© Éc o le fra nç ai se d' At hè ne s M ÉCOLE FRANCAISE D’ATHÈNES ’ M B MONDES MÉDITERRANÉENS ET BALKANIQUES LES CONVERSIONS À L’ISLAM EN ASIE MINEURE, DANS LES BALKANS ET DANS LE MONDE MUSULMAN COMPARAISONS ET PERSPECTIVES Édité par Philippe Gelez et Gilles Grivaud B Athènes  LES CONVERSIONS À L’ISLAM EN ASIE MINEURE, DANS LES BALKANS © Éc ol e fra nç ai se d' At h èn es ET DANS LE MONDE MUSULMAN ÉCOLE FRANÇAISE D’ATHÈNES MONDES MÉDITERRANÉENS ET BALKANIQUES 7 Directeur des publications : Alexandre Farnoux èn es Responsable des publications : Géraldine Hue At h Ouvrage publié avec le concours du labex Resmed (ANR-10-LABX-72) dans le cadre du programme Éc ol e fra nç ai se d' Investissements d’avenir ANR-11-IDEX-0004-02 et avec celui de l’université Paris-Sorbonne. Secrétariat d’édition et réalisation : Cédric Raoul Conception graphique : EFA, Guillaume Fuchs © Photogravure, impression et reliure : n. v. Peeters s.a. Dépositaire : De Boccard Édition-Difusion – 11 rue de Médicis – 75006 Paris – www.deboccard.com © École française d’Athènes, 2016 – 6 rue Didotou – 10680 Athènes – www.efa.gr ISBN 978-2-86958-285-9 ISSN 1792-0752 Reproduction et traduction, même partielles, interdites sans l’autorisation de l’éditeur pour tous pays, y compris les États-Unis. LES CONVERSIONS À L’ISLAM EN ASIE MINEURE, DANS LES BALKANS ET DANS LE MONDE MUSULMAN fra nç ai se d' At h èn es COMPARAISONS ET PERSPECTIVES Éc ol e Édité par Philippe GELEZ et Gilles GRIVAUD Actes du colloque de l’École française d’Athènes, © 26-28 avril 2012 Athènes 2016 ......................................................................................... d' Gilles Grivaud At h èn es Sommaire 9-17 se Introduction fra nç ai Philippe Gelez . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19-74 L’islamisation des Balkans (xve-xixe s.) Aires balkaniques et micrasiatiques (XIe-XIXe s.) : études de cas Éc ol e Alexander Beihammer ............................................................................. 77-108 he Formation of Muslim Principalities and Conversion to Islam during the Early Seljuk Expansion in Asia Minor © Jacob M. Landau ................................................................................. 109-117 A Bibliographical Note on Jews and Dönme-s in the Ottoman Empire and the Republic of Turkey Nenad Moačanin ................................................................................ 119-126 Le « mystère » quasi insoluble du succès massif de l’islam en Bosnie Philippe Gelez . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127-140 Islam et autochtonie. Genèse d’un archétype de l’histoire de la Bosnie-Herzégovine Points de comparaison dans le monde musulman Aminah Mohammad-Arif ...................................................................... 143-162 L’islamisation de l’Inde : des conversions sans prosélytisme ? Olivier Sevin ...................................................................................... 163-189 Les conversions à l’islam dans les méditerranées insulindiennes .............................................................................. èn es Bernard Heyberger 191-210 Conversion et confessionnalisation au Proche-Orient (xvi -xxi s.) e ................................................................................... At h Lucette Valensi e 211-226 d' Conversos et marranes, morisques, sabbatéens : essai de comparaison fra nç ai Annliese Nef se Nouvelles pistes ...................................................................................... 229-244 Conversion et islamisation : quelques rélexions depuis les vii -x s. Tijana Krstić e e ..................................................................................... 245-263 Lucetta Scaraffia Éc ol e Towards a Dialogic Approach: Relections on heoretical and Methodological Desiderata in Future Research on Conversion to Islam in the Ottoman Empire ................................................................................ 265-273 © La complessità dell’identità cristiana di fronte alla conversione all’islam Résumés / Summaries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 275-282 Introduction Gilles Grivaud èn es Université de Normandie-Rouen, Groupe de Recherche en Histoire (GRHis) © Éc ol e fra nç ai se d' At h Le chantier engagé autour de la Bibliographie raisonnée sur l’islamisation de l’Asie Mineure et des Balkans aux époques seldjoukide et ottomane a réclamé plus d’une dizaine d’années pour atteindre son achèvement1. À l’origine, l’ouvrage fut conçu comme un manuel destiné aux étudiants et aux chercheurs appelés à traiter le sujet des conversions à l’islam, en rendant accessibles au lecteur occidental des résumés de travaux anciens, d’études rédigées en des langues rares, ou encore de textes difusés de manière conidentielle. Ain de restituer l’enchaînement des analyses ou des idées reçues, les comptes rendus furent classés par aire linguistique, en les ordonnant selon les dates de publication, en tentant de repérer le plus précisément possible les sources utilisées par chaque auteur. Au terme de l’enquête, 821 titres d’articles, de livres et de contributions diverses furent recensés, couvrant une période de deux siècles, de 1800 à 2000. Au cours de la recherche, une première évidence s’est imposée : les conversions à l’islam dans les espaces micrasiatiques et balkaniques ont suscité une abondante littérature au cours des xixe et xxe s., et le rythme des publications s’est accéléré avec le temps ; l’intérêt pour le sujet n’a cessé de croître, en particulier depuis la chute des régimes communistes et depuis la résurgence des conlits nationalistes en Bosnie et au Kosovo. Plus que jamais, le sujet des conversions à l’islam soulève des interrogations ain de comprendre sa genèse, sa difusion, son extension dans la société, son histoire. Une seconde évidence s’est manifestée : sur les deux siècles pris en considération, les historiens et les spécialistes de sciences humaines ont produit des résultats qui s’inscrivent dans les courants intellectuels caractéristiques de leurs époques ; le plus souvent, les travaux légitiment le discours identitaire des nations balkaniques contemporaines, qui rejettent l’héritage ottoman pour renouer avec leur histoire médiévale chrétienne. La politisation du sujet n’épargne pas les historiens d’autres écoles de pensée du monde occidental, eux aussi 1. Grivaud Gilles, Popovic Alexandre 2011. 9 Gilles Grivaud © Éc ol e fra nç ai se d' At h èn es prisonniers – conscients ou inconscients – d’interprétations liées aux intérêts des puissances protectrices des États du Sud-Est européen. Devenant un argument majeur de multiples constructions idéologiques, la question de l’islamisation a rarement été appréhendée sans passion ; les études consacrées au sujet sont, le plus souvent, élaborées dans des environnements intellectuels hostiles à la culture musulmane, dans des systèmes de pensée dont les racines plongent dans la polémique chrétienne de l’époque médiévale ; il suit de relire les travaux de Norman Daniel pour constater à quel point la littérature sur l’islamisation procède de modèles anciens, car le regard occidental repose sur des interprétations doctrinaires qui refusent d’accorder à l’islam le statut d’une religion authentique et d’une civilisation cohérente 2. Les préjugés associant l’islam à l’hérésie et à la violence se sont perpétués depuis l’époque des croisades ; ils ont été si bien réactivés à toutes les époques qu’une large partie des textes rassemblés dans la Bibliographie raisonnée peut entrer dans la catégorie de la littérature polémique anti-musulmane, même si les démonstrations s’appuient sur une argumentation fondée sur l’exploitation de sources écrites, selon une méthode scientiique propre à la discipline historique. Ces deux évidences mènent au constat que, malgré le volume croissant d’études consacrées à l’islamisation dans les aires micrasiatique et balkanique, l’appréhension du sujet est restée en grande partie prisonnière d’approches idéologiques. Cependant, d’indéniables avancées ont été accomplies depuis les années où Joseph von Hammer a composé sa volumineuse Histoire de l’Empire ottoman, car aucun historien n’oserait plus souscrire aux propos que le savant autrichien tenait sur le devşirme, lorsqu’il le qualiiait d’institution fondée sur le principe de la démoralisation des populations chrétiennes3. Néanmoins, quels que soient les progrès observés en de multiples directions, certains silences épistémologiques interpellent lorsqu’il s’agit d’approcher plusieurs mécanismes particuliers de l’islamisation de l’Asie Mineure et des Balkans. On peut, en un premier temps, interroger ce qu’on pourrait appeler « la profondeur de l’islamisation ». Pour reprendre la déinition de Nehemia Levtzion, l’islamisation est un processus de conversion à partir d’une autre religion, qui provoque la mise en conformité progressive des pratiques religieuses et sociales des néophytes avec les préceptes de l’islam. On sait que l’abandon de l’ancienne religion à travers l’acte solennel de la şahada est un procédé qui n’impose aucune préparation théologique spéciique, et que le néophyte n’est pas soumis à une période probatoire. En revanche, à l’instant déclaratif succède une période beaucoup plus longue et nettement plus complexe d’adaptation aux diverses normes religieuses et sociales qui façonnent le monde musulman. De manière logique, on observe des rythmes inégaux d’assimilation aux sociétés musulmanes, en fonction 2. 3. Daniel Norman 1993. Hammer Joseph von 1835-1843, I, p. 122. 10 Introduction © Éc ol e fra nç ai se d' At h èn es de critères multiples qui dépendent aussi bien des conditions de la conquête que des dynamiques sociales, du contexte économique et de la volonté politique de la puissance publique 4. Quelles que soient les échelles chronologiques et géographiques considérées, le processus de mise en conformité avec les préceptes de l’islam revêt des formes intermédiaires, mixtes ou incomplètes ; dans les aires micrasiatique et balkanique, comme ailleurs en pays dominé par les Turcs, l’islamisation ne signiie pas la turcisation immédiate, ni davantage la turcisation complète et parfaite des néophytes. Un certain nombre de communautés musulmanes conservent tout ou partie des pratiques linguistiques ou coutumières de leurs ancêtres chrétiens, qu’elles entretiennent parfois de manière fragmentaire sur de longues périodes. Les cas abondent : il suit d’évoquer les Bosniaques musulmans, les Albanais musulmans, les Torbeš de Macédoine occidentale, les Pomaks des Rhodopes, les Crétois turcs ou encore les Grecs de la région d’Of, dans le Pont, cette courte liste ne possédant aucun caractère exhaustif. À travers ces exemples, il est assuré que le changement d’ailiation confessionnelle n’entraîne pas une segmentation déinitive par rapport au milieu culturel d’origine, si bien que des traditions religieuses chrétiennes peuvent se maintenir sous des formes partielles chez les convertis. L’islamisation acquiert alors des contours expérimentaux, avec des accommodements plus ou moins conscients, élaborés ou rudimentaires, selon des combinaisons intermédiaires qui sont rassemblées sous les termes vagues et ambigus de crypto-christianisme ou de syncrétisme. Dès le milieu du xive s., la hiérarchie orthodoxe admet l’accommodement de l’islam avec la foi chrétienne, car, dans la lettre que Jean Calécas adresse aux habitants de Nicée à la in de l’année 1338, le patriarche reconnaît qu’il ne peut exiger des idèles le martyre pour défendre leur religion ; Calécas précise que les Grecs doivent conserver intacte et vivante la foi des Pères de l’Église, leur religion du cœur, mais cette attitude est compatible avec une adoption nominale et supericielle de l’islam5. Cette expression éclatante du souci de l’Église de Constantinople de maintenir une discipline à l’intérieur de la communauté placée sous sa juridiction soulève, cependant, des problèmes d’interprétation : cette tolérance, qui fonderait la légitimation doctrinale du crypto-christianisme, fut-elle concédée aux Grecs de Nicée de manière ponctuelle, ou bien fut-elle aussitôt étendue à toutes les communautés chrétiennes micrasiatiques ? Les sources n’apportent pas de réponses claires, et on ignore pour quelles raisons certaines communautés rurales ou citadines grecques ou arméniennes maintiennent leurs rites religieux et leurs coutumes, sans altération, dans quelques vallées de Cappadoce, ou dans les quartiers de certaines villes du littoral méditerranéen, comme Smyrne ou Satalie, du xiie s. à 1919 6. 4. 5. 6. Levtzion Nehemia 1979. Darrouzès Jean 1977, no 2185. Pour un état des communautés grecques d’Asie Mineure, voir Anagnostopoulou Sia 1998. 11 Gilles Grivaud © Éc ol e fra nç ai se d' At h èn es D’autres combinaisons originales permettent aux néophytes d’emprunter des voies sinueuses qui peuvent se révéler hétérodoxes, lorsque l’adhésion à la foi musulmane se déroule auprès de mouvements de type sectaire, ou par l’intermédiaire de confréries admettant des pratiques syncrétiques, comme les bektachi-s 7. De ces situations intermédiaires, il ressort que les convertis suivent des itinéraires hétérogènes avant d’être assimilés par la communauté musulmane, et que certains convertis s’islamisent de manière imparfaite ou incomplète pour les tenants d’une orthodoxie sunnite. Cela sous-entend que le processus de normalisation religieuse et sociale n’atteint pas toujours ses buts, d’autant que la norme religieuse varie elle-même selon les époques, et que le pouvoir « sultanien » n’adopte pas nécessairement une politique restrictive en matière confessionnelle. En efet, l’esprit de relative tolérance, caractéristique des relations entre groupes religieux dans le sultanat seldjoukide de Rûm, contraste avec la volonté d’imposer une orthodoxie sunnite dans l’empire de Soliman, comme l’a récemment démontré Tijana Krstić 8. La confessionnalisation de la société ottomane se déroule à d’autres époques, ainsi durant le sultanat d’Abdülhamid II qui a, lui aussi, pourchassé les formes d’hérésies pouvant miner la cohérence de l’Empire inissant 9. Enin, on peut reprendre l’intelligente démonstration de Marc David Baer pour airmer que le mouvement piétiste des kadızadeli-s a joué un rôle déterminant dans la puriication religieuse de la société durant la seconde moitié du xviie s. ; on attribue à ce courant une intensiication des pressions sur des groupes de chrétiens balkaniques, les Pomaks par exemple, mais aussi sur Sabbatai Tsevi, contraint d’abandonner le judaïsme pour échapper au martyre, en 1666 10. À certaines périodes, la puissance publique a assurément exercé une pression pour normaliser les comportements religieux, réduisant d’autant les espaces d’accommodement des néophytes, mais la pression n’a pas produit les mêmes efets sur les communautés chrétiennes ou juives. Dès lors, pour restituer la dynamique de l’islamisation, on ne peut faire l’économie d’examiner les cadres spatiaux, chronologiques, politiques, sociaux et culturels des sociétés micrasiatiques et balkaniques. C’est précisément sur ces aspects que les avancées ont été les plus concluantes, même si les historiens ne s’accordent guère sur l’interprétation des résultats. Un survol des diférentes positions relatives à la distribution spatiale montre des études assurant que les conversions commencent en milieu urbain, où vivent les élites religieuses et la masse des employés des institutions impériales, et où stationnent les garnisons militaires ; depuis les villes principales, les conversions se difusent selon les axes de communication, par capillarité, en direction des villes secondaires et des bourgs, avant 7. 8. 9. 10. Voir les diférentes contributions rassemblées dans Veinstein Gilles 2005. Krstić Tijana 2011. Deringil Selim 2012. Baer Marc David 2008. 12 Introduction © Éc ol e fra nç ai se d' At h èn es d’atteindre les zones rurales de plaine, puis les montagnes. D’autres études assurent, au contraire, que l’islamisation se déroule par phases irrégulières, insistant sur les passages à l’islam intervenant au lendemain de la conquête ; en conséquence, la distribution du peuplement musulman s’accomplit par taches de léopard, sans logique réticulaire. Si l’on se tourne vers les études relatives aux facteurs sociaux favorisant la conversion, des historiens insistent sur le rôle décisif des élites seigneuriales ou « archontiques », qui adoptent rapidement l’islam pour conserver leurs privilèges, entraînant dans leur sillage familles et parentèles. L’attraction exercée par les milieux professionnels est également considérée, quand les jeux de rivalité entre clientèles poussent des artisans et des marchands, chrétiens ou juifs, à entrer dans des corps de métiers contrôlés par des musulmans. Le souci d’atteindre une position sociale mieux considérée, ou plus sécurisante, conduit également à l’enrôlement dans les armées impériales. On sait aussi que le passage à l’islam a fonctionné comme un puissant aimant pour certaines catégories de populations paysannes italiennes ne supportant plus le servage dans le royaume de Naples. L’attrait exercé par les avantages oferts par la conversion a été maintes fois souligné, les exemples foisonnent dans la Bibliographie raisonnée. En dépit de ces acquis qui portent sur les modalités spatiales et sociales de l’adhésion à l’islam, les attitudes de certains groupes de populations, jouissant de conditions comparables d’un point de vue ethnique, confessionnel et économique, suivent des trajectoires divergentes. Pour s’en tenir à des exemples choisis en milieu micrasiatique grec, des communautés sont demeurées inlexibles dans l’exercice de leur langue, de leur confession et de leurs mœurs, alors que d’autres orthodoxes ont copié leurs textes liturgiques en karamanlidika, c’est-à-dire en transcrivant le turc en caractères grecs 11. Dans les vallées pontiques, des villages optent pour des formes d’accommodements cryptochrétiens, alors que d’autres se convertissent sans abandonner le grec comme langue de communication ; enin, des populations grecques s’islamisent et s’assimilent complètement à la société musulmane. Cet aperçu démontre que, au-delà du constat, les historiens peinent à expliquer les variations des modalités prises, à la fois, par la conversion à l’islam, et par la résistance à la conversion. La variété des problèmes à résoudre et l’hétérogénéité des points de vue des chercheurs contribuent à opaciier la compréhension des mécanismes de l’islamisation. Les diicultés relevées suggèrent que d’autres critères d’analyse méritent d’être pris en compte pour apprécier les variations des processus d’islamisation. On peut ainsi interroger les stratégies de succession des familles chrétiennes, car, depuis les travaux de Georges Augustins et d’Emmanuel Todd – pour s’en tenir à la bibliographie française –, on sait à quel point la famille génère des attitudes politiques et religieuses originales ; les systèmes de parenté déinissent les rapports humains, et il paraît évident que les réactions à l’islamisation 11. Balta Evangelia 2010 et 2013. 13 Gilles Grivaud © Éc ol e fra nç ai se d' At h èn es divergent si la structure de la famille privilégie une coniguration solidaire ou une coniguration nucléaire dans la répartition des patrimoines 12. Les organisations à parentèle ou lignagères n’induisent pas la même discipline que les organisations communautaires, et on peut supposer que les travaux anthropologiques sur les Balkans suggèrent d’autres pistes pour comprendre les stratégies hétérogènes suivies par les familles, les zadruga-s, les communautés rurales ou pastorales. Dans une perspective similaire, on se rappelle les remarques de Marc Bloch sur l’organisation de l’habitat en villages groupés ou en fermes isolées, qui déterminait des voisinages et des formes de sociabilité particulières selon les structures familiales, dessinant des orientations culturelles et politiques singulières13. Assurément, la géographie culturelle et l’anthropologie peuvent apporter de puissants éléments de compréhension aux modalités de difusion de l’islamisation. D’autres méthodes d’analyse peuvent être empruntées aux sociologues, et la multiplicité des essais sur le renouveau des phénomènes d’islamisation dans les banlieues des villes françaises apporte un autre lot de rélexions. En distinguant trois âges de conversion dans l’immigration musulmane en France, Gilles Kepel met l’accent sur la phase de ré-islamisation qui se déroule à partir de la in des années 1970, à l’initiative d’un mouvement indo-pakistanais piétiste et prosélyte, le Djama’at al-tabligh, venu remplir les espaces de sociabilité et de solidarité laissés vacants par les services publics14. Certes, les sociologues disposent de terrains de recherche et d’outils de travail nettement plus riches que les historiens examinant des périodes reculées, mais la sociologie démontre la précision qui peut être apportée en sélectionnant des échelles d’observation et des séquences temporelles adaptées à l’objet étudié. Loin de risquer l’anachronisme, il paraît logique que l’historien de l’islamisation puisse tirer des éléments de rélexion d’une comparaison avec les résultats d’enquêtes menées par d’autres spécialistes de sciences humaines, car la conversion à l’islam est un sujet d’histoire globale, et non un thème spéciique à l’histoire des religions, un champ réservé à l’histoire sociale, à l’histoire culturelle ou à l’histoire politique, contrairement à ce que proclame le Zeitgeist dominant de ces années 2010. Il s’ensuit que les progrès dépendent, principalement, d’approches interdisciplinaires qui, seules, peuvent rendre les variations des mécanismes de l’islamisation des sociétés de l’Asie Mineure et des Balkans aux époques seldjoukide et ottomane. Les douze études réunies dans ce volume sont issues des travaux d’un colloque qui s’est déroulé à l’École française d’Athènes, les 26, 27 et 28 avril 2012, à l’initiative d’Alexandre Popovic, Philippe Gelez et Gilles Grivaud. La réunion a été conçue pour recueillir les réactions consécutives à la lecture de la Bibliographie raisonnée, de manière à susciter l’expression d’opinions convergentes ou divergentes de spécialistes des aires balkaniques 12. 13. 14. Augustins Georges 1989 et Todd Emmanuel 2011. Bloch Marc 1976, p. 155-200. Kepel Gilles 2012. 14 Introduction Éc ol e fra nç ai se d' At h èn es et micrasiatiques ; le regard de spécialistes du monde musulman, travaillant sur d’autres aires culturelles et d’autres époques a également paru indispensable pour croiser les analyses et enrichir les discussions. Les remerciements des organisateurs du colloque s’adressent d’abord aux institutions qui ont rendu possible la rencontre à Athènes, puis la publication de ce volume, à savoir le Centre d’études turques, ottomanes, balkaniques et centre-asiatiques (Cetobac, UMR 8032 du CNRS), le Groupe de recherche en histoire de l’université de Rouen (GRHis, EA 3831), et le labex RESMED, porté par l’UMR 8167 du CNRS Orient et Méditerranée, qui a généreusement appuyé l’initiative. Les remerciements se dirigent ensuite vers l’École française d’Athènes, qui a soutenu avec constance le programme de recherche sur l’islamisation en Asie Mineure et dans les Balkans. La gratitude s’adresse en particulier à son directeur, Alexandre Farnoux, à la directrice des études néohelléniques et balkaniques, Maria Couroucli, ainsi qu’à la responsable des publications, Géraldine Hue, qui a suivi la préparation de ce volume, eicacement secondée par Cédric Raoul. Pour d’autres aides, notre reconnaissance se tourne vers Philippa Pistikidis, Iota Patiri, Guillaume Fuchs, Evi Platanitou, et tout le personnel de l’École qui, d’une manière ou d’une autre, facilite la tenue de rencontres scientiiques au 6 de la rue Didotou. Ce volume célèbre aussi la mémoire d’Alexandre Popovic, instigateur de la Bibliographie raisonnée sur les conversions à l’islam à l’origine de ce colloque, disparu au début de l’automne 2014. Esprit lumineux et généreux, « Sacha » s’était consacré à l’étude des musulmans de la péninsule balkanique, ain de restituer la place légitime qui revenait à ces populations, tant dans le cadre de l’histoire musulmane que dans celui de l’histoire européenne. Les jalons qu’il a patiemment posés en plusieurs domaines guident désormais les recherches des nouvelles générations : ininie gratitude ! © BIBLIOGRAPHIE Anagnostopoulou Sia 1998 Anagnostopoulou Sia, Μικρά Ασία, 19ος αι.-1919. Oι ελληνορθόδοξες κοινότητες: από το Μιλλέτ των Ρωμιών στο ελληνικό έθνος, Athènes, Ελληνικά Γράμματα, 1998. Augustins Georges 1989 Augustins Georges, Comment se perpétuer ? Devenir des lignées, destin des patrimoines, Paris, Société d’ethnologie, 1989. Baer Marc David 2008 Baer Marc David, Honored by the Glory of Islam. Conversion and Conquest in Ottoman Europe, New York, Oxford University Press, 2008. 15 Gilles Grivaud Balta Evangelia 2010 Balta Evangelia, Beyond the Language Frontier. Studies on the Karamanlis and the Karamanlidika Printing, Istanbul, he Isis Press, 2010. Balta Evangelia 2013 Balta Evangelia, Miscellaneous Studies on the Karamanlidika Literary Tradition, Istanbul, he Isis Press, 2013. Bloch Marc 1976 Bloch Marc, Les caractères originaux de l’histoire rurale française, Paris, Librairie Armand Colin, 1976 [1re éd. 1931]. èn es Daniel Norman 1993 Daniel Norman, Islam et Occident, Spiess Alain (trad.), Paris, Cerf, 1993 [1re éd. Islam and the West. he Making of an Image, Édimbourg, Edinburgh University Press, 1960]. At h Darrouzès Jean 1977 Darrouzès Jean, Les régestes des actes du patriarcat de Constantinople. I. Les actes des patriarches. Fasc. V. Les régestes de 1310 à 1376, Paris, Institut français d’études byzantines, 1977. fra nç ai se d' Deringil Selim 2012 Deringil Selim, Conversion and Apostasy in the Late Ottoman Empire, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2012. Grivaud Gilles, Popovic Alexandre 2011 Grivaud Gilles, Popovic Alexandre (dir.), Les conversions à l’islam en Asie Mineure et dans les Balkans aux époques seldjoukide et ottomane. Bibliographie raisonnée (1800-2000), Athènes, École française d’Athènes, 2011. © Éc ol e Hammer Joseph von 1835-1843 Hammer Joseph von, Histoire de l’Empire ottoman depuis son origine jusqu’à nos jours. Ouvrage puisé aux sources les plus authentiques et rédigé sur des documents et des manuscrits la plupart inconnus en Europe ; traduit de l’Allemand sur les notes et sous la direction de l’auteur par J.-J. Hellert, Paris, Bellizard/Dufour/ Lowell – Londres, Bossange/Barthès/Lowell – Saint-Pétersbourg, Bellizard et Cie, 1835-1843, I-XVIII [réimpr. Istanbul, Éditions Isis, 1992-2000]. Kepel Gilles 2012 Kepel Gilles, Quatre-vingt-treize, Paris, Gallimard, 2012. Krstić Tijana 2011 Krstić Tijana, Contested Conversions to Islam. Narratives of Religious Change in the Early Modern Ottoman Empires, Stanford University Press, 2011. Levtzion Nehemia 1979 Levtzion Nehemia, « Toward a Comparative Study of Islamization », in Levtzion Nehemia (éd.), Conversion to Islam, London-New York, Holmes & Meier, 1979, p. 1-23. 16 Introduction Todd Emmanuel 2011 Todd Emmanuel, L’origine des systèmes familiaux. I. L’Eurasie, Paris, Gallimard, 2011. © Éc ol e fra nç ai se d' At h èn es Veinstein Gilles 2005 Veinstein Gilles (dir.), Syncrétismes et hérésies dans l’Orient seldjoukide et ottoman, Leuven-Paris, Peeters, 2005. 17 XIV e-XVIII e siècle, he Formation of Muslim Principalities and Conversion to Islam during the Early Seljuk Expansion in Asia Minor Alexander Beihammer At h èn es Department of History and Archaeology, University of Cyprus © Éc ol e fra nç ai se d' Raising the question of conversion to Islam in Asia Minor during the period of the early Seljuk expansion from the middle of the eleventh until the end of the twelfth century unavoidably involves us in the scholarly discussion about the basic problems concerning the nature of the Turkish intrusion into this geographic area and the irst encounters between Turkmen warriors and nomads, on the one hand, and, on the other, various indigenous groups uniied and dominated by the Byzantine-Orthodox elite of Constantinople.1 he topic is highly complex with respect to the available source material, which almost exclusively consists of historical narratives relecting diverging viewpoints and literary traditions – Byzantine, Armenian, Syriac, local and universal Muslim, Seljuk dynastic – as well as in the discrepancies in modern interpretations. A common feature of the latter is that they examine the phenomena in question by alternatively focusing on either the Byzantine or the Turkish point of view – a demarcation which, by and large, corresponds to modern divisions of scholarly disciplines, i.e. Byzantine studies as distinct from Turkish or Islamic studies. A further subdivision is due to the long-lasting impact of national historiographies and the collective memories, stereotypes and patterns of thought resulting from them. 1. In this article, “Turkmen” is used in the commonly accepted sense of “Islamized pastoralists belonging to the Turkish Oghuz tribe”, while “Seljuk” always refers to the clan and dynasty of that name. For details and etymological matters, see Divitçioğlu Sencer 1994, pp. 53-57. My warmest thanks, as always, to Professor Chris Schabel (University of Cyprus) for linguistic advice. his article is dedicated to the memory of Jean Schotz, who met an untimely and violent death. 77 Alexander Beihammer MODERN SCHOLARLY TRADITIONS For Turkish approaches to the Seljuk Turks in the context of historical research in the late Ottoman and Republican periods, see Strohmeier Martin 1984 and Başan Aziz 2010, pp. 1-20. For an overview of more recent bibliography, see Ocak Ahmet Yaşar 2006b, pp. 15-16. Some of the most important monographs and manuals written by the said scholars include: Köprülü Fuad 1943, Yinanç Mükrimin Halil 1944, Kafesoğlu İbrahim 1953, Turan Osman 1965 and 1993, Sümer Faruk 1967, Köymen Mehmet Altay 1991, 1992 and 2000, Sevim Ali 1988 and 1990 and Sevim Ali, Yücel Yaşar 1989. Turan Osman 1993, pp. 1-44, mentions the Büyük Türk muhacereti, i.e. the “great Turkish migration”. Strohmeier Martin 1984, pp. 91-101 (concerning the concept of Anadoluculuk in the work of Mükrimin Halil Yınanç, who rejected both the traditional dynastic historiography of the Ottoman Empire and the ideas of Panturkism and Ottomanism, concentrating thus on the formation of a Turkish nation in Anatolia and the continuities between the Seljuk period and modern Turkey). For further details, see Yinanç Mükrimin Halil 1944, pp. 161-187. Turan Osman 1993, pp. 37-44. he author especially emphasizes the rapid and complete character of this process by referring to huge masses of Turkish migrants, who within a few decades after the onset of the Turkish raids overran most parts of Anatolia and established a new homeland there, being politically united by the state founded by Sulaymān-shāh b. Kutlumush. © 2. Éc ol e fra nç ai se d' At h èn es he foundations of the modern Turkish scholarly tradition of research on Seljuk history were laid by a series of inluential intellectuals and academics of the early Republican period, who published most of their work between the 1930s and the 1970s. Perhaps the most important among them were Mehmet Fuad Köprülü (1890-1966), Mükrimin Halil Yınanç (1900-1961), Ibrahim Kafesoğlu (1914-1984), Osman Turan (1914-1978), Mehmet Altay Köymen (1915-1993), Faruk Sümer (1924-1995), and Ali Sevim (born 1928). 2 his school of thought was deeply inluenced in various ways by a key concept of Turkish nationalism that presented Anatolia as the Turks’ natural homeland (vatan) and inal destination after a centuries-long process of migration. 3 According to this view, in the eleventh century, after centuries of Arab invasions and decades of civil strife, Asia Minor was a vast, empty and devastated area, in which new political and cultural entities based on Turkic-nomadic traditions of Central Asia and on Muslim elements adopted in the core lands of Islam could be swiftly established. 4 In this way, a process of rapid and profound Turkiication of the whole region was inaugurated. 5 In Osman Turan’s view, the actual driving force of the Oghuz Turks’ expansion and establishment in Anatolia was their conversion to Islam, which because of the moral and material superiority of its high culture proved to be of special attractiveness for the Turks in Transoxania and became their “common national religion” (umûmî ve millî din). he new Turkish Muslims, in turn, with their inherent vigour and dynamism, rescued Muslim civilization from its state of decay, in which it had been trapped since the tenth century, thus bringing about a complete renewal and strengthening in the religious, cultural, and 3. 4. 5. 78 The Formation of Muslim Principalities and Conversion to Islam during the Early Seljuk Expansion © Éc ol e fra nç ai se d' At h èn es political spheres. 6 Islam is thus considered an indispensable part of or even a precondition for the immigration of pastoralizing Turkish nomad tribes and the creation of political entities characterized by a Turkish-Muslim high culture in Asia Minor. his process resulted in the identiication of a Seljuk state with an Anatolian territory, which within a short time came to be called “Turkey”. Expressions like Selçuklu Türkiyesi, “Seljuk Turkey”, Türkiye Selçukluları, i.e. “the Seljuks of Turkey”, and Türkiye Selcuklu devleti, i.e. “the Seljuk state of Turkey”, 7 promote the notion of a culturally and linguistically homogeneous nation with a collective identity and a common homeland bearing this people’s name. Accordingly, in Turan’s view the Islamization of Anatolia did not result from a long-lasting process of co-existence and acculturation, but rather from sudden and massive displacements of indigenous populations in conjunction with a gradual absorption of the remaining elements by the numerically predominant Turkish conquerors and settlers. 8 Another important approach in modern Turkish research, which seems to prevail in more recent publications and frequently contradicts older religiously-oriented Islamic interpretations of the Seljuk period, combines anthropological models constructed on the basis of nomadic tribal societies with the idea of a clearly discernible Oghuz Turkish cultural legacy.9 his concept underlines the existence of speciic Turkish institutions, social structures and identity markers engendering the transition from tribal coalitions to warrior groups and Turkish-Muslim principalities. In this framework, the role of Islam is often downplayed and thus the Turkish warriors are presented as only supericially Islamized, using religion as nothing more than an ingredient of ideological legitimization. 10 he notion of ethnic and cultural continuity, of course, also serves to construct links with later Turkish states, such as the Anatolian beyliks and the Ottoman Empire. An extreme version even goes as far as to assert that what had begun with Alp Arslan and the Seljuk commanders in Anatolia during the 1070s and 1080s was eventually accomplished by Atatürk’s victory in the War of Independence in 1922. 11 It goes without saying that these views are in sharp contrast with the modern Greek master narrative, as is mainly represented by Speros Vryonis’ (1928-) seminal work on the decline of medieval Hellenism in Asia Minor published in 1971. Here, Byzantine Asia Minor is portrayed as an extremely prosperous region deeply permeated by Constantinopolitan and Byzantine cultural values, the Greek language, and the Orthodox faith, and characterized by thriving urban and commercial centres, demographic vitality, a wellfunctioning 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. Ibid., pp. xviii-xxii. Ibid., pp. xxiv-xxx, and Ocak Ahmet Yaşar 2006b, pp. 15-16. Turan Osman 1993, pp. 37-44. Sümer Faruk 1967 and Divitçioğlu Sencer 1994. Divitçioğlu Sencer 1994, pp. 85-95. Kafali Mustafa 2002, p. 416. 79 Alexander Beihammer fra nç ai se d' At h èn es administrative system, and a irmly established ecclesiastical organization. 12 Accordingly, the arrival of the Turks appears as a disruptive invasion of culturally inferior nomadic tribes, which could not be rebufed because of a profound internal crisis arising from a ierce power struggle between the civil and military aristocracy and the ensuing decay of the defence system in the eastern provinces.13 In Europe, the work of the French Orientalist Claude Cahen (1909-1991), 14 who, while eschewing nationalistic views, still shared some of the basic premises of the Turkish scholarly tradition, 15 did not ind many successors until recently. Instead, European historians either focused on the internal situation in Byzantium, achieving thus a better understanding of the eleventh-century crisis, or on the Crusades.16 In this framework, the Turks appear in a rather undiferentiated and supericial manner as a dangerous threat jeopardizing the integrity of the Byzantine Empire and stubbornly opposing the Crusaders on their march to the Holy Land. he core issue of Islamization, which along with other phenomena of mutual cultural permeation lies at the heart of the transformative process from Byzantine to Turkish Asia Minor, was treated by the aforementioned scholarly traditions within the broader framework of their preconceived heuristic models, and thus received widely difering interpretations. here seems to be a certain consensus as to the basic factors and parameters determining the process of religious change in Asia Minor: the destruction and displacement of portions of the indigenous Christian population caused by the Turkish raids in conjunction with the decay of ecclesiastical institutions and a massive intrusion of Turkic-nomadic elements; 17 the establishment and promotion of Muslim institutions by the Turkish-Muslim elite from the middle of the twelfth century onwards; 18 an attitude of tolerance on the part of the rulers towards their Christian subjects and their institutions combined with material incentives to encourage conversion;19 co-existence and intermixture between the Turks and Éc ol e Vryonis Speros 1971, pp. 1-68 and 1975, pp. 41-71. Vryonis Speros 1971, pp. 85-113. Cahen Claude 1968, 1974 and 2001. See, for instance, Cahen Claude 1968, p. 1-8 (the Turkish migrations from the sixth century onwards and the ghāzī ideology as historical preconditions of the Seljuk expansion), p. 64-66 (Asia Minor exhibits a demographic decrease during the Byzantine period and “was incapable of ofering a solid and united front”). For discussion of eleventh-century Byzantium, see Angold Michael 1997, pp. 13-97, Cheynet JeanClaude 1998 and the contributions gathered in Vlyssidou Vassiliki 2003. Crusader historians refer to the Seljuk Turks mainly in the context of the passages through Asia Minor in 1096-1098, 1147, and 1190 and the wars with Turkish potentates in northern Syria. See, for instance, Asbridge homas 2004, pp. 113-240, and Tyerman Christopher 2006, pp. 124-147, 317-329 and 417-430. Vryonis Speros 1971, pp. 143-216, and Turan Osman 1993, pp. 37-44. Vryonis Speros 1975, pp. 60-61, and Turan Osman 1993, pp. 229-236. For the transformation from Byzantine to Turkish-Muslim urban structures, see Özcan Koray 2010. Vryonis Speros 1975, pp. 61-64, and Turan Osman 1993, pp. 79-82. © 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 80 The Formation of Muslim Principalities and Conversion to Islam during the Early Seljuk Expansion the indigenous population; 20 the integration of non-Muslim magnates, oicials, scholars and artisans in the court culture of the Turkish elite; 21 and elements of syncretism in the popular religious culture and the missionary activities of dervish brotherhoods as relected in the biographies collected in Alākī’s Manāḳib al-‛ārifīn. 22 he forces stemming from the concurrence of these phenomena, according to difering viewpoints, are perceived as a gradual dissolution of pre-existing structures or as fruitful interactions between co-existing religious and cultural groups. CONQUESTS AND JIHAD IDEOLOGY © Éc ol e fra nç ai se d' At h èn es As regards the earliest stage of this development, one of the most basic issues remains the question as to whether or not there existed a clearly deined religious identity among the irst Turkmen raiders coming to Asia Minor. In other words, did these people, apart from some attitudes and ideas adopted through their political experiences in the Islamic central lands, possess a clear Muslim consciousness comparable to the Sunni orthodoxy projected with the aid of theologians and the authority of the Abbasid caliphate by the heads of the Great Seljuk Empire in Iran and Iraq? 23 Did they, as a consequence, draw on a clear concept of jihad or Holy War against the inidels while carrying out their raids on Christian territories, and thus present themselves as adherents of the Muslim faith? Notwithstanding the fact that the lack of suicient evidence does not permit any deinite answer to these questions, the view prevailing in modern scholarship is that Islam, in one way or another, did play an important role during the Turkish conquests. Strong emphasis placed on the religious aspect can be seen in the context of the well-known gazi-theory of Paul Wittek (1894-1978), which presents Holy War as the driving force of belligerent warriors involved in the formation of the early Ottoman emirate. 24 In contrast to Ottoman studies, however, where this theory repeatedly became the object of severe criticism, the scholarly discourse on the Seljuk conquests in Asia Minor, apart from the aforementioned shift to Turkish tribal elements, stagnated and remained as it had been in the 1970s. Many Turkish scholars consider Islamization (islamlaşma) as 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. Vryonis Speros 1971, p. 176, and Balivet Michel 1994, pp. 30-80. Vryonis Speros 1971, pp. 223-244, and Balivet Michel 1994, pp. 47-53. For Christian defectors taking refuge at Turkish courts, see Beihammer Alexander 2011b, pp. 614-630. Vryonis Speros 1971, pp. 363-396 and 1975, pp. 64-69, Balivet Michel 1991, 1995, pp. 11-24 and 1999, pp. 21-29, 205-215, and Aflākī, Manāḳib. Peacock Andrew C. S. 2010, pp. 99-127. Wittek Paul 1938. For recent discussions of the issue, see Kafadar Cemal 1995 and Lowry Heath 2003. 81 Alexander Beihammer 29. Éc ol e Turan Osman 1993, pp. 37-44. Ibid., pp. 123-133. Vryonis Speros 1971, pp. 145, 161-162, 177-178. Mélikoff Irène 1960, I, p. 191 [translation], II, pp. 9-10 [text]. he text creates imaginary bonds of kinship between the Arab and the Turkish hero: “et l’émir ʽÖmer [the brother of Sayyid Baṭṭāl] avait aussi une ille qui fut donnée en mariage au ils de Miẓrāb [a famous commander of troops from Khwarizm], ʽAlī ; elle mit au monde un enfant qui fut appelé Melik Aḥmed, mais comme il devint fort intelligent et fort sage on le surnomma Melik Dānişmend”. For details, see Mélikoff Irène 1960, introduction, pp. 71-170, and Turan Osman 1993, pp. 123-128. Mélikoff Irène 1960, p. 141: “Chez ces farouches conquérants animés par l’esprit de prosélytisme, on ne trouve aucun sentiment de discrimination ou de haine raciale : toute distinction entre vainqueurs et vaincus s’eface dès que le Mécréant est devenu musulman.” As central protagonists of the romance ighting on the side of Melik Dānişmend appear Artukhī, the converted son of the Christian lord of Amaseia, whose personality combines several epic features with memories related to the historical igure of the Turkmen commander Emir Artuk (ibid., pp. 122-126), and Efromiya (< Greek Εὐμορφία), the converted daughter of a Christian lord and wife of Artukhī, who recalls elements of Amazon women in the Turkish epic tradition in conjunction with the historical memory of Morphia, the daughter of Gabriel, the last Christian lord of Melitene (ibid., pp. 129-131). In addition, the text refers to several other faithful companions of Christian origin, such as the spy Yaḥyā bin ʽIsā (ibid., pp. 126-127), and former enemies who converted to Islam, such as Aḥmed-i Serkīs, the brothers of Toqat, and Pānīc, the nephew of Mikhā’īl (ibid., pp. 128-129). © 25. 26. 27. 28. fra nç ai se d' At h èn es an indispensable component of the Turkiication (türkleşme) of Asia Minor 25 and thus underline the signiicance of speciically Islamic aspects and identity markers in the selfpresentation, behaviour and collective memory of the Turks, as relected in their interactions with the Christian population during the conquest period or in the emergence of lieux de mémoire related to the martyrdom of Turkish chieftains.26 Speros Vryonis also points to the key role of Muslim Holy War, but sees it primarily as a destructive force disastrous for the indigenous population, its places of worship, and the ecclesiastical organization. 27 A text frequently referred to in order to support these views is the so-called Dānishmend-nāme, a Turkish epic romance dealing with the deeds of Melik Dānishmend, the conqueror of the northeastern Anatolian plateau around the basin of the Halys (Kızıl Irmak) River and founder of a eponymous local dynasty, who in later Turkish collective memory came to be transformed into a legendary champion of jihad continuing the tradition of the Arab hero Sayyid Baṭṭāl of Malatya. 28 Some of the most remarkable characteristics of this warlord were his enthusiasm in convincing Christian opponents to side with him and to adopt Islam and his willingness to use unrestricted violence against all those stubbornly insisting on their faith. he circle of his closest companions, therefore, largely consisted of converted Christians, who by no means fell short of their lord in fulilling the role of jihad warriors. 29 he problem is that this romance, with its morale-boosting content and religious frame of reference, apparently addresses an audience possessing a fully developed concept of Muslim ghāzī ighters, which served to dignify the memories of the conquest period and to legitimize Turkish-Muslim rulers as heirs of an age-old jihad tradition in Anatolia going 82 The Formation of Muslim Principalities and Conversion to Islam during the Early Seljuk Expansion se d' At h èn es back to the time of the early caliphate. he earliest version of the romance is ascribed to a certain Mawlānā Ibn ‛Alā, who in 642/1245 or somewhat later ixed the oral tradition about Melik Dānishmend in written form and dedicated his work to the Seljuk sultan ʽIzz al-Dīn Kaykā’ūs II, thus linking the legendary hero of the conquest period with the Seljuk sultanate. In 762/1360-1 this text was thoroughly reworked by ‛Ārif ʽAlī, governor of Tokat, who revised it linguistically, rearranged its content, and adorned it with descriptions and poems relecting the atmosphere of a Turkmen-nomadic lifestyle and Islamic mysticism in fourteenth-century Anatolia. In the late sixteenth century the chronicler ʽAlī of Gelibolu composed a paraphrase of this work, thus integrating its legendary material into the Ottoman historiographical tradition. 30 he historical and geographical circumstances as well as numerous individuals mentioned or described in this text certainly echo the conditions of the conquest period or later chronological layers, and point to the intermingling of a factual core with epic features, narrative patterns, and literary conventions of the Arabic heroic cycle and Turkish-Persian poetic tradition. One should be extremely cautious in accepting the spirit and atmosphere expressed therein as relecting genuine attitudes prevailing in the conquest period. fra nç ai CHRISTIAN SOURCES © Éc ol e Contemporary or later chronicles and historiographical texts are, no doubt, more reliable than the Turkish epic tradition, but it would be highly misleading to consider the information provided by them as containing trustworthy references to eleventh- and twelfth-cen tury realities. First and foremost, one has to bear in mind the broad range of languages, literary conventions, ideological concepts, and social frameworks relected in a body of historical narratives originating from a geographical area extending from Constantinople to Baghdad. Only by taking into account their particularities and by comparing the evidence provided by diferent traditions may the present-day observer be able to assess the degree of historicity of these narratives. While Byzantine historians primarily focus on imperial policy and the internal conlicts of the ruling elite, 31 the authors of non-Chalcedo nian 30. 31. For details, see Mélikoff Irène 1960, pp. 53-70. John Skylitzes, Synopsis, pp. 442-500 (covering the period from the 1040s to 1057), John Skylitzes, Συνέχεια (covering the period 1057-1079/80), Michael Attaliates, Historia, pp. 33-36, 59-195, 198-199 and 206-207 (covering the period from the 1040s to 1078), John Zonaras, Epitomae, pp. 634-641, 683-724 and 756-758 (covering the period from the 1040s to 1118), Nikephoros Bryennios, Histoire, pp. 86-207 and 236-311 (covering the years 1071-1079/80), Anna Comnena, Alexias (covering the years 1073-1118), John Kinnamos, Epitome and Deeds (covering the years 1118-1176) and Niketas Choniates, Historia and Annals (covering the years 1118-1206). 83 Alexander Beihammer © Éc ol e fra nç ai se d' At h èn es denominations concentrate on the fate of their own co-religionists and ecclesiastical leadership in the east. he Armenian monk Matthew of Edessa and the Jacobite Patriarch Michael the Syrian, for example, present the major events of their respective communities in the eastern borderland stretching from Antioch, Edessa and the Upper Euphrates region to the Armenian provinces in Transcaucasia. 32 he selective coverage provided by these sources largely excludes the central Anatolian plateau, the Pontus region, and western Asia Minor south of Bithynia, of which we ind no more than some isolated glimpses when an imperial campaign or another military event is mentioned in the chronicles. Some examples may illustrate the modes of perception and interpretative patterns applied to the phenomenon of conversion in these sources. Let us start with a failed attempt at conversion leading to the martyrdom of a courageous Christian citizen in the city of Melitene, as portrayed in the chronicle of Michael the Syrian. 33 As part of his presentation of the Turkish raids, which he primarily views as a sign of God’s anger against the heretic, i.e. “Chalcedonian”, Greeks, 34 he relates in detail the Turkish attack on Melitene/Malatya in the winter of 1057-58 as the irst great disaster that alicted his community after Sultan ̣ughril Beg started to launch invasions into the Byzantine regions of Armenia. Reliable historical facts, such as the lack of suitable fortiications, which forced the inhabitants to take refuge in the surrounding mountains, and the harsh climatic conditions of the winter season, which caused the death of both townspeople and raiders, are combined with an account of the martyrdom of the deacon Peter, a scribe of ecclesiastical manuscripts and schoolmaster, who was captured by marauding Turks looking for hidden treasure. he starting point of the episode was a cultural misunderstanding, namely the inability of the Turks to perceive the true meaning of the manuscripts preserved in Peter’s oice. heir precious decoration made them erroneously think that Peter was the “head of all Christians”, and thus they started torturing him and forcing him to trample a cross under his feet. Peter steadfastly resisted, and met a horrible death. he literary elaboration of this event draws on the binary opposition between cruel barbarians on the one hand and on the other a courageous Christian who even under the most adverse circumstances proved strong enough to keep his faith. 32. 33. 34. Matthew of Edessa, Armenia; for this author’s conception of history, see MacEvitt Christopher 2007, Michael the Syrian, Chronique, III, pp. 149-413, and Bar Hebraeus, Chronography, I, pp. 195-352. Michael the Syrian, Chronique, III, pp. 158-159. For other sources on the Turkish attack against Melitene, see Matthew of Edessa, Armenia, pp. 92-93 and Bar Hebraeus, Chronography, pp. 212-213. For an analysis of the raid, see Vest Bernd Andreas 2007, pp. 1298-1315. Michael the Syrian, Chronique, III, p. 154: “de même leur seconde invasion eut lieu par l’ordre du Seigneur […]. Les Grecs prévalurent de nouveau sur la Syrie, la Palestine, l’Arménie et la Cappadoce ; et aussitôt qu’ils régnèrent, ils renouvelèrent promptement leurs mauvaises habitudes, et se mirent à persécuter tyranniquement les idèles dans ces contrées. Alors, Dieu fut justement irrité contre eux, et pour cela, il excita et it sortir les Turcs dans cette seconde invasion”. 84 The Formation of Muslim Principalities and Conversion to Islam during the Early Seljuk Expansion © Éc ol e fra nç ai se d' At h èn es he episode does not it very well with the other details provided by the description of this raid, which presents the Turks as being primarily interested in gaining booty through pillage and devastation, not as warriors of the Muslim faith. Neither Michael the Syrian nor any other contemporary source provides evidence pointing to a concept of Holy War or to speciic Islamic elements as the driving force in the conduct of the Turkmen warriors. he local population in the regions alicted by the early Turkish raids obviously faced a number of serious threats to their life and property, but forced conversions could hardly have been an issue of primary importance at that time. hings changed, however, when the Turkmens permanently established themselves in central and eastern Anatolia and started to build up new political units with Islamic characteristics. Because of its crucial importance as a strategic key point at the junction between the central Taurus and the upper Euphrates region, at the end of the eleventh century Melitene/Malatya became a focus for discord between crusaders, local Armenians and Turkish potentates, and was successively conquered by Melik Dānishmend in 1102 and by the Seljuk ruler Kılıc Arslan I in 1106. As the residence of the sultan’s widow and her son ̣ughril Arslan, the city continued to be a target of competing Muslim forces, so in 1124 it was conquered again by the Dānishmendid ruler Gümüştekin. Over the next decades the city was held by several princes of the same dynasty and had to endure an incessant series of attacks, until Kılıc Arslan II in late 1177 eventually managed to incorporate it into the Seljuk realm. 35 hese vicissitudes certainly had their impact on the Jacobite Christian community of Malatya, and it can be assumed that the high degree of insecurity ensuing from an almost constant state of warfare in the region made the issue of forced or voluntary conversions a crucial problem in the eyes of Michael’s co-religionists. Peter the deacon in all likelihood was indeed killed by the Turkish invaders,36 but rather than being seen as an early victim of religious fanaticism, he was styled by Michael the Syrian as a paradigmatic model of religious steadfastness for later generations of Christians constantly exposed to the dangers and threats of Muslim military action in the region. In the general framework of aggressive acts against the local population during campaigns, forced conversions certainly did occur from time to time. Similar phenomena also occurred in Byzantine campaigns in Muslim territory, as for example during the 1138 expedition of Emperor John II in northern Syria.37 As for the period of the early Turkish raids in Asia Minor, the available evidence shows that high-ranking Seljuk or other Turkmen commanders were much more attracted by the Byzantine imperial court and the Christian-Roman cultural sphere than the other way round. 35. 36. 37. For the irst phase of this development until 1124, see Vest Bernd Andreas 2007, pp. 1308-1777. For the rest, see Cahen Claude 2001, pp. 11-18, 20-21 and 23-32. Vest Bernd Andreas 2007, p. 1309. Ibn al-Athīr, Tārīkh, VII, p. 19: the Muslim judge of the fortress of Buzāʽa and about 400 noblemen from among the inhabitants converted to Christianity. 85 Alexander Beihammer 38. For a list of individuals known as defectors who permanently or temporarily took refuge at the Byzantine court, see Beihammer Alexander 2011b, pp. 606-614. Anna Comnena, Alexias, p. 198 (referring to Elchanes, Turkish lord of Apollonias, who in about 1092 surrendered to Emperor Alexios I): ὁ δὲ Ἐλχάνης ἀποχρῶσαν ἀπάρτι πρὸς αὐτὸν μὴ ἔχων δύναμιν τὴν Éc ol e 39. fra nç ai se d' At h èn es Hence we have various examples of Turkish prisoners and defectors who were integrated into the Byzantine military elite, received court titles and adopted the Christian faith.38 Similar phenomena can be observed with respect to Turkish emirs who, trapped in a dangerous deadlock, preferred to surrender, in view of the generous rewards ofered by the imperial government. In some cases this decision could culminate in the beneiciary’s baptism.39 A particularly noteworthy case was, of course, that of the emir of Smyrna, Tzachas (Çaka). According to Anna Comnena, he established an independent rule over the coastal region between Klazomenai (modern Kilizman) and Phocaea (modern Foça), as well as the islands of Chios and Lesbos, and further consolidated his position through an alliance with the Seljuk Sultan Kılıc Arslan I. 40 On the other hand, in his residence at Smyrna he made use of the title of basileus and other symbols of imperial self-representation. 41 Consequently, while negotiating in Chios with the commanders of the imperial army about a peace agreement, amongst other things he proposed a marriage between one of his children and a child of the emperor so that he could establish bonds of kinship with the imperial dynasty. 42 In Tzachas’ case, the process of cultural and ideological integration into the Byzantine-Christian cultural sphere was particularly advanced, for he had been taken prisoner at a young age and given to Emperor Nikephoros Botaneiates, who included him in the circle of his entourage, bestowing upon him the title of protonobelissimos. 43 Anna’s account does not provide any indication, but it can be assumed that his belonging to the innermost circle of the imperial government presupposed his previous conversion to Christianity, something that may have been simply a natural step for a μὲν πόλιν ἐθελοντὶ παραδίδωσιν, αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ τῶν καθ᾿ αἷμα προσηκόντων αὐτομολεῖ πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα καὶ μυρίων μὲν ἐπαπολαύει δωρεῶν, τυγχάνει δὲ καὶ τοῦ μεγίστου, τοῦ ἁγίου φημὶ φωτίσματος. Ibid., p. 326 (referring to the negotiations between the Byzantine general Manuel Boutoumites and the Seljuk commanders of Nicaea): ἐς τοσοῦτον συνηλάθησαν οἱ βάρβαροι ὡς μὴδὲ τῶν κρηδέμνων Νικαίας © προκύψαι θαρρεῖν. ἅμα δὲ καὶ τὴν τοῦ σουλτάνου ἀπεγνωκότες ἔλευσιν, βέλτιον ἐλογίσαντο τῷ αυτοκράτορι παραδοῦναι τὴν πόλιν καὶ εἰς ὁμιλίαν περὶ τούτου μετὰ τοῦ Βουτουμίτου ἐλθεῖν […] ἀκροασάμενοι τοίνυν τοῦ χρυσοβούλλου, δι᾿ οὗ ὑπισχνεῖτο ὁ βασιλεὺς οὐ μόνον ἀπάθειαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ δαψιλῆ δόσιν χρημάτων τὲ καὶ ἀξιωμάτων τῇ τε ἀδελφῇ καὶ τῇ γυναικὶ τοῦ σουλτάνου, ἥτις θυγάτριον, ὡς ἐλέγετο, τοῦ Τζαχᾶ, καὶ πᾶσιν ἁπλῶς τοῖς ἐν Νικαίᾳ βαρβάροις. See also ibid., pp. 328-329 (negotiations between the Byzantine oicers 40. 41. 42. 43. Monastras and Rodomeros and Seljuk dignitaries). Ibid., pp. 222-223 and 326. Ibid., p. 258: ἀλλὰ τοῖς προσήκουσι βασιλεῦσι χρᾶται παρασήμοις βασιλέα ἑαυτὸν ὀνομάζων καὶ τὴν Σμύρνην οἰκῶν καθαπερεὶ βασίλειά τινα. Ibid., p. 225: εἰ δέ σοι δοκεῖ καὶ τὰ τέκνα ἡμῶν συναφθῆναι, προβεβλήσθω μέσον ἡμῶν ἔγγραφος ἡ περὶ τούτου συμφωνία, ὡς ἔθος τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις καὶ ἡμῖν τοῖς βαρβάροις ἐστί. Ibid. 86 The Formation of Muslim Principalities and Conversion to Islam during the Early Seljuk Expansion © Éc ol e fra nç ai se d' At h èn es young foreign prisoner who had ambitions to become part of the Byzantine aristocracy. he Sarakenos Tatikios, who as prisoner of war had come into the service of Alexios’ father John Komnenos and thereafter made an impressive career as military commander under the irst Komnenian emperor, 44 or, even at an earlier stage, the Seljuk commander Chrysoskoulos-Arīsghī, a brother-in-law of Sultan Alp Arslan, who as a result of internal power struggles in 1070 had led to the court of Romanos IV and became a close companion of John’s older brother Manuel Komnenos,45 are examples which illustrate how widespread the phenomenon of cross-cultural transitions had become at the Byzantine court. Tzachas is hence a representative example of a potentate of Turkmen origin, who in the course of his political life underwent a twofold process of integration from the Turkish to the Byzantine and back to the Turkish cultural sphere. he diference was that in the case of his second shift he did not return to the environment of nomadic warriors, but established himself as a warlord in the heart of Byzantine ports and urban centres. His military forces consisted of soldiers belonging to the local population in the coastal towns of western Asia Minor 46 and of Turkish warriors, who seem to have gathered around him after his expulsion from the Byzantine capital as a result of Alexios I’s rise to power. he use of Byzantine symbols of authority in conjunction with his close contacts with the Seljuk court of Konya shows that Tzachas’ power base and legitimization strategy rested on the two main sources of political inluence in western and central Anatolia at that time. Accordingly, Tzachas’ rule in Smyrna and the adjacent regions can be characterized as an intermediate form of lordship oscillating between a Byzantine and a Turkish-Muslim outward appearance. 47 As regards known instances of Christian apostates to Islam, these are rather few during the early period of the Turkish expansion and, if they occur at all, remain largely restricted to the eastern borderlands. Armenian potentates and warlords in the frontier zone were much more exposed to Turkish pressure and, therefore, were forced to ind modes of co-existence at quite an early stage of their contacts with the new enemies. his is illustrated, for example, by the demeanour of the Bagratid king of Kars, Gagik-Abas II, who, according to Matthew of Edessa, shortly before his abdication in 1064 received an envoy from Sultan Alp Arslan “dressed up in a black garment of mourning”, thus demonstrating his grief over the death of the sultan’s predecessor ̣ughril Beg and his 44. 45. 46. 47. Ibid., pp. 126-127. Beihammer Alexander 2011, p. 608. Anna Comnena, Alexias, p. 221. For Tzachas / Çaka, see Kurat Akdes Nimet 1966, Savvides Alexis 1982, pp. 9-24, 1984, pp. 51-66, Brand Charles M. 1989, pp. 2-3, 15-17 (with similar conclusions regarding Tzachas’ adoption of the Christian faith, but a much sharper distinction between the Byzantine and the Muslim-Turkish sphere, which at least during the early formation period could not yet have been that clear) and Durak Koray 2009, p. 73, n. 69. 87 Alexander Beihammer © Éc ol e fra nç ai se d' At h èn es friendly disposition towards the Seljuk dynasty. When the sultan came in person to Kars, he dressed Gagik “in royal clothes”, which obviously means that he bestowed honorary robes upon him, thus enforcing a formal investiture of the Bagratid king and a recognition of the sultan’s suzerainty. 48 he latter aspect is also highlighted by an opulent banquet ofered to the sultan on the occasion of his visit to Kars. he Armenian chronicler, of course, is eager to present the king’s attitude as a clever device “to rid himself of the sultan”, but also admits that with Gagik’s light to Emperor Constantine IX Doukas the enslavement of the Armenian nation was accomplished. he land was destroyed and the people were “subjected to servitude under inidel peoples and alien savages”.49 he downfall of the last king of Kars, although he eventually shrank from collaborating with the Seljuk sultan, marked the Armenian people’s subjugation to Muslim rule. 50 he irst known case of conversion is attested by the chronicle of Bar Hebraeus, referring to the Armenian commander Aristakis (Arīstākīs), who in 1068 was trapped along with a contingent of 200 soldiers by Turkish warriors who, in order to save their lives, expressed the wish to go to the sultan and become Muslim. he Armenians were received with honour, circumcised, and awarded very generous annual incomes. Despite these advantages, the commander eventually escaped and returned to the Christian faith. 51 Conversion here appears as an act of desperation subsequently to be corrected. Just as in the case of Peter the deacon, the story conveys a clear moral message. Even when one’s life is threatened and one is forced to succumb to the Muslim faith and its temptations, it is never too late to repent. It is remarkable that the text refers to material advantages, such as generous salaries and an honorary position at the sultan’s court, which may in fact have formed an important incentive for high-ranking aristocrats to convert to the enemy’s religion. Again, it does not seem very likely that this episode actually happened in that way in the late 1060s but, just as Peter the deacon did in the ecclesiastical sphere, Aristakis served as an example for members of the military class. he most renowned Christian apostate in the period of the early Turkish raids was no doubt the Armenian lord Philaretos Brachamios, who began his career as an oicer in the Byzantine army in the 1050s, was appointed to a leading command post among the eastern troops by Romanos IV in 1069, and from about 1073 onwards began to build up a semiindependent lordship expanding from Marʽash in the Jayḥān valley towards Cilicia and the upper Euphrates region, which included a number of important urban centres, such as 48. 49. 50. 51. Matthew of Edessa, Armenia, p. 104. Ibid., pp. 104-105. Beihammer Alexander 2011, pp. 615-616. Bar Hebraeus, Chronography, p. 218 (dated 460 a. h. = 1067 November 11-1068 October 30 at the time of Romanos’ IV takeover in Constantinople). I could not detect any traces of this episode in older sources and thus it remains open to question from where the author took the information about this incident. 88 The Formation of Muslim Principalities and Conversion to Islam during the Early Seljuk Expansion 52. For this personality, see Yarnley C. J. 1972 and Vest Bernd Andreas 2007, pp. 1445-1511. For the extent of his realm, see Michael the Syrian, Chronique, III, pp. 173-174. Matthew of Edessa, Armenia, p. 137: “In this period [521 Arm. era = 1072-3] the impious and most wicked chief Philaretus, who was of the ofspring of Satan, began his tyrannical rule; for, when Diogenes fell, this peridious man, who indeed was a precursor of the abominable Antichrist and possessed a demonical and extremely monstrous character, tyrannically ruled over the land.” Michael the Syrian, Chronique, III, p. 173: “mais n’ayant pu résister aux Turcs, ce misérable abandonna sa foi, descendit à Bagdad, et dans le Khorasan, et se it musulman.” Matthew of Edessa, Armenia, pp. 152-153: “the wicked Philaretus rose up and went in homage to sultan Malik-Shāh the conqueror, in order to solicit his benevolence and peace on behalf of all the Christian faithful […] Now, when the sultan Malik-Shāh learned of all this in Persia, he removed Philaretus from his presence and treated him with contempt. So Philaretus, in complete despair, at that moment abjured his Christian religion, renouncing the faith of Christ”. Anna Comnena, Alexias, pp. 186-187: καθ᾿ ἑκάστην δὲ τῶν Τούρκων ληιζομένων τὰ πέριξ, ἐπεὶ μὴ ἄνεσις © 53. Éc ol e fra nç ai se d' At h èn es Kaysūn, Raʽbān, Melitene, Edessa, and Antioch.52 his individual receives a very bad press in almost all available sources.53 he accounts agree that in early 1086, when his territory was reduced to Marʽash and Edessa and was coming under increasing pressure from Sulaymān b. Kutlumush and other Turkish-Muslim potentates in the region, Philaretos eventually decided to submit to Sultan Malik Shāh. he versions of Michael the Syrian and Matthew of Edessa agree that Philaretos’ conversion to Islam has to be seen in connection with this event, but the two authors provide difering explanations for the motives and exact circumstances of the Armenian lord’s behaviour. While the former presents the conversion as the ultimate goal of his trip to the sultan’s court in Khurāsān,54 the latter, despite his overwhelmingly negative attitude towards this igure, asserts that Philaretos originally submitted to the sultan in order to secure the survival of his heavily curtailed lordship and the safety of his Christian subjects. Only when he eventually incurred the sultan’s anger did he decide, in an act of desperation, to adopt the Muslim faith.55 his version exhibits clear parallels with the aforementioned submission of King Gagik II of Kars to Sultan Alp Arslan in 1064 and seems to be much more in accordance with the initial situation described: the Armenian potentate, abandoned by most of his followers and deprived of his political power, was forced to ind efective protection from a supreme authority recognized by most of the local rulers in the region. Anna Comnena presents an independent version of the events that connects Philaretos’ intention to convert to Islam with the conquest of Antioch by Sulaymān b. Kutlumush. 56 Reportedly it was the Armenian lord’s son who, having failed to dissuade his father from his purpose to convert, set of for Nicaea and called on the Seljuk ruler to take possession of the city. hough highly illogical, Anna’s version, too, is in line with the aforementioned versions, in that she portrays the conversion as an act resulting from deep despair. he reason behind 54. 55. 56. τούτῳ ἐδίδοτο, ἐσκέψατο προσελθεῖν τοῖς Τούρκοις καὶ περιτμηθῆναι, ὡς ἔθος αὐτοῖς. ὁ δὲ υἱὸς αὐτοῦ ἐνέκειτο τοῦτον σφόδρα τῆς παραλόγου ἀνακόπτων ὁρμῆς […]. 89 Alexander Beihammer © Éc ol e fra nç ai se d' At h èn es this odd interpretation can be clariied using Arabic sources which refer to an imprisonment of Philaretos’ son and the latter’s conspiracy to hand the city over to Sulaymān. 57 Hence the idea that the Seljuk attack on Antioch was triggered by an internal conlict in Philaretos’ family is shared by Muslim sources as well and can be considered a historical fact, and it was only the details concerning the potentate’s conversion that were placed in a new context by the Byzantine historian, obviously with the intention of presenting it in the most scandalous way possible. All in all, none of the available versions relects a clear knowledge of the historical circumstances in which Philaretos’ conversion occurred; rather they present diferent narrative reconstructions written in hindsight and aiming to convey moral messages to their readers. In doing so, they converge in agreeing that the event occurred at the lowest point of Philaretos’ career and when he was in a state of despair, and was thus a self-destructive act of surrender to treacherous forces that led to material and spiritual moral decay, which in turn caused the complete collapse of his lordship. here are no reports about this or other Christian converts to Islam in eleventh-century Asia Minor in Muslim sources, so that we cannot make any comparison between the opposing viewpoints. Nevertheless, Ibn al-Athīr’s account of Sulaymān b. Kutlumush’s conquest of Antioch agrees with the Christian tradition in that coalitions and collaborations between individuals were important factors for the successful outcome of military actions, in this case the support of the governor of Antioch ofered to the invading forces of Sulaymān that prepared the ground for a more benevolent treatment of the local population. In this atmosphere the boundaries between the vanquished and the victors could be more easily overcome and advanced forms of cooperation could be achieved. In the case of Antioch, the chronicler explicitly mentions that Sulaymān “showed kindness to the people and was just”, and forbade his soldiers to violate the property of the inhabitants. he described course of action illustrates the Seljuk lord’s transition from a warlord to a territorial ruler interested in establishing a permanent and well-ordered administrative system. 58 MUSLIM SOURCES he Muslim sources for the Turkish expansion in Asia Minor provide rich information about the rise of the Seljuk Empire and the social and political background of the various warrior groups involved in the invasions, but they are rather inaccurate and elusive as regards the efects of hostilities and raids, the coexistence between the indigenous population 57. 58. Ibn al-Athīr, Tārīkh, VI, p. 293. Ibid. 90 The Formation of Muslim Principalities and Conversion to Islam during the Early Seljuk Expansion © Éc ol e fra nç ai se d' At h èn es and intruding Turkmens, and the individual stages in the transformation from Byzantine administration to newly established principalities of Muslim character. As shown above, phenomena of Islamization, in one way or another, certainly did occur on all these levels, but in contrast to the early Islamic futūḥ (conquest) literature, in which the summoning to Islam and related issues constitute a permanently recurring motif in the narratives, 59 they are nowhere treated in any systematic way. First and foremost, this is due to the overarching intention of the available accounts, which consist of (1) dynastic histories presenting the rise of the Seljuk dynasty from a band of warriors among the Oghuz tribes of Transoxania and Khurasan to a supreme power in the Muslim world, (2) universal histories integrating the activities of the Turkmen tribes into the events determining the political developments in the territories between Syria and eastern Iran, and (3) local histories relating the activities of Seljuk rulers and Turkish commanders to the extent that they afected the fates of the cities forming the subject of these texts. he material of these sources, therefore, is largely limited to the central Muslim lands and the major urban centres in Syria and Iraq. his, to a certain degree, includes the old Byzantine-Arab borderland in Cilicia, the upper Euphrates region, the Taurus mountain range, and Armenia, but has very little to say about the interior of the Anatolian highlands, let alone the western and northern regions along the Aegean and Black Sea coasts. Another problem is the highly complicated textual history of these works, which, though frequently traceable to contemporary witnesses and drafts, in most cases come down to us in the form of more recent versions. hese in turn exhibit several stages of reworking, in which original tendencies and perspectives were altered and material was added or removed. Since the relevant studies of Claude Cahen on this subject, it has generally been accepted that the oldest layer of a genuine Seljuk historical tradition is a Persian Maliknāma (“he King’s Book”) which included material up to the death of Sultan ̣ughril Beg and was dedicated to his successor Alp Arlsan. 60 Between the middle of the twelfth and the early fourteenth century this core piece, most likely on the basis of difering revisions and Arabic translations, was integrated, elaborated and continued by a whole series of writers. Among them were Ẓahīr al-Dīn al-Nīshāpūrī, the author of a Saljūqnāma datable to about 1175, a version of which, quite close to the original but enriched with his own and previous additions, is transmitted in the Jāmi‛ al-tawārīkh of the early fourteenth-century Ilkhānid writer Rashīd al-Dīn Faḍlallāh, 61 ʽImād al-Dīn al-Iṣfahānī, who in 579/1183-84, on the basis of the memoirs of Anūshirwān b. Khālid (c. 1133), wrote a history of the Iraqi Seljuks, published in the form of the thirteenth-century 59. 60. 61. Noth Albrecht 1994. Cahen Claude 1949. Rashīd al-Dīn Faḍlallāh, Jāmi (1960) and Jāmi (2001). 91 Alexander Beihammer © Éc ol e fra nç ai se d' At h èn es abridgement Zubdat al-Nuṣra by al-Bundārī, 62 Muḥammad al-Rāwandī, who in about 599/1202-03 composed the compendium Rāḥat al-ṣudūr wa-āyat al-surūri, 63 and Ṣadr al-Dīn al-Hụ saynī, who (most probably erroneously) is mentioned in the only surviving manuscript as author of an Arabic work entitled Akhbār al-dawlat al-Saljūqiyya written after 622/1225. 64 Furthermore, extensive parts of the Malik-nāma and other material referring to the Seljuks in both Asia Minor and the Islamic central lands are transmitted in the universal chronicles of Ibn al-Athīr (c. 1231) and Bar Hebraeus (c. 1286), who in all likelihood used two diferent versions with diverging tendencies as sources. 65 he discrepancies among the various versions show us the particularities of each revision, but it is very diicult to say when and in what circumstances these changes were made. As a result, the question as to what relects immediate knowledge of contemporary developments and what is later interpretation still needs much further clariication. Additional material can be found in the chronicles of Aleppo written by al- ʽAẓīmī (d. shortly after 1160/61) and Kamāl al-Dīn b. al- ʽAdīm (d. 1262), 66 as well as in the universal chronicle Mir’āt al-zamān by Sibṭ b. al-Jawzī (d. 1257), who included much material concerning the policy of ̣ughril Beg, Alp Arslan and Malik-Shāh taken from the eleventh-century account of Ghars al-Ni ʽma (d. 1080/1088). 67 he reports transmitted by Ẓahīr al-Dīn and other authors continued to be used and elaborated in the Persian historical tradition of the fourteenth and ifteenth century, the most important representative of which is perhaps the Rawḍat al-ṣafā of Mīrkhwānd. 68 he local historiography of the Seljuk dynasty of Rūm did not start before 680/1281-82, when Ibn Bībī wrote his al-Awāmir al-ʽalā’iyya fī l-umūr al-ʽalā’iyya covering the period from Ghiyāth al-Dīn Kaykhusraw I’s rise to power in 1192 until 1280. 69 Lacking reliable sources, the author explains, he was not able to treat the period prior to this date. For this reason we do not possess any Anatolian Seljuk interpretation of the foundation period, but at least it becomes clear from this statement that, apart from the aforementioned texts, there was no other material circulating at that time. his is also conirmed by Karīm al-Dīn Maḥmūd-i Aksarāyī, the author of Musāmarat al-akhbār wa-musāyarat al-aḥyār written in 723/1323, which mainly covers the events after the end of Ibn Bībī’s chronicle up to 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. Al-Bundârî, Histoire. Muḥammad al-Rāwandī, Ráḥat. ̣̣adr al-Dīn al-̣usaynī, Dawlat. Ibn al-Athīr, al-Kāmil, introduction, pp. 1-10 and Bar Hebraeus, Chronography, introduction, pp. xxxvii-xli. Al-ʽAẓīmī, Tarihi and Kamāl al-Dīn Ibn. al-Adīm, Bughyat, Tarihi and Zubdat. Ghars al-Niʽma, Mir’âtü’z. Mīrkhwānd, Geschichte. Ibn Bībī, Histoire, Histoire abrégée, El-Evāmirü and Seltschukengeschichte. 92 The Formation of Muslim Principalities and Conversion to Islam during the Early Seljuk Expansion Éc ol e fra nç ai se d' At h èn es the irst quarter of the fourteenth century, but adds an extensive introduction based on the older Saljūq-nāma tradition. 70 A basic characteristic of all these works is the attempt of bureaucrats and men of letters of the Arabic or Persian tongue belonging to the Seljuk ruling class to present the rise and development of this dynasty in the light of the principles, values and conceptions of Islamic political traditions and ideologies, thus describing a Turkmen warrior elite and their followers as a powerful force chosen by God to take over the supreme royal authority in the Muslim world and to put an end to the rule of their morally inferior opponents. 71 In this context it comes as no surprise that, alongside a number of morally more or less neutral reports about the destructive actions of marauding bands of Turkmens, the idea of legitimacy and integration into the spiritual and institutional framework of the Muslim world was also applied to the conquered territories of Asia Minor. Hence, the arrival and establishment of Turkish rulers in Asia Minor is presented as resulting from an oicial bestowal of rights of suzerainty on the part of the caliph and the Seljuk sultan as the highest religious and secular authorities in Islam, thus creating the impression that, as early as the years following the Battle of Manzikert in 1071, oicially sanctioned political formations came into being which from the outset had a fully deined Islamic outward appearance and structure. In particular, the version of Ẓahīr al-Dīn/Rashīd al-Dīn ascribes the foundation of a number of Turkmen principalities, which during the twelfth century dominated the political landscape of eastern Anatolia, to a decision made by Sultan Alp Arslan immediately after the Battle of Manzikert. Reportedly, it was the Byzantine emperor’s refusal to pay the tribute agreed upon during his captivity which caused the sultan to order his emirs to invade and take possession of the Byzantine territories: © When the king of the Romans reached his own country, the Satan of disappointment nested in his heart and the demon of temptation in his brain and so he showed deiciency and delay in the sending [of the money] to the treasury. When they revealed this state of afairs to his majesty the sultan, he ordered the emirs to invade the provinces of the Romans; each district they were to conquer and take possession of would belong to him [i.e. one of them] and his children and grandchildren; except for him, nobody would have access to or control over it […] Authority and dominion was established in the best possible way. Each year they made their summer quarters in a pleasant steppe land and spent their time in pleasure. Sometimes discord occurred among them and because of pride and arrogance contentions made their appearance. 72 70. 71. 72. Karīm al-Dīn Maḥmūd-i Aksarāyī, Müsâmeret (1944) and Müsâmeret (2000). Luther Kenneth Allin 2001, pp. 3-14. Rashīd al-Dīn Faḍlallāh, Jāmi (1960), pp. 38-39, and Jāmi (2001), pp. 52-53. 93 Alexander Beihammer © Éc ol e fra nç ai se d' At h èn es he text clearly expresses the idea of an oicial bestowal of hereditary rights of unrestricted sovereignty by the Great Seljuk sultan upon his leading military commanders. Because of the emperor’s disobedience, the Turkmen chieftains are entitled to seize his territories and to lay claims to exclusive dominion over them. In addition, the report stresses the persistence of two constant features characterizing the structural particularities of these principalities, namely the maintenance of pastoralist patterns and an inherent instability due to the hostile relations among them. In particular, the catalogue comprises (a) Emir Saltuq ruling over Erzurum (Arzan al-Rūm) and its dependencies, (b) Emir Artuq ruling over Mārdīn, Āmid, Manzikert, Melitene (Malaṭya) and Kharput (Khartapert), (c) Emir Dānishmand ruling over Kaisareia (Qayṣarīya), Tzamandos (Zamandū), Sebasteia (Sīwās), Gabadonia (Dawalū), Dokeia (Tūqāt), Neokaisareia (Nikīsār) and Amaseia (Āmāsiya), (d) Emir Chāwuldur ruling over Germanikeia (Marʽash) and Sarūs (Saros/Sayḥān River?), and (e) Emir Mangūjak Ghāzī ruling over Erzincan, Kamākh, Koloneia (Kūghūnīya) and other districts. All in all, the area covered by this list stretches from Cappadocia and the northern Pyramos (Ceyhan) Valley along the Euphrates river and the Anti-Taurus mountain range as far as the province of Basean and the regions bounded by the Lykos (Kelkit) and the Halys (Kızılırmak) rivers. he concept of a well-deined distribution of territories evokes the image of a common allegiance to the supreme rule of the Seljuk sultanate, which, in turn, appears as an overarching central power trying to unify and impose its control over a great variety of disparate warrior groups, Turkmen chieftains and Seljuk princes. It is striking, however, that neither this nor most of the other early Muslim reports on the Seljuk expansion in Asia Minor refer to Sulaymān b. Kutlumush before his expedition to Antioch. he only exception is the mid-twelfth century author Aẓīmī (d. after 116061), who in the report of the year 467/27 August 1074-15 August 1075 briely notes: “Sulaymān b. Quṭlumush conquered Nicaea and its territories (Nīqīya wa-a‛mālahā).” 73 Many scholars took this piece of information at face value, so the year 1075 became a sort of oicial birthday of the Seljuk sultanate in Asia Minor. An extended, albeit legendary, version of this report can be found in an anonymous Saljūq-nāma composed in the second half of the fourteenth century. Here Sulaymān is said to have originally been granted the rule over Syria and Diyār Bakr, but was not able to impose his authority, so decided to start ighting the Romans: Good luck supported him and good fate was with him. he Turkmens of Khurāsān headed towards him. At irst he came to Antioch, but was not able to conquer the city. hus he went to the Romans. First he took Qūniya from Mārṭā and Kūstā and Qal‛a-i Kavālah from Rūmānūs Makrī. Within a short time he seized well-fortiied fortresses in the region (qal‛ahā-yi muḥkam-rā ki dar ān nāḥiyat) and brought them to Islam. He 73. Al-ʽAẓīmī, Tarihi, p. 16. 94 The Formation of Muslim Principalities and Conversion to Islam during the Early Seljuk Expansion took the treasures of the kings of the Romans with his sword. he hearts of the inidels illed with fear of him. He took [all territories] from Kūniya to Īznīk with his bravery. No army was able to resist him. hey brought tribute (kharāj) from the cities of the inidels (az shahrhā-yi kufār) to Konya. he powerful men of the Romans at his court put their heads on the bottom. 74 © Éc ol e fra nç ai se d' At h èn es he image of Sulaymān is further developed into that of a powerful conqueror and champion of ghazā, who managed within a short time to gain wealth and a strong lordship and was paid respect by the Byzantines. he problem is that none of our Byzantine authorities explicitly mentions or implicitly suggests any form of actual control by the Turks over Nicaea and other urban centres in Bithynia prior to about 1080. Even then the available statements are so elusive that it is virtually impossible to gain a clear image of the way in which this takeover may have taken place. he only thing that seems to be certain is that Sulaymān, after he and his brothers failed to succeed in the rivalries of Turkmen warlords in Syria, in 1075 led with his companions to the interior of Asia Minor and may have reached the western provinces of Phrygia and Bithynia quite quickly, where he came in contact with the local Byzantine aristocracy and military elite, among them Nikephoros Botaneiates and other rebels. 75 Twelfth-century Christian texts, despite their diametrically opposed perception of the events, relecting the viewpoint of the defenders and victims, in some points share the ideas expressed by the Seljuk chronicles. Matthew of Edessa, who presents the Byzantine defeat of Manzikert as the “beginning of the second devastation and inal destruction of our country by the wicked Turkish forces”, 76 construes Diogenes’ death as an event causing the sultan’s anger. he sacrilegious crime against Alp Arslan’s treaty partner demonstrates the Romans’ godless nature and prompts the sultan to nullify all existing agreements and to send his soldiers to new raids on Christian territory. 77 In a very similar way, Nikephoros Bryennios remarks that when the Turks learned what had happened to Diogenes, they violated the agreements and treaties which he had concluded for the beneit of the Romans and started to pillage the whole east. 78 Michael the Syrian was the irst Christian historian to create a direct causal link between the Battle of Manzikert and the further Turkish expansion into the interior of Asia Minor. He agrees with Matthew that the immediate result of the sultan’s military success was the Turks’ holding sway over Armenia, a view which is conirmed by the data provided by other sources regarding the overall outcome of 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. [Anonymous], Tarihi, pp. 36 (text) and 23-24 (translation). Turan Osman 1993, pp. 50-53. Matthew of Edessa, Armenia, p. 129. Ibid., p. 135. Nikephoros Bryennios, Histoire, p. 145. 95 Alexander Beihammer Alp Arslan’s campaigns in the years 1064-1071, by means of which most major strongholds from Caucasia to Vaspurakan were subdued to direct Seljuk rule. Moreover, Michael is in accordance with the Saljūq-nāma of Ẓahīr al-Dīn/Rashīd al-Dīn in referring to an oicial appointment of Sulaymān by Alp Arslan: èn es heir sultan, Alp Arslan […] sent his cousin Sulaymān to the lands of Cappadocia and the Pontus and gave him the authority to proclaim himself sultan. When he came, the Romans took to light before him. He seized the cities of Nicaea and Nikomedeia and ruled over them, and the whole region was illed with Turks. When the caliph of Baghdad learned about this, he sent a banner and other objects, and he himself crowned Sulaymān and proclaimed him sultan, that is king, and thus his authority was conirmed. he Turks, therefore, had these two kings, one in Khurāsān and the other one in the land of the Romans, apart from these of Margiane. 79 © Éc ol e fra nç ai se d' At h Alp Arslan here appears as the dynasty’s supreme head, conceding to his relative territories in Byzantine Asia Minor. A striking diference from the Muslim chronicles lies in the fact that Sulaymān is presented as bearing the title of sultan, which the Abbasid caliph, with Alp Arslan’s permission, reportedly bestowed upon him by handing over the insignia of oice. It can be safely assumed that, during the consolidation of the Seljuk state of Konya during the reigns of Sultan Masʽūd I (1116-1155) and his successor Kılıc Arslan II (1155-1192), oicial investitures by the caliph came into being, so that Michael the Syrian was actually describing accession procedures of his own time. As this projection of an Islamic conceptual framework back to the conquest period has been more or less uncritically adopted by most modern historians, the opinion prevails that the encounter between Byzantines and Turks in Asia Minor from the irst moment onwards evolved along clearly deined dividing lines, juxtaposing a Christian and a Muslim sphere, as it was during the centuries of the Arab raids. In fact, the grey zone seems to have been much broader in eleventh- and twelfthcentury Anatolia, and it certainly took about two or three generations until the Turkish principalities in Anatolia developed a well-deined Islamic institutional framework. Equally important for an adequate interpretation of the available data is to distinguish between accounts referring to the Seljuk elite operating in the central Islamic lands and the Turkmen war lords active in Asia Minor. he former appear as initiators and/or supreme commanders of large-scale invasions, such as the campaigns of 1048, 1055, 1064 and 1071 in the Armenian provinces and upper Euphrates region, 80 and as partners in diplomatic contacts with the Byzantine emperor. In the framework of these activities, Muslim accounts frequently underline the religious incentives motivating the sultans’ mode of action. To 79. 80. Michael the Syrian, Chronique, III, p. 172. Sevim Ali 1988, pp. 29-54 and Sevim Ali, Yücel Yaşar 1989, pp. 40-81. 96 The Formation of Muslim Principalities and Conversion to Islam during the Early Seljuk Expansion © Éc ol e fra nç ai se d' At h èn es this end, they employ a terminology that increasingly draws on notions of jihad and the binary opposition between Muslim ighters and inidel foes. his tendency culminates in the Muslim descriptions of the Battle of Manzikert, in which Sultan Alp Arslan appears as an idealized champion of Islam and as a model of a generous king showing compassion to his defeated enemy. 81 Emperor Romanos IV, as portrayed after his release from Seljuk captivity as a loyal subject of the sultan, escorted by Turkish soldiers and travelling under the banner of Islam, stands as an example of a Christian lord who was overwhelmed by the supreme power of Islam. 82 Other aspects emphasising the sultan’s role as promoter of Sunni Islam are relected in the accounts of ̣ughril Beg’s attempt to reconstruct the destroyed mosque of Constantinople and of his antagonism with the Shiite Fatimids of Cairo. 83 hese Muslim reports are partly conirmed by a short Byzantine treatise referring to a religious dispute between a Christian envoy and Muslim theologians at the court of Sultan Malik Shāh in about 1073. 84 At an early stage the Seljuk elite in the central lands of Islam started to promote their image as protectors of Sunni Islam and as heirs of the Muslim jihad tradition. In contrast, Muslim accounts of Turkish warriors of inferior standing constantly insist on ethnic, rather than religious, identity markers, presenting them as al-Ghuzz, “Oghuz”, al-Atrāk al-Ghuzziyya, “Oghuz Turks”, al-Turkumān, “Turkmens”, and the like. 85 hese people are usually depicted as cruel pillagers and skilful politicians establishing alliances with local authorities in the context of internal power struggles, but there are no allusions to a speciic Muslim ideology. 86 his is in line with the observations of contemporary Christian reports, which, while describing the Turkish raids, show almost no interest in the enemies’ capacity as representatives of the Muslim faith, but usually refer to a broad range of ethnographic stereotypes closely related to the nomadic tribes of the steppes as well as to the widely known motif of divine anger and the barbarians’ role as God’s instrument to punish the people for their sins. Eleventh-century authors like Michael Attaleiates and John Skylitzes draw a sharp semantic distinction between the “Turks” or “Huns”, who emerged as a new political power from the northeastern breeding grounds of barbarian tribes, and the “Saracens”, a term including both Arabs and Persian Muslims, who came to be subdued by the new power. Attaleiates and later on Anna Comnena further distinguish between Turkish warriors termed “Turks” and members of the Seljuk nobility designated as “lords of Persia”. he categorization of Muslim sources thus reappears in contemporary 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. Sümer Faruk, Sevim Ali 1988 and Hillenbrand Carole 2007, pp. 26-110 and 114-125. Hillenbrand Carole 2007, pp. 123-125. Bar Hebraeus, Chronography, pp. 206-207. Gautier Paul 1977. Peacock Andrew C. S. 2010, pp. 48-53. See, for instance, Ibn al-Athīr, al-Kāmil, pp. 13-25. 97 Alexander Beihammer Byzantine narratives as well. he Byzantines obviously perceived the Great Seljuk Empire and the Turkmen emirates on Anatolian soil as diferent entities. 87 TWELFTH-CENTURY DEVELOPMENTS © Éc ol e fra nç ai se d' At h èn es hings changed in the decades following Alexios I’s accession to the imperial throne, with the establishment of a new system of government in Constantinople, the beginning of the Crusades with all their repercussions on ideological attitudes and political constellations in the Near East, and of course with the gradual consolidation of Turkish-Muslim principalities in Asia Minor. As early as the 1130s one comes across a clear identiication of the empire’s Turkish adversaries with the “descendants of Hagar” and “the ofspring of Ismail”, i.e. the Muslims, in panegyric poems composed by heodore Prodromos on the occasion of John II’s campaigns in the east. Accordingly, the Byzantine emperors are presented as God-chosen saviours of the state and defenders of the Christian faith. In the course of the twelfth century this tendency becomes increasingly stronger both in historiographical texts of the Comnenian period, such as those of Anna Komnene and Niketas Choniates, and in various oicial speeches composed by the leading court rhetoricians of the time. 88 On the other hand, the fact that the overwhelming majority of the population and the cultural substrate in Asia Minor continued to be shaped by Byzantine and Christian characteristics seems to have enabled the maintenance of a sense of ainity between populaces and elites on either side of the border zone. It does not come as a surprise, therefore, that despite the strong presence of Turkmen nomads along the fringes of the Anatolian plateau, and the frequent campaigns and the hostile attitudes propagated by the oicial spokesmen of the imperial government, both the court elite in Constantinople and the provincial population adopted an ambivalent stance towards Turkish-Muslim political entities. he irst statements in Byzantine historical texts concerning local groups having undergone a process of cultural and linguistic assimilation to their Turkish neighbours as a result of day-to-day interaction refer to the borderland at Lake Pousgouse (presentday Beyşehir gölü) during the 1130s, that is, about half a century after the permanent establishment of Turkmen elements in the Anatolian plateau. 89 Byzantine chronicles and panegyrics from the period in question, apart from the general tendency in Byzantine imperial ideology to present the empire’s military action as a just war aiming at the restoration of imperial rule in regions traditionally belonging to it, also express 87. 88. 89. For details, see Beihammer Alexander 2009. Beihammer Alexander 2011b, pp. 14-36. Niketas Choniates, Historia, pp. 37-38. 98 The Formation of Muslim Principalities and Conversion to Islam during the Early Seljuk Expansion © Éc ol e fra nç ai se d' At h èn es reactions to a very dangerous threat to the Comnenian elite: in the 1130s we come across the irst instances of members of the ruling dynasty who for political reasons temporarily or permanently defected to the Seljuks of Konya or other Turkish rulers in Asia Minor. Defection and sometimes even conversion proved to be an eicient means of expressing discontent and exerting pressure on one’s own relatives, compatriots and co-religionists.90 In 1130 Emperor John II’s brother, the sebastokrator Isaac, took refuge with Byzantium’s most dangerous eastern enemy of that time, Gümüshtekin Ghāzī, son and successor of Dānishmend. To judge from the report of Michael the Syrian, his aim was to establish a broad coalition of local forces against his brother and the Byzantine government, something that eventually failed. A longer-lasting efect was that with his presence in the east Isaac established close personal bonds with Turkish rulers, engendering a sort of mental crossfertilization. hus the ground was prepared for the light of his son John, which occurred in 1140 during the Byzantine siege of Neokaisareia (Niksar). his time, the refugee opted for full integration into the environment of the court that sheltered him by marrying a daughter of Sultan Masʽūd of Konya and converting to Islam. In his account of the incident Niketas Choniates tries to downplay its signiicance by insisting on John’s irrational behaviour and uncontrollable passion, which urged him to make this decision.91 Given that John had already accompanied his father during his eight-year sojourn in Asia Minor, one may safely assume that the conversion of the emperor’s nephew did not result from anger and thoughtlessness, but rather from a gradual process of acculturation that took place during the 1130s. he Seljuk dynasty of Konya had a number of court oicials of Greek descent and Christian allies like the Armenian Rupenids of Cilicia, something that makes it very unlikely that there was a spirit of coercion compelling him to convert. Most probably, he actually made the deliberate decision to cut ties with his Comnenian past and adopt a new identity as a high-ranking Muslim dignitary at the sultan’s court. In the collective memory of post-Byzantine historical thought, it was exactly this puzzling individual who eventually served as a link between the Comnenian emperors and the house of Osman, being presented in the so-called Chronicon maius of Pseudo-Sphrantzes, in fact the sixteenth-century author Makarios Melissenos, as one of the forefathers of Sultan Meḥmed II.92 his genealogical device is certainly a later fabrication supporting Ottoman claims to the Byzantine heritage, yet John was still a paradigmatic forerunner of ifteenth-century Palaiologan converts who were to play a prominent role in Meḥmed II’s empire after the fall of Constantinople, such as the Grand Viziers Maḥmūd Pasha and Rūm Meḥmed, whose mosques still appears as impressive landmarks in the urban development of post-Byzantine Istanbul.93 90. 91. 92. 93. Beihammer Alexander 2011a, pp. 617-630. Ibid., pp. 618-622. Georgios Sphrantzes, Memorii, pp. 208-211. Stavrides heoharis 2001, pp. 258-293 and Kafescioğlu Çiğdem 2009. 99 Alexander Beihammer CONCLUSION fra nç ai se d' At h èn es In sum, the existing bibliography on matters of conversion during the early stages of Seljuk expansion in Asia Minor is dominated by largely outdated and unsatisfactory interpretative patterns of national and religious exclusiveness. Statements about the desolate and sparsely populated appearance of Byzantine Anatolia, the massive inlux of Turkmen nomads expelling indigenous populations, the great extent of destruction and depredation, the deep-rooted changes in pre-existing social, political and administrative structures, the quick establishment of Muslim institutions, and so on, all support the idea of clear-cut boundaries between a Byzantine-Christian and a Turkish-Muslim sphere, be it in the sense of the gradual decay of a previous politico-cultural entity or of the irresistible expansion of a new vital power building up a new homeland. Anthropological approaches to nomad groups and a better understanding of social conditions in Asia Minor go a long way towards elucidating many aspects of the transformation process, but concepts concerning co-operation and gradual blending of indigenous and nomadic elements, such as have been developed with respect to the early Ottoman emirate, have hardly been applied to eleventh-century Anatolia. A serious methodological shortcoming observable in almost all studies on early Seljuk Asia Minor is the tendency to extract pieces of information from the available narrative sources and to harmonize them with overarching theories of historical thought without proceeding to an analysis of the actual meaning and intention of the reports from which the relevant evidence is taken. A thorough re-examination of this rich material of historical traditions will be a key task for future research. 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Éc ol e Niketas Choniates, Historia Niketas Choniates, Nicetae Choniatae Historia, Dieten Johannes Alois van (ed.), Berlin and New York, W. de Gruyter, 1975, I-II. © Rashīd al-Dīn Faḍlallāh, Jāmi (1960) Rashīd al-Dīn Faḍlallāh, Raşīd al-Dīn Fażallāh, Cāmi‛ al-Tavārīh (Metin), II. Cild, 5. Cüz, Selçuklular ¯ Tarihi, Ateş Ahmed (ed.), Ankara, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, 1960. Rashīd al-Dīn Faḍlallāh, Jāmi (2001) Rashīd al-Dīn Faḍlallāh, he History of the Seljuq Turks from the Jāmi‛ al-Tawārīkh, An Ilkhanid Adaptation of the Saljūq-nāma of Ẓahīr al-Dīn Nīshāpūrī, Luther Kenneth Allin (trans.), Bosworth Edmund (ed.), Richmond, Surrey, Curzon Press, 2001. Ṣadr al-Dīn al-Ḥusaynī, Dawlat Ṣadr al-Dīn al-Ḥusaynī, Akhbār ’ud-Dawlat ’is-Saljūqiyya by Ṣadr’uddīn Abu’l Ḥasan ‛Ali ibn Nāṣ ir Ibn ‛Ali al-Ḥusaini, Iqbal Muhammad (ed.), Lahore, University of the Panjab, 1933. 103 Alexander Beihammer STUDIES Angold Michael 1997 Angold Michael, he Byzantine Empire, 1025-1204. A Political History, London and New York, Longman, 1997. Asbridge homas 2004 Asbridge homas, he First Crusade: A New History, London, he Free Press, 2004. Balivet Michel 1991 Balivet Michel, “he Long-lived Relations between Christians and Moslems in Central Anatolia: Dervishes, Papadhes, and Country Folk”, Byzantinische Forschungen 16 (1991), pp. 313-322. èn es Balivet Michel 1994 Balivet Michel, Romanie byzantine et pays de Rûm turc. Histoire d’un espace d’imbrication gréco-turc, Istanbul, Les éditions Isis, 1994. d' At h Balivet Michel 1995 Balivet Michel, Islam mystique et révolution armée dans les Balkans Ottomans. Vie du Cheikh Bedreddîn le “Hallâj des Turcs” (1358/59-1416), Istanbul, Les éditions Isis, 1995. fra nç ai se Balivet Michel 1999 Balivet Michel, Byzantins et Ottomans. Relations, interaction, succession, Istanbul, Les éditions Isis, 1999. Başan Aziz 2010 Başan Aziz, he Great Seljuqs: A History, London, Routledge, 2010. Éc ol e Beihammer Alexander 2009 Beihammer Alexander, “Die Ethnogenese der seldschukischen Türken im Urteil christlicher Geschichtsschreiber des 11. und 12. Jahrhunderts”, Byzantinische Zeitschrift 102 (2009), pp. 589-614. © Beihammer Alexander 2011a Beihammer Alexander, “Orthodoxy and Religious Antagonism in Byzantine Perceptions of the Seljuk Turks (Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries)”, Al-Masāq 23 (2011), pp. 14-36. Beihammer Alexander 2011b Beihammer Alexander, “Defection across the Border of Islam and Christianity: Apostasy and CrossCultural Interaction in Byzantine-Seljuk Relations”, Speculum 86 (2011), pp. 597-651. Brand Charles M. 1989 Brand Charles M., “he Turkish Element in Byzantium, Eleventh-Twelfth Centuries”, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 43 (1989), pp. 1-25. Cahen Claude 1949 Cahen Claude, “Le Malik-nameh et l’histoire des origines seljukides”, Oriens 2 (1949), pp. 31-65. 104 The Formation of Muslim Principalities and Conversion to Islam during the Early Seljuk Expansion Cahen Claude 1968 Cahen Claude, Pre-Ottoman Turkey: A General Survey of the Material and Spiritual Culture and History c. 1071-1330, Jones-Williams J. (trans.), London, Sidgwick & Jackson, 1968. Cahen Claude 1974 Cahen Claude, Turcobyzantina et Oriens Christianus, London, Variorum Reprints, 1974. Cahen Claude 2001 Cahen Claude, he Formation of Turkey. he Seljukid Sultanate of Rūm, Eleventh to Fourteenth Century, Holt Peter Malcolm (trans.), Harlow, Longman, 2001. èn es Cheynet Jean-Claude 1998 Cheynet Jean-Claude, “La résistance aux Turcs en Asie Mineure entre Mantzikert et la première croisade”, in ΕΥΨΥΧΙΑ: Mélanges oferts à Hélène Ahrweiler, Paris, Publications de la Sorbonne, 1998, pp. 129-147. At h Divitçioğlu Sencer 1994 Divitçioğlu Sencer, Oğuz’dan Selçuklu’ya (Boy, Konat ve Devlet), İstanbul, Eren, 1994. se d' Durak Koray 2009 Durak Koray, “Deining the ‘Turk’: Mechanisms of Establishing Contemporary Meaning in the Archaizing Language of the Byzantines”, Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik 59 (2009), pp. 65-78. fra nç ai Gautier Paul 1977 Gautier Paul, “Lettre au sultan Malik-Shah rédigée par Michel Psellos”, Revue des Études Byzantines 35 (1977), pp. 73-97. Éc ol e Hillenbrand Carole 2007 Hillenbrand Carole, Turkish Myth and Muslim Symbol. he Battle of Manzikert, Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press, 2007. © Kafadar Cemal 1995 Kafadar Cemal, Between Two Worlds: he Construction of the Ottoman State, Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London, University of California Press, 1995. Kafali Mustafa 2002 Kafali Mustafa, “he Conquest and Turkiication of Anatolia”, in Güzel Hasan Celâl, Oğuz C. Cem, Karatay Osman (ed.), he Turks, II, Middle Ages, Ankara, Yeni Türkiye Publications, 2002, pp. 401-417. Kafescioğlu Çiğdem 2009 Kafescioğlu Çiğdem, Constantinopolis/Istanbul: Cultural Encounter, Imperial Vision, and the Construction of the Ottoman Capital, University Park (Pa), Pennsylvania State University Press, 2009. 105 Alexander Beihammer Kafesoğlu İbrahim 1953 Kafesoğlu İbrahim, Sultan Melikşah Devrinde Büyük Selçuklu İmparatorluğu, İstanbul, İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Yayınlarından, 1953. Kurat Akdes Nimet 1966 Kurat Akdes Nimet, Çaka Bey: İzmir ve civarındaki adaların ilk Türk Beyi, M. S. 1081-1096, Ankara, Türk Kültürünü Araştırma Enstitüsü Yayınları, 1966. Köprülü Fuad 1943 Köprülü Fuad, Anadolu Selçukluları Tarihinin Yerli Kaynakları I, Ankara, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, 1943. At h èn es Köymen Mehmet Altay 1991-2000 Köymen Mehmet Altay, Büyük Selçuklu İmparatorluğu Tarihi: I, Kuruluş Devri, Ankara, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, 2000. II, İkinci İmparatorluk Devri, Ankara, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, 1991. III, Alp Arslan ve Zamanı, Ankara, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, 1992. d' Lowry Heath W. 2003 Lowry Heath W., he Nature of the Early Ottoman State, New York, State University of New York Press, 2003. fra nç ai se MacEvitt Christopher 2007 MacEvitt Christopher, “he Chronicle of Matthew of Edessa: Apocalypse, the First Crusade, and the Armenian Diaspora”, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 61 (2007), pp. 157-181. Éc ol e Mélikoff Irène 1960 Mélikoff Irène (ed. and trans.), La geste de Melik Dānişmend. Étude critique du Dānişmendnāme, I, introduction et traduction, II, édition critique, Paris, Librairie Adrien Maisonneuve, 1960. Noth Albrecht 1994 Noth Albrecht, he Early Arabic Historical Tradition: A Source-Critical Study, second edition in collaboration with Conrad Lawrence I., Bonner Michael (trans.), Princeton, he Darwin Press, 1994. © Ocak Ahmet Yaşar 2006a Ocak Ahmet Yaşar (ed.), Anadolu Selçukları ve Beylikler Dönemi Uygarlığı, I, Sosyal ve Siyasal Hayat, Ankara, Kültür ve Turizm Bakanlığı Yayınları, 2006. Ocak Ahmet Yaşar 2006b Ocak Ahmet Yaşar, “Anadolu Selçukluları ve Beylikler Dönemi Uygarlık Tarihi Araştırmalarına Genel Bir Bakış”, in Ocak Ahmet Yaşar (ed.), Anadolu Selçukları ve Beylikler Dönemi Uygarlığı, I, Sosyal ve Siyasal Hayat, Ankara, Kültür ve Turizm Bakanlığı Yayınları, 2006, pp. 13-19. 106 The Formation of Muslim Principalities and Conversion to Islam during the Early Seljuk Expansion Özcan Koray 2010 Özcan Koray, “Erken Dönem Anadolu-Türk Kenti: Anadolu Selçuklu Kenti ve Mekânsal Ögeleri”, Bilig 55 (2010), pp. 193-220. Peacock Andrew C. S. 2010 Peacock Andrew C. S., Early Seljūq History: A New Interpretation, London and New York, Routledge, 2010. Savvides Alexis 1982-1984 Savvides Alexis, “Ο Σελτζούκος εμίρης της Σμύρνης Τζαχάς (Çaka) και οι επιδρομές του στα μικρασιατικά παράλια, τα νησιά του ανατολικού Αιγαίου και την Κωνσταντινούπολη, c. 1081-c. 1106”, Χιάκα Χρόνικα 14 (1982), pp. 9-24, 16 (1984), pp. 51-66 [reprint in Savvides Alexis, Βυζαντινοτουρκικά μελετήματα, Athens, Ηρόδοτος, 1991, pp. 71-102]. At h èn es Sevim Ali 1988 Sevim Ali, Anadolu’nun Fethi Selçuklular Dönemi (başlangıçtan 1086’ya kadar), Ankara, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, 1988. d' Sevim Ali 1990 Sevim Ali, Anadolu Fatihi Kutalmışoğlu Süleymanşah, Ankara, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, 1990. fra nç ai se Sevim Ali, Yücel Yaşar 1989 Sevim Ali, Yücel Yaşar, Türkiye Tarihi Fetih, Selçuklu ve Beylikler Dönemi, Ankara, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, 1989. Stavrides heoharis 2001 Stavrides heoharis, he Sultan of Vezirs: he Life and Times of the Ottoman Grand Vezir Mahmud Pasha Angelović (1453-1474), Leiden, Boston, Cologne, Brill, 2001. Éc ol e Strohmeier Martin 1984 Strohmeier Martin, Seldschukische Geschichte und türkische Geschichtswissenschaft: Die Seldschuken im Urteil moderner türkischer Historiker, Berlin, Klaus Schwarz Verlag, 1984. © Sümer Faruk 1967 Sümer Faruk, Oğuzlar (Türkmenler), Tarihleri – Boy Teşkilatı – Destanları, Ankara, Ankara Üniversitesi Basımevi, 1967. Sümer Faruk, Sevim Ali 1988 Sümer Faruk, Sevim Ali, İslâm Kaynaklarına gore Malazgirt Savaşı (Metinler ve Çevirileri), Ankara, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, 1988. Turan Osman 1965 Turan Osman, Selçuklular Tarihi ve Türk-Islâm Medeniyeti, İstanbul, Türk Kültürünü Araştırma Enstitüsü Yayınları 7, 1965. 107 Alexander Beihammer Turan Osman 1993 Turan Osman, Selçuklular zamanında Türkiye: Siyâsi Tarih Alp Arslan’dan Osman Gazi’ye (1071-1318), 3, Baskı, İstanbul, Boğaziçi Yayınları, 1993. Tyerman Christopher 2006 Tyerman Christopher, God’s War: A New History of the Crusades, London, Penguin Books, 2006. Vest Bernd Andreas 2007 Vest Bernd Andreas, Geschichte der Stadt Melitene und der umliegenden Gebiete. Vom Vorabend der arabischen bis zum Abschluß der türkischen Eroberung (um 600-1124), Hamburg, Verlag Dr. Kovač, 2007. èn es Vlyssidou Vassiliki 2003 Vlyssidou Vassiliki (ed.), Η αυτοκρατορία σε κρίση; Το Βυζάντιο τον 11ο αιώνα (1025-1081), Athens, Institute for Byzantine Research, 2003. At h Vryonis Speros 1971 Vryonis Speros, he Decline of Medieval Hellenism in Asia Minor and the Process of Islamization from the Eleventh through the Fifteenth Century, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1971. se d' Vryonis Speros 1975 Vryonis Speros, “Nomadization and Islamization in Asia Minor”, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 29 (1975), pp. 41-71. fra nç ai Wittek Paul 1938 Wittek Paul, he Rise of the Ottoman Empire, London, Royal Asiatic Society, 1938. Éc ol e Yarnley C.J. 1972 Yarnley C.J., “Philaretos, Armenian Bandit or Byzantine General?”, Revue des Études Arméniennes 9 (1972), pp. 331-353. © Yinanç Mükrimin Halil 1944 Yinanç Mükrimin Halil, Türkiye Tarihi, Selçuklular Devri, 1: Anadolu’nun fethi, İstanbul Üniversitesi Yayınları 240, İstanbul, Bürhaneddin Matbaası, 1944. 108 Résumés/Summaries he Formation of Muslim Principalities and Conversion to Islam during the Early Seljuk Expansion in Asia Minor èn es Alexander Beihammer fra nç ai se d' At h La formation des principautés musulmanes et la conversion à l’islam au début de l’expansion seldjoukide en Asie Mineure L’histoire de la pénétration de l’islam en Asie Mineure au Moyen Âge a été construite selon des catégories intellectuelles conformes aux réalités des relations politiques et militaires de l’époque contemporaine. L’examen des sources chrétiennes et musulmanes assure que les notions de frontières étanches entre Byzantins et Seldjoukides n’existaient pas, tant en matière d’alliances familiales que d’ailiations confessionnelles. Néanmoins, en dépit de ces échanges, il reste à déterminer le rôle tenu par les Turcomans dans le processus de propagation de l’islam, car les pratiques religieuses et les attitudes idéologiques de ces nomades restent encore des questions ouvertes à la recherche. © Éc ol e he history of Islam’s penetration of Asia Minor in the Middle Ages has been written under the inluence of the realities of political and military relationships in the contemporary era. An examination of Christian and Muslim sources makes it clear that concepts of tight boundaries between Byzantines and Seljuks, in terms of both family alliances and religious ailiations, did not exist. Nevertheless, despite these exchanges, the role played by the Turkomans in the process of propagating Islam remains to be determined, as the religious practices and ideological attitudes of these nomads are still open questions for research. 275 Résumés/Summaries A Bibliographical Note on Jews and Dönme-s in the Ottoman Empire and the Republic of Turkey Jacob M. Landau At h èn es Note bibliographique sur les juifs et les dönme-s de l’Empire ottoman et de la république de Turquie La publication du livre Les Conversions à l’islam en Asie Mineure et dans les Balkans aux époques seldjoukide et ottomane. Bibliographie raisonnée (1800-2000) est un événement d’importance capitale pour les historiens de l’Empire ottoman. Cet article a trait à quelques autres ouvrages sur le même sujet, qui concernent spécialement l’Empire ottoman et la république de Turquie. Son intention est de mettre l’accent sur deux aspects en particulier : les livres et articles qui présentent un parti pris contre les juifs d’un côté, et ceux qui étudient l’arrière-plan social et économique des dönme-s de l’autre. Quelques exemples de publications en langues diverses sont présentés et analysés. Éc ol e fra nç ai se d' he publication of Les conversions à l’islam en Asie Mineure et dans les Balkans aux époques seldjoukide et ottomane. Bibliographie raisonnée (1800-2000) is an important event for Ottomanists, providing them with a key research tool. his paper reports on and analyzes some additional works on the same subject by discussing it in both the Ottoman Empire and the Republic of Turkey. Two particular aspects are emphasized: books and papers with a strong anti-Semitic bias, on the one hand, and, on the other, works studying the social and economic background of the Dönme-s. Examples of publications in several languages are adduced and analyzed. © Le « mystère » quasi insoluble du succès massif de l’islam en Bosnie Nenad Moačanin On explique difficilement l’islamisation des régions rurales de Bosnie, pourtant remarquable. L’approche la plus féconde est peut-être celle du rôle des Valaques et populations apparentées dans le processus. Dans un premier temps, une fois écartée la « thèse bogomile », on retient que la perspective d’un avancement social par la voie militaire a probablement poussé un nombre considérable de Valaques à la conversion (politique d’adaptation s’achevant vers 1520) ; puis l’introduction, bien que temporaire, de la « véritable » capitation, ainsi que la fermeture de la classe des sipahi-s ont dû déclencher une seconde vague de conversions, encore plus forte. Notons que la pauvreté de la production 276 Résumés/Summaries agricole, méconnue par l’historiographie, n’est jamais à sous-estimer. Après 1560, les conversions sont devenues moins massives et moins rapides, même s’il y en eut jusqu’à la in de l’administration ottomane. se d' At h èn es he Widespread Success of Islam in Bosnia, an Almost Insoluble Mystery he islamization of rural areas in Bosnia is a rather obscure, if noteworthy, phenomenon. Perhaps the most productive way of approaching it is through the role of the Vlachs and similar populations in this process. First, if we rule out the “Bogomil thesis”, it seems probable that a considerable number of Vlachs converted to Islam because of the prospect of social advancement via the military route (this ended c. 1520). Subsequently, the introduction (albeit temporary) of the “genuine” poll-tax, in addition to the fact that it was no longer possible to join the sipahi seems to have launched a second, stronger wave of conversions. Low levels of agricultural production – which has been underestimated by historiography – must be taken in account. After 1560, conversions continued on a less extensive and rapid rhythm, although they occurred until the end of Ottoman administration. fra nç ai Islam et autochtonie. Genèse d’un archétype de l’histoire de la Bosnie-Herzégovine Philippe Gelez © Éc ol e Entre 1689 (au moins) et 1878, les musulmans de Bosnie, d’indésirables qu’ils étaient, ont été confortés dans leur présence par leurs adversaires autrichiens. Ce lent revirement s’est opéré autour du motif de l’autochtonie, qui a irradié toute la rélexion historienne contemporaine sur l’identité historique de cette communauté religieuse. La genèse de la coalescence autochtonie-islam se fait en trois étapes : d’abord, la sécularisation de la monarchie habsbourgeoise, qui a vu la lente institutionnalisation de la pluralité religieuse ; ensuite, la situation socio-politique de la Croatie, qui a été le théâtre de longues querelles sur l’origine de la propriété foncière sur son territoire et a ofert ainsi un schéma de rélexion historicisant pour la Bosnie-Herzégovine à partir des années 1860 ; enin, le contexte bosno-herzégovinien propre au xixe s., et le traumatisme du muhacirlik. Islam and Autochtony. Genesis of an Archetype of the History of Bosnia-Herzegovina Between 1689 (if not earlier) and 1878, the Muslims of Bosnia, who were initially seen as undesirable, were made welcome by their Austrian adversaries. his was made possible by the slow acceptance of the idea of autochthony in Austrian political and intellectual 277 Résumés/Summaries circles, and in turn in contemporary thought as a whole concerning the historical identity of Bosnian Muslims. hree stages in the genesis of the coalescence between autochthony and islam can be deined: irst, the secularization of the Habsburg monarchy, which was accompanied by the progressive institutionalization of religious plurality; second, the sociopolitical situation in Croatia, where lengthy disputes took place about the origins of landed property in the region, and which thus ofered a heuristic framework for the understanding of Bosnia-Herzegovina from the 1860s onward; inally, the Bosno-Herzegovinian context of the 19th century, and the muhacirlik trauma. èn es L’islamisation de l’Inde : des conversions sans prosélytisme ? Aminah Mohammad-Arif Éc ol e fra nç ai se d' At h Cet article porte sur l’islamisation de l’Inde qui reste à ce jour un phénomène obscur et complexe obéissant à des logiques diverses selon les régions où l’islam s’est implanté. Si l’islamisation peut s’analyser avant tout comme un processus d’acculturation, c’est la conversion qui nous servira ici de point d’entrée. Après avoir examiné les spéciicités et les enjeux de la conversion en Inde, je tenterai d’étudier les multiples dynamiques à l’œuvre à travers les principaux « agents » de la conversion dans le sous-continent que sont les marchands, les souis et les conquérants. Je m’attacherai ainsi à démontrer que l’originalité indienne tient notamment à la part relativement modeste jouée par le prosélytisme direct dans le processus historique de conversion. © he Islamization of India: Conversions Without Proselytism? his article focuses on the Islamization of India which remains to this day an obscure and complex phenomenon that varied according to the regions where Islam spread. While Islamization can be considered through the lens of acculturation, this article will take conversion as its starting-point. After examining the speciic details and issues of the process, the various dynamics at work are analysed through a study of the major agents of conversion on the Subcontinent, i.e. merchants, Suis and conquerors. It is shown that the originality of the Indian case lies in the relatively modest role played by direct proselytism in the historical process of conversion. 278 Résumés/Summaries Les conversions à l’islam dans les méditerranées insulindiennes Olivier Sevin La question de la place de la mer dans l’islamisation, d’une éventuelle incompatibilité entre l’islam et la vie maritime ou bien, au contraire, des liens étroits qui auraient existé entre développement des réseaux marchands et conversions, est l’objet de controverses. Au travers de l’exemple insulindien, l’ambition de cet article est de tenter de dépasser ces prises de position et d’étudier les conversions du point de vue de la construction des identités. se d' At h èn es Conversions to Islam in Insulindian Coastal Areas he question of the role of the sea in Islamization has been the subject of debate, whether because of a supposed incompatibility between Islam and maritime life or, conversely, the close links that some have thought existed between the development of mercantile networks and conversions. Using the example of Insulindia, this article endeavours to go beyond these views and to examine the conversions from the perspective of identityconstruction. fra nç ai Conversion et confessionnalisation au Proche-Orient (XVIe-XXIe s.) Bernard Heyberger © Éc ol e Moins discutée que dans les Balkans, la question de l’islamisation est prégnante au ProcheOrient arabe ; il faut l’envisager non seulement comme acte individuel (conversion), mais aussi dans ses résonances sociales (confessionnalisation). Le thème de la conversion, instrument de mobilisation interne à chaque groupe, se développe dans un contexte de compétition religieuse à compter du xve s. ; les polémiques s’articulent autour de la sincérité de la conversion, indispensable dans le christianisme comme dans l’islam. Il ne faut pas pour autant exagérer le continuum entre les deux religions ; le développement des outils et des méthodes de « disciplination » des individus dans le christianisme d’après les réformes est sans commune mesure avec ce que l’on peut observer en orthodoxie et a fortiori dans l’islam. En sens inverse, la conversion vraie ou supposée de musulmans au christianisme alimente du début du xxe s. jusqu’à nos jours un lux de publications en arabe, où l’on accuse les étrangers de favoriser la discorde confessionnelle (itna tâ’iiyya). 279 Résumés/Summaries At h èn es Conversion and Confessionalization in the Near East (16th-21st C.) Although it has been the subject of less discussion than in the Balkans, the topic of islamization in the Arabic Near-East is a signiicant one. It must be considered both as an individual act (conversion) and in its social dimensions (confessionalization). As a tool of internal mobilization in religious communities, the theme of conversion developed in a context of religious competition from the 15th century onwards; polemics focused on the question of sincerity, necessary both in Islam and in Christianity in order to recognize the fact of conversion. Nevertheless, similarities between the two religions should not be overestimated: the tools and methods developed by western Christian churches after the reforms to discipline individuals were without parallel in the Orthodox Church and Islam. Conversely, the real or alleged conversion of Muslims to the Christian faith has, from the beginning of the 20th century to today, generated many publications in Arabic, in which foreigners are accused of promoting denominational discord (itna tâ’iiyya). Lucette Valensi se d' Conversos et marranes, morisques, sabbatéens : essai de comparaison Éc ol e fra nç ai Ce texte tente une comparaison entre trois populations de convertis – les juifs et les musulmans de la Péninsule ibérique d’une part, les sabbatéens de l’Empire ottoman d’autre part – en les soumettant au même questionnaire. L’objectif de la comparaison est de faire surgir des aspects qui peuvent échapper à l’approche monographique. Les questions retenues portent sur la nature de leurs croyances et de leurs pratiques religieuses, sur leur relation avec le groupe dont ils sont issus, sur leurs formes d’organisation sociale (secte ? diaspora ?) et sur le rôle de l’État dans leur apostasie. © Conversos and Marranos, Moriscos, Sabbateans: a Tentative Comparison his paper compares three cases of religious conversion – that of Jews and of Muslims in the Iberian Peninsula, and of the Sabbateans of the Ottoman Empire – by analyzing them in the same terms. he purpose of this comparative exercise is to underline some aspects of their history that a monographic approach would miss. he issues briely surveyed here concern the nature of the beliefs and religious practices of the members of the three groups, their relations with the religious group from which they broke, the ways in which they organised themselves socially (as sects, diasporas or otherwise) and, inally, the role of the state in their apostasy. 280 Résumés/Summaries Conversion et islamisation : quelques rélexions depuis les VIIe-Xe s. Annliese Nef èn es Cet article propose une nouvelle manière d’envisager le processus d’islamisation à partir des rélexions menées récemment sur les débuts de l’islam. Il s’agit de montrer que la conversion religieuse est loin d’être au centre des transformations sociales que ce processus présuppose. Ont longtemps fait partie des pays d’islam des régions dont la population n’était que minoritairement musulmane. La conversion religieuse, loin d’être un préalable, apparaît plutôt comme l’aboutissement d’un certain nombre d’autres évolutions sociales qui en constituent les conditions de possibilité. De telles considérations invitent donc à avancer de nouveaux critères de compréhension des processus d’islamisation. fra nç ai se d' At h Conversion and Islamization: Some Relections from the 7th-10th C. his article proposes a new way of looking at the processes of islamization, making use of recent investigations of the beginnings of Islam. he point is to show that religious conversion is far from being at the center of the social transformations that are presupposed by this process. For a long time, the Islamic world included regions in which Muslims were in the minority. Religious conversion, far from being a prerequisite, appears rather as the outcome of other social evolutions that enabled it to happen. hese ideas thus invite us to put forward new criteria for understanding the processes of islamization. Éc ol e Towards a Dialogic Approach: Relections on heoretical and Methodological Desiderata in Future Research on Conversion to Islam in the Ottoman Empire © Tijana Krstić Pour une approche dialogique : rélexions sur les desiderata théoriques et méthodologiques dans les futures recherches sur la conversion à l’islam dans l’Empire ottoman La question de la conversion a été un point focal de l’historiographie sur l’évolution du projet impérial ottoman. Pourtant, la plupart des scientiiques ont considéré comme acquis les trois concepts essentiels de la discussion – « conversion », « islam » et « Empire ottoman » – plutôt que de les problématiser ou de décrire les relations qu’ils entretiennent. Cet essai tente d’analyser chacun de ces termes indépendamment et d’examiner la manière dont ils étaient liés. En s’appuyant sur une évaluation critique de l’historiographie sur la conversion à l’islam dans les périodes seldjoukide et ottomane telle qu’elle s’est développée de 1800 à 2000, on y alimente le débat par les études qui ont été écrites ultérieurement 281 Résumés/Summaries ain de dégager l’horizon des recherches à venir : par exemple, le besoin d’instaurer un dialogue entre les diférents types de sources et de situer le phénomène de la conversion à l’islam dans l’Empire ottoman dans un cadre comparatiste plus large, ou bien en relation avec le contexte de la Renaissance et de l’époque moderne. se d' At h èn es Within Ottoman studies, the issue of conversion has been central to scholarship on the evolution of the Ottoman imperial project. However, for the most part, scholars have taken for granted the three concepts essential to the topic of the discussion –“conversion”, “Islam”, and “the Ottoman Empire”– rather than problematizing them or exploring their interdependence. his essay tries to unpack each of these terms independently and examine how they were interconnected. Building on a critical evaluation of the scholarly work on conversion to Islam in the Seljuk and Ottoman periods produced between 1800 and 2000, the essay addresses the contributions to the debate of studies from the last decade and outlines some desiderata for future research, such as the need to set up a dialogue between diferent types of source and to situate the phenomenon of conversion to Islam in the Ottoman Empire within a broader comparative or “connected” early modern (and modern) framework. fra nç ai La complessità dell’identità cristiana di fronte alla conversione all’islam Lucetta Scaraffia © Éc ol e La complexité de l’identité chrétienne face aux conversions à l’islam La complexité liée au phénomène des conversions entre les trois religions monothéistes de la Méditerranée résulte d’interactions qui appellent plusieurs considérations pour mieux appréhender les variations d’attitudes. À cet efet, on examine plusieurs aspects : la survivance de systèmes religieux polythéistes ou animistes, la mise en place des religions d’État, les pratiques culturelles et sociales particulières aux femmes, ainsi que les comportements originaux des individus ou des groupes familiaux par rapport à des communautés plus larges. he Complexity of Christian Identity as Opposed to Conversions to Islam he complexity of the phenomenon of conversions between the three monotheistic religions of the Mediterranean is the result of an interplay that requires study from a number of perspectives in order better to understand changes in attitudes. To this end, several aspects are examined: the survival of polytheistic or animist religious systems, the establishment of state religions, social and cultural practices speciic to women, and the original behavior of individuals and family groups compared with larger communities. 282