summer 2008, this Arabic dialect still lacks a grammatical description. In this paper, I will present some of the most striking grammatical features of Sine and discuss its relation to the other known dialects of the area. Des mots italiens dans le dialecte arabe libyen de Tripoli: emprunt, intégration ● Fathi Salam Terfas Université de Tripoli Dans la présente étude, nous mettons l‘accent sur l‘influence linguistique de l‘italien sur l‘arabe libyen de tripoli ẒALTẓ. La constatation de la présence de l‘italien dans l‘arabe libyen de Tripoli se confirme par quelques observations 93 personnelles. Dans ce stade, nous remarquons en particulier une forte influence de l‘italien dans le champ technique et industriel, notamment en ce qui concerne les pièces de voitures. En outre, cette influence est plus marquée chez les personnes âgées que chez les jeunes. Notre choix du dialecte justifie par le fait que le dialecte (ALT) majoritairement parlé de la population libyenne résidant dans cette région Ẓl‘ouestẓ. Notre choix s‘est porté sur un corpus contenant une liste des mots empruntés à la langue italienne et parlés dans la région de Tripoli. Tous ces mots, répertoriés par ordre alphabétique, sont donnés à des informateurs originaires de Tripoli ou y vivant depuis la naissance. En ce qui concerne les informateurs participés dans cette étude, ils sont 30 personnes (15hommes et 15 femmes) regroupés en trois groupes selon la tranche âge. Notre méthode suivre ici constituera de poser les mots optés à chacun de ce groupe pour savoir si les mots empruntés à la italien sont encore utilisés chez toutes les tranches âges ou perdus. Premier groupe Les hommes « 10 – 21 – 16 – 27 – 25 » Les femmes « 20 – 23 – 6 – 30 – 18 » Deuxième groupe Les hommes « 37 – 60 – 33 – 39 – 41 » Les femmes « 57 – 49 – 35 – 51 – 43 » Troisième groupe Les hommes « 61 – 68 – 84 – 72 – 65 » Les femmes « 78 – 63 – 66 – 71 – 67 » Etude comparative lexicale dans deux parlers arabes: Tlemcénien algérien et l‟arabe libyen de Tripoli ● Fathi Salam Terfas Univérsité de Tripoli ● Imen Chaif Université Abou Bakr Belkaid – Tlemcen La présente étude met l‘accent sur deux dialectes maghrébins: l‘un porte sur le parler Tlemcénien de l‘Algérie et l‘autre repose sur le parler libyen de Tripoli. L‘objectif central de notre contribution est de s‘interroger sur l‘impact des dialectes dans ces deux zones géographiques. En effet, nous allons faire une analyse comparative entre les deux dialectes (celle de Tlemcen et Tripoli) sur le plan lexical. Dans ce contexte, nous allons choisir trois thèmes principaux : mariage, sexualité, amour. 94 ‫ع‬ ‫أب‬ ‫ع أص‬ ‫ا‬ – ‫اع ب‬ ‫ع‬ ‫ج‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ع‬ ‫أ‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ك‬ ● M. Faruk Toprak Ankara University ‫أ‬ ‫خ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫فا‬ ‫غ‬ ‫أ‬ : ، ‫أ‬ ‫أ‬ ، ‫ أ‬،‫ا‬ ‫ف " أ أ‬ . ‫غ‬ . ‫غ‬ ‫أ‬ ،‫ا‬ Pishtov ‫أ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ اى‬. ، ‫أ‬ ‫ف‬ ، ‫ف‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫غ‬ ، ‫غ خ‬ ‫أ‬،" ‫أ‬ ‫خ‬ . ‫أ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫غ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫أ‬ ‫غ أ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫أ‬ ، ، ‫أ‬ ‫غ إ‬ ‫ خ‬، ‫أ‬ Sakkoye ‫خ‬ . ‫أ‬ ‫غ‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ خ‬، . ‫غ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫أ‬ ‫خ‬ ‫أ‬ . ‫أ ء‬ ‫ف‬ ‫أ‬ ‫أ‬ Hysh ، ‫غ ف‬ Oda ، Bergesh ‫أ‬ ، ‫أ‬. ‫أ‬ Hawis ، ‫أ‬ Tagbar . ‫غ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫خ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ف‬ . ‫ف‬ ‫أ‬ ، ‫خ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫غ أ‬ ، ‫خ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫؟‬ ، ‫اف‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫أ‬ al-’išb ‘ in Ancient and Modern Arabic Dialects ● Zviadi Tskhvediani Akaki Tsereteli State University – Kutaisi ‫ إ‬/ al-ˀišbāʿ is one of the interesting dialectical phenomena discussed by the medieval Arab grammarians ẒSibawayh, Ibn Yaishħẓ. In ― ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫إ‬ ‫غ إ‬ ‖ chapter of al-Kit b Sibawayh uses the term alˀišbāʿ to denote the i vowel lengthening in verb auslaut (I), in the III and II person pronoun suffixes u, i (II) and in the broken plural noun of maf ‗il type Ẓmaf ‗il > maf ‗īlẓ (III) the examples of which are common in poetry and dialects. The analysis of the dialectical forms shows that al-ˀišbāʿ or assimilative lengthening of short a, i and u vowels by adding homorganic semi-vowels to them Ẓa+‘alif> , i+y>ī and u+w>ū) occurs not only in auslauts but in inlauts as well where in some cases morphological factor interacts with the phonetic one. For instance: ḍarabt hi, yaḍribūhā (I) ḍarabahū, ˀuʿṭ kāhu, ˀuʿṭ k hi (II) min maˀman ka (II) 95 maqādim // maqād m (III) According to the sources ( ‫آ‬ by al-‘Aḫfaš, by Ibn Malik, by Abu l-‗al ‘ al-Ma‗arriyy, ‫ ء غ‬by Shih b ad-Dīn alKhafağiyy. etc.), al-ˀišbāʿ in the III person pronoun suffixes is attributed to the Hijazi dialect, while ḍarabt hi and in the II person pronoun suffixes it is supposed to belong to al-Rib b, Rabī‗ah and Azd al-Sar t. ˀuʿṭ kāhu, ˀuʿṭ kāhā, ˀuʿṭ k hi, ˀuʿṭ k hā, ḍarabtāh, ḍarabān … - these cases of vowel lengthening can be found in Najd, Bahrain (in geminate verbs too: sabbān ) and generally in Gulf and Arabic peninsula eastern dialects, while ḍarabt hi, samiʿt hi... are also common in the speech of some Egyptian regions. Thus, al-ˀišbāʿ is used to strengthen the position of the short vowel and the consonant with which the vowels form a stressed syllable. Remnants of Old Arabic Nominal Morphology in the Tashelhiyt Berber Lexicon ● Michael Turner University of Texas at Austin An unresolved issue in the field of Berber dialectology is the fate of the Arabic nominal marker , known in the Arabic linguistic tradition as the tāˀ marbūṭa, in loans into various Berber languages. Modern Arabic dialects in North Africa ubiquitously realize the etymological tāˀ marbūṭa as a word-final -a for nouns in the absolute state: l-ħaža ‘thing‘ l-xnša ‘sack‘ l-xwḍra ‘vegetables‘ Arabic loans into contemporary Berber varieties such as the Tashelhiyt of southern Morocco, however, often render the same morpheme as -(ə)t instead: lħažt ‘thing‘ lxnšt ‘sack‘ lxwḍrt ‘vegetables‘ Previous attempts to explain the provenance of -(ə)t (Marouane, 2009; Kossmann, 2013) have tended to frame it as a reanalysis that occurred during the borrowing process, implying that the tāˀ marbūṭa had a phonological realization -a in the source Arabic varieties. These analyses nonetheless remain unconvincing. To describe a hypothetical change -a > -t as an attempt to give Arabic nouns Berber feminine morphology falls short, for example, when one considers both that there are native feminine Berber nouns that end in -a (tama ‗side‘ẓ as well as Arabic borrowings that not feminine but still have -(ə)t (eg. ddriyt ‗children‘ ). This study looks at an array of related etymological and semantic evidence from Tashelhiyt to argue that -(ə)t instead more likely reflects the original morphology of the loanwords, meaning they were borrowed directly from an Arabic variety that had tāˀ marbūṭa as -(V)t in the free state. The argument is significant for Arabic dialectology because it would require the historical presence of a linguistic feature that is not only no longer present in North Africa, but also otherwise unattested in all but a small area in the Arabian Peninsula (Behnstedt, 1987; Watson, 2011). 96 V La variable /q/ revisitée. Sa variation dans les parlers arabes du Nord-Ouest du Maroc ● Ángeles Vicente Universidad de Zaragoza La variable /q/ est probablement l‘élément le plus étudié dans les travaux sur la variation et le changement linguistique dans les sociétés arabophones. Elle a été considérée comme un macro-discriminant en dialectologie arabe (Taine-Cheikh 1998-99), et ses variantes ont été utilisées pour classifier les diverses variétés arabes vernaculaires (Blanc 1964). Même s‘il s‘agit d‘un aspect très étudié, on continue à publier des études pour approfondir dans la connaissance du fonctionnement de cette variable et ses variantes aux parlers arabes, surtout à propos des variétés orientales (Al-Wer/Herin 2011 :60). Par suite dequelques travaux de terrain réalisés au nord-ouest du Maroc (dans la région de Jbala et la ville de Tétouan) et quelques informations fournies par d‘autres collègues, on a découvert qu‘il y a quelques aspects de ce variable très intéressants et pas encore décrits, mais aussiqu‘on dispose d‘informations anciennes ou erronées sur le sujet. Ainsi, la variante [q] est la plus commune mais pas la seule car l‘existence de la variante glottale [ ] est beaucoup plus présente entre la population arabophone du Nord du Maroc qu‘on avait supposé, tant dans la ville que dans les villages et tant le discours féminin que dans le masculin. Dans cette communication, on va donc mettre au jour la description de cette variation dans les variétés marocaines du nord-ouest, et considérer ses différences avec d‘autres types de dialectes arabes, tant maghrébins qu‘orientaux. The history of the feminine endings in Shammari Arabic and their implications for the history of Arabic ● Marijn van Putten Leiden University The Arabic dialect of Jabal Shammar (Saudi Arabia) has an unusual distribution of its nominal feminine endings and the 3rd person feminine marker of the perfect, described in some detail by Ingham (1982: 69-70). The feminine ending and 3rd person feminine marker has two allomorphs: eih in pause, and -at in all other positions. The feminine plural ending also has two allomorphs: - y in pause and - t in all other positions. In this paper I will argue that it is difficult to reconcile this distribution if one assumes that it developed from the common dialectal distribution: -at in construct -ah elsewhere for the feminine singular and -at for the pf.3sg.f. and - t for 97 the feminine plural. I will argue that the Shammari situation is in fact an archaic retention from a variety of Arabic that originally had the form -at for the feminine singular in both construct and non-construct positions, similar to Classical Arabic and the Old Arabic varieties like Safaitic. W Verbal negation with reflexes of muš/miš in Mediterranean dialects of Arabic: Croft‟s negative existential cycle in a single language system ● David Wilmsen The American University of Beirut Viewing the Arabic negator š/ši as deriving from an existential particle ši ‗there is‘ accounts for many diverse phenomena, including verbal negation in Egyptian Arabic with the otherwise anomalous miš/muš, as stages B>C and C>A of Croft‘s ‗negative existential cycle‘. In stage A, negating the existential particle proceeds with a regular verbal negator,as in the Yemeni and Moroccan Arabics‘māši. In stage B, an existential negator distinct from the verbal form appears, often a contraction or fusion of the verbal negator and the existential particle: maši/muš/miš <maši, ma hūš, and ma h š. In stage C, the negative existential form becomes the verbal negator. (1) miš yi-xallī-ha ti-štaġal not he-allows-her she-works ‗He doesn‘t allow her to work‘ Stage B>Cinvolves the gradual substitution of the negative existential for the verbal negator in parts of the verbal system, as in the negation of future potentiality, miš a-rū , and the discursively similar ‗meta-linguistic‘ Ẓ2aẓ and contrastive (2b) negations: (2a) (2b) da miš biy- ibba-ha da biy-mūt fī-ha That not he-loves-her that he-dies ‗He doesn‘t love her; he is madly in love with her‘ in-her da muš biy- ibb-ak da biy- ibbi that not he-loves-you that he-loves ,er liebt nicht dich, sondern er liebt sich selbst‘ nafs-u self-his Stage C>A operates in eastern Mediterranean Arabic dialects from Tunisia (3a) and Malta (3b) to the Levant (3c): (3a) naw l miš ta-qra fī 98 kt b name not she-reads ‗Nawal is not reading a book‘ object.marker (3b) Il- kompjuter tieg -i the-computer of-mine not ‗My computer isn‘t working‘ (3c) miš bi-yə-ʿǧib-ha not habitual-it-pleases-her ‗She doesn‘t like it‘ book mhux ja- dem it-works Deriving grammatical functions of -š/ši from the existential particle accounts for the facts of grammatical š , including verbal negation with muš/miš, more readily than does deriving them all from šay un, the Arabic word for ‗thing‘. Euphemism in the lexicon of Arabic dialects: The case of „behind, buttocks‟ ● Manfred Woidich Amsterdam Lexical creativity includes processes of onomasiological change of lexical items. There are three types of these changes: (1) A form can lose part of its volume: this is called ellipsis in the case of whole words [daily < daily newspaper], clipping in the case of morphemes [fan< fanatic]; (2) A form can be changed for both a phonological reason, because it is associated with a similar and only slightly different form, and a semantic reason, because it is associated with something else and changed accordingly: this is the case in folk etymology [hangmat < hamac.]; (3) A form can be replaced for semantic reasons, because its meaning is seen as offensive, ominous, inauspicious, or connected with a taboo. Accordingly, it is replaced by another form: under this category fall euphemisms. [four-letter words are replaced: neck < arse (a pain in the neck/arse)] This paper will deal with euphemism for one particularly sensitive area, i.e. the human behind, or buttocks, and analyze the semantic procedures used for the creation of new lexical items, and the semantic domains which the new forms are taken from. The data can be found in ‗Wortatlas der arabischen Dialekte‘, Vol. 1, map 64 by Peter Behnstedt and Manfred Woidich. 99 Y The usage of the preposition fī as an object marker ● Sumikazu Yoda Osaka University The preposition fī is typically used for the indication of the place. But in some modern dialects the use of the preposition f as an object marker is reported. Here some particular transitive verbs usually take a direct object but in some cases the object is marked with the preposition f . In this case, the use of f generates a meaning (or a nuance) different from the object without f . It is generally said that this f is used especially when the phrase itself expresses the present progressive or the emphasis of the action, etc. Until now this kind of f is attested only in a few dialects and in any of these cases not so deeply studied, therefore more detailed investigation is required in order to make clear it usage. In this paper, some modern dialects (Palestinian, Cairene, Tunisian, etc.) are subjected to study and the usage of this kind of fī is explained in detail. ‫غ‬ ‫اأ‬ ‫اع ب‬ ‫ب‬ ‫ا ج ا‬ ● ẒAttia Yousof( ‫ف‬ : ‫أ‬ . ‫غ ف‬ . . ‫غ‬ . ‫غ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫أ‬ . : . . . ‫ا‬ 100 ‫ا‬ . ‫غ ف‬ ‫ا‬ . . ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ . ‫ا‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ اخ اف‬‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ ا‬‫ أ ف‬‫ا‬ ‫ ا‬- Epenthesis, Assimilation, and Opacity in Baghdadi Arabic ● Islam Youssef Telemark University College This paper addresses the lack of epenthesis in Baghdadi Arabic (BA) within consonant sequences that undergo assimilation vis-à-vis other sequences. Whereas BA final clusters are broken up by epenthesis (e.g. ibin ‗son‘ẓ, a word-final true geminate stays intact (e.g. sitt /*sitit‗lady‘ẓ – a fact attributed to geminate integrity (Hayes 1986). On the other hand, false geminates arising from morpheme concatenation are known to induce epenthesis, e.g. /fut-t/ → futit ‗I passed‘. However, false geminates resulting from total assimilation resist epenthesislike true geminates, and behave as if the morpheme boundary has been deleted. For example, we know thatBA four- or five-consonant sequences are broken up as CCiCC and CiCCiCC. If the last two consonants constitute a geminate (CgCg), epenthesis applies regularly, but if a geminate appears immediately before the last consonant, epenthesis applies before and/or after but never internal to the geminate CiC gCgC or CCiCgCgiC (Rose 2000), as in /l-waladl-zɣiːr/ → lwaladizzɣiːr‗the small boy‘. Interestingly, heterogeneous clusters resulting from partial assimilation are also immune to epenthesis. In ʤamb/ʤanib/*ʤamib ‗beside‘, the final cluster is either assimilated or split up by [i], but never both. I argue that the lack of epenthesis in these clusters is attributed to assimilation, which results in a doubly-linked structure and some discrepancy with the underlying form. The essence of the analysis is that assimilatory feature-linkage provides a consonant sequence with immunity against epenthesis. If this pertains to false geminates formed by across-morpheme-boundary assimilation, it is unnecessary to treat outputs as true geminates (where geminate integrity operates) or to assume deletion of morpheme boundaries. And since both partial and total assimilations involve action at the level of the individual feature, a unified autosegmental account is possible. These conclusions are formalized in the framework of Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993). Z Nineteenth-century Cairo Arabic as described by Cadri and Nakhlah ● Liesbeth Zack University of Amsterdam There are many reliable sources for nineteenth-century Cairo Arabic, e.g. the grammars written by orientalists such as Spitta (1880) and Vollers (1890). However, descriptive works about the dialect of Cairo written by Egyptians are not very common. Probably the most well-known and discussed work of this type is al101 an wī's Traité de la langue arabe vulgaire from 1848 (see Woidich 1995).The current research presents two hitherto little-known works on nineteenth-century Cairo Arabic, both written by native speakers of the Egyptian dialect. The two works are Mohamed Cadri‘s Nouveau guide de conversation française et arabe Ẓ1868ẓ and Yacoub Nakhlah‘s New manual of English and Arabic conversation (1874). The two books have some common aspects: both were written by prominent Egyptians; both had the double purpose of teaching Arabic to foreigners and teaching the foreign language to Egyptians; and both works include word lists and dialogues. The dialogues are especially interesting, as they contain valuable information about vocabulary, morphology and syntax. This paper presents the findings based on Cadri and Nakhlah‘s works. The Use of Taboo – Related Words in Egyptian Arabic. A Sociolinguistic Approach to (Im)Politeness ● Magdalena Zawrotna The Jagiellonian University The presentation will discuss the problem of taboo-related words in the Egyptian dialect of Arabic (EA). The taboo domain under investigation is body as well as its parts and physical functions which go under the category of macrolinguistic (observed by all speakers and not context-specific) taboo (Hongxu et al., 1990). An attempt will be made to answer the following questions: 1. Is there any correlation between the use of tabooed words and the social background of a speaker? 2. What kind of politeness strategies do people use to avoid mention of taboos (Brown & Levinson, 1987)? The material under analysis represents the spoken variety of language and was collected during a field research in 2013. Additionally, some written online communication excerpts were included in the corpus. The study adopted two types of methods:1) Quantitative: questionnaireconcerning the use of particular lexical forms; 2) Qualitative: in-depth interviews.60 participants from Cairo and Alexandria took part in the study; they were divided into 3 groups according to their level of education: Group 1: Students/graduates of private universities Group 2: Students/graduates of state universities Group 3: Individuals with secondary education or lower The study revealed that: (1) The use of tabooed terms, vulgarisms and abusive expressions is related to the level of education; (2) Groups 1 and 3 use tabooed words more frequently than group 2; (3) In groups 1 and 3 there is no 102 significant difference between how often women and men use such words, whereas suchadifference occurs in group 2. Moreover, the following euphemistic strategies were identified: metaphor, remodeling, contraction, omission, word game, onomatopoeia, the use of English and Standard Arabic. Les liaisons dangereuses : médias sociaux et parlers jeunes au Maroc. Le cas de Bouzebbal ● Karima Ziamari Faculté des Lettres et des Sciences humaines de Meknès et ● Alexandrine Barontini LaCNAD – INALCO – Paris Les médias sociaux sur internet jouent un rôle considérable dans la diffusion des idéologies, des opinions et des représentations. Ils initient de nouvelles dynamiques sociolinguistiques ẒZiamari 2014ẓ puisqu‘ils permettent la diffusion et la circulation des langues, comme ils peuvent susciter ou accompagner les politiques linguistiques d‘un pays ẒMiller 2012, 2014). Cette communication voudrait interroger le lien entre langues et médias sociaux. En quoi les médias sociaux participent-ils à diffuser des pratiques langagières ? Comment les parlers jeunes sont-ils encouragés par internet ? Cette communication s‘appuie sur un des personnages les plus célèbres au Maroc actuellement. Il s‘agit de Bouzebbal, personnage d‘une série de dessins animés d‘une quinzaine d‘épisodes, créés par le jeune Mohamed Nasib en 2011. Bouzebbal a un style de parler relevant des parlers jeunes. Il est désormais extrêmement populaire, à titre d‘exemple en ocotbre 2014 le compte facebook de M. Nassib est classé premier et celui de Bouzebbal second, selon le site Socialbakers qui présente des statistiques de fréquentation, par pays, des pages facebook officielles de marques, personnages célebresħ Bouzebbal véhicule l‘image d‘un adolescent frondeur, où accent et style linguistique sont associés aux milieux populaires et à la jeunesse. Dans la série, la darija, telle qu‘elle est parlée par les jeunes urbains, est défendue et valorisée. La réflexion s‘ancrera dans un intérêt pour l‘étude des rapports entre culture et société (Coudry 2000 ; Neveu 2008ẓ et s‘intéressera aux reprises, diffusions, médiatisations des pratiques linguistiques mises en scènes, et consécutifs du succès de Bouzebbal. Celui-ci s‘avère être à la fois reflet et moteur de pratiques des parlers jeunes. Nous verrons ainsi quel(s) type(s) de parler(s) jeune(s) est (sont) employé(s) dans la série, et aussi quelles pratiques et représentations sont véhiculées en fonction des caractéristiques des personnages. 103