(PDF) History and Hindsight. The Importance of Euphron of Sikyon for the Athenian Democracy in 318/7

This article looks in detail at the two Athenian honorary decrees for Euphron of Sikyon (IG II2 448). It attempts to place them in the political and ideological context of their time, the years 323–17. Since the first decree was passed in late 323, at the height of the Hellenic War, and the second in late 318, during the power struggle between Polyperchon and Kassandros, I analyse the ways in which the Hellenic War was viewed by the restored democracy of 318/7. I argue that in the honours voted Euphron in 318 the democracy re-interpreted the goals and meaning of the Hellenic War to suit its own needs at that time. This was conditioned by the promises of freedom and democracy brought by Polyperchon and the oligarchic threat posed by Kassandros’ garrison in Peiraieus. I suggest that Athens wished to present herself as the leader of the Greeks in the war against Kassandros at a time when Polyperchon’s leadership was failing, and that to do so she used the memory of the Hellenic War to assume in 318/7 the hegemony she held in 323/2.

STUDIA HELLENISTICA 53 THE AGE OF THE SUCCESSORS AND THE CREATION OF THE HELLENISTIC KINGDOMS (323-276 B.C.) edited by Hans HAUBEN and Alexander MEEUS PEETERS 2014 TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . IX Conference Programme . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . XI Abbreviations and Reference System. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . XV Introduction. New Perspectives on the Age of the Successors . . . Hans HAUBEN & Alexander MEEUS 1 LITERARY SOURCES FOR THE HISTORY OF THE SUCCESSORS Die historischen und kulturgeographischen Notizen über die Diadochenära (323-276 v.Chr.) in Strabons Geographika . . . . . . . . . . Johannes ENGELS Diodorus XVIII 39.1-7 and Antipatros’ Settlement at Triparadeisos Franca LANDUCCI GATTINONI 9 33 Diodor und seine Quellen. Zur Kompilationstechnik des Historiographen. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Michael RATHMANN 49 The Strange Case of the Missing Archons. Two Lost Years in Diodorus’ History of the Successors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Brian SHERIDAN 115 ARCHAEOLOGY, ART AND NUMISMATICS Réflexions sur la ‘Tombe 77’ de Salamine de Chypre. . . . . . . . . . Claude BAURAIN 137 Le monnayage à Chypre au temps des Successeurs . . . . . . . . . . . . Anne DESTROOPER 167 VI TABLE OF CONTENTS Sur les pas de Ptolémée Ier. Quelques remarques concernant la ville d’Alexandrie. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Adam ™UKASZEWICZ The Frescoes from the Villa of P. Fannius Synistor in Boscoreale as Reflections of Macedonian Funerary Paintings of the Early Hellenistic Period . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Olga PALAGIA 189 207 THE AMBITIONS OF THE SUCCESSORS Ptolemy’s Grand Tour . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Hans HAUBEN 235 The Territorial Ambitions of Ptolemy I . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Alexander MEEUS 263 ‘Men to Whose Rapacity Neither Sea Nor Mountain Sets a Limit’. The Aims of the Diadochs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Rolf STROOTMAN 307 Seleukos, Self-Appointed General (Strategos) of Asia (311-305 B.C.), and the Satrapy of Babylonia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Robartus J. VAN DER SPEK 323 LEGITIMATION, STATE-BUILDING AND THE NATIVE PEOPLES Königinnen ohne König. Zur Rolle und Bedeutung der Witwen Alexanders im Zeitalter der Diadochen. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ann-Cathrin HARDERS Ptolemy I and the Economics of Consolidation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Margarita LIANOU Überlegungen zur Herrschaft der Diadochen über die Indigenen Kleinasiens . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Christian MILETA 345 379 413 TABLE OF CONTENTS Nachfolge und Legitimierung in Ägypten im Zeitalter der Diadochen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Donata SCHÄFER VII 441 WAR AND THE MILITARY Perdikkas’s Invasion of Egypt . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Joseph ROISMAN Zur Organisation und Rolle der Reiterei in den Diadochenheeren. Vom Heer Alexanders des Großen zum Heer Ptolemaios’ I. . . . . Sandra SCHEUBLE-REITER 455 475 Seleukos and Chandragupta in Justin XV 4 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Pat WHEATLEY 501 The Naval Battles of 322 B.C.E. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Graham WRIGHTSON 517 SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS ASPECTS OF THE AGE OF THE SUCCESSORS Discrimination and Eumenes of Kardia Revisited. . . . . . . . . . . . . Edward M. ANSON Der fromme Diadoche. Zur Situation der großen griechischen Heiligtümer um 300 v.Chr. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Wolfgang ORTH 539 559 THE SUCCESSORS AND THE CITIES Ruler Cult and the Early Hellenistic City. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Andrew ERSKINE History and Hindsight. The Importance of Euphron of Sikyon for the Athenian Democracy in 318/7 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Shane WALLACE 579 599 VIII TABLE OF CONTENTS Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 631 Index Locorum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 691 General Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 709 HISTORY AND HINDSIGHT THE IMPORTANCE OF EUPHRON OF SIKYON FOR THE ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY IN 318/7* Shane WALLACE Abstract: My article looks in detail at the two Athenian honorary decrees for Euphron of Sikyon (IG II2 448). It attempts to place them in the political and ideological context of their time, the years 323–317. Since the first decree was passed in late 323, at the height of the Hellenic War, and the second in late 318, during the power struggle between Polyperchon and Kassandros, I analyse the ways in which the Hellenic War was viewed by the restored democracy of 318/7. I argue that in the honours voted Euphron in 318 the democracy re-interpreted the goals and meaning of the Hellenic War to suit its own needs at that time. This was conditioned by the promises of freedom and democracy brought by Polyperchon and the oligarchic threat posed by Kassandros’ garrison in Piraeus. I suggest that Athens wished to present herself as the leader of the Greeks in the war against Kassandros at a time when Polyperchon’s leadership was failing, and that to do so she used the memory of the Hellenic War to assume in 318/7 the hegemony she held in 323/2. *** When the Athenian demos saw fit to publish a decree on stone there was more to the procedure than the simple inscription of text. Decrees had locations, the awareness of which is becoming more and more apparent in modern epigraphic studies1. Most of the time this was rather * I would like to offer my sincere thanks to Andrew Erskine and Elisabetta Poddighe for very generously reading this paper and saving it from numerous errors. Graham Oliver and Olga Palagia discussed aspects of it with me and it has benefitted from their input. All opinions and errors remain my own. I would also like to thank Hans Hauben and Alexander Meeus for inviting me to Leuven. The research for this paper was funded by the AHRC and was undertaken at the École normale supérieure, Paris, during a stay there as Marie Curie Research Fellow, and at the British School at Athens. All dates are B.C. 1 Oliver 2003b, concerning IG II2 448 and the stoa of Zeus Eleutherios/Soter, is an excellent case in point, as is the location of one copy of the Athenian anti-tyranny decree 600 S. WALLACE generally defined as “on the akropolis” or “in the agora,” but sometimes these locations were given in precise detail. So, for example, the charter of the Second Athenian League was erected beside the statue of Zeus Eleutherios, while the treaty between Athens and Sparta leading to the Chremonidean War was erected on the akropolis by the temple of Athena Polias2. A limited number of decrees were surmounted by reliefs, sometimes of a rather high quality3. Certain decrees were to be erected in duplicate, such as the anti-tyranny decree of 337, while others were (re-)inscribed years after their initial publication4. All these features further defined a decree’s meaning beyond the text itself. The subject of this paper is almost unique in that it encapsulates all of these features and more. IG II2 448 preserves on one stele two decrees from 323 and 318 in honour of Euphron of Sikyon, an anti-Macedonian politician who fought and died during the Hellenic (Lamian) War5. The history of these decrees is somewhat chequered. A first decree was of 337, directed against the Areopagos council, at the entrance to the Areopagos itself (Rhodes/Osborne, GHI 79). 2 Rhodes/Osborne, GHI 43, l. 65–6: parà tòn Día tòn ˆEleu|qérion. For the statue, altar, and stoa of Zeus Eleutherios/Soter, see below n. 22. IG II2 686/7, l. 43-4: [ê]|n âkropólei parà tòn neÑ t±v ˆAqjn¢v t±v Po[liádov]. In 283, the decree for Philippides of Kephale was erected, in keeping with his role as poet, by the temple of Dionysos (IG II2 657, l. 68-70). 3 We do not know why only certain decrees received reliefs or indeed how such reliefs’ iconography was decided upon. Some official procedure must have applied as the relief’s often close connection with the text marks it as an integral part of the whole monument. Lawton (1995, 22-8) argues that the decision to add a relief was made by the secretary or commissioning officer during discussions with the workshop concerned with the publication of the decree. 4 Anti-Tyranny Decree: Rhodes/Osborne, GHI 79. Re-inscription: Sherwin-White (1985) shows that Alexander’s letter to Priene (Rhodes/Osborne, GHI 86b) was (re-)inscribed in the early third century. 5 Found during construction of the Athens-Piraeus railway line in 1891 and first published in Lolling, 1892. Oliver (2003b) treats of the decree’s history and the debates regarding its Fundort. Lawton (1995, 107-8) provides full references to previous work. The text was inscribed by the cutter of Epigraphic Museum 12807, see Tracy 1995, 120-8. For editions and commentaries, see IG II2 448; Osborne, Naturalization 24 and 38; Schwenk, Athens Alex. 83; Poddighe 2002, 141-7; Brun 2005, 156-8. To these must be added the emendations in Oliver 2003b. Berve (1926, 2: no. 328) and Heckel (2006, s.v. Euphron) give brief biographies of Euphron. On the evidence for the “Hellenic” War (epigraphic and of late fourth century) rather than “Lamian” War (literary and derivative), see Ashton 1984; Lehmann 1988b, 143-4, 148-9. HISTORY AND HINDSIGHT — EUPHRON OF SIKYON 601 awarded to Euphron in late 323 and was inscribed on two stelai, one on the akropolis and the other in the agora by Zeus Soter6. These stelai were destroyed by the oligarchy of 322–3187. Two new stelai were erected by the democracy in late 318; on each stele the first decree of 323 was reinscribed and a second decree was added confirming the honours and further praising Euphron8. Again, one stele was placed on the akropolis and the other by Zeus Soter. The agora copy of 318 is what survives today; the stele is crowned by a deeply cut relief, elements of which can perhaps be related to the text. However, the most notable aspect of the stele is the nature of the two decrees inscribed on it. The first Euphron decree was passed during the Hellenic War (323/2), the second Euphron decree during the power struggle between Polyperchon and Kassandros (319–317). These were two very sensitive and important moments in Athenian history that saw the overthrow and return of the democracy and the garrisoning of Piraeus, the first such occurrences since the end of the Peloponnesian War. Therefore, the decrees allow us to trace the changes in Athens’ view of the Hellenic War and its significance for her democracy through the changing presentation of the actions of Euphron himself. This paper seeks to analyse the ways in which the Hellenic War was viewed by the restored, but fragile, Athenian democracy of 318/7. I argue that the democracy sought to re-interpret the goals and meaning of the Hellenic War to suit its own needs in 318. This, I contend, was conditioned by the promises of freedom and democracy brought 6 Following Oliver’s emendations of lines 27-9. Dittenberger (Syll.3 310 with n. 9 and 10) and Schwenk (Athens Alex. 83) offer alternate restorations. 7 Osborne (Naturalization 41) has tentatively identified a fragment of this destroyed stele. 8 A note on terminology. Oliver (2003a) has emphasised how the oligarchy of 322-318 not only maintained many democratic features and tendencies but also saw a rise in democratic feeling by certain elements within it towards the end of the archon year 320/19, most notably the continued insistence on the removal of the garrison in Mounychia. We will see that before the restoration of the disenfranchised democrats in Spring 318 the more democratic elements within the oligarchy had already asserted themselves and sided with Polyperchon. Therefore, we have the incongruous situation of an ostensibly oligarchic government siding with a man whose goal was its removal. While it is important to bear in mind the haziness of distinction between oligarchy and democracy, I use oligarchy to refer to the government of Summer 322 to Spring 318, because the disenfranchised had yet to return, and democracy to refer to that of Spring 318 to Spring 317. 602 S. WALLACE by Polyperchon and the oligarchic threat posed by Kassandros’ garrison in Piraeus. Athens’ purpose was to present herself as the leader of the Greeks in the war against Kassandros at a time when Polyperchon’s star was waning. To do so she used the memory of the Hellenic War to assume in 318/7 the hegemony she held in 323/2. I begin by looking at the first Euphron decree and its connection with the Hellenic War. In a lengthy excursus I then attempt to establish a detailed ideological context for the actions of 318, especially Polyperchon’s Edict. After an analysis of the second Euphron decree I move on to address the role played by Hagnonides, proposer of the decree, in framing democratic propaganda at this time. Finally, I detail the strong ideological coherency between Polyperchon’s Edict and the second Euphron decree. 1. The Decree of 323: Meaning and Context The first decree, that of 323, was proposed by Euphiletos of Kephisia. It dates from the archonship of Kephisodoros, prytany 5, day 22, of Pandionis, on the 22nd day of the month Poseideon, roughly late-December/early-January 323/29. On first appearance it is a relatively standard honorific decree. Democratic in formula, it informs us of Euphron’s arrival at Athens and his announcement of Sikyon’s friendship and alliance with Athens (l. 8-13). Euphron is praised and certain honours previously voted him are revalidated (l. 13-7)10. Athens displays awareness of his role as benefactor and appeals generally for future benefactors through the advertisement of potential honours (l. 17-23). So far nothing unusual, however lines 23-7 are somewhat unexpected and deserve comment: [Commendation shall also be given to the People of] Sicyon [for their excellence and goodwill toward the] People of Athens and they shall be crowned with a golden crown worth 1000 drachmas and they shall be 9 Euphiletos was evidently related to the Pamphilos of line 31 who proposed a rider to our decree. Bayliss (2002, 42-3) suggests that Pamphilos was Euphiletos’ cousin. Davies (APF 6067), Osborne (1971, 306), and Rhodes with Lewis (1997, 27 n. 76) see him as Eupiletos’ son. Davies suggests that he may be the same Euphiletos as Phokion’s friend in 318 (Nep. Phoc. 4.3). 10 Osborne (1982, 107) suggests a hereditary proxenia but a hereditary citizenship is possible, as is later confirmed for Euphron and his descendents (l. 20-1). Euphron’s homonymous grandfather was earlier in contact with Athens (X. HG VII 3.4). HISTORY AND HINDSIGHT — EUPHRON OF SIKYON 603 proclaimed [at] the great [Dionysia], at the festival11. (trans. Harding 1985, no. 123a) The decree witnesses a change in subject. The focus now moves from Euphron onto the Sikyonian demos. The demos is praised for its arete and eunoia to the Athenian demos and it is to be crowned from one thousand drachmai. Furthermore, this crown is to be announced in the Great Dionysia later that year (Elaphebolion 8-16). Although the honouring, or indeed crowning, of a foreign demos is not unusual the explicit change here from Euphron to Sikyon is. Athenian decrees honouring foreign demoi usually begin with an announcement of the ambassadors’ presence before the Athenian demos. The foreign demos is then honoured before commendation is offered to the ambassadors themselves12. Here however the decree begins with Euphron before unexpectedly switching subject to Sikyon and honouring its demos. The honours voted Sikyon, as compared to Euphron, are also intriguing. Euphron and his descendents receive citizenship; certainly an honour in itself but it may simply be the revalidation of an older one (supra n. 10). However, the demos of Sikyon receives the main honours of crowning and public announcement at the Great Dionysia. It appears that Athens’ real focus lay with Sikyon and the military alliance she offered; Euphron was simply honoured for having brought the alliance and as middleman Athens showed little interest in his story13. Surprisingly, this section of the decree has been consistently mistranslated, with Cynthia Schwenk, among others, stating that “Euphron is also to be given a gold crown worth a thousand drachmai and he is to 11 [kaì êpainésai tòn d±mon tò]|n Sikuwníwn [âret±v ∏neka kaì eûnoíav t±v eîv tòn d]|±mon tòn ˆAqjnaíwn kaì stefan¬sai x[rus¬i stefánw]|i âpò:X: draxm¬n kaì âneipe⁄n a[ût]òn [Dionusíwn megá]|lwn t¬i âg¬ni. 12 See, for instance, IG II2 107, 466, 557, 660, 708. 13 Although no-one has, to my knowledge, yet posited the idea, it may be that Euphron was the Sikyonian synedros to the Athenian alliance. If so it would explain why he brought the announcement of alliance, was praised for his goodwill towards both the demos of Athens and […toùv ãllouv summáx]|ouv (l. 13-6), and took such an active role in the Hellenic War (seen in the second decree). If he held such a position then it would further emphasise the extent to which Athens overlooked his actions in 323. IG II2 467 (306/5) honours Timosthenes, the Karystian synedros of 323/2. Oliver (2007, 97) suggests that his homonymous grandson appears in IG II2 832, l. 21-2 (229/8). 604 S. WALLACE be announced at the games of the Greater Dionysia.”14 What is more, this mistranslation has been applied to the decree’s relief, a description of which would now be useful (see fig. 1). The relief depicts, from left to right, a standing Athena facing right holding a spear in her left hand; a slightly smaller figure of the Athenian Demos also facing right with his right hand extended; the smaller figure of Euphron, who faces left towards Demos and also has his right hand extended (Demos’ and Euphron’s hands however do not meet); behind Euphron, and on the extreme right of the relief, we see a page, most likely Euphron’s son, pulling the reins of a large riderless horse15. Demos and Euphron appear to be handing something to one another, and Carol Lawton has claimed that “[Demos’] extended right hand probably held a crown representing the 1000–drachmai gold crown awarded Euphron in the decree.” Beyond the fact that the demos of Sikyon, and not Euphron, was crowned, this does not look like a crowning scene, which normally depicts the crown being placed directly on the honorand’s head16. Clearly another interpretation is required. Numerous elements suggest that the relief is a construction of 318 and as such I will address it when I discuss the second Euphron decree (infra Section 3). Instead, let us ask why Athens would focus on Sikyon rather than Euphron at this time. The answer must lie in Athens’ position during the Winter of 323/2 when the Hellenic War was at its height. Athens’ mix of citizen and mercenary troops had defeated Antipatros and pushing him into Lamia had established a siege. Perdikkas, through Philip Arrhidaios, had already sent letters to Greece calling for calm; Athens would have known that Macedonian reinforcements were only a matter 14 Schwenk 1985, 416-7. Lawton (1995, 107-8; 2003, 127) expresses the same view. Meyer (1989, 303) refers to a “Kranz”. LIMC (s.v. Demos F1.58) says a now lost wreath was painted on. Harding (1985, no. 123a) and Brun (2005, 156-8) translate the passage correctly. Lambert (2006, 122) correctly associates the crown with the Sikyonian demos. Osborne (1982, 103-8) makes no mention of a crown. 15 Palagia (2003) points to a riderless horse of similar style and date that forms part of an early Hellenistic Athenian naiskos, possibly that of Phokion. 16 Lawton 1995, nos. 36, 38, 43, 46, 49, 59, 81, 89, 106, 116, 124, 126, 131, 133-34, 137, 139, 140-1, 143, 145-7, 149, 153, 163-5, 167, 172-3, 176, 184. Only seven examples depict the crown being handed to the honourand: nos. 30, 90, 100, 105, 127, 148. Of the seven examples where both relief and text are fully preserved (nos. 30, 38, 43, 59, 127, 143) only one depicts a crown being given to the honourand that was not specified in the text, no. 30 = IG II2 133 (355/4). HISTORY AND HINDSIGHT — EUPHRON OF SIKYON 605 of time17. While Athens was still strong at sea the war would have been in that tense moment where the full Macedonian counter-strike was awaited18. Therefore, any new allies strengthened the alliance and were consequently welcome19. The crowning of Sikyon and the statement that she was “first of the Peloponnesian cities” singled her out for particular honour and offered the implication that other states would follow20. Athens was clearly motivated by needs of military alliance. Euphron provided this, but Sikyon’s alliance was what mattered. The decree’s ideological programme, or indeed lack of, is also worthy of note. The Hellenic War was presented by both Hyperides, in his Epitaphius of 322, and Diodorus, in his first century history, as a war for the freedom of the Greeks paralleled with Athens’ actions during the Persian Wars21. Although our decree makes no mention of eleutheria, its Standort by the stoa of Zeus Soter/Eleutherios is a proud statement of that ethos and a vital part of the decree’s meaning22. The stoa itself was 17 Letters: D.S. XVIII 56.2; Stylianou 1993/4, 48–9; Poddighe 1998/9, 31. Perdikkas, however, may have been supporting revolt in Greece through his contact with Demades (Arr. Succ. 1.14; D.S. XVIII 48.2; Plu. Dem. 31.4-6). Grainger (1999, 64-5) suggests that Perdikkas may also have been in contact with Aitolia. 18 Tracy 1995, 26-9; Habicht 1997, 36-40. Ashton (1977), Morrison (1987), Sekunda (1992), Bosworth (2003b), and Wrightson (this volume) treat of the many arguments concerning the nature and order of the naval campaigns of 323/2. 19 The Aitolians and others had gone home before the end of the siege, though many were expected to return (D.S. XVIII 13.4, 15.2, 17.1-3, 6). 20 Diodorus says that of the Peloponnesians Argos, Elis, Messenia, and those from Akte joined (XVIII 11.2). Pausanias adds Epidauros, Troizen, and the Phliasians (I 25.4). Justin refers to Demosthenes’ personal success in bringing over Sikyon, Argos, and Corinth (XIII 5.10). On IG II2 365 (Metageitnion 323) and Athenian relations with Kleonai/Argos in 323/2, see now Strasser 2007. 21 Eleutheria or ‘the freedom of the Greeks’ appears throughout both the Epitaphius (5.11, 5.16, 6.35, 6.39, 7.39, 9.20, 9.26, 11.39, 13.2, 13.43) and Diodorus (XVIII 9.1, 9.5, 10.2 [twice], 12.3; cf. 8.1, 38.5). Rosen (1967, 55) says it formed “the dominant thought” of the Hellenic War decree as quoted in D.S. XVIII 10.1-3. IG II2 270, l. 6-7, a decree dated to the late 320s by Walbank ([M.B.], 2002, 63-4 no. 6), honours an unknown person for support [üpèr t±v êleuqería]|v t¬n ¨Ell[ßnwn]. For the connection with the Persian Wars, see Hyp. Epit. 2.1-8, 19-24; D.S. XVIII 10.2-3. 22 The confusion between the decree’s Standort and Fundort (long said to be by the stoa of Attalos) has been corrected by Oliver (2003b), who connects both Standort and Fundort by the stoa of Zeus. The stoa, altar, and statue of Zeus formed a single complex in the north-west corner of the agora. They are confusingly referred to as dedicated to both Zeus Soter and Eleutherios, see Agora III 21-31 for the ancient testimonia. Thompson 606 S. WALLACE built between 430 and 420 and was intrinsically connected with eleutheria and victory as earned through the Persian Wars. As a civic space it was closely associated with statements of eleutheria: the foundation document for the Second Athenian League was erected there, as were statues of Konon and Euagoras, who freed Athens and Greece from Spartan tyranny23. In the third century the shields of Leokritos and Kydias were dedicated to Zeus Eleutherios in honour of their respective victories over the Macedonian garrison in Mouseion and the Celts in 287 and 279 (Paus. I 26.1, X 21.5-6). The stoa created an aggregative significance whereby the initial memory of eleutheria and the Persian Wars was adjusted and expanded by new monuments. Similarly, a new monument or contemporary action was itself defined not only by the ideological programme of the Persian Wars but also through the connection with other earlier monuments. Therefore, the stoa was a continually progressive ideological space where historical memory was adaptive and the historical context of each individual monument helped cumulatively define the meaning of each new monument. Consequently, by placing by the stoa the 323 decree for Euphron — being simply an account of Sikyon’s alliance with Athens — Athens appropriated to the entire Hellenic War the ethos of Greek eleutheria, Athenian hegemony, and a defining connection with the Persian Wars24. One of the goals of the Hellenic War was the removal of Macedonian garrisons throughout Greece. Such was quoted by Diodorus in the decree declaring war (D.S. XVIII 10.2) and shown in Hyperides’ focus on the garrison on Kadmeia (Epit. 7.9-13). However, we have no evidence that Athens feared the imposition of a garrison herself. The first Euphron decree of 323 emphasises this fact by failing to mention that Euphron had already freed Sikyon by removing its (presumably) Macedonian garrison25. Apparently, the garrisons were simply a negative aspect of Macedonian rule that Athens could use to unite Greeks. They were not something that Athens felt any personal concern for. and Wycherley (Agora XIV 96-102), Oliver (2003b, 104-8), and Raaflaub (2004, 108-10) have all tried to unpick the confusion. 23 Isoc. IX 56-7; D. XX 67-70; Paus. I 3.2. 24 Demosthenes, upon his return to Athens in 322, was commissioned to adorn the altar for the sacrifice to Zeus Soter (Plu. Dem. 27.8). 25 As we learn from lines 46-50 of the second Euphron decree of 318. HISTORY AND HINDSIGHT — EUPHRON OF SIKYON 607 Finally, the decree does not display any democratic ideology. The depiction of Demos has been used to argue that Athens was aware of danger to her democracy, particularly since the relief of IG II2 367 (Prytany 3, 323/2), in honour of two Phokian ambassadors, depicts an individual being crowned by Demos and Demokratia with Athena standing by26. However, since the relief of IG II2 448 dates to 318 we should refrain from interpreting it in the context of 32327. The most important point is that Euphron is given absolutely no ideological motivation himself. He is simply a messenger and honoured in a not uncommon way as such. 2. Historical Context, 322–317 In this section I turn to the political and ideological context of the years 322-317. Focusing on Athens in particular I trace how the garrison in Mounychia and the oligarchy installed by Antipatros after the Hellenic War were the defining features of these years. I detail the political programme presented by Polyperchon within his Edict and show that terms like democracy and oligarchy were not originally a part of this. However, I argue for a close ideological interaction between Polyperchon and the Athenian democracy in 318 which led to him using such terms in his dealings with the Greek cities. In the end Athens lost the Hellenic War. Defeats by land and sea left her adrift and as allies fled Antipatros was able to dictate terms. His settlement with Athens was harsh compared with the treatment earlier shown by Philip and Alexander28. It took two key forms. Firstly, the imposition of a Macedonian garrison in the fort of Mounychia in Piraeus. Specifically designed to prevent revolution (neoterismos), the 26 Lawton 1995, 105-6 no. 49. Meyer (1989, 257) connects the representation of Demos with Euphranor’s painting of Theseus flanked by Demos and Demokratia that stood in the stoa of Zeus (Paus. I 3.3). She then argues that the first Euphron decree (323) presents the Hellenic War as a democratic struggle. Since the relief was a construct of 318 this is impossible. However, Meyer’s point could be applied to the situation in 318, when the second Euphron decree, in text, image, and location, retrospectively presented the Hellenic War as a struggle for democracy, infra Section 3. 28 D.S. XVIII 18; Plu. Phoc. 26-9. 27 608 S. WALLACE garrison did its job exceptionally well29. It was a prominent and unprecedented sign of Macedonian control that was unpopular even within the pro-Macedonian regime. The demos continually called upon Phokion to request that Antipatros remove it but Phokion repeatedly declined. Demades was then sent to Antipatros to request the removal of the garrison, but he too was unsuccessful30. Secondly, a timocratic democracy — or oligarchy to the extreme democrats — was installed. This led to the disenfranchisement of thousands of Athenian citizens31. The new government may have remained democratic in form, publishing both pro-bouleumatic and non-pro-bouleumatic decrees, but the disenfranchisement of Athenian citizens was blatantly un-democratic and the heightened position of the anagrapheus points to serious changes in the democratic system32. Generally, both garrison and oligarchy attempted to break the link between democracy, Piraeus, and naval power33; an eminently sensible move considering the strong Athenian naval campaigns of 322. However, Athens was not alone in this regard. Diodorus, with his anti-democratic predilection, informs us that Antipatros installed oligarchies and garrisons throughout Greece, thus “wisely reforming the citizen bodies” (XVIII 18.8; cf. Paus. VII 10.4). Megalopolis was garrisoned and governed by an oligarchy, possibly under the supervision of Damis, a veteran of Alexander’s campaigns34. Sikyon was most likely forced to accept again a garrison and oligarchy. Argos was apparently an oligarchy 29 D.S. XVIII 18.5-6. Plutarch dates its arrival to 12th Boedromion (Phoc. 27.3–28.4). It was the first time Athens had suffered a garrison since 404/3. 30 D.S. XVIII 48.1-4; Plu. Phoc. 30.4-5. In anticipation of Athenian resentment at the garrison Antipatros called it a temporary measure (D.S. XVIII 48.1). Kassandros did the same in 317 (D.S. XVIII 74.3). 31 D.S. XVIII 18.4-5; Plu. Phoc. 27.3, 28.4. A property restriction of 2,000 drachmai was introduced and thousands, whether pro- or anti-Macedonian, were moved to Thrace. Considering the location, it is feasible that Lysimachos may have been involved. Poddighe (1993; 1997; 2002, 59-73), Baynham (2003), and Landucci Gattinoni (2008, 106-7) analyse the Athenians’ exile and Antipatros’ intentions. Poddighe (2002), Oliver (2003a), and Grieb (2008, 51-5) treat of Athens under Antipatros. 32 Dow (1963), Tracy (1995, 17-9), Henry (1977, 50-7; 2002), and Oliver (2003a) analyse the role and importance of the anagrapheus in the years 322/1–319/8. 33 On this link, see Arist. Pol. 1303b7; Strauss 1996; Roy 1998. 34 D.S. XVIII 68.3; Heckel 2006, s.v. Damis [2]. HISTORY AND HINDSIGHT — EUPHRON OF SIKYON 609 and may have been garrisoned (D.S. XVIII 57.1). Eretria too may have been under Macedonian control (see below). This situation was soon to change. With Antipatros’ death in Autumn 319 power passed to the aging Polyperchon with Antipatros’ son Kassandros supposed to act as chiliarchos35. However, Kassandros immediately began to prepare for conflict thinking it a crime that his father’s position was not passed to him. He moved to Asia and established contact with Ptolemy and Antigonos, the latter of whom provided ships. Kassandros also found a ready support base in the oligarchies and garrisons installed by Antipatros throughout Greece. These owed their positions to Antipatros in person and so saw in his son their best chance of preservation. Kassandros established contact with them early, if only to confirm their support. Athens provides a case in point: recognising the unique importance of Piraeus Kassandros replaced Menyllos with Nikanor before the Athenians had even heard of Antipatros’ death (Plu. Phoc. 31)36. And so, like father like son, Kassandros became the patron of the Macedonian garrisons and oligarchies in Greece. When Polyperchon realised the nature of the coming conflict he called together his advisors and debated how best to ensure his position. It was clear that Kassandros would hold the Greek cities with Antigonos’ backing and the support of Antipatros’ garrisons and oligarchies. Therefore it was decided to undermine this aspect of Kassandros’ power base by inspiring the cities (particularly the disenfranchised democratic exiles) to rise up against their Antipatrid governors (D.S. XVIII 55; Plu. Phoc. 32.1-2). An Edict was drafted in Philip Arrhidaios’ name and sent to the Greek cities. This Edict is given in what appears to be com35 D.S. XVIII 48.4, 54.1. Wehrli ([C.] 1968, 37), Habicht (1997, 47), and Bosworth (2002, 18) hold that Antipatros gave authority to Polyperchon. Hammond and Walbank (1988, 130 n. 3) and Heckel (2006, 227 n. 626) suggest that it was given by the assembled army in Macedonia. Either way Polyperchon’s selection was perhaps unsurprising: Alexander had designated him successor to the ailing Krateros on his mission to replace Antipatros (Arr. An. VII 12.4; cf. Just. XII 12.8-9) and he had defended Macedon while Antipatros and Krateros campaigned in Asia (D.S. XVIII 38.6; Just. XIII 6.9). Kassandros had already served as chiliarchos (D.S. XVIII 39.7; Arr. Succ. 1.38). Meeus (2009c, 302–10) analyses the position of chiliarchos under Alexander and his successors. 36 Bosworth (1994) identifies Nikanor as the son of Balakros and Phila, Antipatros’ daughter, and thus Kassandros’ nephew. Heckel (2007b) contends this. Cf. Heckel 2006, s.v. Nicanor [2], [4], and [9]. 610 S. WALLACE plete form by Diodorus (XVIII 56)37: it undermined Antipatros (vicariously Kassandros) by presenting him as an illegitimate usurper of royal power and so provided a general amnesty for those who fought against him and suffered during the Hellenic War. It nullified all Antipatros’ actions since Alexander crossed to Asia and called for the return of those exiled or disenfranchised by him, thus undermining his governments now loyal to Kassandros. It also restored the general peace established by Philip and Alexander through the League of Corinth and destroyed by Antipatros38. The deadline for accepting or rejecting the Edict was 30th Xanthikos, roughly late March 31839. In his account of the debate leading up to the Edict, Diodorus refers to eleutheria (in verbal form), demokratia, and oligarchia (XVIII 55). However, none of these terms appear in the Edict itself. Instead, it refers to “the peace and constitutions that existed under Philip and Alexander.”40 We know that Polyperchon himself sent letters to the Greek cities at this time, but these letters, as Diodorus records them, similarly made no mention of eleutheria, demokratia, or oligarchia (D.S. XVIII 57.1). However, after Phokion’s trial Polyperchon sent a letter to Athens calling the people free and autonomous: êleuqéroiv te d® kaì aûtonómoiv oŒsi (Plu. Phoc. 34.3). Also, before his invasion of the Peloponnese in 37 Landucci Gattinoni 2008, 229-33. Poddighe (1998/9, 2001) shows that its remit extended as far afield as Nesos, Eresos, and Rhodes. Rosen (1967, 65-7) speculates that a passage concerning eleutheria and autonomia has dropped out between sections 56.3 and 56.4. 38 It is debated whether this constituted a revival of the full League of Corinth, see Larsen 1926, 65-6; Rosen 1967, 64-8; Poddighe 1998/9, 37-9; 2002, 171-90; Dixon 2007; Landucci Gattinoni 2008, 231-2. 39 Geer 1947, 166 n. 2; Williams 1984, 302; Heckel 1992, 195-6 with n. 124; Poddighe 1998/9, 28-9 with ns. 62 and 63; Landucci Gattinoni 2008, 233. Phokion died on 19th Mounychion, early May. It therefore appears, as Williams has suggested, that during April and very early May events proceeded at a fast pace: Phokion fled to Alexandros, convinced him to hold Piraeus, travelled to Phokis, was delayed at Elateia by Deinarchos’ illness, was tried before Polyperchon, was escorted to Athens, was tried, and executed. The month of Xanthikos holds some significance as the date for the lustration of the Macedonian army, see Plb. XXIII 10; Liv. XL 6; Launey 1949/50, 2:922-3; Goukowsky 1978, 158. 40 D.S. XVIII 56.2: t®n eîrßnjn kaì tàv politeíav °v Fílippov ö ™méterov pat®r katéstjsen. 56.3: eîrßnjn, politeíav dè tàv êpì Filíppou kaì ˆAlezándrou. This and all subsequent translations of Diodorus are from Geer 1947. HISTORY AND HINDSIGHT — EUPHRON OF SIKYON 611 late May/early June 31841 he sent envoys to the Greek cities calling specifically for the overthrow of Antipatros’ oligarchies and the return of autonomia (i.e. eleutheria) to the demoi42. This was met by the execution and exile of Antipatros’ friends while “governments, recovering the freedom of action that came with autonomy, began to form alliances with Polyperchon.”43 Evidently there had been a change in his programme and Diodorus (or his source) was applying later terminology to the creation of the Edict44. In a recent article Michael Dixon suggested that Polyperchon was initially hesitant in using eleutheria and demokratia but changed his mind before his invasion of the Peloponnese when he saw Athens’ reaction to the Edict and the support these terms could engender within Greece. As support for this Dixon argued that our source for these events was Hieronymus of Kardia, whose presence in Macedonia in Winter 319/8 implies that Diodorus’ paraphrase of the Edict, and no doubt Polyperchon’s letters to the Greek cities, had their origin in his work45. Dixon argued that Athens misunderstood the Edict by applying to it her own traditional ideological terminology. Therefore, when Polyperchon speaks about freedom and democracy he is tailoring the Edict according to its reception by Athens. I agree with Dixon, but I think that we can go further in analysing the reception (and possibly intention) of the Edict within Athens and Greece. 41 Williams (1984) dates the invasion to Autumn 318. Bosworth (1992, 69–70) prefers early Summer 318. I agree with Dixon (2007), who argues that Polyperchon’s invasion of the Peloponnese coincided with the Isthmian Games which themselves fell sometime between April and July 318, see Ferguson 1948, 122; Gomme et al. 1981, 23-4. 42 D.S. XVIII 69.3. Within books XVIII–XX eleutheria and autonomia appear synonymous and Diodorus switches between both. 43 D.S. XVIII 69.4: tà dè politeúmata t®n êk t±v aûtonomíav parrjsían âpélabon kaì sunemáxoun to⁄v perì tòn Polupérxonta. 44 Plutarch (Phoc. 32.1) says that Polyperchon sent a letter (epistole) to Athens saying that he was returning to them democracy and the ancestral constitution (t®n djmokratían kaì politeúesqai katà tà pátria). Poddighe (1998/9, 26, 29; cf. Rosen 1967, 68-9) sees this as an individual letter sent with the Edict showing that Polyperchon employed terms like demokratia from the outset. However, since Plutarch does not mention the Edict I prefer to see this letter as a conflation of all Polyperchon’s correspondence with the Greek cities. Therefore, the letter gives the false impression that Polyperchon employed terms like demokratia from the beginning when it is clear from Diodorus that he did so only from Spring 318 onwards. 45 Dixon 2007, 157-70; cf. Landucci Gattinoni 2008, 230-1. 612 S. WALLACE Athens supported Polyperchon very soon after the publication of the Edict, which she felt guaranteed autonomia (or eleutheria) and the removal of the garrison in Mounychia (D.S. XVIII 64–5.1; Plu. Phoc. 32-3). Upon publication Athens called unsuccessfully for Nikanor to hand over Mounychia (Plu. Phoc. 32.3-5). She then sent an embassy to Polyperchon and the Kings calling for the removal of the garrison “in accordance with the edict that had been issued concerning the autonomy of the Greeks.”46 However, Nikanor captured Piraeus itself and Athens sent Phokion, Konon, and Klearchos to ask him “to restore their autonomy according to the edict that had been issued.”47 Over the winter Olympias wrote to Nikanor calling for the restoration of Mounychia and Piraeus, but she was unsuccessful (D.S. XVIII 65.1-2)48. Finally, Athens asked Phokion to lead them forth but he declined, even ignoring a decree proposed by Philomelos of Lamptrai to that effect (Plu. Phoc. 32.5). Athens then turned to Alexandros upon his arrival in Attica in Spring 318 (D.S. XVIII 65.3-5; Plu. Phoc. 33.1-2). Three decrees from 319/8 also reveal Athens’ support of Polyperchon. Agora XVI 101 dates from the fourth prytany and honours Ainetos of Rhodes. Since he had campaigned with Alexander in Asia he was probably an associate of Polyperchon, whose support base consisted in large part of Alexander’s ex-officers and Macedonians loyal to the Argead house49. IG II2 386, from the sixth prytany, honours an unknown Amyntas. A Macedonian, he is also most likely an associate of Polyperchon50. 46 D.S. XVIII 64.3: katà tò diàgramma tò grafèn üpèr t±v t¬n ¨Ellßnwn aûtonomíav. D.S. XVIII 64.4–6: t®n aûtonomían aûto⁄v katà tò gegenjménon diátagma. 48 In an attempt to secure royalist support, Polyperchon had invited Olympias to return to Macedon and take charge of her grandson Alexander IV (D.S. XVIII 57.2). Although she delayed her return until late Summer or early Autumn 317 (D.S. XIX 11), Olympias aided Polyperchon’s position by writing letters such as this. For Olympias’ role in these years, see Carney 2006, 60-87. 49 Schweigert 1940, 345-8; ISE 4; Osborne, Naturalization 29; Poddighe 1998/9, 41-9. Osborne suggests that he was an associate of Polyperchon, as does Poddighe who looks at this decree in the wider context of Polyperchon’s Edict. An Ainetos, general of Demetrios Poliorketes, was later honoured at Ephesos (Polyaen. V 5.19; Fron. Str. III 3.7; Syll.3 363; for discussion, see Bengtson 1964 = 1937, 194-6). Poddighe (1998/9, 44-5, 54-5) suggests that this may be the same Ainetos of Rhodes. Schweigert (1940, 348 n. 16) disagrees, as does Moretti (ISE 3) who dates Agora XVI 101 between the death of Antipatros and the announcement of Polyperchon’s Edict. 50 Wilhelm 1908, 85; Osborne, Naturalization 30. 47 HISTORY AND HINDSIGHT — EUPHRON OF SIKYON 613 Agora XVI 102 dates from the seventh prytany and honours an Apol[…7…], connected in some way with one Proteas. Again these are most likely associates of Polyperchon51. By this time, Phokion and his associates were in no position to publish decrees, in fact they were more inclined to ignore them (Plu. Phoc. 32.5). Evidently the majority of Athenian citizens saw the Edict as the best chance of removing the garrison from Piraeus and recovering their freedom. They therefore favoured Polyperchon rather than Kassandros, who was supported by Phokion and the extreme oligarchs. This is notable because neither the Edict nor Polyperchon’s letters made any reference to either autonomia or garrisons. Athens was interpreting the Edict to suit her own needs. Furthermore, it is important to remember that the government in Athens at this time was not the radical democracy called for in the Edict (restored in Spring 318) but instead the oligarchy founded by Antipatros. It supported Polyperchon because of the prospect that he would remove the hated garrison from Mounychia. Therefore, we have the incongruous situation of Polyperchon supporting and being supported by just the type of government he set out to remove. The Edict was again seized upon by the exiled and disenfranchised democrats who returned to Athens in mid- to late-March 318 at the head of an army led by Polyperchon’s son Alexandros. Phokion and the oligarchs had apparently made contact with Alexandros, no doubt offering him Piraeus should he support them. As Alexandros was then 51 Berve (1926, 2: no. 328; cf. Poddighe 1998/9, 49-54) suggests that this Proteas may be Proteas son of Andronikos, admiral of Antipatros and friend of Alexander. Heckel (2006, s.v. Proteas) does not make this association. Another possibility is Proteas son of Theokleides who appears in association with an Alexandros and a Dioskourides in an Eretrian decree dated by Knoepfler (2001, no. 15) to c. 260–55. Oliver (2003c, 455-58) has dated the decree to late 315 and connected it with Antigonos’ dispatch from Tyre to Greece of Alexandros, son of Polyperchon, and Dioskourides, but this seems chronologically impossible as Dioskourides was dispatched to the Aegean only after Alexandros had already been killed. Poddighe (1998/9, 54-5) suggests that Apol[…7…] might be Demetrios Poliorketes’ associate Apollonides son of Charops (of Kyzikos?), on whom see Olshausen 1974, nos. 65, 74; Billows 1990, App. 3 no. 12. Poddighe suggests that both Ainetos and Apol[lonides] were part of a general movement of Polyperchon’s troops to Antigonos’ side. As these men may have served under Polyperchon when he attempted to restore a version of the League of Corinth in 318 they would have been of use to the Antigonids in establishing their own version in 302. 614 S. WALLACE seen parlaying secretly with Nikanor the democrats feared that Phokion and the oligarchs were betraying the city. They therefore forced control of the ekklesia and charged the oligarchs (D.S. XVIII 65; Plu. Phoc. 33.1-4). Plutarch informs us that Hyperides led the prosecution, while Diodorus says that the demos decreed “the death penalty for some, exile and confiscation of property for others.”52 Interestingly, these terms repeat those already issued by Polyperchon in his letters sent to the Greek cities in Winter 319/8 calling on them to follow the Edict, “ordering them to exile those who had been leaders of the governments in the time of Antipater — even to condemn certain of them to death and to confiscate their property.”53 It appears that the demagogue Hagnonides was leading the re-enfranchised in prosecuting Phokion and the others according to the terms of the Edict. A short time later in Phokis Hagnonides again presented a strong democratic programme calling on Polyperchon to return Mounychia and restore Athens’ autonomia (D.S. XVIII 66.2; Plu. Phoc. 33.3-7). Diodorus tells us that Polyperchon favoured the demos but held Phokion and the others captive (XVIII 66.3). Plutarch adds more detail, notably Polyperchon’s personal hostility to Phokion (Phoc. 33). Phokion and the oligarchs were returned to Athens where they were tried and executed (see below). One could criticise Polyperchon for supporting an oligarchy in Winter 319/8 and a democracy from Spring 318, but this would be to miss the nuance of the situation. He had committed himself to no forceful intervention until the 30th Xanthikos and so was unable to enforce the terms of his Edict until that time. Polyperchon’s support of the restored democracy of Spring 318 was therefore simply the strengthening of the pro-Edict faction of the government that he had supported since Autumn 319. The pro-Edict faction of late 319 and the radical democracy itself were two sides of the same coin. Each supported the Edict but viewed its specifics in different ways: the former as removal of the garrison; the latter as both this and democratic re-enfranchisement. Contrast should only be drawn between these two elements and the proKassandros oligarchs under Phokion. 52 D.S. XVIII 65.6: toùv mèn qanátwç, toùv dè fug±Ç kaì djmeúsei t±v oûsíav. D.S. XVIII 57.1: prostáttwn toùv âfjgjsaménouv êp´ ˆAntipátrou t¬n politeumátwn fugadeÕsai, tin¬n dè kaì qánaton katagn¬nai kaì djmeÕsai tàv oûsíav. 53 HISTORY AND HINDSIGHT — EUPHRON OF SIKYON 615 As the restored democracy was a continuation of the pro-Polyperchon elements of the oligarchy so was it vividly aware of the danger the garrison in Mounychia held to its freedom54. At Phokis the democrats called for the return of Mounychia and autonomy. Polyperchon arrived to remove the garrison but had to leave because of a shortage of provisions (D.S. XVIII 68.3); Alexandros continued the siege unsuccessfully. Finally, because of their failure to remove the garrison the Athenians capitulated with Kassandros in Spring 317 (D.S. XVIII 74). Although the democrats had been in control of Athens between April 318 and Spring 317 the polis itself had remained divided between the democratic asty and Piraeus since Autumn 31955. The democracy’s stability and eleutheria could not be guaranteed while the garrison in Mounychia split the polis. The garrison provided Kassandros with a naval blockade of the city, thus keeping the spectre of famine over Athens. It gave him a base of operations from which to lead attacks on Aigina and Salamis or dispatch a fleet to the Hellespont. In general, it displayed the continued threat of military intervention over the restored but fragile democracy; its removal was essential to democratic stability. The garrison, however, was a cause of some tension between Polyperchon and the democrats56. Alexandros arrived in Athens in mid- to lateMarch ostensibly to liberate the city from Nikanor’s garrison, but in reality he came, with Polyperchon’s connivance, to secure the garrison for himself. His connection with the oligarchs and his secret negotiations with Nikanor did not help his public image. Also, that Phokion and the oligarchs felt safe with Alexandros implies that they expected, probably not unreasonably, support from him and Polyperchon. Having been prosecuted in Athens and being well received by Alexandros, the 54 Poddighe 1998/9, 23-4, 31-4. Diodorus says that Athens only capitulated because she could not remove the garrison (XVIII 74.1-2). 55 IG II2 1201, l. 5-7 (shortly after 317): kaì polém[ou | genoméno]u ên t±i xÉrai kaì xwrisqént[wn t|oÕ Peirai¬v] kaì toÕ ãstewv, “and war being in the land, the Piraeus and city were seperated.” Bayliss (2002, 210-1) has pointed out that this schism prefigures the early third century division where Athens’ asty was democratic but Piraeus remained under a Macedonian garrison: IG II2 653, l. 21-2 (Gamelion 285/4), 654, l. 17-8, 32-5 (Skirophorion 285/4), 657, l. 31-6 (Boedromion 283/2), Agora XVI 181, l. 30-1 (Gamelion 282/1); cf. IG II2 646, l. 22-3 (Elaphebolion 295/4); SEG XXVIII 60, l. 65-6 (Posideon 270/69). 56 D.S. XVIII 65.3-5, 66.2; Plu. Phoc. 33.1-3. 616 S. WALLACE oligarchs were sent with Alexandros’ support to Polyperchon, who was tarrying in Phokis, near the village Pharygai. Fearing the oligarchs’ influence and evidently not trusting Polyperchon’s intentions, the democrats dispatched their own embassy. Polyperchon faced a difficult decision at Phokis. On the one hand he could side with the oligarchs, now blatantly unpopular in Athens, enforce their control in Athens, and secure Piraeus for himself. On the other hand he could side with the democrats, a faction with whom he had been in close collusion since Autumn 319, and restore Mounychia to the demos. The Athenian embassy, almost certainly under Hagnonides’ leadership, presented Polyperchon with its interpretation of the Edict: “to restore to them Munychia and their autonomy.”57 Realising that he would be held faithless throughout Greece should he not hold true to Athens, Polyperchon decided to support the democrats58. He entered Attica himself with the intention of securing Piraeus but was unable to remain and so left Alexandros to continue the siege. Interestingly, it is only from Phokis onwards that Polyperchon employed specific terminology: he called the Athenians “free and autonomous” when authorising their trial of Phokion, and he ordered the overthrow of Antipatros’ oligarchies and the return of autonomia to the Peloponnesian demoi59. Why the change? Diodorus and Plutarch imply that his contact with democratic Athens was decisive. It seems therefore to be the case that when confronted with Athens’ aggressively democratic interpretation of the Edict, Polyperchon altered his intentions and saw the merit of courting democratic support in Athens and Greece. As Dixon argued, he was adapting his propaganda to fit with its Greek reception. But Polyperchon’s delay at Phokis was concerned with more than just Athens, it was a prelude to his campaign in Greece and the enforcement in person of the terms of the Edict. It served as a diplomatic interlude in which cities could send embassies to him and the various factions could make their respective defences. As such, Polyperchon would have been influenced by more cities than just Athens, and some evidence of this exists. Denis Knoepfler has connected the Eretrian decree in honour 57 58 59 D.S. XVIII 66.2: t®n Mounuxían aûto⁄v doÕnai metà t±v aûtonomíav. Plu. Phoc. 33.4; D.S. XVIII 65.3, 66.1-2. Plu. Phoc. 34.4; D.S. XVIII 69.3. HISTORY AND HINDSIGHT — EUPHRON OF SIKYON 617 of the Macedonian Timotheos with Polyperchon’s actions in 31860. The Eretrian demos awarded Timotheos a bronze equestrian statue, a unique honour that shows how important his actions were to the demos. He also received the house of an exile, probably an oligarch, which itself implies regime change61. Knoepfler has suggested that Timotheos was sent to Eretria to enforce the terms of the Edict: restore the democracy and perhaps remove a garrison, just as Alexandros attempted at Athens. Further evidence exists from Eresos where we have record of an embassy sent to Philip Arrhidaios arguing whether the tyrants expelled by Alexander in 334-332 were liable for return; the delay at Phokis provides the best context for this embassy62. An important but understudied decree passed by the island of Nesos in honour of Thersippos, a herald of Alexander, records Polyperchon turning his attention towards Asia. Elisabetta Poddighe dated Polyperchon’s contact with Nesos to the Winter of 319/8, but his stay at Phokis provides another plausible context. Most recently, however, Paschalis Paschidis saw the inscription as evidence for an otherwise unattested campaign of Polyperchon in Asia in Winter 318/763. Polyperchon’s presence with Alexander in Asia Minor between 334332 would have been influential at this time64. Alexander removed oligarchies and very publicly granted eleutheria and/or demokratia to many Greek poleis, such as Ephesos, Chios, Mytilene, and Eresos65, the latter of which was in direct contact with Polyperchon in 319/8. From this, Polyperchon would have known how profitable it was to support democracy over oligarchy, and with the Edict we see him following 60 IG XII 9.196 = Knoepfler 2001, no. VII. Knoepfler has suggested that the Eretrian decrees IG XII 9.197 and 221 (=Knoepfler 2001, nos. VI and VIII), in honour of Myllenas and Tauron, and Aristonous respectively, also date from 318–15 and honour associates of Polyperchon. Michel, Recueil 530 provides a parallel for the distribution of the houses and property of oligarchic exiles, this time after Alexander’s victory at Granikos, see Michel, Recueil 531; Arr. An. I 17.2; Bosworth 1980b, 127-8; Rhodes and Lewis 1997, 421. 62 Rhodes/Osborne, GHI 83 §iv. 63 OGIS 4; Poddighe 2001; Paschidis 2008. 64 First attested at Issos, Polyperchon’s career has been treated by Berve (1926, 2: no. 654) and Heckel (1992, 188-204; 2006, s.v. Polyperchon; 2007c). 65 Ephesos: Arr. An. I 17.10–18.2; Chios: Rhodes/Osborne, GHI 84; Mytilene: Rhodes/ Osborne, GHI 85; Eresos: Rhodes/Osborne, GHI 83. Nawotka (2003) is essential reading. 61 618 S. WALLACE Alexander’s example66. It is however notable that we only have evidence for Polyperchon employing specific terminology, like democracy and oligarchy, from his stay in Phokis onwards, precisely the time at which he became aware of the democratic factions’ reaction to, and support of, his Edict. It appears, therefore, that although Polyperchon may have intended from the beginning to support democracy (and freedom) over oligarchy he only used these terms once Greece had responded to, and supported, the Edict as a document backing democratic freedom over oligarchy. Polyperchon mimicked Alexander’s earlier pragmatic support of democracy in Asia and only engaging in clear ideological dialogue with Athens and other Greek cities from his stay in Phokis onwards. This ideological dialogue continued throughout 318 and directly influenced the origin and formulation of the second decree for Euphron. 3. Decree of 318: Content and Function Attention now turns to the second Euphron decree of 318, particularly the ideological programme ascribed to Euphron within it. I argue that Athens sought to redefine Euphron’s role within the Hellenic War, and hence the war itself, so as to support her own hegemony in 318 at a time when Polyperchon’s star was waning. Since Hagnonides proposed the decree I look at his active role in shaping democratic ideology at this time. Finally, I trace the ideological connections between the decree and Polyperchon’s Edict and argue for a process of mutual ideological interaction between Polyperchon and Athens (and Greece) in 318. The second decree for Euphron was proposed by Hagnonides of Pergase. It dates from the archonship of Archippos, prytany 4, day 35, of Akamantis, on the last day of the month Maimakterion, roughly late November/early December 318. Euphron being now dead, the decree becomes a posthumous eulogy and offers more detail on Euphron’s 66 The Edict itself, particularly the clause pertaining to the restoration of exiles, was heavily influenced by Alexander’s Exiles’ Decree of 324, see Poddighe 1998/9, 36-7; 2002, 186-7. Poddighe (2007; 2009, 117-20) also suggests that Polyperchon and Athens focused on Antipatros rather than Alexander as the cause of the Hellenic War because neither wished to acknowledge that Alexander’s Exiles’ Decree and his insistence on Athens returning Samos back to the Samians caused the Hellenic War. The Edict gave Samos back to Athens but carefully avoided mention of Alexander. HISTORY AND HINDSIGHT — EUPHRON OF SIKYON 619 life67. It contrasts most notably with the first Euphron decree in its overt ideological programme and the ascription of this to Euphron’s actions in the Hellenic War; both are features unseen in the first decree. The relevant section is lines 46–65: Euphron, returning [from exile] expelled [the] garrison from the [Acropolis with the support of the] Sicyonians and [after freeing] the city (Sicyon)…when it happened that Greece suffered [misfortune and garrisons] were sent into the cities which had [expelled them], he preferred death at the hands of his enemies, [fighting] for the democracy, rather than to see his [own native city] or the rest of Greece enslaved…the government of the oligarchy (in Athens) deprived [him] of his privileges [and] destroyed the stelae; but now since the people has [come back] and has [recovered] its laws and democracy…68 (trans. Austin 2006, no. 32) The decree’s ideological programme could be drawn up as follows: demokratia is government under the laws. It avoids the imposition of garrisons and is a condition of eleutheria. The imposition of garrisons is connected with oligarchy and contrasted with demokratia and the laws. It is an aspect of douleia. Obviously, the decree is a constructed ideological manifesto of Athens’ own position in 318 and as such relates to the tenuous position of the restored democracy and its claim to legitimacy in the face of Kassandros’ garrison in Piraeus. Since it is concerned first and foremost with ideology, Euphron receives no further honours than those previously awarded him. That however is not to say that Euphron is unimportant. In fact Euphron’s actions provide the template onto which this ideological programme is fixed. The two key points within this are 67 Other examples of posthumous honours are those for Lykourgos (Plu. Mor. 851f–852e; IG II2 457) and Demosthenes (Plu. Mor. 850f–851c). In an interesting and complementary article, Culasso Gastaldi (2003) compares the honours for Euphron and Lykourgos. She argues that in both cases the honours, passed after a period of oligarchy, created the subjects as heroic ideals and patrons of freedom and democracy in an attempt to record their lives and inspire from them future emulation. 68 KatelqÑn E∆frwn [êk t±v fug±v tßn t]|e frouràn êzébale êk t±v âkro[pólewv ëkóntwn t¬n S]|ikuwníwn kaì t®n pólin êleuq[erÉsav…êpeid® dè sunébj t±i ¨Elládi âtuxj[s]á[sji frour]|àv eîspémpesqai eîv tàv póleiv tà[v] êg[b]a[loúsav, pr]|oeíleto teleut±sai üpò t¬n ênantíwn âg[wnihómen]|ov üpèr t±v djmokratíav ¿ste mßte t®n ëau[toÕ patr]|ída mßte t®n ãlljn ¨Ellada îde⁄n douleúousan…âfeílonto [aûtòn] | tàv dwreàv oï ên te⁄ ôliarxíai (sic) politeuómen[oi kaì] | tàv stßlav kaqe⁄lon· nÕn dè êpeid® º te d±mov [katel]|ßluqe kaì toùv nómouv kaì t®n djmokratían â[peílj]|fe. 620 S. WALLACE Euphron’s role in removing the garrison from Sikyon and his support for democracy. These actions and their ideological import were ignored in 323; that Athens applied them to Euphron and the Hellenic War in 318 reveals that she was altering the goals and ideology of the Hellenic War in light of her own struggles in 319–317. Democracy and garrisons were being used to redefine the Hellenic War and Euphron’s role within it. The decree of 318 and the stele itself are strong reassertions of Athens’ democratic principles. The restored democracy saw the recent oligarchy as illegitimate and in looking to the past to justify her present position fell upon Euphron. He had been honoured by the previous democracy only to have the stele destroyed and the honours invalidated by the oligarchy. Therefore, a reaffirmation of his honours (kaqáper ö d±mov êcjfísato [próte]|ron, l. 71-2) served as a reaffirmation of the restored and legitimate democracy69. In size the stele offers an imposing and expensive statement of democratic authority70. Within the text itself demokratia becomes synonymous with eleutheria by its contrast with douleia and in applying this to Euphron’s death Athens reinterpreted the Hellenic War as one fought by all Greece for democracy (l. 46–65). The decree’s relief also presented the Hellenic War as a democratic struggle. Features such as the riderless horse, which symbolises death, and the page, most likely Euphron’s son mentioned in the decree of 318, show that the relief was carved in 318 and not in 32371. The presence of Athena, Demos, and even the horse, however, indicate that the dramatic 69 Other examples for the re-inscription of honours might exist from 319–317. IG II2 391 (= Osborne, Naturalization 37) of late 319/8 reconfirms honours awarded one Alkimachos of Apollonia in 333/2. Walbank (1991) suggests that IG II2 374, which he dates to 319–317, reconfirms honours previously awarded Euenor of Akarnania (IG II2 242 and 373). IG II2 368 (= Schwenk, Athens Alex. 82) honours one Theophantos and, although preserving decrees of 332/1 and 323/2, may have been erected in 318/7 after the stele of 323/2 was knocked down, see Schwenk 1985, 401-7; Culasso Gastaldi 2002, 167 with n. 29; Lambert 2006, 122 no. 13, 133 no. 41, 138-9; SEG LIV 183. Interestingly, Lambert speculates that, based on his name, Theophantos may have been from Sikyon. 70 The relief would have held metal attachments. Lawton (1995, 12-3) speaks of how rare these were on document reliefs and emphasises this relief as a prominent example. She finds only one other example, no. 68 (= IG I3 91). The stele was paid for by both Athens and the family and friends of Euphron (IG II2 448, l. 72-4, 86-8). 71 For the imagery of the riderless horse, see Palagia 2003. HISTORY AND HINDSIGHT — EUPHRON OF SIKYON 621 moment is Euphron’s arrival in Athens in 32372. Demos and Euphron appear to be handing something to one another and since Euphron was not crowned in either the 323 or 318 decrees it is possible that he is depicted here handing to Demos Sikyon’s alliance with Athens. If so, it would further strengthen Athens’ redefinition of the Hellenic War as one fought on behalf of democracy. At the very least, the relief connects Euphron directly with the personified Athenian Demos and echoes Euphron’s image within the decree as a democratic paradigm fighting and dying on behalf of democracy. Its location by the stoa of Zeus Eleutherios/Soter, where Euphranor’s painting of Theseus, Demos, and Demokratia stood may also have added another level to the presentation of Euphron as democratic hero in the Hellenic War73. In numerous ways, therefore, Athens bridges the gap between 318 and 323 and connects the ideological motivation ascribed to Euphron in 318 with the Hellenic War itself. Moreover, the Athenian-created connection between democracy and Euphron is also projected into the future as the democracy is to take care of Euphron’s child, who is also depicted on the decree’s relief. For Athens Euphron could be made into a paradigmatic model of the democratic ideal: he fought against oligarchy on behalf of democracy and eleutheria and chose to die rather than see his fatherland and Greece enslaved. Garrisons also formed an important role as Athens saw her position in 318 paralleled by that of Sikyon in 323. The second Euphron decree says that in her misfortune after the Hellenic War Greece had to receive back into her cities the garrisons she had earlier cast out74. Although true for Sikyon, Athens suffered no garrison before the Hellenic War 72 Lawton 1995, 107-8. She however feels that the relief dates to 323. Supra n. 27. 74 IG II2 448, l. 53-4: êpeid® dè sunébj t±i ¨Elládi âtuxj[s]á[sji frour]|àv eîspémpesqai eîv tàv póleiv tà[v] êg[b]a[loúsav]. Kirchner’s IG restoration of [frour]|áv has been debated as it restores a stoichedon pattern of 40 letters in a predominantly 41 letter text. Lolling, following Diodorus XVIII 69.3 (toùv mèn di’ ˆAntipátrou kaqestaménouv ãrxontav êpì t±v ôligarxíav), suggested [ãrxont]av, thus restoring a line of 41 letters. However, as one would expect in a decree of over 3,500 characters, the stoichedon pattern is not infallible, cf. Osborne 1982, 105. Oliver (2003b) has pointed out that crowding of letters appears on lines 57, 59, 60, 68, and 87. Overall, I prefer to read [frour]|áv because it forms an internal balance with the earlier reference to Euphron removing the garrison from Sikyon (l. 46-8) and reveals continuity: as Greece removed her garrisons before the Hellenic War so does she have to receive them again after it. 73 622 S. WALLACE and only received one after it. Therefore, by applying oppression by garrisons to all Greece Athens presented the entire Hellenic War in light of her own struggle to be rid of the Macedonian garrison in 318. A clear example of this can be seen in the differing accounts offered by the first (323) and second (318) decrees on Euphron’s actions before his arrival at Athens. In the first decree we learn nothing of Euphron’s actions before his arrival in Athens with the announcement of friendship and alliance, an event signalled by the phrase [prÉ]t[j]n [t¬n ên Peloponn]|ßswi pólewn (l. 12–3). In the second decree however Euphron is said to have freed Sikyon with the willing help of the Sikyonians by removing the Macedonian garrison from the akropolis. The repetition of [prÉtjn t¬n ên] | Peloponnßswi pólewn (l. 49–50) tells us that this took place before his arrival at Athens and was therefore known at the time of drafting the first decree. By omitting mention of this in 323 Athens showed that it was unimportant to her, despite the fact that the removal of garrisons was an ostensible part of her diplomatic campaign before the Hellenic War (D.S. XVIII 10.2). In 318 Athens chose to applaud Euphron’s action in 323 because she was then suffering her own garrison and saw in Euphron and Sikyon a parallel: a man who freed Sikyon by removing the garrison with the willing support of the populace75. Euphron and Sikyon provided an example through which Athens could redefine the goals of the Hellenic War to fit her struggle in 318. He served as both a physical and ideological bridge between both cities at both points in time. As such his actions personified the Hellenic War in microcosm and provided a short-hand for connecting that war with the events of 318. But to what end? Polyperchon’s war for freedom and democracy had predictably enjoyed great initial success. Macedonia and northern Greece probably came quickly to his side, as did Athens, Eretria, and much of Greece76. There 75 IG II2 448, l. 46-8: [tßn t]|e frouràn êzébale êk t±v âkro[pólewv ëkóntwn t¬n S]|ikuwníwn kaì t®n pólin êleuq[erÉsav]. 76 Aigina and Salamis: D.S. XVIII 69.1-2; Troizen: Peek 1942, 41 no. 49; Corinth: implied by his later control of the city (D.S. XIX 74.2) and his presidency of the Isthmian Games (Dixon 2007); Messene: D.S. XIX 54.3-4; Matthaiou 2001; Argos: D.S. XIX 54.34; Oliver 2003c, 456; cf. SEG LIV 433; Pallantion: Staatsverträge III 419; Tegea: D.S. XVIII 35.1; Eresos: supra n. 62; Nesos: supra n. 63; Rhodes: Agora XVI 101; Poddighe 1998/9, 41-9; Heckel 1988, 69-70; Kos: Poddighe (1998/9, 55-9) connects IG II2 387, which honours one Sonikos, with IG XII 6.1.18, which mentions a Batichos son of Sonikos of HISTORY AND HINDSIGHT — EUPHRON OF SIKYON 623 would certainly have been many others. Numerous failures, however, contributed to a growing apathy within the Greek cities towards his cause (D.S. XVIII 74.1, 75.2): the siege of Megalopolis was a major military and diplomatic failure77; Kassandros enjoyed success in taking Aigina and, after an initial setback due to reinforcements from Polyperchon, Salamis78; he also captured the Attic fort of Panakton (Paus. I 25.6); the defeat of Kleitos’ fleet at the Hellespont removed Polyperchon’s naval capacity and placed Athens under further pressure by effectively closing off the Black Sea grain lines79; and further naval reinforcements provided by Eumenes were also lost (Polyaen. IV 6.9). By the time Polyperchon returned to Macedonia in Winter 318/7 his defeat was assured80. Athens, however, remained loyal throughout the Winter of 318/7 capitulating only in Spring 317 after a naval blockade of almost a year. Diodorus informs us that it was only with great reluctance that the Athenian democracy decided to open negotiations with Kassandros81. The decree for Euphron — December 318 — came therefore towards the end of Athens’ resistance, at a time when the possibility of Polyperchon’s effective help was rapidly declining. Athens had thrown her lot in with Polyperchon and with the continued loss of Piraeus and the Black Kos and dates shortly after the Hellenic War. Statues of Alexandros and Kratesipolis were erected at Delphi, but these are probably of later date, see F.Delphes III 4.464; Jacquemin 2004, 102. Polyperchon may have already been honoured in Delphi in 335/4 (SEG XLV 473). 77 D.S. XVIII 68-74. Heckel (1992, 197 n. 134) ascribes Polyaen. IV 14 to this campaign. 78 D.S. XVIII 69.1-2; Polyaen. IV 11.1; cf. Paus. I 35.2 with Landucci Gattinoni 2008, 261-2. 79 D.S. XVIII 72; Polyaen. IV 6.8; Engel 1973; Landucci Gattinoni 2008, 264-7. 80 Boiy 2007a, 140–1; Hammond and Walbank 1988, 137; Heckel 1992, 197. 81 D.S. XVIII 74.1-2. In fact, just as there was a democratic movement to Polyperchon in late 319 (supra n. 8), so may there have been some oligarchic movement away from the democracy in anticipation of final capitulation with Kassandros: Agora XVI 104 and 105 date from prytany 6, 318/7. As they were probably proposed by Archedikos, anagrapheus of 320/19, they may hint at oligarchic control of the ekklesia, see Oliver 2003b, 49-50 n. 35; Poddighe 2004. Democratic control of the ekklesia is implied for prytany 7 by IG II2 350, which was proposed by the pro-democratic politician Polyeuktos of Sphettos, see Culasso Gastaldi 2002. Breslin (1985) dates the decree to 331/0 but Osborne (1982, 108-11) and Culasso Gastaldi (2001) have argued convincingly for 318/7. Poddighe (2004, 15–7) sees Athens swaying between the democratic and oligarchic factions at this time as she negotiates peace with Kassandros. 624 S. WALLACE Sea grain trade, as well as the gradual dissolution of his alliance, Athens must have seen her democracy in dire straits82. However, there was some general feeling left in Greece for Polyperchon’s campaign, particularly since cities such as Tegea were willing to undergo siege rather than submit to Kassandros (D.S. XIX 35.1). Coming as it did at such an important and delicate moment in Athens’ history the decree for Euphron appears significant for Athens’ democracy in more ways than one. Diodorus specifies that only after the failure of Polyperchon, Olympias, Phokion, and Alexandros in removing the garrison did “one of those citizens who were accepted leaders [risk] the statement in the Assembly that it was for the advantage of the city to come to terms with Cassander” (D.S. XVIII 74.1). Sometime before this, however, Athens had turned in hope to the successful example of Euphron. Athens had suffered the split from Piraeus for over a year and the threat the garrison held to the democracy was vividly understood. Its removal was essential. Euphron’s example offered new hope and the possibility for liberation. He removed Sikyon’s garrison and died for democracy, a shining example of defiance against what Athens and Greece suffered after the Hellenic War, and continued to be threatened by. His actions were an inspiring call to future emulation, while his honours were designed to remind the Athenian populace of his actions and the possibility of a similar occurrence, something Athens sought to inspire by sending ambassadors to Sikyon, and no doubt elsewhere, specifying that she recognised benefactions and would honour not only the benefactors themselves but also their children (IG II2 448, l. 72–85)83. The re-characterisation of the Hellenic War in light of Athens’ concerns in 318 drew upon the hegemony she earlier held during the Hellenic 82 Athens probably turned to the Adriatic for more secure grain supplies. IG II2 350 honours an Apollonian and an Epidamnian who met on Athenian ships in north-west Greece. Osborne and Culasso Gastaldi (supra n. 81) suggested a connection with Polyperchon’s attempts to restore Olympias in early 317 (D.S. XIX 11.1-2). However, it is also likely that Athens was involved in securing her grain supply, particularly as she had sent an expedition to the Adriatic in 325/4: see Rhodes/Osborne, GHI 100; Oliver 2007, 44-5. It may be a sign of the times that at the end of 319/8 Athens re-established honours for another Apollonian, Alkimachos (supra n. 69). 83 Osborne 1982, 107: “[the honours were]… designed both to serve as an ostentatious re-assertion of the democratic cause in Athens and to offer encouragement to Sikyon (and in particular Euphron’s surviving son) to stand up against Kassander.” HISTORY AND HINDSIGHT — EUPHRON OF SIKYON 625 War84. Athens redefined the goals of the Hellenic War from a war fought on behalf of freedom to a war fought on behalf of democracy and freedom from garrisons. By directly associating the ideological programme of 318 with that of 323 Athens tried to create the present struggle as a continuation of the Hellenic War, adopting anew the justification and hegemony she enjoyed in 323 as the leader of the Greeks. As the ideological content of the decree connected the Hellenic War with the democratic struggle of 318 so did the continued Standort of the decree by Zeus Eleutherios/Soter define the current struggle, like the Hellenic War, as fought on behalf of Greek freedom85. As a product of 318, even the decree’s relief, with its focus on Euphron and Demos, contributed to this re-definition. Freedom and democracy coalesced with Athens trying to continue the democratic war against Kassandros and fill the military and ideological hole caused by Polyperchon’s failure. The decree is also a constructed appeal to Sikyon to support the war and see in Athens its natural leader. As such, Athens sent ambassadors to Sikyon to advertise the honours and make contact with Euphron’s family. It is highly possible that at this time Athens sent similar appeals to other cities, seeking support by applying to the present the alliances of the past86. Since the second Euphron decree was proposed by Hagnonides, the leader of the restored democracy, we can also detect his personal influence in the creation of the decree’s ideological programme87. Hagnonides had been prominent before the Hellenic War and it was only on Phokion’s personal request that Antipatros commuted his exile in 322 (Plu. Phoc. 29). In turn, Hagnonides callously led Phokion’s prosecution in Phokis and presided over his trial and execution in Athens. He was the leader of the radical democracy and as he knew that the fate of a political leader was inherently connected with the fate of the government, he would have realised by late 318 that should Kassandros succeed 84 In the same way, Athens used the Persian Wars to enforce her leadership in 323/2, supra n. 21. 85 A point strongly emphasised in Oliver 2003b. 86 Athens’ relationship with Sikyon in these years would have facilitated Athens’ alliance with a free and democratic Sikyon in 303/2, see D.S. XX 102; Agora XVI 115; and the new fragment published in McKesson Camp 2003, 273-5. It possibly continued into the third century as Agora XVI 178, of c. 286–62, honours a Sikyonian and mentions a strong pre-existing relationship with his family. 87 For Hagnonides, see KirchPA no. 176; Bayliss 2002, 357. 626 S. WALLACE and the democracy collapse then he could expect no better treatment than that which he gave Phokion88. Therefore, the appeals within the second Euphron decree for the continuation of the struggle and the preservation of the democracy represent not only the general fears of the democracy itself but also Hagnonides’ personal investment in the government’s well-being89. Hagnonides’ influence on democratic ideology and the redefinition of the Hellenic War can be further traced through the events of 318. He was a prominent member of the embassy sent to Phokis calling for Polyperchon to restore Mounychia and autonomy to Athens, and I have shown that he followed closely the terms of Polyperchon’s Edict90. Later, at Phokion’s trial in Athens, Hagnonides was the lead prosecutor. He proposed a decree (cßfisma gegramménon) calling for public vote as to whether or not Phokion and the oligarchs were guilty (Plu. Phoc. 34-5). Diodorus informs us that “the whole basis of the accusation was that after the Lamian War these men had been responsible for the enslavement of the fatherland and the overthrow of the democratic constitution and laws.”91 This charge prefigures that of the second Euphron decree minus the focus on garrisons, of which there was yet some hope of release in Spring 318. The Euphron decree shows a more layered and refined ideology but it appears that its ideological programme was developed from popular democratic opinion in 318, opinion influenced by Polyperchon’s Edict and expounded by Hagnonides himself. Finally, the re-definition of the Hellenic War within the second Euphron decree shows a direct ideological continuation from Polyperchon’s Edict. Plutarch says that Antipatros’ harshness made Greece long for Philip and Alexander (Phoc. 29.1). Antipatros’ preference for hands-on 88 Hinted by Plutarch (Phoc. 35). Meyer (1989, 256-7) is aware of this: “Genauso wichtig war jedoch die Demonstration der eigenen Position.” He also refers to the “persönlichen Antrag des Hagnonides.” Indeed, the need to commission such an imposing stele (and ideological text) perhaps implies that Hagnonides was concerned to impose democratic authority over a dissenting element within the populace. 90 Plu. Phoc. 33; D.S. XVIII 66.1-3; supra Section 2. Nepos (Phoc. 3.4) says that one Hagnon charged Phokion on the grounds that he had given Piraeus to Nikanor (hic ab Agnone accusatus, quod Piraeum Nicanori prodidisset). Heckel (2006, s.v. Hagnonides) sees this as an error for Hagnonides. 91 D.S. XVIII 66.5: ¥n d´ ö súmpav t±v katjgoríav lógov ºti oœtoi paraítioi gegénjntai metà tòn Lamiakòn pólemon t±v te douleíav t±Ç patrídi kaì t±v katalúsewv toÕ dßmou kaì t¬n nómwn. 89 HISTORY AND HINDSIGHT — EUPHRON OF SIKYON 627 military control certainly contrasted with Philip’s and Alexander’s more liberal approach, while his dissolution of the League of Corinth and the general peace took away any semblance of Macedonian deference to Greek opinion. Polyperchon fully understood this and when looking for support disassociated himself from Antipatros and used the Kings to give himself royal authority and a direct biological link to Philip and Alexander. He formalised this within the Edict by presenting Antipatros as an aberration, a general who assumed power, interrupted the legitimate run of the monarchy, and reversed Philip’s and Alexander’s policies. In order to promote himself in his present Polyperchon established a link with the past. Greece’s position under Philip and Alexander was reinterpreted in light of Polyperchon’s actions in 318 to provide a clearer contrast with Antipatros’ actions: as Antipatros had supported garrisons and oligarchy so did Polyperchon support freedom and democracy, now presented as the continuation of Philip and Alexander’s policy. Édouard Will argued that Polyperchon only granted an amnesty, because if he granted freedom (eleutheria) he would have been acknowledging the validity of the Hellenic War92. However, Polyperchon did grant freedom without acknowledging the validity of the Hellenic War by claiming that Greece was already free under Philip’s and Alexander’s general peace, a situation he was simply restoring93. That Athens accepted the Edict and followed Polyperchon meant that she implicitly acknowledged this view on her status under Philip and Alexander. But this left open the question of the Hellenic War’s impetus: why did Athens and Greece fight for freedom when they were already free? The second Euphron decree interacts with Polyperchon’s Edict and presents a new purpose for the Hellenic War, one in keeping with Polyperchon’s ideological programme. Athens and Greece are shown to have fought Antipatros94, rather than Alexander, which was 92 Will 1979, 48-51; 1984, 42-3. Polyperchon eschewed the ethnic formulation of eleutheria as anti-Persia or antiMacedon, earlier seen during the Hellenic War. Instead, he defined it against an individual, Antipatros/Kassandros, and his method of control, oligarchies and garrisons, a use employed by Alexander in Asia when he exchanged Persian oligarchies for democracies. By employing this in Greece, Polyperchon established the means by which a Macedonian could be defender, rather than destroyer, of Greek eleutheria. 94 An idea seen later: IG II2 467, l. 6-8 (306/5) [t¬i polémwi Ωn pepolémjke]|n ö d±mov ö ˆAqjnaíwn [pròv ˆAntípatron üpèr t±v êl]|euqeríav t¬n [¨E]llß[nwn], “[the war that has been fought] by the People of Athens [against Antipatros for the] freedom of the 93 628 S. WALLACE illegal under the terms of the general peace of 33895. The causes and goals of the Hellenic War were refined in the second Euphron decree to reflect Greek anger at its results. The war was thereby turned into a struggle against both Antipatros’ future actions (from the stand-point of 323) and his period of rule in Europe. It was not a conflict with Alexander, rather a revolt against his now illegitimate general. Taken together the Edict and the second Euphron decree form a coherent ideology, each growing from the political struggles of 318 and each influencing the other in the formulation of their democratic ideology. Conclusion Between the two decrees for Euphron we see Athens reinterpreting the aims of the Hellenic War based on her own experiences in 318. Euphron’s actions in Sikyon before and during the Hellenic War resonated with Athens and served as a case-study for the reinterpretation. Just as Polyperchon adapted his Edict to Greece’s reception of it so did Athens expand its ideology by applying it to Euphron’s actions at Sikyon in 323 and vicariously the entire Hellenic War. By back-projecting this shared ideological programme onto the actions of 323 Athens created an ideological connection between the events and democracies of 323 and 318. Athens was then able to appropriate in 318 the justification and hegemony she held during the Hellenic War. The honours for Euphron appear some time after the restoration of the democracy, which, by late 318, was in severe trouble. Euphron showed that in the wake of numerous failures there was still hope for removing the garrison and saving the legitimate but threatened democracy. His honours were also a cry for perseverance in the war with Kassandros; they carried the desperation of not only the democracy but of its leader and the decree’s proposer, Hagnonides. When taken together with the Edict the second Euphron decree shows an active ideological dialogue between both documents. [He]lle[nes],” trans. Harding 1985, no. 123b; D.S. 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