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Mediterranean Historical Review
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Genoese trade networks in the southern Iberian peninsula: trade,
transmission of technical knowledge and economic interactions
Alberto García Porrasa; Adela Fábregas Garcíaa
a
Departamento de Historia Medieval y Ciencias y Técnicas Historiográficas, Universidad de Granada,
Spain
Online publication date: 17 August 2010
To cite this Article García Porras, Alberto and Fábregas García, Adela(2010) 'Genoese trade networks in the southern
Iberian peninsula: trade, transmission of technical knowledge and economic interactions', Mediterranean Historical
Review, 25: 1, 35 — 51
To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/09518967.2010.494097
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Mediterranean Historical Review
Vol. 25, No. 1, June 2010, 35–51
Genoese trade networks in the southern Iberian peninsula: trade,
transmission of technical knowledge and economic interactions
Alberto Garcı́a Porras* and Adela Fábregas Garcı́a
Downloaded By: [Universidad Granada] At: 09:40 6 October 2010
Departamento de Historia Medieval y Ciencias y Técnicas Historiográficas, Universidad de
Granada, Spain
This paper presents the results of a research project undertaken at the University of
Granada, and in collaboration with several European research groups. We aim to
investigate the process of interaction and integration between different economic areas
in the western Mediterranean during the late Middle Ages. The southeast of the Iberian
Peninsula has been analysed as a case study. Genoese merchants were particularly
active within this area; they played a key role in connecting diverse trading areas
(including Seville, Granada, and Valencia), thanks to their complex trading network.
They controlled a wide range of production activities in key places, playing an
important role in the transmission of technical know-how, and thereby promoting the
reorganization of production activities. This complex process is exemplified by the
production of high-quality pottery (regarded as a luxury item).
Keywords: Nasrid Kingdom; Mediterranean trade; transmission of technical
knowledge; pottery production
Introduction
Recent historical research has brought to light that the economy of western Europe
underwent important changes during the late Middle Ages, at a time when new kinds of
‘capitalistic’ economic relationships started to emerge. This transformation took place in
different ways and at different times. Thus, when referring to the process and when
discussing the topic, historians would talk of a hierarchy of economic areas, implying that
certain regions depended upon others. This relationship was described in terms of
interactions between central areas and their environs, insisting on an ongoing process of
‘commercial colonization’ of dominant settlements over the regional areas they controlled
as a clear exemplification of this relationship. The Nasrid kingdom of Granada was
certainly part of this economic system, as was the rest of western Europe. It has been
suggested that this area had a ‘colonial’ dependence on the centres leading the commercial
development of the whole area. This case was not unique, as many others are known and
documented. In all fairness, this hypothesis was useful when it came to explain such
extremely complicated processes as general economic growth. Later on, however, this
idea was clarified and revisited by the same scholars who had previously formulated it.1
Perhaps, instead of attempting to reconstruct the role of the region we are studying
through a variety of clues (which in some circumstances might be regarded as arbitrary), it
might be more instructive to try to understand the process of economic growth and
integration of this area within a broader context during a period of general development.2
*Corresponding author. Email: agporras@ugr.es
ISSN 0951-8967 print/ISSN 1743-940X online
2010 Taylor Francis
DOI: 10.1080/09518967.2010.494097
http://www.informaworld.com
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36
A. Garcı́a Porras and A. Fábregas Garcı́a
Economic growth in the southern region of the Iberian Peninsula can be mainly linked
to Genoese trade. Indeed, Genoese merchants played a key role in joining up diverse
trading areas (for example, they included Seville, Granada, and Valencia in their trading
network). They organized production activities in areas like Granada and Valencia, while
at the same time playing an important role in the transmission of technical knowledge,
which can be regarded as a clear sign of the intent of reorganizing the production process.
Despite this, it cannot be assumed that Genoese merchants actually had a colonial
jurisdiction over the areas they controlled economically, and which were involved in the
development process as described above.3 This paper will discuss the most important
changes that influenced the trading characteristics of the Nasrid kingdom of Granada,
focusing on how the acts and interests of the major economic leaderships operating within
the Mediterranean area during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries influenced the
development of local economies. Their role in boosting new production activities – for
example, high-quality ceramics – is clearly related to trade, and will also be brought into
perspective.
The Nasrid kingdom of Granada and the Mediterranean trading network: Genoese
merchants and trade
Like other political entities, the Nasrid kingdom of Granada originated with the collapse of
the Almohade Empire, which was reduced to an Islamic enclave within the Iberian
peninsula. The consolidation of the economic system, together with its legitimization both
politically and religiously, had been two crucial issues since the foundation of the reign.
Because of its strategic position, the Nasrid kingdom was strictly connected to trade,
and had been so since its foundation. The only possible way to overcome the emerging
political difficulties was to develop its strategic economic vantage as a region where
western economic leadership could expand.
Concerning this point, it is known that from the early stages of their reign the Nasrid
sovereigns had openly encouraged trade and craft activities. In some cases it is likely that
they directly promoted certain types of production activities regarded as especially
profitable and therefore beneficial for trading purposes. To foster commercial enterprise,
favourable economic conditions were granted so as to facilitate as much as possible the
establishment of these activities.4
This ‘strategic’ interest in promoting a trading network met immediately with a
favourable response, whereby several countries took part in the process of reshaping the
economy of the Nasrid kingdom, as major economic authorities of the Mediterranean area
initiated diplomatic relations with the new reign of Granada. These agreements openly
included the presence of foreign merchants within the Nasrid area,5 and in this respect the
activities of the Genoese traders6 proved to have the greatest impact.
Genoese merchants were widely present in all the kingdoms of the Iberian peninsula,
including the Nasrid Granada, and had control over the trading system in its entirety.
Thanks to the reliable and dynamic network the Genoese had developed, they held sway
over a vast economic domain, increasing greatly their profits by interacting with
neighbouring areas.
The Ligurians were extremely skilful in knowing the right moment to sell certain
goods on a certain market, waiting for the favourable time, and this clearly exemplifies the
process described above. The information network created all around Europe by trading
companies, such as that belonging to Francesco Datini, should be considered in this
perspective. These people provided relevant information on when it was most convenient
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Mediterranean Historical Review
37
to sell certain kinds of goods. For example, when large quantities of dried fruits from the
Valencia7 area, or from the Nasrid8 kingdom, were being shipped to northern Europe, the
price of such goods dropped, which meant that it was possible to sell these foodstuffs at a
convenient price only if one had relevant information about when best to ship.9
The way Genoese merchants organized trade in the Nasrid kingdom, and how they
linked this trading network with the nearby areas where they were operating, clearly
exemplifies the methods by which they managed to integrate different regional areas into a
broader system. The picture outlined in the accounts written by some of the most
prominent Genoese merchants operating in Granada in the mid-fifteenth century helps to
clarify how this network was organized.
The head of the entire network was the distinguished Genoese merchant Francesco
Spinola quondam (son of the defunct) Pietri, a prominent member of the dynasty and of the
family trading company, which was successful on the leading European markets, from the
Atlantic coast (London and Bruges) to the Mediterranean area. Moreover, he was held in
great esteem by the Genoese community, and remained its effective leader during the
Nasrid kingdom. He was also close to the royal family, lending money to sovereigns and
acting as their representative abroad.10 He took full advantage of his charge and, thanks to
his considerable wealth, was able to pursue important business throughout the whole
region.
Spinola operated through a network of collaborators working directly for him, who
were located in the main economic towns of the Nasrid kingdom (Malaga, Granada,
Almeria, and Almuñécar). These agents were members of his own family and worked in
close contact with him, signing a contract with the company either for specific tasks for a
short period, or for more complex duties. Thanks to these conditions Spinola’s agents
could operate within the Nasrid kingdom on a local basis. Furthermore, they could rely on
local merchants who were providing Genoese merchants with goods such as dried fruits
and silk.
One such overseas dealer, Agostino Spinola, was put in charge of relations with the
Nasrid trade network from where he was living in Almuñécar, keeping regular contacts
with local merchants operating in nearby places like Jete and Motril. In order to facilitate
transactions and foster trade, Agostino regularly provided loans at accessible rates to local
merchants,11 such as Macomet Mormoso from Motril, who is recorded in documents as
supplying sugar for Genoese merchants.12 The overseas Spinola dealers followed similar
practices in other trade areas. The relationship between the Nasrid kingdom and the rest of
the Iberian peninsula have been investigated in detail and are now very well known,
especially concerning the nearby areas that were under closer control by the Genoese
merchants.
Communications between different trading networks in the peninsula and the western
Mediterranean (including the area controlled by the Genoese) were facilitated by the
capillary coastal navigation that that the Genoese fleets had established in the westernmost
part of the Mediterranean. By means of this costal navigation, they created a regional
trading network that resembled transoceanic trade, on a smaller scale, which comprised
several centres in the southern Iberian peninsula (Cadiz, Seville, Malaga, Almeria, and
Valencia) and in northern Africa (Tunis, Honeyn, Bujia, Oran), all of which came under
Genoese control.
These trading centres were linked to those in southern Castile by road routes, whereas
the journey between Cadiz and Malaga was often undertaken by sea. The combination of
journeys by road and by sea was quite common among Genoese merchants undertaking
coastal navigation in this area. Genoese merchants living in Granada dealt on a regular
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38
A. Garcı́a Porras and A. Fábregas Garcı́a
basis, and had long lasting commercial contacts in Cadiz and Seville through members of
their own trade network operating in the southern Iberian Peninsula, as well as through
routine dealing with local merchants. It is well known that Agostino Spinola was on good
terms with the Centurione family, who had settled in the Iberian Peninsula and had
contacts in the most important trading places, including Valencia, Seville, and Granada.
By the same token, connections with the Lomellini family, settled in Iberia, also proved
useful.
The influence of Genoese merchants based in the Nasrid region spread to other areas of
the Peninsula, including the Catalan and Aragon kingdoms. The relationship between
these two areas is especially interesting, given that during the fifteenth century Genoese
merchants started to take control of trade with the Levant, involving the network of trade
and control over production activities that they had been developing. By the means of
coastal navigation the Genoese managed to link up centres under their control all around
the Mediterranean, and to connect the trans-regional trade network between the Iberian
Peninsula with northern Africa, with the Atlantic routes. This was made possible thanks to
the extensive network of contacts that the Genoese had in each of the above-mentioned
harbours and marketplaces. These were well-established communities which in many
cases were organized into recognized institutions known as consulados (consulates),
grouping together merchants working on a regional or international basis.13
A ship registry (logbook) written by Filippo de Nigro for his journey in 1445 clearly
shows that Malaga was part of this trade network, and provides a clear picture of the
regional trade system controlled by the Spinola.14 It plainly reveals that Genoese
merchants were leading the commerce between the two shores of the western
Mediterranean, and were in full control of the major trading centres and the network they
had developed around them. Moreover, Genoese merchants used these centres as startingpoints for trafficking along the Atlantic routes. During the Nasrid period, Malaga proved to
take a central part in the trading system described above. As Malaga was an important
stopover along the coastal navigation routes, different commercial activities took place
there, making it a crucial business hub.15
Major European markets were part of this system. Georgio Spinola quondam Petri
(Francesco’s brother) was based in Bruges and in 143616 he is recorded as looking after
incoming goods. During the same year he took part in other transactions on behalf of his
brother for the family company in Granada.17 From 1455 onwards, his nephew Pietri
Spinula quondam Georgi replaced his father in the business in London and Bruges.18
Mediterranean market places were under the family control as well. The goods arriving in
Genoa were shipped on behalf of the Spinola, even though it is not clear if every time a
Spinola is named the document is actually referring to the trading company. For example,
in 1439 Francesco recorded in his account book in Granada that a small amount of
almonds (14 arrobas)19 and of raisins (17 arrobas) was shipped to Genoa; he sent these
items divided in four equal parts to the following recipients: Pietro Spinula quondam
Cepriani, Luca Spinula quondam Luciani, Teramo Spinola d. Catanei (together with his
father), and to Francesco himself.20 These kinds of transaction clearly show that these
merchants had a wide experience in running their companies, and were able to move goods
all around Europe with ease.
We are therefore dealing with a well-established network focusing on a common
interest that made possible the movement of goods, money, information, and people.
As recent research on this topic has shown, the trading networks created by these
merchants and within which they worked grew in importance.21 Scholars are no longer
discussing merchant operating on an individual basis, but as a complex system of
Mediterranean Historical Review
39
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relationships. These relationships implied close collaboration as well as the leadership
of different people, so that the merchant was part of a system whose complexity increased
in time.
Genoese merchants and their influence on production activities
The creation of a new trading system meant the existence of favourable conditions to
develop trade, along with the chance of profitable turnover for the foreign merchant
operating within that area.
Merchants were looking for the best buying/selling conditions, meaning that they
needed to buy the required goods at a proper rate. This was possible only if the availability
of the goods in question satisfied certain conditions – namely, that they were produced in
the adequate amount to satisfy the demand of the market, that they were either rare
products or complex objects to be manufactured, and that they were widely available
because local authorities made favourable conditions possible.
Obviously, merchants tried to operate within a compass that fulfilled as many of the
aforementioned conditions as possible. Whenever they could consolidate their business
thanks to favourable political conditions, they started increasing production activities.
Thus, they were able to ensure enough supply of certain products within that area, instead
of buying the same goods at a higher rate somewhere else.
This intervention had a positive impact in reorganizing the economic activities of the
area involved, whereby speculation was based on production. The processes involved here
are quite clear, and consist in addressing already existing production activities towards
international trade.
Sugar-cane and silk production and trade clearly show how the Nasrid area was part of
the economic system described above, which had characterized all of western Europe
since the early steps of the capitalistic model. In the kingdom of Granada, sugar-cane trade
was completely controlled by the Genoese. The profitability of this foodstuff on the
European market is undeniable, and hence this group of merchants encouraged and
supported the spread of cane-sugar crops in different places, reorganizing production as a
one-crop cultivation wherever possible. Such was the case in the Algarve, a nearby
Portuguese area, where the king of Portugal himself had encouraged the growing of sugarcane since 1410, after being persuaded of its convenience by the merchants themselves.22
A few years later, in 1416, the Genoese promoted cane-sugar cultivation in Valencia. The
plantations of Burriana and Castellón are the first ones known in this area, and once again
local authorities championed them, in this case the king of Catalonia and Aragon.
As before, Genoese merchants were among the owners of the first cane-sugar plantations
established in the Canary Islands and in Madeira, which had been colonized just a few
years earlier, marking the first production activity on the island.23 Cane-sugar is not the
only cultivation introduced by the Genoese as a one-crop cultivation. In the area under
study, Algeciras is the earliest known case of plantation slave-work in the Iberian
Peninsula, and Genoese merchants promoted this activity. The area around Granada is the
first known example of cane-sugar cultivation in the peninsula, and immediately after the
Castilian conquest, Genoese merchants organized production as an extensive one-crop
form of agriculture.
These examples show that Genoese merchants were deeply involved in reorganizing
economic areas, on the one hand creating the conditions for the transmission of production
experiences, and on the other, making possible the assimilation of new kinds of activities
within this international framework. Nevertheless, it is not clear what happened during the
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A. Garcı́a Porras and A. Fábregas Garcı́a
first phase of this economic expansion, as the available records do not state clearly how
and under what circumstances this process of integration took place.
Sometimes it is nearly impossible to identify and to reconstruct the transmission of
technical knowledge and, furthermore, the underlying economic interest that could be
defined as the cause of the creation and expansion of new economics areas. These changes
can be identified through the material evidence concerning the changes introduced and the
consequent progress in the production of traded objects. Thus, as perishable items, most of
the goods discussed here did not leave any archaeological evidence, so only the
documentary evidence ratifies the existence of these goods.
Ceramics, however, is one type of merchandise that left ‘traces’, and especially luxury
objects were among the non-perishable goods traded during the Middle Ages. Pottery has
generally been studied as the equivalent of ‘fossil dating’ for reconstructing the
chronology of different productions, but some scholars have published excellent studies
based uniquely upon written documents.
Nowadays, new approaches have been developed in studying ceramics from an
archaeological point of view. For example, it is possible to reconstruct the distribution of the
finds, sometimes using information technology such as GIS (geographic information system),
which makes it possible to reconstruct the routes of these products, as well as where they were
introduced and the places of higher concentration, which might indicate marketplaces.
Furthermore, physical and chemical analysis can be used to discern the composition of the
glaze. All these different approaches provide us detailed and direct information about the
places where these objects were made, and about the techniques used to make them. The
results of these researches make possible to reconstruct how technical knowledge was
transmitted between different areas and production centres. The transfer of technical
knowledge simply reflects the economic and commercial context of a certain period.24
Nasrid luxury ceramics: lustreware (loza azul y dorada)
The last part of this paper will put forward a case study on the production of lustreware, a
high-quality artefact diffuse during the Nasrid period. Even though a preliminary research
on sherds of lustreware has been undertaken, a systematic study is still lacking.
Nevertheless, the work carried out so far clearly shows what kind of information can come
out of this research.25
Although luxury pottery has been chosen as a case study, it is not the most significant
item for describing the economy of area in question, nor can it provide us exhaustive
information about the process of economic integration as a whole; and it is important not
to overestimate the role of ceramics among other traded goods. However, this item is
widely mentioned in written sources referring to economic transactions, even though its
role was not central, and could be regarded as secondary. On the one hand, pottery is so
important because it preserves well underground, thus it represents an important source of
information about the movement of objects. For this reason it can be used as main
reference when undertaking this kind of research.
On the other hand, its reliability can be questioned for several reasons: first, it seems to
be the earliest case of transmission of technical knowledge in the Nasrid kingdom; second,
it is a clear example of introduction of a new kind of production that underlies the
existence of trade on an international base; and third, it seems that the transmission of
technical knowledge involved different places at a later stage, in this case the Valencia
area.26
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Mediterranean Historical Review
41
Nasrid pottery was made in the ceramics production centres of the Islamic area in the
Iberian Peninsula from the mid-thirteenth until the late fifteenth century, when al-Andalus was
reduced to the southeast of the peninsula (nowadays the comunidades of Malaga, Granada,
and Almeria). Shortly after the foundation of this small new reign, the luxury ceramics
manufactured in its workshops developed certain distinctive features, like the combination of
particular unusual forms with decorations such as blue and lustred lines, making them easily
recognizable outside the kingdom. Lustreware known as loza azul y dorada is the most
common type of luxury pottery, and was widely appreciated on the European market
immediately after its production had started.27 This well-known type of tin-glazed pottery was
decorated with blue and golden lines that resulted from a complex production process.
The technique for producing tin-glazed pottery – that is, ceramics with an opaque white
glazing that could then be used as a background for painted decorations – was known in
al-Andalus since at least the period of the Ommayad caliphate of Cordoba (tenth century).28
As the potters working in the Nasrid kingdom of Granada acquired this technique, it
continued to be used over the following centuries. These craftsmen were able to paint
glaze decorations using a variety of oxides to produce different colours (copper for green,
manganese for purple or black). Moreover, they could make lustreware, requiring a far
more complex technique that had already been known in al-Andalus for several centuries.
The most important innovation introduced by Nasrid potters was the use of cobalt-blue
oxide to paint blue lines as a decoration. The result was a type of pottery that combined
blue decorations and lustre on a white background, with decorations representing
geometric or vegetal patterns, as well as figurative elements.
Lustreware was fired up to three times: the first firing was needed to make the vase in
itself (known as bizcocho), the second firing was for the glazing, in the opaque tin-glaze
decorated with blue lines and sometimes with dark lines, depending on which oxides were
used (cobalt for blue, manganese for purple and black). Finally, the third firing was needed
for the lustre decoration. The three firings were different from each other, and the last one in
particular involved a quite delicate process, taking place in a smaller kiln with a reducing
atmosphere – that is, an atmosphere lacking oxygen, by which all minerals remain in their
metal state.
Making this kind of pottery was fairly complicated, as different kilns were needed,
complex chemical transformations occurred, and a background of technical knowledge
was required. Doubtless, the objects produced in these workshops were of high quality,
with remarkably beautiful decorations.
This new kind of pottery was quickly identified as a typical product of the kingdom,
and circulated in different parts of Europe. It was not manufactured by chance, as the
technical features, as well as the chromatic and decorative patterns that characterized the
earliest production, were already completely developed. It is certainly a luxury product
that had been conceived, made, and sold to satisfy a specific demand of the market. We
believe that, in the first instance, it was specifically made for the Nasrid court; at a later
stage, it was sold on the market as a luxury item.
Nasrid ceramics as representative of a new dynasty
If we consider where workshops were located, the role of these ceramics as representative
of the new Nasrid court becomes evident. This is especially clear if we take into account
the workshops operating in Granada, where most of the vessels in question were produced.
Firstly, we should consider the Alhambra itself,29 a palatial citadel that abounded in
workshops working directly for the royal family, and where an area once assigned for
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A. Garcı́a Porras and A. Fábregas Garcı́a
ceramic production has been identified.30 Despite the large quantity of ceramic sherds
recovered, it is not possible to ascertain precisely what kind of pottery was produced in
these kilns. Nevertheless, it is worth noting that inside the royal city itself, there was an
area dedicated to ceramics production.
The second case of a production area linked to the royal power we know about is
located in the town of Granada, and shows similar features. This is the area known as the
Cuarto Real de Santo Domingo,31 where remains of a palace belonging to the Nasrid
dynasty have been recently recovered. This palatial area is quite close to the zone where
potters had their kilns. It was supplied with water and clay, where medieval and modern
workshops were also located.
In both cases, the combination between buildings belonging to the first Nasrid kings,
and craft or agricultural activities – including polluting ones such as pottery-making –
suggests that to a certain extent the Nasrid dynasty had control over production activities
in Granada. The role of ceramics as a typical feature representative of the Nasrid dynasty is
quite evident, given the frequent use of the ceramics made in Malaga as diplomatic gifts.
For example, in the mid-fifteenth century the king of Granada sent ambassadors to the
Mameluke sultan in Cairo. Fairly detailed accounts are available of this event, and the
presents sent to the sultan included pieces of ceramics from Malaga.32
The role of ceramics as propaganda was not new in al-Andalus. Earlier on, during the
caliph period, glazed pottery decorated in green and brown (verde y manganeso) served a
similar purpose. The role played by sgraffiato ware made in Murcia and its environs
during the Almohade period has been interpreted in a similar way. Concerning verde y
manganeso production, it has been pointed out that this kind of pottery was made in
workshops located in Cordoba, and that the colours used for the decorative patterns were
a clear reference to the leading family (white for the Omayyad) and their religious
commitment (green symbolized the Prophet).33 Among the sherds with a strong symbolic
Figure 1. Large safa bowl decorated with the Nasrid coats-of-arms (Alhambra Museum, Granada,
Spain).
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Mediterranean Historical Review
43
Figure 2. Small safa bowl decorated with the Nasrid coats-of-arms (Alhambra Museum, Granada,
Spain).
meaning, some pieces decorated with the sign al-mulk (power) were recovered in Madina
al-Zahra. As regards the period of the Hudies from Murcia, during the relative period in
which they controlled the area, sgraffiato ware with black decorations was produced
extensively (black was the colour of the Abbasid, with whom Ibn Hud was on good
terms). On such goods, scenes depicting court life in an oriental style are quite common.34
Some of the pottery workshops were located close to the Nasrid palaces – that is, close
to the hearth of political power, like the Alhambra and the Cuarto Real de Santo Domingo.
As noted above, the decorative patterns of the ceramics produced in these centres often had
symbolic meaning, as in the case of the inscription al-mulk present on several jars, along
with the coat-of-arms representing the Nasrid dynasty painted on some dishes and tiles.
Both seem to point to the promotional role of Nasrid pottery decorated in blue and
lustreware.35
Commercial trends of Nasrid ceramics
As mentioned earlier, a detailed analysis of these ceramic sherds can provide us relevant
information about the economic strategies employed by the new dynasty, and their attitude
in supporting production activities with relevant commercial output. The aim was to
regularize finances, and the production activities promoted included pottery workshops.36
The trading network underlying the production system shows up clearly if we look either
at the location of the most important workshops, or at their proximity to the centre of
political power (the Alhambra or the Cuarto Real de Santo Domingo). Moreover, several
important production centres are located in harbours that played a central role within the
trading network.
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A. Garcı́a Porras and A. Fábregas Garcı́a
Two of the most important production centres were established in Malaga and Almeria.
In Malaga, the workshops were located on the foothills of the El Ejido Mountain in the poor
quarter known as Fontanalla. All the resources needed for this kind of activity were
available within this area: flowing water and raw materials were available in the outskirts.37
Concerning Almeria, archaeological excavations and occasional random findings show
that the kind of pottery mentioned above was produced in there too.38 Though there are no
records of a kiln to prove the production of Nasrid lustreware, pottery kiln wastes of
lustreware and tin-glazed pottery decorated with cobalt blue suggest that production may
have been carried out in those workshops. In fact, as mentioned above, a small kiln would
have been necessary to produce this pottery, but none has been identified so far.
These craft activities involved economic interest. In this respect Ligurian merchants
played an important role and were obviously supported by the sovereign of Granada, who
had an international role in trade and, as documentary evidence reveals, was exploiting
the land tenure of the Nasrid royal family both in Granada and in different regions of his
kingdom.39
The role of these activities and the profits they made possible were on the whole
marginal, particularly if we take into account the most important products traded within
the Nasrid international commercial system like silk, dried fruits, and sugar. The Nasrid
sovereigns nevertheless encouraged these productions.40
The origins of cobalt blue and lustreware pottery (loza azul y dorada): Nasrid and
Tunisian ceramics
As discussed above, in terms of production Nasrid pottery was the result of a long-lasting
tradition. The technical devices used by the most important potters working throughout the
reign to make cobalt-blue and lustreware pottery had previously been developed in alAndalus. The new device introduced was the use of cobalt blue, which considerably
increased chromatic combination, as well as the number of decorative patterns. The new
decorations characterized these productions, and were the result of transmission of
technical knowledge.
For a long time it has been assumed that a new production could start simply by
imitating models already in circulation, or by introducing new features. Now that we
understand the complexity of the techniques required to start a new production, or to
innovate an existing one, it is clear that learning a new technique was possible only
through the transmission of technical knowledge. Generally speaking, only if craftsmen, in
this case potters, moved from one centre to the next could a new production start
successfully.41 Some research projects on Nasrid ceramics undertaken during the last few
years have focused on clarifying the origin of this process.
Before Nasrid lustreware painted with cobalt blue started to be produced, several types
of ceramic decorated with cobalt blue circulated within the Mediterranean. Among these, a
class known as ‘cobalt and manganese’, made in Ifriquiya, in the region of Tunis, was in
wide circulation.42
A comparative study between the two productions (Tunisian and Nasrid) is still in its
early stages, and is focused on decorative patterns. According to results achieved so far, it
can be said that the relationship between different decorative patterns used in Tunis and
Granada is clear. New ways of producing pottery suddenly appeared in Granada between
the late thirteenth and early fourteenth century, and all technical devices and decorative
patterns proved to be fully established. This process can be understood only if we take into
account that the skills required were already known in Tunisia.43
Mediterranean Historical Review
45
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Genoese merchants and early production of Nasrid lustreware decorated with cobalt
blue (loza azul y dorada)
The transmission of technical knowledge needs discussing in order to understand how in
Nasrid Granada complex pieces were produced, starting from northern African models.
In order to understand this process it is important to take into account the importance of
Tunisian objects as traded goods. We know that Tunisian ceramics were known and
appreciated in different areas of the western Mediterranean. These objects circulated
widely on an international basis.44 It is worth pointing out at least two issues.
Figure 3. Tunisian conical plate (Kasbah, Tunis), and Nasrid small safa bowl (Alhambra,
Granada).
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46
A. Garcı́a Porras and A. Fábregas Garcı́a
First, a preliminary analysis of the geographical distribution of these objects within the
Mediterranean area seems to indicate that the vast majority of these vessels were collected
in harbours that were frequented by Italian merchants. Thus, it can be suggested that these
merchants – especially the Genoese ones – controlled the distribution of these products
both within the Mediterranean and in Tunisia.
On the other hand, thanks to research undertaken in Italy, it is possible to ascertain
when this process took place. Tunisian vessels were employed in Tuscany to decorate
façades and bell-towers, as well as for private use during a short length of time spanning
the end of the twelfth and the beginning of the thirteenth centuries.45 Afterwards, the
number of Tunisian vessels decreased abruptly, while pieces from al-Andalus began to
circulate. In the first instance, lustreware pottery arrived in Tuscany, and then lustreware
with blue decorations began to spread. It is worth noting that this new kind of pottery
imported from al-Andalus can mainly be found within certain regional areas (Tuscany,
Liguria, Sardinia, as well as in Venice). Thus, it seems that these new imports replaced the
earlier Tunisian production. As pointed out above, the new production had similar colours
and decorative patterns.46
It is quite clear that the process of assimilation of new technical devices in potterymaking in the southern Iberian peninsula, and the shift in the circulation of Islamic
imported pottery decorated with blue lines within the Christian area of the western
Mediterranean are closely connected.
Concerning the first point, although it is impossible to formulate a comprehensive
account of the transmission of technical knowledge and of potters’ movements from one
place to the next, it is quite likely that these techniques, as well as the decorative patterns
fashionable during the Nasrid period, imitated those of the area of Ifriquiya.
According to the changes that occurred in the imports of Italian ceramics, the data
collected so far show that Islamic pottery decorated in blue was no longer exported from
Tunisia but from Spain.47 These two processes are closely connected, and Italian merchants
took part in both of them. Genoese merchants in particular were responsible for the
introduction of Tunisian ceramics into western Mediterranean trade, and later for the
circulation of Nasrid pottery, which actually replaced the former. According to this
hypothesis, it can be assumed that merchants were involved, at different levels, in the
production of this new kind of pottery in Granada, channelling production activities
towards profitable business. In fact, they aimed to stimulate production districts on the basis
of their own commercial networks. As we argued at the start of this paper, this phenomenon
shows up clearly in different activities and in the production of a variety of goods.
Conclusions
It is not unusual for the transmission of technical knowledge and the establishment of new
production activities, together with the movement of craftsmen, to follow commercial
interests, in order to increase the production of goods that could be traded profitably. In
this respect, merchants can be regarded as the means of transmission of technical
knowledge.
They could rely on the local sovereign – in this case, on Nasrid kings who, as
discussed above, were keen to develop crafts such as ceramics production that could
symbolize their recently established authority, which was undergoing a process of
legitimization.
The establishment of a new craft such as pottery-making in the kingdom of Granada
did not occur by chance. The influence of the recently established Nasrid realm, together
Mediterranean Historical Review
47
with the Ligurian merchants’ familiarity with market demands, made possible the
circumstances leading to this new ceramics production, and to the transmission of the
technical knowledge needed.
Acknowledgements
This paper summarizes the results of the research undertaken as part of the research program I þ D
(MEC. HUM2006-06210), ‘Transferencias de conocimiento tecnológico aplicadas a la producción
cerámica entre las áreas islámica y cristiana durante la Baja Edad Media. Bases para la construcción
de un tejido productivo y mercantil’.
Notes
1.
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2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
Heers, ‘Le Royaume de Grenade’; Melis, ‘Malaga nel sistema economico’; Chiappa Mauri, ‘Il
commercio occidentale’; Boscolo, ‘Gli insediamenti genovesi’; Pistarino, ‘Génova medieval’;
López de Coca, ‘Málaga, “colonia” genovesa’; idem, ‘El periodo nazarı́’.
Pérez Picazo, Lemeunier and Segura, ‘Desigualdad y Dependencia’; Epstein, Freedom and
Growth; Casado Alonso, ‘El comercio internacional castellano’.
López de Coca, ‘El reino nazarı́’.
To prevent craftsmen from moving away, special laws to restrict their movements were issued,
but they were also offered a place to live and work ( funduq). By such means the Nasrid
sovereign aimed to safeguard these craft activities.
Lisciandrelli, Trattati e negoziazioni; López de Coca ‘Génova y el Reino de Granada’; Salicrú,
‘¿Repensando Granada?’, Petti Balbi, Negoziare fuori Patria; Pistarino and Gari, ‘Un trattato
fra la repubblica di Genova’; Gari, ‘Génova y Granada’.
Gari and Salicrú, ‘Las ciudades del triángulo’; Salicrú, ‘La Corona de Aragón y Génova’;
López de Coca, ‘Sobre las galeras venecianas de Poniente’; Fábregas, ‘Estrategias de
actuación’.
‘ . . . fosse venuto davanti la quaresima radoppiavano i danari di quella frutta Della
Chantera . . . che mancamento ci si a di zibibo e di fichi questo anno per essere anchora venuti
pochi navili di Spagna’, Archivio di Stato di Prato (A.S.P), Archivio Datini (A.D.), Carteggio
Comune (C.C.), Filza 855 Bruggia-Barzalona, doc. 118483, 12 February 1407.
‘ . . . mandarle ci sono abasate per l’asai venuteciene costı̀ di Malicha . . . ’ A.S.P., A.D., C.C.,
Filza 979, Bruggia-Valenza, doc. 801913, 7 June 1397; ‘ . . . Voi dite sopera fichi ne saranno
assai e simile uva, non sarebe da inpaciarsene però que’ di Malicha tolgo’ la condizio’ a tutti
per buon merchato ne fanno . . . ’, A.S.P., A.D., C.C., Filza 979, Bruggia-Valenza, doc. 422776,
18 August 1393.
‘Voi arete sentito di quella nave de Leonardo Spinola che portava la frutta di Malicha che a dı̀
2 di questo essendo per entrare qui nel porto Della Schiusa circha a 2 leghe di fuori si perde la
nave e lle merchatantie . . . per la rotta desta nave ne varando qui di meglo zucheri e
mandorlle . . . ’ A.S.P., A.D., C.C., Filza 980, Bruggia-Valenza, doc. 604941, 27 November
1408.
Airaldi, Genova e Spagna; Petti Balbi, ‘Le strategie mercantili’; Fábregas, ‘Actividad comercial’.
Among the wide range of existing examples, I will quote the most relevant ones only. Four
cloths from London were traded in exchange for 136 arroba of sugar (see note 19) in Malaga in
1432. The exchange took place between Vincinguerra Spinola and Aim Benexeich (Archivio di
Stato di Genova, Notai Antichi., Branca Bagnara, 510, fols. 283 r. y 286 r); trade of 23 arreldes
and 12 ounces of silk, given by Aim Aben Xiec to Francesco Spinola in exchange for ‘ . . . jarre
XVIIII oleorum de Maiorica racionatis colle CIIII de marcha eiis venductis a b. VII d. V cola,
asendunt b. DCCLXXX et preciis ro. XXVIII septa fina pro Janua quam dare debent in fondaco
Murleche . . . ’ (Archivio Durazzo-Giustiniani, sección Sauli (A.D.-G., S.), man. 1839, fol. 62).
Another example is the trade of silk in exchange for cloths that Spinola noted down between
1435 and 1439. The cloth trade was regarded as advantageous for Genoese merchants, as it was
an indirect way to get silk. Fábregas, ‘Aprovisionamiento de la seda’.
Fábregas, Un mercader genovés, fol. XXXIIv.
Petti Balbi, Negoziare fuori Patria.
The logbook of the ship belonging to Filippo di Nigro is mentioned for the first time in Chiappa
Mauri, ‘Il commercio occidentale’; Heers, ‘Gênes et l’Afrique du Nord’; this text has recently
48
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
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22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
A. Garcı́a Porras and A. Fábregas Garcı́a
been analysed in detail concerning the connections that this merchant had in Granada:
Fábregas, ‘Redes de comercio’.
Melis, ‘Malaga nel sistema economico’.
A.D.-G., S., man. 1839, fol. 113.
A.D.-G., S., man. 1839, fol. 116.
A.D.-G., S., man. 1842, fol. 46.
Translator’s note: arroba ¼ Spanish unit of weight and of liquid measure, varying according
to region (between 11.502 kg and 12.5 kg, equivalent to about 15 litres).
A.D.-G., S., man. 1839, fol. 211 (1439).
Del Treppo, Sistemi di rapporti; Cruselles, ‘Jerarquización y especialización’; Igual, ‘Valencia
y Sevilla’.
Arquivo Nacional Torre do Tombo (A.N.T.T.), Chancilleria D. João, liv. II, fol. 200. A.N.T.T.,
Chanc. D. João I, liv. III, fol. 111r.
Vieira, ‘A Madeira e o mercado do açúcar’.
Garcı́a Porras, ‘Una aplicación del SIG’.
Garcı́a Porras, ‘Transmisiones tecnológicas’.
Ibid.
Hurst, ‘Spanish pottery imported’; Khunel, ‘Loza hispanoárabe’; Blake, ‘La cerámica
medievale’, 64 – 6; Berti and Tongiorgi, Ceramiche importate, 11 – 12; Gutiérrez,
Mediterranean Pottery, 15 – 23.
Cano, Cerámica Verde y Manganese. The pottery known as verde y manganeso (green and
manganese) dates to this period.
Malpica, La Alhambra.
Torres Balbás, ‘Cerámica doméstica’, 52.
Garcı́a Porras and Muñoz Waissen, ‘Un espacio singular’.
Seco de Lucena Paredes, ‘Viaje a Oriente’, 18.
Barceló, ‘Al-mulk’.
Ibid.
We will make reference to a recent work only: Variorum (AA.VV.), Los Jarrones. In this work,
there are images of some Nasrid objects with the sign al-mulk (‘the power’), no. 7, p. 154, no.
cat. 9, p. 158 (Jars from Palermo), no. cat. 10, p. 162 (jars from the Charterhouse in Jerez), or
with the coat-of-arms of the Nasrid family, cat. no. 29 p. 198, n8 34, p. 208.
Malpica, ‘La expansión de la ciudad’; idem, ‘La expansión urbana’
The archaeological excavations undertaken during recent years have made it possible to
recover several potters’ workshops dating to this period. Some references can be found in
Salado, Rambla Torralbo and Mayorga, ‘Nuevas aportaciones’.
Flores, Muñoz Martı́n and Lirola Delgado, ‘Las producciones’; Flores Escobosa, ‘La
producción de loza dorada’.
Fábregas, ‘Actividad comercial’.
Garcı́a Porras, ‘La cerámica española’.
Berti, Mannoni and Gelichi, ‘Transformazioni tecnologiche’; Berti and Gelichi, ‘Trasmissioni
di tecnologie’.
Daoulatli, ‘Le bleu et le brun’.
Garcı́a, ‘Los orı́genes de la cerámica nazarı́’.
Berti, ‘La cerámica tunisina’.
Berti and Tongiorgi, I bacini ceramici, 207– 11; idem, ‘Cerámica a cobalto e manganese’. In
this context, Tunisian ceramics with lines in cobalt and manganese dates to the same period as
lustreware pottery from southeastern Al-Andalus. Concerning the importance of these objects
see Abulafia, ‘The Pisan “bacini”’.
Garcı́a Porras, ‘La cerámica española’, 133– 35.
Ibid., 141. It should be stressed that the wide circulation of Nasrid ceramics in the
Mediterranean area was short-lived.
Notes on contributors
Alberto Garcı́a Porras (1969) is professor in Medieval History at the University of Granada, where he
gained his PhD in Medieval History in 1998. Alberto has held post-doctoral fellowships at the
University of Siena and Venice. His major area of interest is archaeological research on al-Andalus
Mediterranean Historical Review
49
and he has published several works on this topic, especially on ceramics production. His approach to
ceramics study includes social analysis on the production, consumption and distribution/trading of
goods.
Adela Fábregas Garcı́a (1969) is professor in Medieval History at the University of Granada, where
she gained her PhD in Medieval History in 1999. Adela has held post-doctoral fellowships in Genoa,
Lisbon and Venice. Her major area of interest is the international trade in the Nasrid Kingdom
between the thirteenth and the fifteenth centuries, and the role of Italian merchants in particular.
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