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0 Laoire, Muiris, Ed.; Stenson, Nancy, Ed.
Journal of Celtic Language Learning.
North American Association for Celtic Language Teachers.
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2000-00-00
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Class Activities; Classroom Techniques; Foreign Countries;
Higher Education; *Irish; Language Acquisition; *Language
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Second Language Learning; Sociolinguistics; Teacher
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IDENTIFIERS
ABSTRACT
This journal is an international review for researcherc, and
teachers of modern Celtic languages. This volume contains seven articles.
There are three research articles: "Issues in tie Design of Irj.sh Credited
Courses" (Thomas W. Ihde); "Learnirc. Irish for Participat:.on :LI the Irish
Language Speech Community outside the Gaeltacht" (Muiris 0 Lase); and
Smith).
"Gaelic Language Maintenance Typologies and Constructs" (Kara
There are two articles under the heading of Teaching Forum: "What Do You Do
When the Teacher Needs a Teacher?" (Donall MacNamara); and "Taking the
'Aching' out of 'Teaching': Fun and Games in the Classroom" (Maray A.
Watson). There are two review articles: "Johnstone, R.M., Thorpe, G., MacNeil
M. and Stranding, R. (1999). The Progress and Attainments of Pupils Receiving
Gaelic Medium Education" (Kara A. Smith); and "Jones, Mari C. Language
Obsolescence and Revitalization: Linguistic Change in Two Sociolinguistically
Contrasting Welsh Communities" (Kevin J. Rottet). Some aqrticles contain
references. (KFT)
Reproductions supplied by EDRS are the best that can be made
from the original document.
Celccic
LAnsaAse
LeArznins
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION
Office of Educational Research and Improvement
EDUCATIONAL RESOURCES INFORMATION
CENTER (ERIC)
VOLUME 5
This document has been reproduced as
received from the person or organization
originating it.
Minor changes have been made to
improve reproduction quality.
2000
Points of view or opinions stated in this
document do not necessarily represent
official OERI position or policy.
Editors
csc,,
PERMISSION TO REPRODUCE AND
DISSEMINATE THIS MATERIAL HAS
BEEN GRANTED BY
Muiris 0 Laoire
Nancy Stenson
TO THE EDUCATIONAL RESOURCES
INFORMATION CENTER (ERIC)
1
PUBLISHED BY NAACLT:
2
North American Association for Celtic Language Teachers
Journal of Celtic Language Learning
Volume 5
2000
RESEARCH ARTICLES
Issues in the Design of Irish Credited Courses
5
Thomas W. Ihde
Learning Irish for Participation in the Irish
Language Speech Community outside the
Gaeltacht
20
Muiris d Laoire
Gaelic Language Maintenance Typologies and
Constructs
34
Kara A. Smith
TEACHING FORUM
What do you do when the teacher needs a teacher?
62
Donall MacNamara
Taking the `aching'out of 'teaching': fun and games 65
in the classroom
Moray J. Watson
REVIEWS
Johnstone, R.M., Thorpe, G., MacNeil M and
Stranding, R. (1999). The Progress and Attainments
of Pupils Receiving Gaelic Medium Education.
Stirling:SCILT
68
Kara A. Smith
Jones, Mari C. Language Obsolescence and
Revitalization: Linguistic Change in Two
Sociolinguistically Contrasting Welsh
Communities. Oxford: Clarendon Press
73
Kevin J. Rottet
EDITORIAL NOTE AND ANNOUNCEMENTS
3
82
JOURNAL OF CELTIC LANGUAGE LEARNING
2
NAACLT
NORTH AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR CELTIC LANGUAGE TEACHERS
1999-2000 EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE
Geareid 6 Neill, President, oneillg@naacItorg
Catriona Niclomhair Parsons, Vice-President, parsonsc @naaclt.org
Robert S. Burke, Secretary/Treasurer, burker @naaclt.org
Paul W. Birt, Past-President, birtp@naacItorg
Marta Weingartner Diaz, Member-at-large, weingartnerm @naaclt.org
John Morrissey, Member-at-large, morisseyj@naacIt.org
Wayne E. Harbert, Ex-officio Member, harbertw @naaclt.org
Muiris 6 Laoire, Co-Editor, JCLL, olaoirem @naaclt.org
Nancy Stenson, Co-Editor, JCLL, stensonn@naacItorg
Fintan Moore, Editor, NAACLT News, mooref @naaclt.org
NAACLT is a non-profit professional organization bringing together Celtic language
teachers and researchers in Canada and the United States. The association
wishes to enable its members to contribute to the greater field of second/foreign
language learning through conference participation and publications.
Annual membership (1 August to 31 July) includes a full year's subscription to
NAACLT News, reduced registration fees at the annual conference, election of
officers, and savings on Journal of Celtic Language Learning subscription rates.
MEMBERSHIP
Regular Membership
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JOURNAL OF CELTIC LANGUAGE LEARNING (Vol. 5)
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Checks should be made payable to "NAACLT." Those outside the United States of
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INSTITUTIONAL ORDERS
Libraries wishing to simplify the ordering process can obtain the Journal of Celtic
Language Learning from Academic Book Center, Inc., 5600 N.E. Hassalo Street,
Portland, OR 97213-3640.
3
JOURNAL OF CELTIC LANGUAGE LEARNING
JOURNAL OF CELTIC LANGUAGE LEARNING
Editors
Muiris 6 Laoire
Nancy Stenson
Department of Languages and
Communication,
The Institute of Technology,
Tralee, Co. Kerry
Eire.
Institute of Linguistics and Asian and Slavic
Languages and Literatures,
University of Minnesota,
190 Klaeber Court, 320-16th Avenue, SE,
Minneapolis, MN 55455.
E-mail olaoirem ©naaclf.org
E-mail stensonn@naacIt. org
Editorial Board
Martin J. Ball
University of Ulster
Paul W. Birt
Kenneth Nilsen
St. Francis Xavier University
Donall P. 6 Baoill
Institiaid Teangeolalochta Eireann
University of Ottawa
James J. Blake
Liam 6 Cuinneagain
Oideas Gael
Nassau Community College
Marion Gunn
Helen 6 Murch0
Comhar na Mainteoirl Gaeilge
Everson Gunn Teoranta
Wayne Harbert
Frederick Suppe
Ball State University
Cornell University
Jeffrey L. Kallen
Marta Weingartner Diaz
Trinity College Dublin
Indiana University
William Mahon
University of Wales
Journal of Celtic Language Learning is an international review for
The official
publication of the North American Association for Celtic Language
researchers and teachers of modern Celtic Languages.
Teachers, JCLL includes papers presented at the association's annual
conference in addition to manuscripts submitted by Celtic language
scholars world-wide. It is also a forum in which Celtic language teachers
can share insights into methodology with their peers.
JCLL's mission, similar to that of NAACLT, is to provide another forum in
which teachers and applied linguists can contribute to the literature
presently available on second language acquisition as well as increase
communication among Celtic language teachers and researchers.
Journal of Celtic Language Learning
(SOFTCOVER ANNUAL - ISSN: 1078-3911)
5U JCLL is printed on recycled paper.
JOURNAL OF CELTIC LANGUAGE LEARNING
4
SUBMISSIONS
0
The Journal of Celtic Language Learning is published each
winter.
0
The deadline for submissions is 15 April of each year.
Submissions received by this date are guaranteed
consideration for the upcoming volume. Later submissions
may be deferred to later volumes as space requires.
0
Those interested should submit four typed copies of their
manuscript (two without any indication of the authors' name)
to Nancy Stenson, Institute of Linguistics and Asian and Slavic
Languages and Literatures, University of Minnesota, 190
Klaeber Court, 320-16th Avenue, SE, Minneapolis, MN 55455.
Keep a disk (computer) copy of the paper. It will be requested
in the case of acceptance.
0
All submissions should be double spaced. Articles should be
2,500 to 3,000 words (with a 50 to 60 word abstract at the
beginning) and short descriptions of a program or technique
should be 200 to 500 words.
0
All submissions will be refereed blindly by two anonymous
readers.
0
Comments from the referees will be forwarded to the authors
together with the editors' decision regarding publishing after
15 September of the same year.
INDEXES
Some of the articles published in the Journal of Celtic Language Learning
are abstracted or indexed in Language Teaching, LLBA (Linguistics and
Language Behavior Abstracts), RIE (Resources in Education), the
Modern Language Association International Bibliography, and Instititlid
Teangeolaiochta Eireann's Selected Articles from Language Journals.
BACK COPIES AND REPRINTS
Copies of this journal made from microfilm may be obtained by
contacting the ERIC Document Reproduction Service; 7420
Fullerton Road, Suite 110; Springfield, VA 22153-2852, USA; 1800 -443 -ERIC.
JOURNAL OF CELTIC LANGUAGE LEARNING 5, 5 - 19 (2000)
ISSUES IN THE DESIGN OF CREDITED
IRISH COURSES
THOMAS W. IHDE
WILLIAM PATERSON UNIVERSITY
This position paper shares experiences and opinions
regarding the creation of college level Irish language
courses in North America. It begins by explaining why Irish
should be offered in third level institutions and proceeds to
consider practical issues including peer support and
opposition, hiring of instructors, piloting courses, planning
publicity, negotiating credit type, and dealing with transfer
issues. Syllabus development is also briefly considered.
WHY IRISH?
There are many reasons why a college or university
might chose to offer Irish language courses to its students.'
Some institutions take into account their large number of
students of Irish descent and decide to offer the tongue as a
heritage language. Some colleges may offer Irish as a result
of a notable number of Irish immigrants in the student
population. Still other institutions may offer Irish as a part of
an Irish or Celtic Studies program or to complement an
English department program that focuses on Irish literature.
Whatever the reason, the introduction of this less commonly
taught language into the permanent foreign language
offerings of an institution of higher education in the United
States can be a difficult and long process. This position
paper will share general comments and specific experiences
related to creating credited Irish language courses. The
opinions presented here come from interactions with several
institutions and especially the author's multiple experiences
of designing courses for Bergen Community College (BCC).
It
is the hope of the author that these comments and
7
6
ISSUES IN THE DESIGN OF IRISH CREDITED COURSES
examples might help others striving to initiate Irish language
offerings in their institution. Of course, the reader needs to
remember that regulations at different colleges will vary
greatly; however, most likely some of the considerations
listed below will apply to all third level institutions.
The goal of the process described in this article is to
have Irish adopted as a foreign language in a given third
level institution. At some colleges, a course can be given
one or more semesters on a trial basis. Also some
universities offer less commonly taught languages in
seminar linguistics courses, for example. Neither of these
options will be focussed on here; rather this article will
attempt to define the process by which Irish ci:m be adopted
as a general education undergraduate course on equal
footing with French, German and Spanish.
Before investing a lot of time in a project such as this, it
is recommended that one does some regional research first.
Program designers should look at other institutions in their
area offering Irish.2 Having no other institution in one's area
offering Irish is not automatically an advantage.
Administrators may not be very courageous and question
why no other institution has gone this route. For example,
comments such as one in a New York Times article
(Steward 1997) pointing out that Bergen Community College
was the only institution of higher education in the State of
New Jersey to offer Irish for credit, did cause concern on the
part of those with limited knowledge of the situation. In
reality, BCC was one of many institutions in the New York
City metropolitan area to offer Irish for credit, although
technically speaking, it was indeed the only institution on the
Jersey side of the Hudson River.
The opposite case may also be a concern. If one
already has several neighboring institutions offering Irish,
one may not have a large enough pool from which to draw
students. However, cities such as New York and Boston
have adequate numbers of Irish enthusiasts to support
credited courses at a number of neighboring institutions.
THOMAS W. IHDE
7
Lastly, it is suggested that the individual proposing
the course may want to gather information concerning the
percentage of Irish-Americans in the college's student
population and in the communities that surround the college
campus. In the BCC example, I was well aware of the high
percentage of Irish in the county. Bergen County residents
who claimed Irish ancestry on the 1990 census totalled
148,018. Besides having over ten percent of all IrishAmericans living in the State of New Jersey, Bergen County
also had 50% more Irish-Americans than Monmouth County,
a county where its community college has a strong tradition
of Irish language classes (Llorente 1995).
UNDERGRADUATE VERSUS ADULT EDUCATION
OFFERINGS
Some will undoubtedly question why Irish should be
offered at the college level. Isn't it enough to study Irish in
adult education or continuing education programs? Four
possible reasons could be suggested for focusing on college
as opposed to adult education. First, for the Irish language
in America, it is important that it be treated with the same
level of importance and seriousness as other less commonly
taught languages at a university. For example, Bergen
Community College already offered Japanese and Korean
as credited courses before the proposed addition of Irish. If
Irish is going to survive in America as a seriously taught
foreign language, it will need to have a presence especially
at the most highly esteemed level of studies, university.
Second, colleges and universities offer prolonged
exposure to a language, far beyond that which an adultlanguage
program
can
possibly
offer.
For
example,
continuing education at BCC offered, starting in 1995, two
courses of Irish, each lasting 15 hours (90 minutes for ten
weeks). The total of 30 hours can hardly compare to the 128
hours of the fall and spring sequence of undergraduate
courses at the same institution, which began in 19973.
Currently, the majority of Irish language learners appear
to be adults (Ihde 1994: 84). In many cases, the adult
9
8
ISSUES IN THE DESIGN OF IRISH CREDITED COURSES
learners I have come in contact with have been individuals
whose children are now at college age or older and at this
point in their lives, they have some extra time to pursue their
own interests. These learners have been the backbone of
the Irish language learning movement in the United States.
However, if it is desired that individuals of other age groups
study the language, programs will need to be made
available for them. For example, in some parts of Canada,
secondary students can opt to study Gaelic (Smith 1994:34). By offering Irish as a foreign language in higher
education, 18-25 year olds are often introduced to the
language for the first time.
The last reason cited here for offering Irish at the college
level would be technological opportunities. Colleges, unlike
any other venue for teaching languages in the United
States, have spent large amounts of money to equip
classrooms and labs with the latest technology. Some
examples of advantages that a college venue can bring
include language labs, computer labs, libraries, software
satellite
access,
Internet
and
book
acquisitions,
conferencing, multi-system television and video-players, and
organized publicity4.
OTHER ISSUES TO CONSIDER: SUPPORT
Once the course proposer decides to dedicate time and
energy to have an Irish course offered at a given institution,
there is a number of issues she will need to consider at this
early stage. It is important to identify allies in the college. By
the time one begins working on developing Irish at a given
institution, the proposer should already have a good idea of
who the Irish or Celtic cultural enthusiasts at the institution
are. Of course, before taking any formal steps, it is
advisable to begin to discuss ideas regarding course
creation with full-time instructors at the designated
institution. One shouldn't limit oneself to the foreign
language department. English and history departments, for
example, often have scholars with interests in Irish themes
1.0
THOMAS W. IHDE
9
in their own fields as well. Additionally, if the college or
university web page enables you to search the institution's
pages for specific words, try "Irish," "Gaelic," and "Celtic."
Individuals in departments not traditionally associated with
the humanities may be carrying out research focused on the
Irish experience or have hobbies related to Ireland. In my
Bergen Community College experience, the nursing faculty
staff had a few Irish language/culture enthusiasts. It is
important to build as many bridges between the foreign
language department and other departments as possible.
College- or university-wide bodies such as the senate may
eventually need to understand what the course designer is
proposing so that they can vote to adopt or reject course
even more important
because they are able to drum up general interest and
proposals. Allies,
however, are
encourage students to enrol in the course.
The value of having a full-time faculty member to
spearhead the project is essential. A project such as this
requires the full-time sponsor to act as a link between the
faculty and administration on the one hand and the student
body forming the grassroots support for such a course on
the other. In the Bergen Community College example, I was
an assistant professor in the English Department at the time.
Having this status provided me with greater opportunities for
contact with other full-time colleagues and also gave me
greater exposure as to how programs were developed at the
institution.
There are other ways to develop community support for
the courses. One possibility is to schedule a lecture on the
Irish language and culture in the month of March. This can
also be a great opportunity to collaborate with faculty from
another department. The event can be publicized in local
papers and on the local Irish-American radio show, if the
area has one. This approach worked well at BCC. The topic
of the joint lecture
(with
a professor from the history
department) was the Irish language and the Great Hunger.
We drew a crowd of about 120 listeners who included
students, faculty,
individuals.
staff,
and
11
off-campus
interested
10
ISSUES IN THE DESIGN OF IRISH CREDITED COURSES
INSTRUCTORS
One area that must be considered at an early stage
regards instructors5. As with any less commonly taught
language, adjunct instructors have other full-time
responsibilities that dictate their availability. For this reason,
it's best to have several instructors identified or interviewed
beforehand. If the individual proposing the courses is
planning to teach the courses, it is still advisable to identify
other instructors. One must be prepared for growth. At BCC,
I started by teaching the first class myself. Since then we
have had times when three different Irish language
instructors were scheduled to teach in a given term.
PILOTING
After building up support and informing others that such
a course is needed, the chair of the hosting department
must be approached. If the department is open to giving the
language a try, the chair will instruct the course designer in
how to pilot the course. Some colleges may suggest that the
course be piloted through continuing education to prove
student interest. Other universities will permit the course
to run in the foreign language, linguistics, or English
department on a trail basis for a limited number of
semesters. Data from the trial run will be helpful to both the
instructor and the administration regarding course planning.
Additionally questionnaires can be administered seeking
information concerning students' intentions and their interest
in undergraduate classes. In the case of BCC, trial adult
education offerings proved immense interest. In our first
semester, we closed enrollment at 34 students. This
beginning course and a second level course have continued
to be offered through the years.
Whether an institution requires the course proposer to
pilot the course through continuing education or permits a
few trial semesters of the course directly in the department it
is expected to eventually be housed, there will still be
12
11
THOMAS W. IHDE
several common factors to be considered. These include
publicity, syllabus design, credit status, transfer issues, and
internal opposition.
PUBLICITY AND SYLLABUS DEVELOPMENT
Publicity will need to be increased and syllabi will need
to be developed as on prepares to pilot the course.
Concerning publicity, an instructor should never leave the
responsibility in the hands of the department or institution.
Seeing that these first few semesters are serving as a trial,
the course proposer will need to ensure that the piloted
classes are full and that enrollment is maintained at
respectable levels throughout the semester.
Some institutions require that publicity be channeled
through a public information office at the college. If this is
the case, it is highly recommended that the course proposer
provide the public information office with press releases and
addresses for grassroots Irish-American publications and
radio programs. Such an office has no way of knowing the
communication networks of every ethnic group in the
community. The course proposer may also want to ask local
Irish-American organizations if they will permit a flyer to be
disseminated in a subsequent membership mailing. For
example, I asked the New Jersey Gaelic League if they
would include a flyer with their newsletter. Although the
college printed up the flyer, I physically drove the box of
flyers to the NJGL president's house to make sure the flyers
arrived on time. Half of the 34 students in that first adult
education class came from that mailing.
If the program designer is required to develop the
syllabus, he or she can ask to see the department syllabus
for Spanish or French to get an idea of what will be
expected of an elementary level student at that institution.6
One might also want to contact a professional organization
such as NAACLT (North American Association of Celtic
http: / /www.naaclt.org) or an
Language Teachers
organization that focuses on the needs of students such as
Daltai na Gaeilge (http://www.monmouth.com/daltai) and
13
12
ISSUES IN THE DESIGN OF IRISH CREDITED COURSES
ask their membership if any samples of syllabi can be
shared. Likewise, once the new course designer has
developed a syllabus for an Irish course using these
resources, he or she may want to share it with the
membership of NAACLT or Daltal na Gaeilge to increase
the discussion of course syllabus design. An excellent
venue for such sharing is the listsery discussion list CELTICT. 7
TYPES OF COLLEGE CREDIT
As the syllabus is being developed, the course designer
will need to keep an important issue
in mind, credit
applications. One often hears Irish language teachers
speaking of their concern about the exclusive relegation of
Irish to an adult education status and the lack of credited
courses. However, credit itself is not the answer. There are
many restrictions regarding how students can use credits
earned (Ihde 1996 : 185). In most cases, the designer of an
undergraduate course will want to obtain the right for
students to be able to use credits earned while taking Irish
to fulfill their general education degree requirements or
foreign language requirements.
Offering Irish as an elective would also offer credit, but if
students cannot apply these credits toward their degree,
general education requirements, or foreign language
requirements, the credit earned by taking the course will do
little to help them to obtain their bachelor's degree. When
students can take the proposed course because they are
interested and because they can use the credits towards
their general education
requirement or language
requirement, one will find both motivation and numbers
increased. Those who offer Irish as an elective often have
difficulties filling classes. One reason is tuition. Although a
three-credit course at a community college may cost as little
as two hundred dollars, the price of a three-credit Irish
course might be unimaginable at a private institution.
14
THOMAS W. IHDE
13
TRANSFER
While community colleges can offer courses at lower
tuition levels, they have another concern, credit transfer.
The understanding at junior colleges is that some students
will eventually transfer to four-year institutions. There is no
use encouraging students to take Irish for general education
or language requirement if the four-year college to which
they transfer does not view Irish in the same way as the
community college. In the case of BCC, I wrote the
academic vice-presidents of the five senior colleges to which
most of the BCC students transfer. This required several
follow-up phone calls, e-mail messages, and overnight
express mailings (which I paid for myself). In the end I did
received a majority of institutions that claimed they would
accept Irish, but it was not an easy battle. When offering the
course, I informed students that one institution had claimed
that they would not accept Irish. My intent was to give those
students hoping to transfer to that university the opportunity
to drop my class and take a more commonly taught
language.
Regardless of whether an institution is a junior college or
a senior college/university, students need to be warned that,
since Irish is only sporadically offered throughout the
country, they will need to take both Elementary Irish I and
Elementary Irish II at the same institution before transferring
to another college. This is especially the case if the college
to which they are transferring requires two semesters of a
foreign language before graduation. In other words, they
could not transfer with just Irish I and expect to complete
their language requirement at the other institution because
the other institution most likely does not offer Irish II.
In the case of introducing Irish into a four-year college's
course offerings, the above aspect is not as much of a
concern. Since the senior college itself offers the bachelor's
degree, it is independent to chose which language it decides
to offer. However, there is still a fair number of senior
15
14
ISSUES IN THE DESIGN OF IRISH CREDITED COURSES
college/university students who transfer to another institution
for a variety of reasons.
INTERNAL OPPOSITION
Although the example of designing and offering Irish at
Bergen Community College over four years was a process
met with support and success (25 students enrolled in the
first semester of Elementary Irish I) opposition at similar
institutions should be expected. One source of opposition
might come from the very foreign language teachers that
one calls colleagues. It may be felt that there is a limited
pool of undergraduate students and that the proposed
course will be taking students away from other language
offerings. Some institutions may have only one full-time
German professor, for example. This individual may be
barely maintaining a full schedule, which is usually required
to justify continued employment. The idea of Irish making
inroads into their German language student body might be a
frightening thought whether justified or not. Likewise, other
full-time faculty teaching general education courses may see
the proposed course as taking away students from their
classes. This would especially be the case where the
college does not have a language requirement and one can
opt to fulfill one's general education requirement from
courses offered from a number of departments. Lastly, one
may find oneself in opposition with other less commonly
taught languages. It might be argued by the administration
that if Irish is offered, the languages of other ethnic groups
present on campus will have to be offered. The designer of
the Irish language courses may even find herself designing
courses in another heritage language just to satisfy this
administrative complaint.
One should not underestimate the amount of work and
time needed to make a course part of the permanent course
offerings of a college. After all the preparatory work had
been completed in the Bergen example, piloting the course,
building publicity, and designing syllabi, I had to seek the
16
15
THOMAS W. IHDE
approval of the foreign language department, the Collegewide Curriculum Committee, and the College-wide Senate.
Additionally, administrators all along the way had to be
consulted. I began working on that project in 1994. The
course was piloted in the spring and fall of 1995. The
credited course was first offered in the fall of 1997. Although
I moved to the Department of Languages and Cultures at
William Paterson University in 1998, it is gratifying to see
that both the undergraduate and adult education courses
continue to attract students at BCC.
A CONTINUING PROCESS
I would like to close with a final note regarding publicity.
If a course is going to have any future once established, it
will need to be constantly publicized, even years after being
established. Word of mouth of course is the best publicity.
However, Irish-American newspapers and radio shows as
well as local Irish-American organizations should be
continually informed of registration dates.
Additionally, as the program is developed, news coverage in local and regional papers is welcomed. In addition to
the above-cited New York Times article, articles mentioning
the Irish language offerings at Bergen ran in The Record
(Llorente 1997) and The Weekend Jersey Journal (Donohue
1996). I was also interviewed for WMBC's evening television
news program and for a local half-hour cable program On
Campus... (Duggan 1995). While such coverage can aid in
filling a class, the best publicity at a given institution will be
the college catalogue and the master list of courses.
Deadlines for both of these publications are many months
before the courses begin. If the new Irish course is not
included in the master list of courses, the initiator of the
course will have a hard time attracting students currently
enrolled in the college. One consolation is that with master
lists going on-line at many college web sites, the updating of
the course offerings can sometimes be done at a date closer
to
the
beginning
of
the
semester.
One
important
consideration is how many students are required to run a
16
ISSUES IN THE DESIGN OF IRISH CREDITED COURSES
course. In the case of a less commonly taught language that
is offered in one section only, it may be advised that this
number be doubled to assure enough students enroll in the
second semester. For example, if one needs 12 students for
the course to run, it would be best to try to have 24 students
in the first semester so as to have at least 12 students in the
second semester. If the institution where the course is being
proposed does not have a foreign language requirement,
students may be able to just take Elementary Irish I to fulfill
a general education requirement.
The introduction of Irish in the Division of Continuing
Education and the Division of Arts and Humanities at
Bergen Community College was a rewarding experience for
the students, the instructors, and the college. I hope that the
above general comments and my specific examples will help
other individuals introduce this language into their local
community college or senior college as a general education
course.
NOTES
'This article was originally presented in paper form at the
annual meeting of the North American Association of Celtic
Language Teachers in June of 1998. The conference, which
was held in Minneapolis and Saint Paul, MN, was cosponsored by the University of Minnesota and the University
of St. Thomas.
2 See Ihde 1996 and Murphy 1995. See also the LCTL
Project database maintained by the Center for Advanced
Research on Language Acquisition at the University of
Minnesota, http://carla.acad.umn.edu/Ictl/access.html and
the teacher database of Daltai na Gaeilge at
http://www.monmouth.com/daltai
18
17
THOMAS W. IHDE
3 The BCC courses were four contact hours per week. Most
other institutions may be either three contact hours per week
only or three contact hours plus one lab hour per week.
4 See the following for more information on how these
technologies can be used in language learning: Armstrong
and Yetter-Vassot 1994, Kennedy 1991, and Stenson 1996.
5 Although it is outside of the scope of this article,
instructors' qualifications will be an important consideration.
Some institutions will insist that the instructor have a
master's in a foreign language or applied linguistics with
near-native fluency in Irish. See lhde (1997).
6 The issue of designing an Irish language learning
curriculum is not directly discussed in this article. The reader
is encouraged to read Duran (1994, 1995, 1997) and Ihde
(1994) regarding syllabus design of. Irish courses for North
Americans. Ihde (1999) provides an overview of literature in
this area.
I would like to thank one of the blind referees for this
excellent suggestion. To subscribe to CELTIC-T, send an email to listserv@VM1.SPCS.UMN.EDU with the message
SUBSCRIBE CELTIC-T Yourfirstname Yourlastname.
REFERENCES
Donohue, B. (1996). Gael Force. The Weekend Jersey
Journal. New Jersey: Al, A4.
Duggan, A. (1995). Irish Culture and Language. On
Campus... at Bergen Community College. no. 186 (cable
program: 25 minutes).
Duran, J. J. (1994). Teaching Irish in California: A Personal,
Sociolinguistic, and Applied Linguistic Retrospective.
The Irish Language in the United States,. T. W. Ihde.
Westport, CT, Bergin & Garvey: 115-128.
19
18
ISSUES IN THE DESIGN OF IRISH CREDITED COURSES
Duran, J. J. (1995). Dialects, Speech Communities, and
Applied Linguistics: A Realistic Approach to the
Teaching of Irish in Non -Irish Speaking Areas. Journal of
Celtic Language Learning 1: 21-37.
Duran, J. J. (1997). Preparing a Structural Syllabus for Adult
Learners of Irish. Journal of Celtic Language Learning 3:
6-40.
Ihde, T. W., Ed. (1994). The Irish Language in the United
States: a historical, sociolinguistic, and applied linguistic
survey. Westport, CT, Bergin & Garvey.
Ihde, T. W. (1996). Language Report: Irish Language
Courses at American Colleges. Eire- Ireland: A Journal of
Irish Studies 30(4): 181-186.
Ihde, T. W. (1997). Teacher Certification and Less
Commonly Taught Languages. Journal of Celtic
Language Learning 3: 41-50.
Ihde, T. W. (1999). Curriculum Development and Textbook
Design for North American Learners of Irish. Language,
Culture, & Curriculum 12(3).
Kennedy, G. (1991). Computers in language teaching.
Media technologies and language learning. D. Little and
B. b Meadhra. Dublin, Irish Association for Applied
Linguistics: 48-68.
Llorente, E. (1995). Irish Gaelic Spoken Here._The Record.
New Jersey: D6.
Murphy, M., Ed. (1995). A Guide to Irish Studies in the
United States. New York, The American Conference for
Irish Studies.
,
2, 0
THOMAS W. IHDE
19
Smith, K. (1994). Justification for Scottish Gaelic Education
in Canada. NAACLT News 1(2): 3-4.
Stenson, N. (1996). Video in the Irish Language Classroom.
Teanga: The Irish Yearbook of Applied Linguistics 16:
107-119.
Stewart, B. (1997). More Irish Than Ireland: Learning a
Language That's More Than a Brogue. The New York
Times: NJ8.
Yetter-Vassot, C. (1994). Transforming Teaching through
Technology. Foreign Language Annals 27(4): 475-486.
Department of Languages and Cultures
300 Pompton Road
Wayne, NJ 07470-2103
USA
ihdet@wpunj.edu
JOURNAL OF CELTIC LANGUAGE LEARNING 5, 20 - 33 (2000)
LEARNING IRISH FOR PARTICIPATION IN
THE IRISH LANGUAGE SPEECH
COMMUNITY OUTSIDE THE GAELTACHT
MUIRIS 6 LAOIRE
INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY, TRALEE
Until the early seventies, Irish language pedagogy [ILP] as
part of the state's interventionist role in language revival, was
seen to constitute a symbiotic strategy for language
maintenance, status planning and acquisition planning for the
language. But since 1970, has there been a change in state
policy for Irish language pedagogy? Is Irish now being taught
and learned as an L2, with the objective of achieving a
societal bilingualism? To what extent does learning Irish in
schools at present guarantee rates of reproduction of
sequential bilinguals to ensure consolidation and extension of
the speech community -pobal na Gaeilge ? Pobal na Gaeilge,
as well as including the territorially defined Gaeltachtal,
significantly refers to a growing number of networks of users
of Irish outside that regional, territorial and linguistic entity.
This paper examines the present requirements for
accountability in Irish language pedagogy. [e.g. syllabus,
societal bilingualism and state revival policies]. The author
argues that Irish language pedagogy needs to address
realistically the present focus of revival policy programmes, in
order to achieve meaningful and purposeful language learning
in the classroom.
Until the early seventies, as has been stated, Irish
language
pedagogy
[ILP]
as
part
of
the
state's
interventionist role in the revival of Irish' was seen to
constitute a symbiotic strategy for language maintenance,
status planning and acquisition planning for the language.
Status language planning was characterised by the dual
policy of maintenance and revival: maintenance in the Irish
MUIRIS 6 LAOIRE
21
language speech communities and revival in the areas
outside the geographically and linguistically defined
Gaeltachtai. (Irish language speech communities)
In status planning outside the Gaeltacht, which will be the
concern in this article, the centrality of intergenerational
transmission in the processes of revitalization was not
stressed or was somewhat overlooked2 Instead, it was
expected that the schools could act as the principal agents
of revival. In other words, it was taken for granted that Irish
could be revived by an effective system of teaching the
language. In fact, it could be said in hindsight that the entire
burden of the revival devolved on the education system.3
Inherent in the policy of promoting the language in the
school was an implicit understanding that, as the national or
primary schools were perceived as having been the main
agents in effecting a language shift to English, the process
could be reversed in favor of Irish. This conviction was
reflected, for example in the work of a leading educationalist
in the new state, Rev.T.Corcoran, Professor of Education at
University College, Dublin, most notably in Studies 1925,
(386-387), where he wrote:
Can the language be thus given in and through the
school as a real vernacular? There is an abundance
of historical evidence for an affirmative answer. It
was in this way almost entirely that the English
vernacular was enabled to replace the Irish tongue in
Irish-speaking Ireland. Over large proportions of the
country, this process of displacement developed
from 1700 onwards through the local schools. It was
effective above all from 1830-1850 and these were
the years that really counted. The reversal of the
process is equally feasible... The popular schools
can give and can restore our native language, they
can do it without positive aid from the home.
.
In 1922 all primary (national) schools were instructed to
teach Irish, or to use it as a medium of instruction for at least
2 3-
22
LEARNING IRISH FOR PARTICIPATION IN THE SPEECH COMMUNITY
half an hour a day. (INTO 1941) Subsequent policies were
aimed at extending the use of Irish as a medium of
instruction. In this policy-model, teaching Irish was
synonymous with learning Irish. With a strong emphasis on
grammar and composition, (Dept of Education: Rialacha
agus Clair 1924), there was also an implicit assumption that
knowledge about language would lead to language use, i.e.,
if children knew the language that they would then speak it.4
If students were taught Irish well, on leaving school they
would speak it in their homes and in all societal domains,
and in this way the language could be revived. So schools
needed Irish and Irish needed schools.
Learning Irish in schools outside the Gaeltacht in the
early years of the State could be interpreted as being a
preparation for participation in the Irish language speech
community. It could be said however, that this speech
community did not exist in reality, but existed only in the
expectant, in the imminent and was being created and
forged in and through the very process of preparation itself.
6 Huallachain (1994:116) has referred to this as
implementing a policy through educational agencies in
isolation because the necessary societal backup for
achieving a language shift was not yet in place.
Tosach maith leath na hoibre. (A good beginning is half
the work). In the beginning all appeared to be going well.
The first Minister for Education in the new State, Eoin Mac
Neill, who had once advised that the language could not be
revived through the agency of the school alone (Mac Neill
1900), reported in 1923, however, that the teaching and
learning of Irish was flourishing (Dail Debates XX1). But half
the work was not accomplished in this instance by a good
beginning. Teachers soon started to complain as they
endeavored to find out why exactly they were teaching the
language and notes of despondency were also beginning to
be sounded by the Department of Education itself. In its
annual report of 1928-1929, the following was stated in
reference to teaching Irish:
24
23
MUIRIS 6 LAOIRE
Outside the Gaeltacht the progress in the use of Irish
as a medium of instruction is slow.... children are not
speaking Irish and I regret to say that I see no signs
that we will witness a reverse of the situation unless
we approach the issue with a different frame of mind.
It appears that the different frame of mind called for in
this report was never formulated. Right through the 1930's,
40's, 50's and 60's, while the schools conferred a high
status on the language; there was a growing disjunction
between the energies invested in learning the language in
the classroom and the absence of opportunities outside it for
using it meaningfully in a speech community context. The
lack of use of Irish as a vernacular outside the Gaeltacht
undermined the school/Irish symbiosis and eventually
debilitated public motivation towards language learning.
Teaching a language widely and intensively which had
immediate, well-established role or status in the
community resulted in poor standards. The return for all the
no
investment and energies expended in Irish were low,
producing a situation where, as Comhairle na Gaeilge
(1974:3) commented:" In too many ...schools, even after 12
years' instruction, most pupils emerge unable to conduct a
simple conversation in Irish."
By the mid-sixties, it was understood and accepted that
the language revitalization policy had not worked and the
idea that the revival of Irish through reversing language shift
would gradually displace English was eventually and
formally set aside in the White Paper on the Restoration of
the Irish Language. (Government White Paper 1965)
IRISH IN THE SCHOOLS SINCE 1970
In the early 1970's, there was a change in state policy
for Irish language pedagogy. The government in Dublin no
longer pursued its policies aimed at the displacement of
by achieving Irish monolingualism (reversing
language shift) and the term bilingualism began to be used
English
25
24
LEARNING IRISH FOR PARTICIPATION IN THE SPEECH COMMUNITY
thereafter to describe the national aim vis a vis language
restoration.
Research on language attitudes beginning with the
Committee on Language Attitudes Research, (CLAR 1975)
made it clear that the public espoused the restoration of
Irish, but this restoration was now to occur within the context
of a bilingual society. Interestingly enough, this
corresponded closely to what the early Conradh na Gaeilge
(The Gaelic League) language revivalists had originally
(6 Laoire 1996). A special body, called
Comhairle na Gaeilge, was appointed in June 1969 to
review Irish language policy and advise on its future
envisaged
developments.5 It identified a new diglossic approach where
selected domains of national life would be associated with
Irish, Comhairle na Gaeilge (1972:7)
This posed a new and important question for Irish
language pedagogy policies, namely, outside the Gaeltacht,
was Irish now to be taught and learned as an L2, as part of
a new strategy towards fostering bilingualism? This question
was never fully answered. From the beginning in fact, the
implications of this newly- formulated objective of achieving
societal bilingualism for Irish language pedagogy were not
very clear. Certainly the notion of creating motivation for
learning and using Irish was given a new ascendancy.
Comhairle na Gaeilge, in its document Irish in Education
(1974:4), highlighted the importance of creating motivation
in any new formulation of Irish language pedagogy within
the framework of bilingualism. It stated:
It would seem then that an essential part of any Irish
language teaching policy would be a continuing
review of the set of motivations likely to produce a
widespread stimulus towards learning and speaking
the language. It may be found that the new diglossia
approach recommended by Comhairle na Gaeilge-that of associating selected domains of national life
with Irish--would itself in time be one of the most
important motivating forces in the social sphere, in
26
MUIRIS 6 LAOIRE
25
that it would provide occasions for using any Irish
learned in school.
But it was not immediately obvious what the domains of
Irish language use were and how much language should be
taught to ensure transactional communication within these
domains. Nor were the nature of the language contact and
the function of the bilingualism being targeted (balanced, coordinate, compound etc.) very clear. Other equally
significant issues were also not addressed in Irish language
pedagogy policy at the time, issues such as:
> the recruitment factor: capacity of the education system
for bilingual reproduction
> integration into bilingual networks
A key aspect in the maintenance of a bilingual minority is
its capacity to reproduce a similar sized or an increased
sized community for the next generation. The bilingual
community must rely significantly on the schools to assist it
in this reproductive capacity. In 1986, the CCP (Coiste
Comhairle Pleanala) [Advisory Planning Committee] an
advisory planning committee, in a report on Irish in the
education system estimated that the State required each
school-going
cohort
to
contain
20%-30%
competent
bilinguals to maintain the then levels of bilingualism (CCP
1986:ix). The establishment, growth and development of the
naionrai (Irish-medium pre-schools) and Irish medium
education in recent years are a step in this direction.
A second issue that Irish language pedagogy needs to
address is that of issue the spatial distribution and mobility
of Irish speakers in Irish speaking- networks. The pattern
and nature of bilingualism or of an Irish language speech
community outside the Gaeltacht is, of course, best
described as being dispersed. This was and continues to be
a crucial issue in the development of an effective and
significantly relevant Irish language pedagogy- policy. If the
school produces competent bilinguals, these bilinguals need
to be able to integrate into the Irish speaking clusters or
networks
outside the
schools.
Once
integrated,
Irish
language learning has been vindicated as being culturally
meaningful
and
communicatively
27
useful,
learners'
26
LEARNING IRISH FOR PARTICIPATION IN THE SPEECH COMMUNITY
interlanguage is stretched and a depth of language
processing is furthered.
The question that needed to be answered in the 1970's
and still requires to be addressed is: to what extent does
learning Irish in schools at present guarantee rates of
reproduction of sequential bilinguals to ensure consolidation
and extension of the speech community -pobal na Gaeilge ?
This question has not yet been fully addressed, because,
the orientation of Irish language pedagogy within the
framework of bilingual reproduction may have been sidetracked by two inter-related developments in Irish education
in the eighties and nineties: i.e., expansion in post-primary
education and subsequent curriculum development.
Expansion and development in post-primary education in
the seventies and eighties brought ever-increasing numbers
of students into the system. Among these were considerable
numbers of less successful or less-academically oriented
pupils who had difficulty
in
adapting to the dominant
educational model, 6 Dubhthaigh, (1978), 6 Laoire, (1994),
(1997). This resulted in concern about unprecedented rates
of failure in Irish in the public examinations and about a
general deterioration in standards. In the context of general
curriculum reform, the need to introduce new syllabi arose
out of such concern and was prompted by the general
malaise in the area of Irish language pedagogy.
Most of the eighties and nineties were taken
up,
therefore, with syllabus reform to make the language more
accessible and relevant to all students and to lower the rates
of failure. The adoption of communicative-type syllabi in
both junior and senior cycle programmes was undertaken
deliberately
by the NCCA (The
National
Council for
Curriculum and Assessment) with this background of
malaise and with the objectives of accessibility and
relevance in mind. But in implementing these important
syllabus-related issues, we may have been side-tracked,
albeit necessarily so, and have lost sight of the central
issue:- how learning Irish prepares us for participation in the
Irish language speech community
28
27
MUIRIS b LAOIRE
Irish language speech communities (Pobal na Gaeilge),
as well as including the territorially defined Gaeltachtaf,
refers significantly to a growing number of networks of users
of Irish outside that regional, territorial and linguistic entity
both at home and abroad. Unlike the Gaeltacht, where the
student of Irish may have the support mechanisms of home
and neighborhood domains in sustaining or increasing
proficiency through use; the school alone, for the learner of
Irish as L2 outside the Gaeltacht, may indeed be the only
source of language learning. Learning Irish in school all too
often is not reinforced by participation in, and integration into
the speech community. Irish-speaking networks outside the
Gaeltacht have never been sufficiently numerous to form a
readily identifiable and easily visible speech community.
This distribution of Irish speaking networks poses a serious
problem for the learner of
Irish, particularly within the
communicative framework, where the relevance of learning
is wholly identified with societal use. For many students,
there is no readily identifiable speech community where
such communication might be meaningful other than in
communicational transactions in the Gaeltacht.
The communicative-type syllabi now being taught in Irish
schools imply that learners who have little or no prospect of
eventually integrating into or enacting with the Gaeltacht
speech community are asked to suspend disbelief as they
rehearse communicative situations which can only be
authentic or valid within the Gaeltacht.
Efforts in our Irish language classrooms intent on
simulating the tourist-type situations so central to
communicative pedagogy of more widely used languages
have worn thin with many of our learners. It has been my
experience that students have seen through the ruse, and
that efforts to engage learners' motivation in mimicry of
communicative situations, such as booking a room in a
hostel in Cork, or asking directions while working from a
map of O'Connell St., Dublin, have been doomed to arouse
at best a benign indifference, even among our most eager
learners. Such an approach is suitable if it is geared towards
learners who will want to, or who will have to, or who will
29
28
LEARNING IRISH FOR PARTICIPATION IN THE SPEECH COMMUNITY
choose to use Irish at some stage in their lives in the Irish
language speech community in the Gaeltacht. But does Irish
language pedagogy prepare learners to integrate into the
Irish language speech community outside the Gaeltacht, if
such were their choice?
It is not always easy to communicate or even to know
how and when to communicate with Irish speakers outside
the Gaeltacht. This is often true in the case of adult learners
who embark on an adventure of improving their cCipla focal
(a few words) by attending night classes. Things go well
until they try and integrate into a cluster of Irish speakers-
then things goes horribly wrong! Learners at this crucial
integration-threshold stage often think that their Irish is not
good enough and compare their own efforts unfavourably
with the standard
of the
target network-group.
Unfortunately, such learners often give up.6 This points to a
need not only for more research into the sociolinguistic and
motivational variables of integration but also for preliminary
studies of interlanguage pragmatics in the case of Irish
speakers. (The latter would be to provide data, for example
on the nature of illocutionary acts among speakers
belonging to the Gaeltacht and non-Gaeltacht speech
communities)
What should we be teaching our students at primary and
at post-primary levels? Is the communicative approach out
of place, irrelevant and unhelpful for the majority of our
learners who will never come into contact with the Gaeltacht
speech community?
The CEB (Curriculum and Examination Board) document
which preceded syllabus definition argued that the
classroom itself must be used to motivate learners at least in
the short term (CEB:31), by creating a need to use Irish in
the accomplishment of meaningful activities which appeal to
their interests and imagination. It states that: 'the classroom
is therefore a valid communicative situation, which can in
itself be exploited as a valuable resource for learning. To
view it merely as a rehearsal studio for the world outside is
an approach unlikely to sustain the motivation of many
30
MUIRIS O LAOIRE
29
learners of Irish.' This approach, however, has sustained
motivation for many of us teachers in the classroom (0
Laoire 1994b). The problem with this model, however, is that
if school is the only place that Irish is meant to be used, then
students, when school is out, forget Irish and see it as
something irrelevant. Irish like homework, rules and uniform
is best forgotten outside school
A problem in Irish language pedagogy in recent years,
therefore has been the tendency for syllabus design and for
language revival policies towards achieving societal
bilingualism to occur more or less independently of each
other. To re-align Irish language pedagogy with revival
policies, the organizing principle for syllabus design needs
to be more answerable to how, where and why Irish is used
in the Irish language speech community Irish language
pedagogy needs to address realistically therefore, the
present focus of revival policy programs, as well as to
empower learners to be more aware of the Irish language
context and the process of language learning itself, in order
to achieve meaningful and purposeful language learning.
NOTES
See 6 Riagain, P (1997) for a comprehensive description
of the historical background to the development of Irish
language revivalist policies, also 6 Riain (1994). See also
IJSL 70 (1988) for a discussion on various aspects of policy
implementation in status and corpus planning, especially
Commins (1988), Tovey (1988) and 6 Baoill (1988). For a
discussion of the role of the state in the revival, see 6 Laoire
(1996).
2 Fishman (1991:128) in an analysis of the 1981 Census
data refers for example to the glaring failure of Irish
language policies in the past to follow-up the well educated
who have mastered Irish during school attendance so that,
they could more easily form Irish-speaking (or, at least
bilingual) speech communities in their post-school years
31
30
LEARNING IRISH FOR PARTICIPATION IN THE SPEECH COMMUNITY
and, thereby, transmit the Irish which they have acquired to
a successive generation.
See Benton (1986) for an interesting discussion on the role
of the schools as agents of revival in the Irish and New
Zealand contexts. For more information on the role of the
Irish language in education from 1831 onwards, see 6
Buachalla (1984), also 6 Riagain (1997: Chapter 7). 6
Suilleabhain (1988) gives a good account of the historical
background to the role of Irish in the schools.
4 Coolahan (1981:223) notes that the failure of the system to
restore the spoken language to any extent can be partly
attributed to the stress laid on the written language rather
than on oral fluency.
5 Among Comhairle na Gaeilge's main recommendations
was the establishment of an agency with special
responsibility for the restoration and maintenance of Irish.
This agency, Bord na Gaeilge, was established in 1975,
becoming a statutory agency in 1978.
6 One such learner in his late twenties told me in a private
communication (as part of a forthcoming research study)
that he had taken night classes in Irish for over two years
and was reasonably proficient in class. He reported difficulty
however, when trying to integrate in to Irish speaking
networks outside class. He found that some speakers either
reverted to English when he joined in conversations or that
he, himself said very little and felt uncomfortable, even when
he understood the gist of certain conversations and
interactions conducted entirely in Irish. He has since
abandoned hope of ever being able to speak the language
well and to be a part of an Irish speaking network.
32
MUIRIS b LAOIRE
31
REFERENCES
Benton, R.A. (1986). Schools as agents for language revival
in Ireland and New Zealand. In: Spolsky, B. (Ed)
Language and Education in Multilingual Settings.
Clevedon: Multilingual Matters, Ich 53-76.
CEB (Curriculum and Examinations Board) (1985).
Languages in the Curriculum. Dublin: CEB.
CLAR (Committee on Language Attitudes Research (1975).
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CCP (Coiste Comhairle Pleanala)(1985). Irish in the
Educational System: An Analysis of Examination
Results. Dublin: Bord na Gaeilge.
Comhairle na Gaeilge (1972). Implementing a Language
Policy. Dublin: The Stationery Office.
Comhairle na Gaeilge (1974). Irish In Education.
The Stationery Office.
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Commins, P. (1988). Socioeconomic development and
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Coolahan, J. (1981). Irish Education: History and Structure.
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Corcoran, T. (1925). The Irish language in the Irish schools.
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Department of Education (1924). Rialacha agus Clair.
Dublin: The Stationery Office
Fishman, J.A. (1991). Reversing Language Shift. Mouton:
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INTO (Irish National Teachers' Organisation) (1941). Report
of the Committee of Inquiry into the Use of Irish as a
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English. Dublin:INTO.
Mac Neill, E (1900). An Claideamh Solais 2 November.
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standardisation of Irish. International Journal of the
Sociology of Language, 70, 109-126.
6 Buachalla, S. (1984). Educational policy and the role of
the Irish language from 1831-1981. European Journal of
Education, vol. 19, (1) 75-92.
6 Dubhthaigh, F. (1978). MUineadh na Gaeilge san larbhunscoil. Leachtai Choim Chine IX, 19-43.
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Laoire, M. (1994). Spleacadh ar mhoineadh na Gaeilge
san iarbhunscoil. Teangeolas 33, 33-39.
6 Laoire, M (1994b). Challenge, exploration and change in
the teaching of Irish. Teanga 14. 40-47.
6 Laoire, M (1996). An historical perspective of the revival
of Irish outside the Gaeltacht, 1880-1930 in Wright, S
(Ed) Language and the State. Clevedon: Multilingual
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(Multilingual Matters) Vol 2. No.3. 223-235.
O Laoire M (1997). Gearain agus Caighdeain. Irisleabhar
Mha Nuad 1996-'97, 204-225
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33
Suilleabhain, D (1988) Cath na Gaeilge sa Choras
Oideachais 1893-1911 Dublin:Conradh na Gaeilge
6 Riagain, P (1997) Language Policy and Social
Reproduction Oxford: Clarendon
O Riain, S. (1994). Pleanail Teanga in Eirinn 1919-1985.
Dublin: Carbad.
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Eire
molaoire@tinet.ie
35
JOURNAL OF CELTIC LANGUAGE LEARNING 5, 34 - 61 (2000)
GAELIC LANGUAGE MAINTENANCE
TYPOLOGIES AND CONSTRUCTS
KARA A. SMITH
UNIVERSITY OF WINDSOR
Reported within this paper are the qualitative results of a
1995-1997 ethnographic study of seventeen Gaelic
language users living within English speaking areas of
Canada and Scotland. Subjects Ai leas, Aonghas, Artair,
Anna, Aigneas, Tara, Tollaidh, Cairistlona, and Colla (all
names are fictional), were observed for a period of nine
days. The subjects kept a written journal in which they
recorded their thoughts and feelings about Gaelic, their
Gaelic worlds in the English community, and their Gaelic
language maintenance within an English community. These
records formed two typologies, 'Levels of Gaelic Speech
Competence' and 'Gaelic Social Roles'; and two language
maintenance constructs, 'Interactive Gaelic Work' and
'Inter linguistic Relations'. The typologies and constructs of
these successful Gaelic language maintenance users
interact dynamically to identify other speakers' reference
groups and, based on the reference group identified,
whether the user would choose to engage in a sustained
Gaelic conversational episode with the other speaker.
Results identified a 'common sense' ethnographic method
of evaluating levels of Gaelic speech ability and Gaelic roles
by using the natural terms of the lesser-used language
community studied.
INTRODUCTION
The
following
socioethnographic
study
of
Gaelic
language maintenance explores the Gaelic worlds of
seventeen Gaelic speakers living within English dominated
communities. Ai leas, Aonghas, Artair, Anna, Aigneas, Tara,
KARA A. SMITH
35
Tollaidh, Cairistiona, and Colla are just nine of the subjects
who will be introduced within this paper. (All of the subjects
names, and the names of individuals connected to the
subjects, have been changed in this writing for the purpose
of anonymity.) During the two-year period of observation,
the subjects kept written journal records where they
recorded their own thoughts and observations about Gaelic
language maintenance within an English environment, and
where they commented on their own local Gaelic
communities. The purpose of the research was to explore
the 'isolated' Gaelic world and to identify ways in which that
world could be construed. This marked the beginning of
greater insight into successful Gaelic language maintenance
in English communities.
Due to the qualitative and individual nature of the study,
unique research literature was used to gain a greater
understanding of the individual and her/his Gaelic language
maintenance process. Individual members, and respected
authors, of the Gaelic community, such as Anne Lorne
Gillies (1991), Angus MacLellan (1997), Margaret Fay Shaw
(1993), and Mary & Hector Maclver (1990), who had written
autobiographies about their Gaelic lives, along with local
ethnic Scottish and Canadian newspaper editorials, were
used to validate the common terms and constructs identified
in the research findings. In this way, the published
autobiographies of Gaelic community members, printed
letters
to
newspaper
editors,
and
the
journals
and
observations of the subjects themselves, provided a rich
ethnographic resource of the typologies and constructs used
by Gaelic speakers to identify language development, and
skill, and to enable language maintenance opportunities.
Being able to identify these community language constructs
allowed Gaelic learners to evaluate their own language
acquisition progress alongside the 'common sense' terms
and standards that they would encounter within the Gaelic
world itself. The typology, 'Levels of Gaelic Competency'
identifies the terms commonly used to evaluate a Gaelic
speaker's
ability;
the
typology,
'Gaelic
Social
Roles'
identifies the titles commonly given to specific members of
37
36
GAELIC LANGAUGE MAINTENACE TYPOLOGIES AND CONSTRUCTS
an isolated Gaelic community. These two typologies interact
dynamically, for a speaker, to help match the 'ability' and
'role' of another speaker with the former's reference group.
A match typically results in a sustained Gaelic language
maintenance episode. Two constructs, "Interactive Gaelic
Work' and 'Inter linguistic Relations' describe the most
prominent challenges that a Gaelic speaker encounters
while trying to maintain her/his level of Gaelic within an
English speaking milieu.
LEVELS OF GAELIC COMPETENCY
Gaelic speakers attempting to maintain their language
within an English environment, construe their world in one of
two typologies which makes reference to several categories
of ability. The subjects participating in this study, and Gaelic
autobiographers (Gil lies, 1991; MacLellan, 1997; Shaw,
1993; Maclver & Maclver, 1990), use a common-sense
method of identifying and locating one's Gaelic speech
ability in relation to the social world of Gaelic speakers.
Identifying a person's 'level of Gaelic competency' within this
typology is a critical feature for making decisions about what
to say to whom, and whether the individual addressed fits
one's conception of a Gaelic speaker within one's reference
group. This, in turn, determines whether Gaelic maintenance
will occur. It is this insider typology for identifying language
progress or development which becomes one of the first
identifying characteristics in Gaelic language maintenance.
The subjects within this study categorise knowledge of
Gaelic into four levels of speech ability. Those levels have
been defined by the subjects in the following order of
speaker competence: 'Gaelic', 'Good Gaelic', 'Plenty of
Gaelic', and 'Beautiful Gaelic'(as illustrated within the figure
on the following page). Within each of these four categories
of Gaelic competency, there are several additional
definitions of speaker ability (as further defined in the next
section, 'Gaelic Social Roles'). These 'Roles' become a selfreferencing, or self-identifying, framework which enables the
38
KARA A. SMITH
37
speaker to categorise her/his, and others, knowledge of
language framework
Gaelic in relation to the social
established by the group.
Bea tiful Gaelic
jimGaelic
The first level of Gaelic competency, 'Gaelic', or 'having
the Gaelic' (without any preceding adjectives), describes an
individual who possesses the basic grammatical structure of
the language, but lacks an extended vocabulary or the
ability to form complex sentences. For example, one
subject, Ai leas, evaluated her friend's level of Gaelic ability
as '[having] Gaelic', basic Gaelic. She stated, "Jimmy
doesn't have very good Gaelic, but he has it." Ai leas,
herself, has attempted to learn more songs and vocabulary
so that she may progress to the next level, "Good Gaelic".
39
38
GAELIC LANGAUGE MAINTENACE TYPOLOGIES AND CONSTRUCTS
Angus MacLellan (1997), in his autobiographical discussion
of Perthshire Gaelic, also describes this initial stage of
Gaelic ability with the term 'Gaelic'. He states, "[their] Gaelic
couldn't be worse if they had learnt it from the crows", and
"...the Gaelic there in Perthshire, indeed it wasn't good
Gaelic" (MacLellan, 1997: 42-43). Here, he identifies both
the first and second levels of the social typology of Gaelic
levels of competency. The individuals in Perthshire "had
Gaelic", but they did not have "Good Gaelic". Thus, their
Gaelic ability had been posited by MacLellan in the first level
of competency in the Gaelic social world.
Similarly, Anne Lorne Gil lies describes the beginning
stages of Gaelic learning in Oban, as "having the Gaelic"
and "awful pidgin Gaelic" (Gil lies, 1991). According to
Gillies' social account (1991), this beginning stage of Gaelic
competency is simply called "Gaelic", so basic in its form
that it is "pidgin", or an underdeveloped hybrid of Gaelic and
English. For the 6-year-old Gil lies recalling this level of
speech ability, this was a pejorative value judgement. For a
language to survive in a real speech community, it must
have a number of speakers who are highly fluent; however,
it merits mentioning that "pidgin" or basic 'Gaelic' may
illustrate a dynamic process at work in which the speaker is
highly engaged in language maintenance and attainment.
Gil lies' comment, in this sense, could be understood as a
developmental process. For example, a person with 'pidgin'
or basic 'Gaelic', from a linguist's view, may simply be
acquiring language through Se linker's (1992) successive
interlanguage process. The elementary 'Gaelic' may be the
result of the creation of a set of rules, which, over time,
allows the speaker to learn the language.
As a value
judgement, this first level of 'Gaelic' ability may sound crude
to a native speaker, but it is quite possible that the individual
is simply exhibiting her/his on-going development of
language acquisition.
Within this first category of Gaelic competence, we may
discuss two other distinctions - "school Gaelic" and
"everyday Gaelic". An adolescent Scottish subject, Tollaidh,
40
39
KARA A. SMITH
best describes the difference between these two social
typologies of speech when she explains her fears of speech
inadequacy with her cousins in Uist:
Their Gaelic is just so good. They have
plenty of Gaelic. Sometimes I think that
my accent sounds stupid...because my
Gaelic is school Gaelic, and they know
how to say things in everyday Gaelic which
is much more cool (Tollaidh, 1997).
Tollaidh feels that she lacks the "everyday" vernacular to
sound "cool"; that her "Gaelic" only contains features learned
in school, rather than common, pop idiom. Byram (1989)
describes this phenomenon as "referential meaning". To be
maintained and thrive, a language must include the features
necessary for individuals at all ages and in all contexts
(Moffatt, 1999). If the subject Tollaidh, in this case, were
more familiar with the local Gaelic idiom of her peers in Uist,
then she would feel more confident in using it, and in return,
in maintaining it.
The second level of Gaelic competency, 'Good Gaelic',
contains the "everyday Gaelic" mentioned above by subject
Tollaidh. It is a non-institutionalised vernacular possessing
the basic grammatical structure of the language. One
Canadian subject, Anna, for example, is cautious about
being interviewed on the BBC Highland radio programme,
Radio nan Gaidheal, because she wants her Gaelic "to be
good". Anna states:
had to be careful about what I said
because I knew that all of my friends
back home would be listening and
wanted my Gaelic to be good (Anna,
I
I
1997).
In Anna's case, "Good Gaelic" is the acceptable level of
Gaelic speech ability for a radio interview. Anna also
reported that "[her] Gaelic is good due to all of her trips
home" to Lewis. Another adolescent Scottish subject,
41
40
GAELIC LANGAUGE MAINTENACE TYPOLOGIES AND CONSTRUCTS
Tear lag, reported that "[she] wished she could speak good
Gaelic, but right now she just barely has it." A child,
Canadian subject, Cairistiona, was convinced that "good
Gaelic" could be inherited genetically, since she related that
her "uncle spoke good Gaelic, so [she] will probably speak
good Gaelic as well some days Finally, an adult Canadian
subject, Artair, further defines this level of Gaelic ability by
including specific 'Gaelic social types' (discussed further in
this paper) within his narrative.
Artair says of another
speaker, "James has incredible modern Gaelic. It's good,
yes, he has a Gaelic word for everything from electronics to
subways."
Thus, although James possessed a fluent
command of the language, Artair was puzzled by James'
diction. "James has good Gaelic", but it would be unlikely
that he would ever be capable of attaining the highest level
of ability, 'Beautiful Gaelic'. 'Good Gaelic', then, refers to
basic fluency. Speakers at this level of ability are beyond
the beginning stages of learning, are capable of conversing
fluently, but are yet to possess the natural idiom and flow of
the language.
The third level of Gaelic social speech ability was
identified by the subjects as 'Plenty of Gaelic'. This stage
meant that the speaker was capable of conversing in
complex grammatical forms, had an extended vocabulary in
several vernaculars and argots, and/or used Gaelic more
than English as a form of communication. This, for most
accomplished and educated Gaels, is the top level in Gaelic
competency.
Its institutionalised equivalent might be
"advanced Gaelic" or a "Gaelic higher", as those categories
may be defined within the curriculum or syllabus of the time.
This level, like the previous two, is also a social construct,
rather than an empirical measurement of one's linguistic
ability. Tollaidh, a Scottish adolescent subject, uses this
qualifier to describe her Uist cousins who have "everyday
Gaelic" (as mentioned earlier). She says of the teenagers
on Uist, "kids there have plenty of Gaelic". When asked
what this means, Tollaidh responds, "they know all kinds of
42
KARA A. SMITH
41
words and sayings I've never heard of, and they use Gaelic
all the time - more than English!"
Tara, a Canadian adolescent, states that her friend,
Tornasina, has "plenty of Gaelic". She says, "Tomasina has
plenty of Gaelic because she worked on Skye. She knows
all kinds of phrases that I've never, ever learned." Thus,
"plenty of Gaelic" indicates a level of Gaelic speech ability
which includes both fluency, local idiom, and traditional
expression.
Speakers at this social level of speech
competence
not
only
possess
a
strong
grammatical
command of the language, they possess something of
greater importance within Gaelic circles - the natural,
organic method of communicating through Gaelic.
There are also two other terms commonly associated with
Gaelic speech ability which may be mentioned here. Among
social speakers, there is a distinguishing feature between an
'Original, Native Gaelic Speaker' and a 'Gaelic Learner'. For
example, if Gaelic was the speaker's birth language (L1),
and the speaker still had Gaelic fluently as an adult, then
s/he may be called either a 'Native' or a 'Gaelic Speaker'. If,
however, the speaker learned Gaelic as the second or third
(L2 or L3) language, that is, it was not the birth language
then s/he would always be a 'Gaelic Learner',
regardless of fluency in the language. One Scottish subject,
(L1),
for example, consistently identifies herself as a 'Gaelic
Learner' even though she has spoken, and worked in the
medium of Gaelic for 10 years. Without the 'Plentiful'
vernacular, or being born to it, "[she] was not a Gaelic
speaker."
An L2 (or L3) speaker, regardless of how
advanced her/his Gaelic, could never progress past the third
level of ability, 'Plenty of Gaelic'. An L1 speaker, or 'Native
Speaker', however, might be categorised as having
'Beautiful Gaelic'.
The fourth, and final, stage of Gaelic competency is
'Beautiful Gaelic'.
This level is reserved, socially, for
accomplished Gaelic speakers, or writers, who have the gift
of poetry in their words.
Similar to Abraham Maslow's
'Actualisation Stage', it is not attained very often. Having
'Beautiful Gaelic' is the ultimate in creative Gaelic language
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42
GAELIC LANGAUGE MAINTENACE TYPOLOGIES AND CONSTRUCTS
genius; it is the traditional, aboriginal form of the language
as it has been used by bards in the bloc. An adult subject,
Aonghas, states that these speakers have a natural talent
for "turning a phrase". They are capable of "using a proverb
to describe an event or idea the way it is traditionally
perceived from a Gaelic viewpoint." 'Beautiful Gaelic' is
authentic Gaidhealach . Artair, a Canadian adult subject,
describes a speaker he met at a conference as having
"beautiful Gaelic, like the angels." This is high praise indeed
if your language ability is next to God's. Ai leas details
'Beautiful Gaelic' when she describes a Cape Breton
poet/speaker of whom she is fond. She states that, "his
speech is 'peppered' with unique turns of phrase and
stories; his Gaelic has a natural, lyrical, poetic quality to it."
Anne Lorne Gil lies (1991), uses 'Beautiful Gaelic' to
describe native singers whom she met just once in her life.
Gil lies states:
She's from Islay and she has a beautiful
Islay Gaelic... Mary and Flora are such
beautiful Gaelic speakers, so full of fun and
Tiree air (Gil lies, 1991).
'Beautiful Gaelic', according to Gil lies, is the ability to 'turn
a phrase' the way it was traditionally meant to be said and
perceived. Both of the speakers that Gil lies describes are
from a Gaelic bloc, and as a result, possess some quality of
speech which is intimately linked to the traditional Gaelic of
that area. Their Gaelic is 'Beautiful' because it is not only
fluent, it possesses all of the characteristics of their native
homes as well as a poetic quality. In Cape Breton and
Ontario, Canada, an individual with 'Beautiful Gaelic', almost
without exception, will be a 'storyteller' as well (a 'role'
further defined in this paper). Aileas, a Cape Breton subject,
describes the late 'Joe Neil MacNeil' as one such example
of an individual (and 'storyteller') possessing 'Beautiful
[poetic] Gaelic'. In Scotland, the equivalent may have been
poets such as Sorley MacLean and lain Crichton Smith.
Such_ individuals not only have an exceptional skill with the
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KARA A. SMITH
43
language, but they have important, distinguished 'roles' in
the community as figures of Gaelic skill and prominence.
Amongst the subjects studied, it was unheard of an L2
speaker to have 'Beautiful Gaelic'.
Thus, to some extent, the level of someone's Gaelic
speech ability (defined in this section) also provides the
speaker with an indication of the speaker's role in the
community as well. It is, in this way, that the typology of
'Gaelic speech competence' and the typology of 'Gaelic
social roles' interact. Together, the two typologies form the
early part of an individual's Gaelic language maintenance
process. They enable the speaker to make decisions about
other speakers, how they will interact with her/him, and how
long s/he may sustain the conversation based on this
evaluation.
GAELIC SOCIAL ROLES
The two typologies, 'Levels of Gaelic Competency' and
'Gaelic Social Roles', dynamically interact with one another
in the language maintenance process to identify a speaker
and confirm a subject's identity status within her/his
symbolic reference group. The following is a typology which
has been constructed to represent and define the
stereotypical roles identified within the isolated Gaelic
The typology, in connection with 'Levels of
Gaelic Competence', attempts to illustrate how some of
these roles interact with the process of Gaelic language
community.
maintenance.
The Gaelic community, like many other isolated .minority
language communities, is filled with an assortment of role
players. While a couple of the 'Gaelic Roles', identified
below by subject Aileas, are disparaging, each holds a
unique agenda and valuable function within the Gaelic
community. Aileas, describes various Gaelic stereotypes, or
roles, as she commonly perceives them, and comments on
her concerns for the lack of organisation and vision amongst
role players. Aileas feels that a more common perspective
is needed within the Gaelic community before Gaelic will
45
44
GAELIC LANGAUGE MAINTENACE TYPOLOGIES AND CONSTRUCTS
have the social support and health it requires to become a
living language in Canada.2 The following is the narrative
taken from Ai leas' interviews and journal writings:
They're 'the Gaelic Mafia.'
If anything is
happening in the world of the Gael, then they
know about it first, and will quietly give their
opinion on it.
They reject anything that is
institutionalised. 'To be a true Gael, you must
live as they did,' which, I guess, is on the
verge of poverty, and perhaps they're right.
There are a lot of things that I don't like about
the school and the Gaelic college either,
mainly the fact that they cater to Beurla,
alienating a lot of ageing speakers, but that's
something you can work with. It can work.
There are just so many different opinions. On
the one hand, there is Mary and her Gaelic
Mafia, who form the core of young speakers.
Then there's people like James and Brendon,
the nouveau Gaels or business men, who
view Gaelic as some large, hippie moneymaking grant venture. Then Isobel, who
believes that we should revitalise Gaelic by
importing the language and material from
Scotland. There are storytellers like Seumas
and Donald, now passed, who volunteered at
the school and gave unselfishly of their time.
I don't know (Ai leas, 1997).
Aileas calls these roles "denominations of Gaelic", which is
particularly useful because it connects the concept of a
philosophical approach to language maintenance and the
Gaelic role one plays in accordance with the 'religious'
position, or vision, of the language's goal in the community.
As there are varying degrees of Christianity, so there are as
many interpretations and visions of what Gaelic should be.
The speakers and players whom Aileas describes are
46
KARA A. SMITH
45
commonly recognised amongst Gaelic community members
through eight common terms. These terms represent the
typification of categories of Gaelic members as represented
in the research. They are: the Mafia leader, the academic,
the businessman or media type, the nouveau Gael, the
storyteller, the native speaker, the learner (mentioned in the
previous typology with 'natives'), and the imported
Gaidhealach. Each of these roles has been documented in
one or more of the subject's narratives (Smith, 1997), as
well as in research literature, autobiographical literature,
literary texts, and Gaelic newspaper commentaries.
The 'Gaelic Mafia', or sometimes the 'Mac Mafia', is often
used as a term for those selected, few individuals who
control public funding for Gaelic organisations and causes,
or who control the various political wings of Gaelic opinion
within larger, governmental functions. It is a term often used
in resentment, and will often describe a feeling for what is
believed to be a non-democratic, non-accountable process
within the Gaelic community at large. Neil Gunn (1987)
writes of the 'Gaelic Mafia' and their numbers that can be
"counted on your fingers" in a letter to C.M. Grieve (1932,
July 9). Also, one letter from a K.G. Finlayson to the Editor
of the Stornoway Gazette (1997, January 1)3 accuses
members of the Comhairle of being part of the "Gaidhlig
Mafia" intent on using public funding without accountability.
Artair, a Canadian adult subject, reported that he recalls a
figure commonly known as "Sam Bananas", (not his real
name), as the first "Gaelic Mafia member" he remembers.
Artair states that at the turn of the 20th Century, the priests
from a county in Nova Scotia, a Gaelic bloc at the time,
would always receive places of prominence in the Dioceses,
and due to these prestigious appointments, they became
known as "the Gaelic Mafia". Today, "the Gaelic Mafia", in
Canada and in Scotland, refers not to priests, but to
individuals who control public funding for Gaelic initiatives
without the benefit of democratic accounting.
'The academic' describes that individual who is an
accomplished, institutionalised Gaelic scholar, and who,
perhaps, holds an academic post or Celtic chair in one of the
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GAELIC LANGAUGE MAINTENACE TYPOLOGIES AND CONSTRUCTS
mainland's universities. It may also describe an individual
who is commonly associated with Gaelic research within the
Gaelic community. Frank Vallee (1954) first documented
this term in his Ph.D. research. Vallee describes the 'Gaelic
scholar' as one who is 'immersed in the traditions and
literature,
self-consciously Gaelic, and assertive of
standards of purity'. In interview, adult Scottish subject,
Aonghas, also describes 'the academic' as someone who is
'assertive of standards of [language] purity', but who is more
commonly viewed through her/his post of employment,
rather than an ideal philosophical image.
'The storyteller', albeit common in Canada and Cape
Breton, is not often heard in Scotland. Joe Neil MacNeil, of
Cape Breton, for instance, was often called, 'a storyteller'
and his level of Gaelic ability, according to Canadian subject
Ai leas, was 'Beautiful'. Another subject's great grandfather,
from Ontario, "old Mr. MacLeod", was also known locally as
a 'storyteller' (Smith, 1997). 'The storyteller', what used to
be known as a 'bard' in Scotland, is an individual who
possesses a 'Beautiful Gaelic' ability. S/he has the gift of
lyrics, her/his speech is "peppered with Gaelic idiom" (as
Canadian subject Ai leas describes), and s/he speaks the
aboriginal form of the language. In Canada, a 'storyteller' is
best known for her/his ghost stories, and when present at a
ceilidh, attracts a large crowd of listeners. The 'storyteller' is
a socially prized commodity. The term was used frequently
in ;the Winter 1996/97 edition of Am Braighe to describe Eas
MacNill of Big Pond, Nova Scotia. 'Storytellers' have not
been educated formally, like 'the academic', but
nevertheless, possess the depleting 'turns of phrases' and
old stories of the Gaelic community which make them truly
Gaidhealach.
'Sar-sgeulaiche4
is still
a term heard
frequently to describe the old, aboriginal speakers of Cape
Breton, Canada.
'The businessman' or 'media type' is a role that is
commonly described in Scotland, but not in Canada.
Subjects Aileas and Aonghas use this term frequently to
describe those individuals who are thought to take
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KARA A. SMITH
47
advantage of public money and funding for Gaelic initiatives,
which, currently in Scotland, is usually television and radio
programming. These speakers, like the 'academic', are
identified according to their occupation. They are also very
well known for their curious Gaelic vocabulary which is used
to modernise the language in competition with English
media technological advances.
A 'native speaker', as the term has been defined in the
previous section, such as Scottish subject Aonghas, may
often be heard speaking about a 'media type' as follows,
"indeed, he has good Gaelic, but I cannot understand a word
he says." The vocabulary and grammar is precise, but it is
not organised in a method which would be natural for
organic Gaelic speech.
'A nouveau Gael', or occasionally, 'a new-age Gael',
describes a Gaelic 'Learner' (L2/3 speaker) who is perceived
to be a part of a popular, 'hippie' Celtic cultural movement.
Sometimes, a 'nouveau Gael' may describe an individual
who has an arresting facility for the language and who has
an
equivalent
Gaelic
word
for
every
contemporary
technological English word unknown to 'Native Speakers'
(L1). This role was described earlier in the previous section
by Canadian subject Artair, and is recounted here as
follows, by Scottish subject, Aonghas:
[A nouveau Gael] is a zealous learner who
is adamant about the use and endless
promotion of the language, sometimes to
the point where such militancy becomes
frightening or uncomfortable for older,
native speakers who are not accustomed
to such interest in the formerly teuchter
language (Aonghas, 1997).
Such 'fanaticism' is unusual to encounter for many older,
reserved native speakers. Thus, to distance themselves
from this unusual phenomenon, they identify this role
rapidly and will often code switch to English when they feel
uncomfortable in the conversation. At the outrage of
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GAELIC LANGAUGE MAINTENACE TYPOLOGIES AND CONSTRUCTS
several members of the Gaelic community in Scotland, one
P.H. Hainsworth used this term recklessly in a letter to the
editor of the West Highland Free Press (1996,
20
September). Hainsworth describes a "nouveau Gael" as a
"Gaelic hippie zealot".
'The import', or 'imported Gaidhealach, is reserved
almost exclusively for the Canadian Gaelic community.
'The import' prefers the Gaelic dialect of the Western
Islands of Scotland to the Cape Breton dialect of Canada.
The term, 'imported Gaelic' is often used in a derogatory
fashion, since there is a general desire to preserve that
dialect of Gaelic which is natural to Canada, rather than
relying on 'imported' versions of the language from 'the old
country'. For example, one subject, Ai leas, uses it with
disdain when she discusses a teacher who is teaching the
'imported Gaelic' at the local college, rather than the 'Cape
Breton Gaelic'. For the most part, there is a recognition
that 'Cape Breton Gaelic' originated from Barra, and other
parts of the island; however, since, in some cases, the
transfer was over six generations ago, subjects feel a more
intense attachment to the Cape Breton bloc than 'the old
country', there is a desire to preserve the Gaelic that was
original to that part of Canada. One would not say that,
socially, the 'importer' is not welcome, but that the
'aboriginal' is more welcome because s/he is more rare.
These eight typifications of Gaelic speaker roles form
the stereotypes of the Canadian and Scottish Gaelic
communities living within English dominated areas. These
roles relate interactively with the typology of 'Gaelic levels
of competence' (discussed in the previous section), as a
method by which speakers identify each other. This is an
important, ongoing social interaction because identifying
one with the speaker's own reference group prolonged
Gaelic conversational episodes, which, in turn, increased
successful language maintenance. Meetings outside of the
speaker's self-identified reference group shortened the
Gaelic conversational episode and decreased language
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KARA A. SMITH
49
maintenance.
For example, the two typologies interact
with each other in the following illustrated manner:
B autiM Gaelic
i.e. 'Sto
elle?
'Academic
'Business Person!
Media Type'
Notareau/New Age
Geer
'Gaelic Mafia'
Or
'Leann'
Gaelic
As mentioned previously, and as is illustrated above, a
'Learner' (L2/3 speaker) cannot attain the level of 'Beautiful
Gaelic' competency, which is commonly reserved for
'Native (L1) Speakers' with exceptional language ability.
An individual described as having 'Everyday Gaelic' would
commonly be evaluated as 'Good' or 'Plenty of Gaelic'
ability.
Many of the roles, with the exception of the
'storyteller' exist somewhere between the Gaelic speech
levels of 'Good' to 'Plenty of Gaelic'.
The two interactive typologies are used by speakers to
ascertain whether another speaker is a member of her/his
particular Gaelic-speaking reference group. For example,
51
50
GAELIC LANGAUGE MAINTENACE TYPOLOGIES AND CONSTRUCTS
a question subconsciously being asked by the subjects
studied in this process is, 'Can this person help, through a
conversational episode, help to confirm my [Gaelic]
identity?' Two case examples may be examined to view
this process in action. Ai leas, a Canadian adult speaker,
for instance, will first evaluate an individual according to
her/his appearance and perceived 'role'. Based on the
'role' she identifies in the other speaker, Ai leas proceeds to
evaluate the 'person's level of Gaelic competence'.
If,
upon this second evaluation, she regards the speaker as a
member of her own perceived reference group, she will
then proceed to engage in a sustained Gaelic
conversation. If, however, the individual is not a member
of this reference group, she will then proceed to code
switch to English. With Ai leas, this process is carried out
consistently, except in the case of encountering a
'storyteller'. A 'storyteller' would not be a member of
Ai leas' reference group, but would still be an individual with
whom she would wish to learn from and sustain a
conversation. Thus, with the exception of a superior
speaker, Ai leas' evaluation of the role, then the level of
ability, must be in accordance with her own perception of
her role and ability prior to a successful language
maintenance episode occurring.
Aonghas, on the other hand,
a
Scottish
adult
'academic', will evaluate the other speaker in a slightly
different fashion. Aonghas will not code switch due to an
incongruence in reference group identification, but will
code switch to English should the other speaker initiate the
switch because s/he felt uncomfortable. This distinction is
due largely to Aonghas' own role, and preference towards
meeting other unique individuals (not necessarily of his
own reference group). Thus, in consideration for the other
speaker, Aonghas will first evaluate her/his level of speech
ability. This will determine the level of conversation with
which to proceed. Following this evaluation, the 'Gaelic
role' is determined, which will decide the topical area for
conversation. If, by chance, the speaker is a member of
52
KARA A. SMITH
51
Aonghas' reference group, that is, another 'academic', then
the conversation is sustained for a longer and more
involved time period. If, however, the other speaker is not
a part of Aonghas' perceived reference group, then the
conversation will continue at another level until it comes to
its natural conclusion, or until the other speaker code
switches.
In this manner, Aonghas maintains Gaelic
conversational
opportunities
by
adjusting
to
the
'competency' and 'role' of the speaker he encounters;
whereas, Aileas will only maintain Gaelic conversational
episodes if the speaker encountered is evaluated to be a
member of her same, social Gaelic reference group.
Subjects make decisions about their Gaelic language
usage and maintenance based upon their primary goals for
sustaining their identity through desired reference group
confirmations. Each decision made about another speaker
is designed to enhance the subject's own Gaelic language
identity construct. Recognition of these 'levels of Gaelic
competency' and 'Gaelic social roles', existing in Gaelic
communities isolated from a bloc group of speakers, are
important for increasing successful language maintenance
opportunities within the community amongst reference
group members. The ability to identify the skill level and
role a speaker has within the community will enable the
chances for prolonged Gaelic conversational episodes
(leading to greater maintenance) and greater tolerance by
accomplished speakers for learners unfamiliar with this
ethnographic strata.
INTERACTIVE GAELIC WORKERS
Code switching from Gaelic to English
provides
language
maintenance within an English speaking area. One
construct providing greater insight into Gaelic code
particular
difficulties
for
successful
Gaelic
switching is that of 'interactive work' (Fishman, 1978).
'Interactive work' is a term borrowed from feminist writing.
It is not surprising, then, that the subjects who most often
exhibited 'interactive work' were indeed female.
53
52
GAELIC LANGAUGE MAINTENACE TYPOLOGIES AND CONSTRUCTS
'Interactive work' refers to those social language tasks
which seek to include isolated community members in the
conversation. Subjects Ai leas, Tollaidh, and Colla, most
notably, switch from Gaelic speech to English speech for
the following two reasons:
1. "To be polite"
2. "To include English speakers in the conversation"
As one might imagine,
in predominantly English
speaking areas, this 'interactive work' occurs quite
frequently since English speakers involved in the periphery
conversation are numerous. Ai leas, for example, explains
why a group of five conversing Gaelic speakers would
suddenly switch to English upon the arrival of only one
English speaking individual. She states, "John's wife
doesn't speak Gaelic so you wouldn't want to exclude her
...it's only right." Similarly, Tollaidh "gets used to speaking
English out of habit because it's polite... if someone talks to
you in one language, then it would be rude to answer in
another." 'Interactive Gaelic work', or code switching, is
viewed as the only method for making an external
language member feel included within the dynamics of the
Gaelic speaking group. The subjects here, who were all
living in English speaking areas, switched consistently from
Gaelic to English to include unknown members who were
assumed to be English monoglots. This construct also
interacts, frequently with the typology of 'Gaelic social
roles'. Ai leas, as mentioned in the previous section, for
example, will code switch to English upon identifying the
'role' of the other speaker. In this case, the 'role' that is
identified, is that of an 'English speaker', and hence, the
code switch would occur immediately (prior to any
conversation).
This language construct is certainly 'polite' and 'nice', as
the subjects explain, but it is also a detriment to sustained,
successful maintenance. What if the new member of the
conversational group wanted to learn Gaelic?
If s/he
requested that they continue in the Gaelic medium? Would
54
KARA A. SMITH
53
the new member feel uncomfortable, as the speakers
seem to think s/he would? Would the original speakers
feel uncomfortable about continuing? If one wished to
maintain the birth (L1) language, as a conservative
Quebecois might, should the medium conversation not be
sustained until the majority of language speakers
warranted a switch? While 'interactive work' is generous
community building, it also sabotages Gaelic language
maintenance opportunities within an English speaking
area. Accommodating a minority member's feelings should
not become so necessary that rare, Gaelic language
maintenance episodes are eliminated.
INTERLINGUISTIC RELATIONS
One final construct which has been construed as a
challenge to successful Gaelic language maintenance is
that of 'interlinguistic relations'. An item that was most
notable about the successfully maintaining adults within
this study is that they were all single, with the exception of
'Aonghas', whose marital and parental relationships were
strained due to his language choice and commitments.
Gaelic spouses or peers who possess mono-English
partners experience greater difficulty maintaining their
Gaelic language than those who are partnered with
another Gaelic speaker or learner (Gil lies, 1991;
MacLellan, 1997; Shaw, 1993; Maclver & Maclver, 1990).
Finlay Macleod's 'theory of language bonding5 and
MacKinnon's (1997) review of the 1995 Euromosaic
support this view.
Macleod maintains that if a 'Gaelic bond' is not
established within the first few weeks of any personal or
familial relationship, then it is unlikely that the relationship
will continue within the medium of Gaelic unless a great
deal of effort is made by both parties to ensure that the
relationship is built within the medium of Gaelic.
Yamamoto (1995) documented similar research between
the language selection of children and parents. This
'language bond' is usually a conscious decision made by
55
54
GAELIC LANGAUGE MAINTENACE TYPOLOGIES AND CONSTRUCTS
the parents prior, or shortly after, the arrival of children.
The linguistic choice of the parents and the children is
dependent upon the emotional language bond originally
established within the home. Heller (1995) found that the
peer environment, especially during the period of early
adolescence, was the determinant in support or elimination
of the language chosen. Thus, each individual's choice of
the medium of language to be used within their personal
relationship is immediately dependent upon the language
first used in their bonding, or introduction, to another. For
example, not one child or adolescent in this study
possessed peers with whom they communicated in the
medium of Gaelic. The pre-adults had all established
'English bonds' with their friends.
In general, English medium language between peers
and spouses was quite pervasive amongst the subjects of
this study. For example, Aonghas reported experiencing a
great deal of inner anxiety over his own language
maintenance and his relationship with his son and his
English wife. One child's mother, a Gaelic L2 speaker,
who had raised her daughter in the medium of Gaelic,
stated, "I think I could have been a better mother in
English. I just didn't know all of those little words like
'nappie', 'pin', 'cuddle', or lullaby's which made my own
relationship with my [English] mother so rich." The
subjects who did, in fact, possess Gaelic spouses or peers,
such as adults Anna and Aigneas, experienced greater
ease in maintaining their Gaelic and in making linguistic
choices.
The linguistic choice that subject Aonghas experienced
may have been created by anxiety (Lawrence, 1987), but
more likely, it is created by the individual's own wish to
confirm his status and membership within the desired
reference group of Gaelic speakers. Aonghas describes
this
linguistic tension
best when he describes
his
relationship with his son. He is determined to establish a
'Gaelic bond' with his son, and as a result, speaks with him
only in Gaelic.
56
However, the child spends a greater
KARA A. SMITH
55
proportion of his time with his English speaking mother.
Aonghas describes this disunion as follows:
I know that he understands some Gaelic,
however, I'm not certain how developed
his Gaelic comprehension is. This scares
and saddens me. Sometimes I wonder,
'does my own son understand what I'm
saying to him? Will he know when I'm
telling him how much I love him?' On a
deeper level, I wonder sometimes whether
this choice of language has harmed our
relationship somehow.
Does he resent
me? Have I erected a wall between us
that may have lasting consequences?
How much has been robbed from our
relationship by my [Gaelic]
choice? (Aonghas, 1997)
linguistic
Aonghas feels he has created a barrier, or "wall", between
his son and himself due to his decision to speak Gaelic to
his son. Thus, there is a constant perception, with this
"wall" of 'Aonghas versus them - this side, that side'. It is
an active, decision-making tool which separates reference
groups for the purpose of identity confirmation. It is easier
to confirm identity and status within the desired reference
group if all of the relationships are a part of that same
group. If none of the significant, personal relationships
belong to that reference group, then there is more likely to
be tension and anxiety regarding the linguistic choices
made. Such is the case with subject Aonghas.
MacKinnon's (1997) review of the 1995 Euromosaic
study confirmed that there has been a decline in Gaelic
use between peers and spouses. Thus. 'English bonding',
as Macleod5 concludes is becoming more pervasive
amongst friends and couples. The relationship is initially
established in English and it continues in that medium. In
mainland Scotland, for instance, only fourteen percent of
spouses, with the potential to use Gaelic together, use
Gaelic as a medium of communication (MacKinnon, 1997).
57
56
GAELIC IANGAUGE MAINTENACE TYPOLOGIES AND CONSTRUCTS
There is less Gaelic being spoken at meals in the home
(only twelve percents, and only seven percent of children
use Gaelic with their siblings. The Euromosaic fails to
document Gaelic use between children and their peers;
however, the above figures illustrate an overwhelming
establishment of English medium relationships between
Gaelic speakers.
Skutnabb-Kangas (1981) argues that the reason so little
Gaelic is being used between peers is because Gaelic is a
'subtractive' language; it is not perceived to be a popular
medium of communication.
introduction
of
television
For instance, following the
in
the
1950's,
children's
perceptions of language began to change.
English
became 'pop', and Gaelic became 'thick', or teuchter.
Gaelic has managed to shed its teuchter image recently
with modern Gaelic medium television programming and
elite educational Gaelic medium units (GMU's) in Scotland;
however, only Macleod's theory regarding 'language
bonding' (i.e. the language used upon establishing the
relationship will be the language used in the relationship)
best explains the persistence of an English, mono-cultural
approach to linguistic interaction.
A similar 'interlinguistic relations' problem has occurred
in other minority language communities. More than two
decades ago, the province of Quebec; in Central Canada,
was concerned about the lack of French used between
spouses and families in the region. Birth rates amongst
the francophone population had declined to such an extent
that, for the first time in Canadian history, there was a
serious concern for language shift within the province
(Fishman, 1991). In an attempt to alleviate such a decline
in 'inter relational' French, Premier Bourassa passed a bill
which encouraged Quebecois births by providing
francophone families with an increase in 'children's
allowance', a stipend provided to families on a quarterly
basis to aid in child care expenses.
Thus, the more
francophone children a family produced, the more
government assistance they would receive. This bill is still
58
KARA A. SMITH
57
warmly endorsed by the Pequiste government today;
however, francophone births have neither increased or
decreased in comparison to anglophone birth rates. Why?
A person can no more decide with whom they will fall in
love, English or French or Gaelic, than they can accurately
predict the next government scandal.
Feelings and
attractions do not always follow the desired linguistic order.
If one knew for certain, for example, that s/he would fall
in love with another Gaelic speaker, then Gaelic may stand
a better chance at 'inter relational' reproduction. However,
Fishman's (1991) stage 6, inter-generational transmission,
is critical for reversing language shift. Currently, Gaelic L1
speakers are less common and Gaelic 'interlinguistic
relations' are becoming increasingly non existent within
English speaking areas. Gaelic bonds (op. cit. Macleod)
must be initially established and continued throughout the
period of a relationship if successful Gaelic language
maintenance is to occur for the individual making such
linguistic choices
environment.
within
a
predominantly
English
CONCLUSION
The two typologies and constructs of the successful
Gaelic language maintainers within this study demonstrate
that increased exposure to one's self-identified reference
group ('role' and 'level of speech competence') promotes
prolonged Gaelic conversational episodes, and thus
sustains maintenance. If educators can identify a learner's
potential 'role' and 'level of speech ability' within the local
Gaelic community, as well as 'interactional' difficulties to
encounter, then it may be possible to increase the chances
of sustained Gaelic conversational episodes between
group members. Technology may also play a valuable role
in
increasing exposure to minority language reference
group members. For example, contact with bloc members
through television, electronic mail, radio, video links, and
even the telephone can aid in developing Gaelic
maintenance opportunities (Edwards, 1991), as well as
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58
GAELIC LANGAUGE MAINTENACE TYPOLOGIES AND CONSTRUCTS
providing a modern role for the language to advance
'intergenerational transmission' (Fishman, 1991). Knowing
the socioethnographic language and identity marker's of
one's [reference] language community plots the map to
language maintenance success.
When I began to look over what I had collected, I saw
that it was a tapestry.
Their whole way of life was in a song. (Margaret Fay
Shaw, 1993, 'Academic')
NOTES
'This term refers to 'original, native Gaelic speech' which
has not been corrupted by contemporary changes to the
language.
2 The Gaelic schism which Ai leas describes is also
documented by Neil Gunn as early as June 10, 1942 in a
letter to Douglas Young (1987). Gunn feels that the 'fatal'
schism in the Gaelic community (of Scotland) is the result of
a lack of a central cohering body, or government.
3 There are many such examples of this term being used in
letters to the editors of the both the West Highland Free
Press and The Stornoway Gazette, but only one is cited
here as an example.
4
Premier storyteller.
5 Macleod's theory has not been documented in published
research literature, but has been orally chronicled amongst
Gaelic Pre-school councils and parent groups within the
Scottish Gaelic community.
6 The dinner table is one of the traditional places where
families come.
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KARA A. SMITH
59
REFERENCES
Byram, M. (1989) Cultural Studies in Foreign Language
Education. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters Ltd.
Charon, J.M. (1992) Symbolic Interactionism: An
Introduction, an Interpretation, an Integration.
Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall.
Edwards, J. (1991) Gaelic in Nova Scotia. In C.H. Williams
(ed.) Linguistic Minorities Society and Territory.
Clevedon: Multilingual Matters.
Fishman, J.A. (1991) Reversing Language Shift:
Theoretical and Empirical Foundations of Assistance to
Threatened Languages. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters.
Fishman, P.M. (1978) What do couples talk about when
they're alone? In D. Butturff and E.L. Epstein (eds)
Women's Language and Style (pp. 11-22). Toronto:
Akron, L&S Books.
Gillies, A.L. (1991) Song of Myself. Edinburgh: Mainstream
Publishing Company Ltd.
Gunn, N.M. (1987) In J.B. Pick (ed) Neil M. Gunn: Selected
Letters. Edinburgh: Polygon.
Heller, M. (1995) Language, choice, social institutions, and
symbolic domination. Language in Society 24, 373-405.
Lawrence, D. (1987) Enhancing Self-Esteem in the
Classroom. London: Paul Chapman.
Maclver, M. and Maclver, H. (1990) Pilgrim Souls.
Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press.
61
60
GAELIC LANGAUGE MAINTENACE TYPOLOGIES AND CONSTRUCTS
MacKinnon, K. (1997) Workshop in endangered languages:
steps in language rescue. University of York, 26-27
July.
MacLellan, A. (1997) The Furrow Behind Me. (J.L.
Campbell, trans ) Edinburgh: Birlinn Limited.
Mead, G.H. (1934) Mind, Self, and Society. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press.
Moffatt, J. (1999) Inneal-Ciuil an DiabhailiThe Devil's
Instrument: Popular Culture and the Rise of the Gaelic
Learner. Journal of Celtic Language Learning 4, 5-15.
Selinker, L. (1992) Rediscovering Interlanguage. London:
Longman.
Shaw, M.F. (1993) From the Alleghenies to the Hebrides:
An Autobiography. Edinburgh: Canongate Press Ltd.
Skutnabb Kangas, T. (1981). Bilingualism or not: The
education of minorities. Clevedon: Multlingual Matters
Ltd.
Smith, K.A. (1997) Gaelic Language Maintenance
Process(es). (Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis) Stirling:
University of Stirling.
Vallee, F.G. (1954) Social Structure and Organisation in a
Hebridean Community: A Study of Change.
(Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis) London: University of
London.
Yamamoto, M. (1995) Bilingualism in international families.
Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 16,
63-85.
62
KARA A. SMITH
61
Young, J.C. (1979) Education in a multicultural society:
What sort of education? What sort of society?
Canadian Journal of Education 4, 5-21.
Faculty of Education,
401 Sunset Avenue,
Windsor, Ontario N9B 3P4
Canada.
ksmith@uwindsorca
63
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JOURNAL OF CELTIC LANGUAGE LEARNING
Teaching Forum
WHAT DO YOU DO WHEN THE TEACHER
NEEDS A TEACHER?
DONALD MCNAMARA
THE COLLEGE OF NEW JERSEY
Language enthusiasts are eager to spread the knowledge
of a language whenever possible, but in some areas there
is a lack of qualified teachers. In such cases, the choice is
between lessons from an under qualified teacher or no
lessons at all.
Thomas W. lhde's article in the Journal of Celtic
Language Learning (Ihde 1997: 41) raises the issue of the
competence of Celtic language teachers in terms of both
language fluency and pedagogy. It is a healthy sign indeed,
if Celtic language instruction has been elevated from the
status of living-room lessons to that of a demand for
certification. In addition, as Professor lhde cogently noted,
"Better-qualified instructors will raise the image of both the
teaching profession and the language in general." This
argument is given further support by the knowledge that lack
of teacher competence is believed to have been a
contributing factor in the decline of the Irish language in
Ireland (Hind ley, 1990 : 206). With those factors in mind, I
would like to report on my situation as an Irish language
teacher because it may carry implications beyond my
personal concerns.
Like Professor Ihde; I am a faculty member at a state
college in New Jersey; I also teach Irish language classes at
an adult education program nearby. Unlike Profesor lhde,
however, I consider myself to be one of those teachers
whose Irish fluency falls short of the standards that
certification would guarantee. (Also, unlike Professor Ihde, I
64,
TEACHING FORUM
63
have not done the enormous amount of work he has done to
promote Celtic languages.) The problem is double-edged.
teach Irish at the Princeton Adult school, which
operates at the public high school and is not affiliated with
Princeton University. My students are working people who
I
live too far south of New York and too far north of
Philadelphia to avail of language classes in those cities. In
addition, factors of location, time, family concerns, etc. make
the classes offered by Brookdale Community College in
conjunction with Daltai na Gaeilge difficult for them to
attend, even though Brookdale offers a comprehensive
program that no individual could ever match. The Princeton
location is ideal for my students, but I have been unable to
find any teachers for whom the location
is
in any way
convenient. To put it plainly:if I don't teach these students,
no one else will.
When class began, it was so well subscribed that
Princeton Adult School literally had to turn people away.
Although I have experienced the dropout rate typical of an
adult-education
program,
there
is
still
a
dedicated,
enthusiastic core of people attending each week, even to
the point of agreeing to meet informally when the school
year concludes. We have established a good rapport, but I
sometimes feel that my students are not being served as
well as they might be. Students such as these, who are at
the forefront of language acquisition in a given geographic
area, are ideal candidates to become teachers themselves
as interest spreads; but, once again, a chief concern is that
their fluency level will not be equal to the task of providing
their students with a solid grounding in the Irish language.
The other side of the problem is that, although I am
more than willing (eager, in fact) to improve my fluency, a
host of personal factors, not the least of which is my
candidacy for the Ph.D. in English Literature at The Catholic
University of America, precludes my attending classes either
in the United States or Ireland. The alternatives seem to be
two equally unattractive possibilities. One is to continue to
give interested students lessons from an inferior teacher.
The other is to refrain from offering any classes until a more
65:
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TEACHING FORUM
qualified teacher arrives -- a solution that leaves open the
possibility that student interest will wither in the intervening
time, which could be years. Our only choice until we have
reached the ideal state, I believe, is to continue to stoke
interest in Celtic languages by whatever means we have at
our disposal. Even substandard instruction is preferable to
allowing interested people to go wanting for Celtic language
knowledge. Granted, this view may not be shared by all.
Some enthusiasts would prefer that a language not be
spoken at all rather than be spoken badly. The problem with
this view in terms of adult school learners is that they do not
intend to become so accomplished in a language that they
can move into a native-fluency setting. They would like to
learn a little more about their heritage, they want to know the
(approximate) pronunciation and meaning of the occasional
word they see in an English text, or, in some cases, they just
want to hear again some of the phrases they remember
hearing their grandparents or parents speaking. In fact, my
class has unanimously adopted the maxim "Is fearr Gaeilge
bhriste ná Marla cliste" (Broken Irish is better than clever
English.) With these factors in mind, I see no choice but to
continue offering lessons to the students who are interested
in them, even if the level of instruction falls short of the ideal.
Surely this approach can hardly do any more damage to a
language than something like internecine squabbling among
the cognoscenti about which is the "true" dialect.
REFERENCES
Hind ley, Reg, 1990: The Death of the Irish Language: A
Qualified Obituary. New York: Rout ledge.
lhde, Thomas W., 1997: Teacher Certification and Less
Commonly Taught
Languages, Journal of Celtic
Language Learning, pp. 41-50.
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65
TAKING THE 'ACHING' OUT OF
'TEACHING': FUN AND GAMES IN THE
CLASSROOM
MORAY J WATSON
DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH
NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF IRELAND, GALWAY
When teaching languages it is important to remember the
role of play in language acquisition. As adults, we often
marvel at the ease with which children are able to learn
things that cost us such effort and pain. Indeed, they learn
without even being aware of what they are doing, if the 'real
work' is couched in games or entertaining programs of one
kind or another. The element of 'distraction' can be of great
benefit. I resolved to bear this in mind when teaching Gaelic
to adults on Sabha! Mar Ostaig's summer short courses.
Having taught students of all ages (from pre-school to
post-retirement), I have found that any and all (with the
possible exception of 14-year-olds!) are willing to
experiment with game-playing and role-playing in the
classroom. Thus, I produced week-long courses which were
based almost entirely on 'distraction' methods. Many of the
games were drawn from language courses I had attended,
read about or heard about, while a few were entirely my own
work. The examples below are chosen at random from my
collection, but they illustrate the diversity in the types of
games that can be employed as well as the range of uses
they can be put to.
The exercise I used as an 'ice-breaker' was one which
involved all of the students getting out of their chairs and
moving around the room. After a short preparatory session,
I went around the class placing stickers on the backs of the
students. The stickers had the names of animals (or, in
another version of the game I used, famous people), and the
purpose of the game was for the students to find out which
animal 'they were' by asking questions of their colleagues.
The format is no doubt fairly familiar, but the effect on the
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TEACHING FORUM
atmosphere in the class, each time I used the game, was
profound.
Useful for building vocabulary at the early stages, and
then for revision somewhat later, is the 'bingo', 'house' or
'lotto' format. A number of versions are described in
numerous communication courses, and the teacher's own
imagination can soon give rise to others. One use I found
for the format in Sabha! Moir was 'opposites bingo'. Each
student receives a bingo card with some adjectives written
into the boxes (the cards are all slightly different, of course).
The teacher then draws adjectives out of a 'hat' and calls
them out. The students cover the opposite of the word the
teacher has called: so, if the word that comes out of the hat
is men-, students cover beag. The winner is the first to have
all their adjectives covered. While this game requires a
good deal of preparation in the first instance, the time spent
is a worthwhile investment, as the cards can be used in later
classes and adapted for other purposes.
Board games can help to lighten the atmosphere in an
intensive course, at the same time as encouraging students
to use language naturally and innovatively. It is surprising
how many familiar board games can be adapted for
language-learning purposes, from the simple 'Snakes and
Ladders' format (well-used in the Wlpan courses) to
something as complex as Monopoly. When considering a
game for adaptation, the important thing is to have a firm
idea of the purpose it will serve in students' learning.
With an intermediate class, I used a version of the game
Guess Who?, in which the two teams can each see about
20 cartoon pictures of people's faces. The same pictures
are printed on small cards. Each team draws one card from
the pile at the start of play. By asking each other questions
about the facial features of the depicted characters, the
teams try to guess the identity of the 'person' on the
opposing side's card, e.g. 'A bheil fait ban oirre?' ('Does she
have blonde hair?') This was an effective way of allowing
the students to review the work we had done on
descriptions, and so it articulated well with the 'opposites
bingo', which I had used earlier in the course to revise the
6'8
TEACHING FORUM
67
appropriate vocabulary. Although it is similar in concept to
the oral-class favourite 20 Questions, the presence of the
board and the colourful cartoons seems to enhance the
element of play and to help relax the students to a greater
degree than I have observed when using that other game.
With Michelle Macleod, of NUI Galway's Irish
Department, I am presently putting together a collection of
games and other materials for the promotion of fluency in
Scottish Gaelic. The package is provisionally (if prosaically)
entitled Pasgan de dh'Adhbharan do Luchd-Teagasg na
Gaidhlig and includes a variety of strategies which employ
the 'distraction' techniques I am advocating here. We hope
that the finished package will not only be of use to teachers
of Gaelic, but that it will also be translatable into Welsh, Irish
and other LCTLs.
69
1
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JOURNAL OF CELTIC LANGUAGE LEARNING
REVIEWS
Johnstone, R.M., Harlen, W., Thorpe, G., MacNeil, M., and
Stradling, R. The Progress and Attainments of Pupils
Receiving Gaelic Medium Primary Education, Stirling:
SCILT, University of Stirling, 1999. 71pp.
Research report prepared for the Scottish Office Education
and Industry Department.
Ever since Gaelic immersion education was
introduced into the Highland and Central Scottish regions in
the 1980's, Scottish citizens have been concerned with the
progress and attainments of the pupils in Gaelic medium
classes.
The Progress and Attainments of Pupils Receiving
Gaelic Medium Primary Education (1999) is the first
longitudinal research report of its kind to compare the
achievements of Gaelic immersion students with the
attainments of English immersion students in the same
subject areas. The report marks the first collection of data
demonstrating possible outcomes of Gaelic medium
education in Scotland.
Four types of Gaelic immersion, or medium, education
currently exist in elementary schools across Scotland. They
are:
i.
Gaelic medium primary schools.
ii.
Gaelic medium units within a school offering English
medium education.
iii.
Gaelic medium classes within an English medium
iv.
school.
Bilingual Gaelic-English primary education.
All of the above types are represented within the study. The
study focuses on two driving research questions which the
report successfully addresses - 'Do the attainments of pupils
in Gaelic medium primary education match national
attainment targets in Gaelic at P(primary level)3 and P5, and
in Gaelic and English at P7?' and 'How do the attainments
70
REVIEWS
of
pupils
69
in
Gaelic
medium
primary
education
in
mathematics and environmental studies compare with
national attainment levels and targets?' (p.1) These
questions are examined through a quantitative analysis,
which is later complemented (in Ch. 5 and 6) by a more
qualitative, contextual exploration of factors influencing the
Gaelic medium (GMU) pupils' progress and attainments.
Gaelic medium unit (GMU) students' attainments were
collected in P3, P4, P5, and P7 (approximately, ages 8 to
12), over a period of three years (May, 1996, 1997, and
1998), from the national assessment and test information
available. Two different test standards were collected and
analysed each year.
National test information, which
provides data on individual pupil attainment according to
national
targets
in
the
5-14
curriculum
guideline
expectations; and the AAP (Assessment of Achievement
Programme), which, through standardised testing of a
different subject area each year, provides the mean scores
of a group of pupils in comparison to the national means
(exclusive to the 5-14 policy guidelines), enabled the study.
For example, in 1996, the P3, P5, and P7 Gaelic 5-14 ; the
P5 and P7 English 5-14; the P5 Maths 5-14 evaluations; and
the P5 Science AAP were collected. In 1997, the P3, P5,
and P7 Gaelic 5-14; the P5 and P7 English 5-14
evaluations; and the P4 and P7 Maths AAP were collected.
In 1998, the P3, P5, and P7 Gaelic 5-14; the P5 and P7
English 5-14; the P7 Maths 5-14 evaluations; and the P7
English AAP were collected. The AAP does not require
GMU students to reach the national standard of English until
P7, ergo, only one grade was tested during this final round
of AAP assessments.
In two cases, longitudinal data was collected on the
same students over the three year period. For instance, the
P3's assessed during the 1996 Gaelic 5-14 were the same
class of students evaluated during the 1997 P5 Gaelic 5-14,
P5 English 5-14, and P4 Maths AAP.
Also, the P5's
evaluated during the 1996 Gaelic, English and Maths 5-14
assessments were the same cohort evaluated during the
1998 P7 Gaelic, English and Maths 5-14 and English AAP
71
70
REVIEWS
assessments. Although this data will be a valuable resource
to future researchers, it is not made full use of within the
confines of this report. The report narrows its discussion to
the research questions at hand by comparing the GMU
achievements to those of their EMU (English medium unit)
counterparts.
Chapter 3 of the report answers the question, 'Do the
attainments of pupils in Gaelic medium primary education
match the national attainment guidelines (as outlined in 514)?' Johnstone et al's findings were, 'Yes. Sometimes.'
As is common to many immersion studies, a great
achievement of the GMU programme appears to be its
positive effect on student language ability.
The data
collected on the 5-14 evaluations indicates that the P3's had
achieved a level A or higher in all 4 of the language
competencies tested. In P5 and P7, the GMU students
outperformed EMU students in English. The qualitative data
added some insight into this phenomenon since it indicated
that pupils in schools with large GMU populations achieved
higher Gaelic 5-14 ratings, and students in schools with
small GMU populations achieved higher English 5-14
ratings. Thus, the majority language of the school appeared
to have a direct influence on the language skills of the
students. There was one exception to this, and that was
among the P7 students. The P7 students were only
evaluated at a level D Gaelic 5-14 or lower. The reason
provided for this decline in Gaelic language achievement at
P7 was the fact that P7 was the last year prior to entry into
[English] secondary school, and since there is currently little
GMU provisions available at the secondary level, the
researchers felt this was the reason why the students'
language learning focus appeared to be on English as
opposed to Gaelic.
But the conclusion was left there,
where further probing would have been beneficial. For
example, is the reason for declining Gaelic 5-14 scores at
P7 due solely to the children's academic focus? Could it not
be due to peer and adolescent growth stages? Or declining
Gaelic resources and teachers at this level?
Future
investigation would aid this finding.
Nevertheless, the
72
REVIEWS
71
research question was answered. GMU students do reach
the same attainments as their EMU counterparts, and often
exceed them in language.
GMU attainments for English language competency
proved to be higher for the 1998 AAP scores as well. Here,
the difference was more marked for writing than for reading.
(Ch. 4) Again, there is no exploration of why a Gaelic
medium student would become a better English writer than
an English medium student, and further insight into this
result would have been valuable.
One recurring problem area for GMU students
appeared to be in the science scores reported. In the
report, 'science' falls under the umbrella category of
'environmental studies', which was the second research
question probed. Due to the student numbers and the year
of the science AAP (1996), only one component of
'environmental studies', 'general science', was able to be
tested. Furthermore, both the science and the mathematics
testing materials had to be translated into Gaelic. It is not
made clear which body conducted the assessment
translations, and the teachers reported that many of the
curriculum materials available in these two subject areas
were originally in English and had to have 'Gaelic pasteovers' attached to them because there was no Gaelic
counterpart of the lessons available (or affordable). (Ch. 5)
This taken into consideration, the science results showed
GMU pupils attaining a lower level than their EMU
counterparts, with a much wider gap at P7. (Ch. 4) In the
related subject of Math, the P5's exhibited lower 'problem
solving and inquiry' skills in the 1996 Math 5-14 evaluations
than their EMU counterparts; however, the P4 and P7
GMU's outscored the EMU's in the 1997 AAP standard Math
testing. What does this differentiation mean?
The final two chapters of this report offer some surface
perceptions of the results. For instance, the science test
scores indicated that the GMU students were not attaining
the same target levels as the EMU students, and the
comments from head teachers and parents supported this
finding. Head teachers were concerned about the shortage
73
72
REVIEWS
of [Gaelic] science curriculum materials available, and
[Gaelic] parents indicated that "Science terms do not easily
translate" and "Science is neglected." (Ch. 5) The great
majority of respondents; however, were pleased with the
students' attainments in comparison with EMU populations.
Most parents enrolled their children into GMU's for the
language component, and as a result, were not disappointed
since these scores were at par with English counterparts or
better. One parental comment noted was, "we wanted our
language to be the language of our children." (Ch. 5)
Johnstone et al's (1999) report provides a precious
resource of data and beginning to Gaelic immersion
.
educational research in the United Kingdom.
While it is
"no disadvantage in
learning" (Ch. 6) in a GMU, it would still be worthwhile to
pursue other advantages and disadvantages to Gaelic
comforting to know that there
is
immersion education in Scotland. For example, one clear
advantage appears to be in English writing attainment, yet
why?
Also, GMU students receiving 'free school meals
entitlement' often perform better than the national mean of
EMU students receiving the same entitlement, except in the
cases of rural Highland schools. (Ch. 5) Why? What
correlation, if any, is there between economic prosperity and
GMU achievement? Johnstone mentions that the GMU
children's perceptions of history, geography, and culture
may be distinct from their English cohorts (Ch. 6), yet how?
The Progress and Attainments of Pupils Receiving Gaelic
Medium Primary Education (1999) is a rich source of data
which has yielded a plethora of further inquiries. If it may be
continued, we may learn more about lesser-used language
immersion education.
Reviewed by Kara A. Smith
University of Windsor
74
JOURNAL OF CELTIC LANGUAGE LEARNING
73
Jones, Mari C., Language Obsolescence and Revitalization:
Linguistic Change in Two Sociolinguistically Contrasting
Welsh Communities. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998. Pp.
viii, 452.
This 1998 study is a welcome contribution to the
sociolinguistics of Welsh as well as to the larger study of
language obsolescence, a current topic in light of fears
about the next century spelling the death of many ethnic
tongues. Jones investigates whether changes in Welsh are
interpretable as indications of language death and whether
the ongoing standardization of Welsh is leading to dialect
loss. The latter issue involves exploring the role Welsh-
language immersion schooling may be playing
in the
maintenance and evolution of the language. The six-chapter
volume contains a seventeen page bibliography, five
appendices, and numerous graphs and charts.
Chapter One introduces the study and describes
different types of immersion education, crucial background
information because most young people in Jones' study
were enrolled in Welsh-medium schools. The study of Welsh
has been compulsory in Wales since 1996, and the number
of immersion schools has steadily grown. Therefore schools
play an important role in language maintenance or,
in
heavily Anglicized regions, in revitalization. Frenchimmersion education in Canada serves as a reference point
since it has been the focus of a number of serious studies.
Jones pays particular attention to whether children in
immersion schooling speak a school dialect, an academic
register of L2 marked by certain deviations vis-a-vis the
traditional norms of the community.
Jones' study was carried out in two Welsh communities:
Rhymney, a village in south Wales which is 6.7% Welshspeaking, and Rhosllanerchrugog, in the north, where
38.1% speak it. Two kinds of variables were investigated:
(1) features common to all varieties of Welsh, and (2),
features specific to the local dialect. Loss of features in
group 1 would suggest language obsolescence, while loss
of group 2 features would indicate dialect death (and
75
74
REVIEWS
possibly standardization). Linguistic data were gathered by
tape-recording free conversation among small groups of
speakers of all ages, although school children are the locus
of the most interesting findings. Jones also performed a
matched guise study to elicit attitudes to Standard Welsh
and dialect.
The speech of school children from both communities
was found to contain numerous changes in group one
variables, including the loss of gender marking in nouns and
adjectives, loss of preposition inflection, simplification of
responsive forms of yes, and over-generalization of the verb
'cael' "to get." Jones carefully points out that it is the sociopolitical situation of the Welsh language, rather than these
changes as such, which identify them as tokens of
obsolescence. Some of the phenomena noted, including the
use of English tags in Welsh speech, would be considered
typical code-switching behavior in healthy bilingual
communities, but are pathological signs in an embattled
minority language (pp. 86ff.).
Jones demonstrates that the speech of school children
also lacks many dialect features (group two variables)
abundant in the speech of older speakers. Dialect features
(such as provection, and the 3sg preterite ending -ws in
Rhymney) are being replaced by standard forms or in some
cases by dialect mixture. Welsh-medium education is
convincingly shown to be responsible for much of this dialect
loss, in part because it fosters negative attitudes toward
dialects. Indeed, an overwhelming majority of informants
viewed the dialects as incorrect and inferior varieties.
Surprisingly, school children were generally unable to even
correctly identify the local dialect when they heard it.
Welsh-medium schools appear, curiously, to be
responsible for certain other negative developments as well,
that they have given rise to school dialects. In a
comparison of historically inappropriate forms among Li
in
(Welsh mother-tongue) immersion students, L2 (English
mother-tongue) immersion students, and adult learners of
Welsh, Jones finds that both Li and L2 pupils speak a kind
of school dialect not shared by adult learners. Jones
76
REVIEWS
75
suggests that the linguistic deviations of L2 children may be
negatively influencing the less numerous L1 children in
some schools, but leaves this point to future research.
In Chapter Four, Jones provides brief discussions of
language death and of standardization, first in general terms
and then in the Welsh context. The emergence of Standard
Welsh is contrasted with that of the English and French
standards, which came about via the rise to prominence of a
particular regional dialect; Welsh appears to be
standardizing by dialect convergence or the removal of
regional features until what is left is a common core of
features shared by all dialects.
The sociolinguistic situation of Welsh is compared with
that of its two P-Celtic sister languages, Breton and Cornish,
In Chapter Five. Jones summarizes research on linguistic
changes underway in Breton which are indicative of
obsolescence, and discusses why the outlook for Breton
appears so much worse than for Welsh. In Wales, a
linguistic standard had emerged from below, with the
medieval bardic schools and the 1588 publication of the
Welsh Bible partially staving off dialect fragmentation and
promoting a non-regional literary variety. Standard Breton,
on the other hand, has had to be artificially developed from
above, by committees and language planners, and Breton
speakers are still embroiled in counterproductive disputes
over the selection of a single orthography for its highly
divergent dialects. Attitudes also play a large role in the
differing fates of Welsh and Breton. While Welsh speakers
have a strong Welsh identity that transcends the local
region, Breton speakers have traditionally been less likely to
think of themselves as Breton than to have purely local
loyalties. This is partly because Brittany does not exist as a
political unit in modern-day France. Finally, the Welsh
movement is being led primarily by native speakers whereas
the Breton movement is spearheaded by intellectuals whose
L1 is French. The Breton movement thus lacks grassroots
support.
Some of Jones' findings will be frightening to those
in the survival of Welsh, for she shows
interested
77
76
REVIEWS
convincingly that modern spoken Welsh
is
starting to
succumb to the encroachment of English and to show signs
of
obsolescence
even
in
its
strongholds
(e.g.
Rhosllanerchrugog). Yet there are also reasons for optimism
such as the fact that an increasing number of people learn
Welsh as L2 every year and that the decline in number of
Welsh speakers has more or less been halted. In any case,
Jones book is a highly valuable piece of scholarship on the
Welsh language and on the rote of schools and of
standardization in language maintenance.
Reviewed by Kevin J. Rottet
University of Wisconsin-Whitewater
http:11www.naacItorgIJCLL
78
JOURNAL OF CELTIC LANGUAGE LEARNING
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Editorial Note
The editors wish to acknowledge the generous aid provided
by the following individuals who served as blind referees.
James Blake, Nassau Community College
James Doran, National University Of Ireland, Cork
Jeffrey Kallen, Trinity College Dublin
William Mahon, University of Wales
Marion Gunn, Everson Gunn Teoranta
Kenneth Nilsen, St. Francis Xavier University
Donal, P. 6 Baoill, Queen's University Belfast
Helen 6 Murchii, Comhar Na Mainteoiri Gaeilge
Catriona Niclomhair Parsons, St. Francis Xavier University
Thanks to Helen Fitzgerald, Department of Computing, Institute of
Technoloy, Tralee, Eire for consultation and technical assistance
Announcements
MARCH 2000 :
American Association of Applied Linguistics (AAAL), March
11-14, 1999, Vancouver, Canada. See
www.aaal.org/pagesNancouver.html for more information.
Twenty-second University of California Celtic Studies
Conference (UCLA), March 16-19, Los Angeles, California.
Featured speakers at the conference will include Wire Herbert
(NUI Cork) and Katharine Simms (Trinity College). It will feature a
variety of papers; a concert at 2 on Saturday, March 18; the
traditional banquet on Saturday evening; and a "conference within
a conference" in celebration of St. Patrick's Day (Friday, March
17), under the sponsorship of the UCLA Center for Seventeenth-
and Eighteenth-Century Studies, entitled "The Gaelic Literary
Imagination in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries,"
featuring talks by William Gillies (University of Edinburgh), Micheal
Mac Craith (NUI Galway), Catherine McKenna (CUNY Graduate
84
JOURNAL OF CELTIC LANGUAGE LEARNING
83
Center), and Mairtin b Briain (NUI Galway). Admission to the
conference presentations and concert on March 16 and 18-19 (all
in Royce 314 on the UCLA campus) is free, although there will
probably be a registration fee for the Clark event, which will
include lunch and refreshments. For further details on the
conference and the Call for Papers, please contact Professor
Joseph Nagy, at UCLA.
APRIL 2000:
The Cork Youth International Film Video Arts Festival, 5-11
April, Cork, Ireland. Closing Date for entries: 11th March 2000.
Categories:
Fiction,
Documentery,
Animation,
Experemental,
Music Videos, Computer Animation. All categories can also be
made in the Irish language. Format: Film-8mm, Super 8, 16mm;
VideoVHS, SVHS, 8mm; VideoC. Duration: 20 minutes max.
Open To: Under 12yrs, Under 18yrs, Students Under 25yrs.
Special Category: Blarney Trophy Award,open to adults Videos
and Copies of films are acceptable. Awards and certificates of
participation will be given. For further details, please contact Helen
Prout: tel. 323 21 306019, e-mail hproutl@tinet. ie
International Linguistic Association (ILA), April 7-9,
Georgetown University, Washington, DC. For more information
write Ruth M. Brend at rbrend@umich.edu.
JUNE 2000
North American Association for Celtic Language Teachers,
June 22-25, Limerick, Ireland. NAACLT'2000 is aimed at teachers
of Celtic languages, learners of such languages, and researchers
in related fields such as Celtic Studies, Linguistics, Computational
Linguistics, Psychology and Sociology. It will comprise a workshop
day, two conference days and an excursion day. See
http://www.csis.ulie/naacIt2000/ for more information.
ACIS National Meeting. June 26July 1, Limerick, Ireland. See
http://www.acisweb.com/cfp.html for more information.
85.
Journal of Celtic Language Learning
Volume 5
2000
RESEARCH ARTICLES
Issues in the Design of Irish Credited Courses
5
Thomas W. lhde
Learning Irish for Participation in the Irish
Language Speech Community outside the
Gaeltacht
Muiris
20
6 Laoire
Gaelic Language Maintenance Typologies and
Constructs
34
Kara A. Smith
TEACHING FORUM
What do you do when the teacher needs a teacher?
62
Donall MacNamara
Taking the `aching'out of 'teaching': fun and games
in the classroom
65
Moray J. Watson
REVIEWS
Johnstone, R.M., Thorpe, G., MacNeil M and
Stranding, R. (1999). The Progress and Attainments
of Pupils Receiving Gaelic Medium Education.
Stirling:SCILT
68
Kara A. Smith
Jones, Mari C. Language Obsolescence and
Revitalization: Linguistic Change in Two
Sociolinguistically Contrasting Welsh
Communities. Oxford:Clarendon Press
73
Kevin J. Rottet
EDITORIAL NOTE AND ANNOUNCEMENTS
82
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