“Writing up rather than writing down”:
Becoming Wikipedia Literate
Heather Ford
R. Stuart Geiger
Ushahidi
UC-Berkeley School of Information
102 South Hall, Berkeley CA 94703
hford@ushahidi.com
stuart@stuartgeiger.com
ABSTRACT
Editing Wikipedia is certainly not as simple as learning the
MediaWiki syntax and knowing where the “edit” bar is, but how
do we conceptualize the cultural and organizational
understandings that make an effective contributor? We draw on
work of literacy practitioner and theorist Richard Darville to
advocate a multi-faceted theory of literacy that sheds light on
what new knowledges and organizational forms are required to
improve participation in Wikipedia’s communities. We outline
what Darville refers to as the “background knowledges” required
to be an empowered, literate member and apply this to the
Wikipedia community. Using a series of examples drawn from
interviews with new editors and qualitative studies of
controversies in Wikipedia, we identify and outline several
different literacy asymmetries.
Categories and Subject Descriptors
H.5.3 [Information Systems]: Group and Organization
Interfaces—computer-supported collaborative work
Keywords
Literacy; Wikipedia; new literacies; educational technology;
ethnography
1. INTRODUCTION
Working as a teacher, advocate and researcher in the literacy
community for nearly 30 years, Richard Darville wrote a series of
articles about how people learn and what it means to become
literate. His message, an extension of the current shift towards a
“social practices” conception of literacies, reframes literacy as
fundamentally a way for people to be able to take part in some
social activity. As he argues, “It’s not that there’s a skill (a merely
cognitive process), and then a social context. Literacy is social all
the way down.” [1] One of the most important consequences of
such a framework is that learning is seen as inherently contextual
and localized, with a wide variety of background knowledges and
skills necessary to read and write in a particular genre. This is
particularly the case in institutional genres – texts about and in the
workplace, law, healthcare, even the news which Darville has
spent the majority of his career studying. He argues that because
texts are strongly linked to social practices in institutions, they:
are often put together so that their sense is impenetrable for
novice readers. All texts assume particular “background
knowledge.” All aim at some “implied reader.” Texts
effectively exclude learners when they take someone very
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different as their implied reader, or simply assume knowledge
that a learner doesn’t have. These are roadblocks to “becoming
literate” that cannot be overcome even by reading more
closely, or between the lines. [6]
Our understanding of literacy draws extensively from Darville’s
subsequent concept of “organizational literacy”, which refers to
the ability to read and write in such a way that takes into account
how a particular document has been or will be circulated,
interpreted, and evaluated within an organization. Darville’s most
compelling example is that of job applicants: unlike those without
organizational literacy, “experts” to the process know how to
articulate their skills and qualifications in such a way that it will
flow through various levels of a human resources bureaucracy,
receiving favorable evaluations each time. For example, a job
applicant with high organizational literacy knows how to read a
job listing and intuit how their potential application will be read.
While many of these skills are also involved in the extensive
studies and theories around organizational learning, organizational
literacy is not equivalent to organizational know-how or
familiarity, largely because it is specific to the practices around
documents and text. However, this is a tenuous distinction,
primarily because our framework embraces the multifaceted ways
in which reading and writing are often the primary way in which
members of an organization interact with each other. This is
particularly the case in highly mediated organizations like
Wikipedia, and a number of Wikipedia researchers have exploited
this fact to perform a wide variety of analyses.
Similarly,
Wikipedia as an organization is highly structured and learning
such structures is a critical aspect of socialization, as has
documented in rich detail.
Editors have complex ways of doing and documenting
encyclopedic work, particularly through the use of templates and
other institutional forms, leaving traces that are invaluable for
each other but difficult for new users to comprehend. In fact, as
Geiger and Ribes demonstrate in their "trace ethnography" [8, 9],
almost every socially relevant action that takes place in Wikipedia
is logged and often categorized. Due to the sheer size of the
encyclopedia project, Wikipedians have developed sophisticated
ways and tools to track these logs and revision histories to
efficiently organize ad-hoc groups to collectively make specific
decisions based on general norms, principles, and procedures.
This decentralized mode of governance is what has made it
possible for the all-volunteer Wikipedian community to
collectively build and maintain the project. However, this mode is
often impenetrable for new editors who lack the organizational
literacies required to interpret and author texts and traces.
For example, nominating an article for deletion is a well-defined
procedure in Wikipedia’s article deletion bureaucracy, requiring
that an editor leave a series of traces that, first and foremost, serve
to inform others that the article is being nominated for deletion.
Wikipedians with and without administrative privileges routinely
patrol new pages, and any editor can “tag” an article for speedy
deletion if they believe it fits one of the project’s dozens of
criteria for speedy deletion. Administrators are then able to
unilaterally delete tagged articles that meet certain criteria –
including obvious copyright infringement, lack of notability, or
vandalism. Nominating an article for deletion or contesting a
deletion are simultaneously rhetorical, normative, organizational,
and technical acts. Yet in Wikipedia, like in many socio-technical
systems, these aspects are compressed into the creation of a single
standardized trace – which consequently makes the nomination
able to be seen, aggregated, conceptualized, and discussed. A
proper response is also codified into this regime of tracing: to
contest a deletion, one must not only craft the proper argument
and click “submit”, but more importantly do so in such a way that
the statement is made visible to Wikipedians who utilize
specialized modes of tracing to manage the article deletion
process. This is but one example that illustrates how new editors
to Wikipedia are often at a substantial disadvantage when
interacting with veterans.
We focus on these asymmetries, arguing that a variety of activities
and practices collectively constitute a new kind of literacy that has
been generally passed over in most discussions of both the
problems new Wikipedia editors face as well as the broader
“digital literacy” literature. We present three cases that illustrate
the various problems new users have when entering Wikipedia.
Each demonstrates a different way in which the ability to interpret
and author texts are prerequisites for full participation in a
massively distributed and highly mediated community like
Wikipedia. Darville’s argument is quite applicable to these cases,
as such literacy asymmetries are not the kind that can be
overcome by “reading more closely” or “between the lines.”
Without an understanding of the people and the processes that are
attached to these texts, a newbie can become confused not only
about what the texts are saying, but also how to use them, or even
“how to talk back” [6]. We try not to make any claims in the
above examples about whether a deletion decision was legitimate
or illegitimate. What is more important is to describe and analyze
the misunderstandings that occurred, pointing to the kinds of
“background knowledges” required to be a more effective editor.
2. LITERATURE REVIEW
When Wikipedia is discussed in terms of literacy it is usually in
response to attacks against the use of the encyclopedia by students
in learning practice. This means that the majority of writings
about Wikipedia and literacy have focused on the efficacy of
Wikipedia as a teaching tool [3, 4] rather than the question of
where are the key challenges in becoming Wikipedia literate, or
the role of culture, power and social context in becoming
Wikipedia literate. Wikipedia literacy is often discussed as a set of
universally applicable skills and competencies without a keen
understanding of the unique literacy challenges of people in
different socio-economic contexts.
This trend mirrors developments in the field of literacy with the
so-called “new literacies” that encompass the skills and
competencies required in the age of digital technologies. On the
one hand, there are scholars who have proposed a universal set of
skills they believe are required and also somehow inherent to the
skillset of the so-called “Digital Natives” [5, [10], [1] [15]]. On
the other, are scholars like Nishant Shah who recently argued
[13] for a more political, contextual approach to understanding
digital literacy that goes beyond the presentation of “Digital
Natives” as largely young, white, male, affluent, English speaking
and located in contexts of ubiquitous connectivity. It was
problematic to Shah to use this image as the prototype around
which digital natives in the “rest of the world” were imagined and
so he sought to showcase the challenges and experiences of
“Other Digital Natives” in places like India, South Africa, Egypt
and Brazil [2]. In the field of literacy studies, Brian Street
describes these differences in terms of disciplinary distinctions
[14]. The first group is distinguished by what Street describes as
“culturally narrow approaches” that have “predominated” the
field, with psychologists and educators focusing “on discrete
elements of reading and writing skills”. Anthropologists and
sociolinguists have concentrated on what he calls “literacies” –
“the social practices and conceptions of reading and writing” and
the rich cultural variations of these practices [14].
3. Methodology
Like Street et al, we take an ethnographic approach to Wikipedia
literacy, attempting through a detailed in-depth account of actual
practice in different cultural settings to understand the central role
of power relations in literacy practices. We choose examples from
both the US and Kenya that highlight a particular facet of
misunderstanding from Darville’s adult literacy practice. The
Kenyan examples, including interviews, come from a larger
ethnographic study on the relationship between Swahili and
English Wikipedia in east Africa. Material for the United States
Messer-Kruse example comes from the writings surrounding the
case in the online and radio news media. In each case, we
analysed texts including the edit and talk pages of the case in
question, as well as related interview transcripts and writings in
the blogosphere and news media. We then used Richard Darville’s
writings on literacy that are aligned significantly with this
political, contextual approach to outline the cause of the
misunderstanding and then propose a new theory of Wikipedia
literacy that draws from the socially grounded experiences of
Wikipedians in different cultural contexts.
4. MISREADINGS, MISUNDERSTANDINGS
4.1 Misreading organizational texts
Darville: “misreading is not about being unable to get words off
the page, but rather being unable to participate effectively in the
social action and relations that are carried in texts and documents
- or even to see what that action and those relations are.” [5]
Bowling Green State University Professor Timothy Messer-Kruse
recently wrote an article in The Chronicle of Higher Education
about his failed experience editing the Wikipedia article about the
1886 Chicago Haymarket trial and riot – where a bomb thrown
during an anarchist rally sparked America’s first Red Scare [11].
Messer-Kruse holds that the mainstream historical record is
faulty, and has spent much of his academic career trying to correct
what he argues most historians have gotten wrong. Attempting to
edit the article with the new facts that he had uncovered in
researching a book about the subject, Messer-Kruse’s edits were
continuously reverted for a variety of reasons, most importantly
because of his inability to convince other editors that the majority
of scholarship regarding the riots had been incorrect and that his
research had uncovered new facts that accurately contradicted
those claims.
Replying to Messer-Kruse’s article, one of the page’s editors
countered his claims of unfair treatment, writing that he had not
correctly cited sources and had not presented himself well. In one
of the edits for which he was reverted, he had removed and
replaced a cited quotation “instead of providing a
counterargument” [15]. In the “edit summary” field provided for
editors to provide a note about any particular edit, Messer-Kruse
noted that he had removed the claim that “most police officers
were killed by “friendly fire”” in the article since, he wrote,
“Neither of the two footnotes to this information support it – in
fact, one flatly contradicts it.” Removing a cited phrase, however,
required more than a simple edit summary according to Wikipedia
editor, operalala. It seemed to require the presentation of sources
supporting his claim and perhaps a detailed and reasoned
argument on the article’s talk page. operalala also suggested in the
aftermath that Messer-Kruse might have done better to use an
anonymous screen name, since his use of his last name as his
username (“MesserKrus”) appeared to the other editors of the
page that he might be merely marketing his own work when he
attempted to cite the book that he had written on the subject.
operalala: “This makes it easier to cite your own published
work without alarming other editors. If they see a "ProfSmith"
citing Prof Smith all over the place, their first reaction will be
to think that this is a narcissistic self-published wingnut.” [15]
This example reflects a misunderstanding between Messer-Kruse
and other editors born out of the professor’s inability to see the
assumptions and workings of the article and its related talk page
as embedded in particular organisational structures and alliances,
and with individual notions of the Wikipedia principles of
“verifiability” and “reliable sources”. Messer-Kruse expressed an
understanding of the article as simply a location of the most up-todate facts about the Haymarket riots. In fact, the article and its
related pages housed the inner-workings of a group of individuals
with a variety of background knowledges. Those “knowledges”
dictate how editors with new information should present that
information, how editors should present themselves, as well as
where and which tone is required on edit summaries, talk pages
and articles. In Darville’s terms, this might be seen as an example
of the misreading of organizational texts – the article, talk pages
and edit summaries that required particular tones, styles and
codes. Unable to decode these organizational texts, Messer-Kruse
was unable to participate effectively in the social action relating to
the article or even, as Darville notes, to see what action and those
relations are.
4.2 “Agentless accounts”
Darville: “When the agents of actions are deleted from texts,
readers must ‘fill them in,’ using a background knowledge of how
actions are done and who would do them.” [7]
In an interview with a relatively new English Wikipedia editor,
Kipsizoo, we talked about a challenge that he had helped
coordinate in Nairobi where volunteers would take photographs of
administrative buildings in the capital and upload them to
Wikimedia Commons so that they might be used in Wikipedia
articles. Kipsizoo described how the volunteers’ attempts were
met with almost immediate deletion and how he wasn’t even sure
whether a person or a bot had actually deleted them.
Kipsizoo: “So we were trying to create some stubs in the
English Wikipedia and the minute we created those stubs they
were all nominated for deletion. We felt bad. We needed those
photos to be uploaded to Commons so that they would be used
in articles…”
HF: “Did you try talk back to him?”
Kipsizoo: “Yes, we did but we opted to try create it in Swahili
rather. Cause the guys are so harsh… We clearly indicated that
these are just stub articles. I think it was a bot or something. It
wasn't a real guy... maybe.” (Interview, 4 August, 2011)
Kipsizoo refers here to the complex English Wikipedia deletion
process, but confuses the speedy deletion (CSD) and articles for
deletion (AfD) processes, indicating that his edits were
“nominated for deletion”, a feature of the AfD and not CSD
process. Speedy deletion does not require consensus (a significant
part of the AfD process) and is difficult to argue against since the
pages are deleted and are invisible to regular editors.
Administrators are not required to let editors of new pages know
when their article has been deleted, and even if they do, new
editors often do not visit their talk pages or are embarrassed when
their articles are deleted and do not see the opportunity to “talk
back”.
The above exchange indicates that Kipsizoo is unaware of the
differences between the deletion processes that would be essential
to knowing how to fight back. If he had been aware of the entire
deletion process – how CSDs are controlled by patrolling
administrators and can be opposed by leaving a message on that
article’s talk page or adding the “hang on template”, Kipsizoo
might have been more successful. As it is, Kipsizoo is not even
sure whether a real person who deleted the articles or a bot. His
confusion probably emerges from the immediacy of the deletion.
Since he did not know how to read the deletion traces for any sign
of human life, they appeared somehow automated. Suggesting that
the process was driven by a bot, Kipsizoo was “filling in” using a
background knowledge of other processes he knows about, for
example spam software on email platforms that appear
configurable, and without an opportunity to appeal against.
Part of the problem in this particular case is that without knowing
that the person who deleted the article was indeed a human,
Kipsizoo could not know the kinds of challenges that this
particular type of human typically faces. Perhaps if he had
understood the kinds of work done by so-called “vandal fighters”
who must face thousands of illegitimate articles that are created
by spammers or marketers daily, he might have known how to
distinguish his particular edits from those bad-faith edits. Without
an understanding of the speedy deletion process of which this
experience was part, it became impossible for Kipsizoo to have
his edits endure. In this case, it did not matter how well he was
able to write using MediaWiki syntax. Without access to the
communication channel that would enable him to dispute the
deletion, he was left feeling unwanted and disempowered,
deciding instead to take what he perceived as second best: to go
and create the articles in Swahili Wikipedia.
4.3 “Writing up rather than writing down”
Darville: “What counts is how matters can be written up (to enter
them into the organizational process), not how they can be written
down (to relate experience or aid memory)”[15]
Almost anyone can start a Wikipedia article but not any subject
will do. Wikipedia calls for articles to subscribe to its notability
guidelines, whereby an article warrants a new article if it has
received significant coverage from independent reliable sources
[16]. When subjects do not have significant coverage from
independent secondary sources, they become vulnerable to
challenge and attack. Writing a new article, Wikipedia editors
must understand, not just how to write a few lines describing a
subject, but how to argue that the new subject deserves its own
page. This becomes especially important in contexts where few
traditionally “reliable sources” exist or when reliable sources that
do exist are located outside the purview of most editors (such as
small newspapers from a country in the global South).
When Wikipedia editor, Abbasjnr attempted to create an article on
“Nairobi Java House” which he described in an interview as
“Kenya’s equivalent of Starbucks”, the article was tagged for
speedy deletion twice in the 30 minutes in which the article was
being edited. Abbasjnr started the new article with a list and
description of each Java House location and provided references
to the Nairobi Java House website and to an article in a Kenyan
newspaper about the founder’s child sex abuse scandal. Without a
reference to establish notability, however, the article was tagged
for deletion using the code, “A7” that refers to an “Article about a
company, corporation, organization, or group, which does not
indicate the importance or significance of the subject”. Later the
article was re-written by an administrator with a reference to a
2007 Guardian newspaper article featuring the cafe as the only
place in Nairobi to find export-grade Kenyan coffee [10].
Abbasjnr, then new to editing on English Wikipedia, lacked a
holistic perspective of how individual articles within the English
Wikipedia corpus came to be. In Darville’s terms, it wasn’t just a
matter of writing down the salient features of Nairobi Java House.
It meant writing up, in Wikipedia’s particular style and according
to particular rules regarding notability and the referencing of
notable characteristics that were made even more complex given
the sparseness of such resources about organisations in the east
African nation. On the administrator’s side, User:Glenfarclas, the
editor who speedily deleted the page, had no clues to assist him to
make a more discretionary decision about the article, or to have a
conversation with the editor about it, given that as User:SJ later
wrote on the article’s talk page that “countries outside of the US
and Europe have vastly fewer newspaper articles written about
them per organization or project”, which might perhaps have
enabled the administrator to engage more constructively with
Abbasjnr.
5. CONCLUSION
Literacy is a means of exercising power in Wikipedia. Keeping
traces obscure help the powerful to remain in power and to keep
new editors from being able to argue effectively or even to know
that there is a space to argue or who to argue with in order to have
their edits endure. Much of the debate around what some claim
are unfairly deleted articles surrounds whether the right decisions
were made by the parties involved, without recognizing that the
most important feature of these cases is that misunderstandings
are occurring that are preventing the development of a richer,
more comprehensive global encyclopedia.
We need to gain a deeper understanding of the kinds of
experiences faced by editors in particular social, cultural,
economic and political contexts. In doing so, we will learn what
kinds of “background knowledges” are required to be an
empowered member of the Wikipedia community. These stories
can help to expand designers’ perception of users beyond the
prototypical, so that they may design clearer, more understandable
roadmaps to replace the veritably invisible traces that characterize
current Wikipedia processes such as those of deletions. By
enabling new Wikipedians to more quickly understand how the
process of deletion works, who are the people behind it, what
motivates them, as well as how and where they can be engaged,
Wikipedia could ramp up the time it takes to become an effective
editor and to prevent some of the rapid fallout of new editors.
Finally, Wikipedia literacy needs to engage with the social and
cultural aspects of article editing, with training materials and
workshops provided the space to work through particularly
challenging scenarios that new editors might find themselves in
and to work out how this fits within the larger organizational
structure.
The threat is that, if this kind of understanding is not cultivated,
that newbies will not stay long enough to persevere and/or will
use alternative narratives to fill in what they think happened to
silence them. Justified or not, having claims that Wikipedians are
merely opposed to the perspectives of those dissimilar from them
(whether that is that they are from Africa or the academy) is not
helping the encyclopedia grow in areas that it is currently weak.
6. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Our thanks to all the Wikipedians who talked with us about this
topic, Hivos and OSI for supporting Ford’s research as part of the
“Understanding Sources” grant to Ushahidi, and UC-Berkeley and
the Wikimedia Foundation for supporting Geiger’s work.
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