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Acceptance and Commitment: Implications for
Prevention Science
Article in Prevention Science · October 2008
DOI: 10.1007/s11121-008-0099-4 · Source: PubMed
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Published in final edited form as:
Prev Sci. 2008 September ; 9(3): 139–152. doi:10.1007/s11121-008-0099-4.
Acceptance and Commitment: Implications for Prevention
Science
Anthony Biglan, Ph.D.,
Oregon Research Institute
Steven C. Hayes, Ph.D. [Professor of Psychology], and
University of Nevada Reno
Jacqueline Pistorello, Ph.D. [Clinical Psychologist]
University of Nevada Reno
Abstract
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Recent research in behavior analysis and clinical psychology points to the importance of language
processes having to do with the control of negative cognition and emotion and the commitment to
valued action. Efforts to control unwanted thoughts and feelings, also referred to as experiential
avoidance, appear to be associated with a diverse array of psychological and behavioral difficulties.
Recent research shows that interventions that reduce experiential avoidance (EA) and help people
to identify and commit to the pursuit of valued directions is beneficial for ameliorating diverse
problems in living. These developments have the potential to improve the efficacy of many preventive
interventions. This paper reviews the basic findings in these areas and points to some ways in which
these developments could enhance the impact of preventive interventions.
Keywords
Acceptance; commitment; therapy; prevention
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Behavior analysis and clinical and social psychology have been fruitful sources of the
development of preventive interventions over the last 30 years. The value of reinforcement
techniques was first clarified by behavior analysts (e.g., Kazdin, 1978). These techniques are
now used in perhaps the majority of empirically supported preventive interventions (Biglan,
2003). Classroom-based curriculum interventions appropriated techniques from social
psychology and from behavior therapy. For example, the first classroom-based smoking
prevention program (Evans, Hansen, & Mittelmark, 1977; Evans et al., 1978) arose, in part,
from the social inoculation theory of McGuire (1985). Similarly, refusal-skills training evolved
from extensive clinical research on social skills training for socially anxious clients (e.g.,
Glaser, Biglan, & Dow, 1983). Other successful preventive interventions are direct adaptations
of clinical interventions. Examples include the divorce adjustment counseling of Sandler and
colleagues (Sandler, Wolchik, Braver, & Fogas, 1986); the Adolescent Transition Program
(Andrews, Soberman, & Dishion, 1993; Irvine, Biglan, Smolkowski, Metzler, & Ary, 1999)
and behavioral parenting skills training (e.g., Forgatch & DeGarmo, 1999; Webster-Stratton,
1998).
Address editorial correspondence to: Anthony Biglan, Ph.D., Oregon Research Institute, 1715 Franklin Boulevard, Eugene, Oregon
97403, Telephone: 541.484.2123, Facsimile: 541.484.1108, Email: tony@ori.org.
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However, some important recent developments in these fields do not appear to have penetrated
current prevention research. This paper describes these developments and indicates how they
might enhance prevention research and practice.
Acceptance and Mindfulness-Based Clinical Interventions
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Over the past 15 years, the focus has shifted within behavior therapy in the way clinicians
address cognitions and emotions. Traditionally, cognitive behavior therapy focused on
reducing the frequency and form of emotions and cognitions through procedures such as the
refutation of troublesome beliefs. However, both recent meta-analyses (Longmore & Worrell,
2007) and component analyses (Dimidjian et al., 2006) have failed to support the importance
of procedures that challenge cognitions. In part as a result, behavioral and cognitive therapies
are shifting attention to ways of changing the context for thoughts and feelings and thereby the
ways in which those thoughts and feelings function for the individual. The techniques focus
on acceptance, mindfulness, and values-based behavioral persistence and change (Hayes,
2004). Examples include Dialectical Behavior Therapy (DBT; Linehan, 1993), Functional
Analytic Psychotherapy (FAP; Kohlenberg & Tsai, 1991), Integrative Behavioral Couples
Therapy (IBCT; Jacobson & Christensen, 1996) and Mindfulness-based Cognitive Therapy
(MBCT; Segal, Williams, & Teasdale, 2002), among several others (e.g., Marlatt, 2002;
Martell, Addis, & Jacobson, 2001; McCullough, 2000; Roemer & Borkovec, 1994; Roemer &
Orsillo, 2002). These new methods seem particularly relevant to prevention because they
involve broad models of how to live in a more effective way rather than a focus on elimination
of pathology per se.
This paper focuses on one version of the new collection of behavior therapies, Acceptance and
Commitment Therapy (Hayes, Strosahl, & Wilson, 1999). ACT (said as a single word, not as
initials) is a useful model to explore because there is a growing body of evidence of its efficacy
(Hayes, Luoma, Bond, Masuda, & Lillis, 2006; Hayes, Masuda, Bissett, Luoma, & Guerrero,
2004); several of its core processes have been studied in correlational, mediational, and
component form (Hayes et al., 2006). It is based on an empirically substantial theory of
language and cognition, Relational Frame Theory (Hayes, Barnes-Holmes, & Roche, 2001),
and appears to affect a core psychological process—experiential avoidance—that may be
relevant to preventing a broad range of problems.
Acceptance and Commitment Therapy
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Several book-length descriptions of ACT exist (e.g., Dahl, Wilson, Luciano, & Hayes, 2005;
Eifert & Forsyth, 2005; Hayes et al., 1999; Hayes & Strosahl, 2005; Luoma, Hayes, & Walser,
in press) so here we provide a brief description only. Figure 1 illustrates the ACT model of
intervention. ACT employs a set of metaphors and experiential exercises to assist people in
getting out from under the rigid control of verbal rules that cause them difficulty. Its design
consists of six strands, each with the goal of increasing psychological flexibility—the ability
to contact the present moment more fully as a conscious human being and to change or persist
in behavior when doing so serves valued ends.
Acceptance
Acceptance involves the active and aware embrace of private events occasioned by one's
history without needless attempts to change the frequency or form of those events, especially
when doing so would cause psychological harm. Acceptance in ACT is not an end in itself but
a method of increasing values-based action. Clients contact the ways in which they try to control
their experiences, the workability of those efforts, and the possibility that letting go of control
and accepting uninvited experience may not bring on the catastrophe they have been working
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so hard to avoid. This metaphor aptly illustrates the idea that efforts to control thoughts and
feelings are unworkable:
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Imagine yourself hooked up to a polygraph that can detect the slightest emotional
arousal. You do not want to be aroused and we do not want you to be aroused. So, do
not let any of those needles move! In fact, just to make sure you are motivated, I am
going to put this gun to your head and I will pull the trigger if any needles move.
Most people can readily see how their efforts often function exactly this way. If they do not
want a thought or feeling, that is exactly what they will have. By discussing their own control
efforts supportively and gently, clients begin to see that, although rules work quite well in
dealing with the world outside the skin, they do not work when applied to private experience.
This helps people see that efforts at control are common—not unique. In the very nature of
being a language-able human, we work to control our world. Moreover, the fact that people
lock themselves into this struggle is not their fault. Our culture has taught them to use their
language skills to control their world.
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In ACT, people learn to study their experiences to see if their current efforts at control, in fact,
work. It is important to note the emphasis on assessing one's own experience and not on trusting
the therapist's statements. If the analysis of rule-governed behavior that underlies this work is
correct, a person's problem is trying to follow others' rigid rules. This therapy is about loosening
control in such a way that a client can respond more flexibly to an ongoing experience. To
stress this, the therapist might say, “I'm not asking you to believe me. I'm asking you to examine
your experience and see if your efforts to control really work in the long run.”
One metaphor used to encourage acceptance is The Bum at the Door, which goes something
like this:
Imagine you have decided to have a house party and to invite everyone in the
neighborhood. You even put up a sign at your local grocery store. The party is starting
out nicely, with many friends and some new acquaintances arriving in a jovial mood.
Then, there is a knock at the door. It is the bum who lives in the dumpster down at
the grocery store. You have the reaction you really don't want him there. You could
simply close the door and lock it, but you'd have to stay there to let others in and keep
him out.
Isn't there a sense in which you could—despite your irritation and embarrassment—
welcome him in? Couldn't you—regardless of how you feel—say, “Come in. Make
yourself at home. Have something to drink. Snacks are over here.”
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Of course, you may not like having to have him there. Yet maybe that feeling is just
another bum at the door, and you can welcome him in too.
The ultimate goal of this process is to increase people's willingness to have thoughts, feelings,
and other experiences they have been working hard to avoid. Clients work through exercises
and metaphors that provide a context for experiencing their most common and troublesome
thoughts and feelings without taking those experiences literally or trying to avoid or control
them. A key indicator of success at this stage is whether a person continues to be willing to
have feelings and thoughts, even strong and unpleasant ones.
Cognitive defusion
Cognitive defusion techniques attempt to alter undesirable functions of thoughts and other
private events, rather than to alter their form, frequency, or situational sensitivity. That is, ACT
attempts to change the way one interacts with or relates to thoughts by creating contexts in
which their unhelpful functions weaken. There are scores of such techniques for a wide variety
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of clinical presentations (Hayes & Strosahl, 2005). For example, one could dispassionately
watch a thought, say it aloud repeatedly until only its sound remains, or treat it as an external
observation by giving it shape, size, color, speed, or form. One could thank her mind for such
an interesting thought, label the process of thinking (“I am having the thought I am no good”),
or examine feelings and memories that occur while thinking it. Such procedures attempt to
reduce the literal quality of the thought, weakening the tendency to treat it as what it refers to
(“I am no good”) rather than what it is directly experienced to be (e.g., the thought that I am
no good). The result of defusion is usually a decrease in believability of, or attachment to,
private events rather than an immediate change in the frequency of these events.
Contact with the present moment
ACT promotes ongoing non-judgmental contact with psychological and environmental events
as they occur. The goal is to have clients experience the world more directly so their behavior
becomes more flexible and their actions more consistent with their values. They achieve this
by allowing contact with what works to exert more control over behavior and by using language
as a tool to note and describe events, not just to predict and judge those events. A sense of self,
called “self as process,” is actively encouraged: the defused, non-judgmental, ongoing
description of thoughts, feelings, and other private events.
Self as context
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A behavior-analytic analysis of verbal behavior and the self (e.g., Hayes et al., 2001) points to
three aspects of the self. The conceptualized self involves one's tendency to ascribe
characteristics to oneself. Literality and fusion typically characterize this process. Since
statements such as “I am good” and “I am male” have the same form, people tend to treat both
as if they are literally true. Hayes et al. (1999) suggest that psychological distress arises when
people take self-descriptions literally and are motivated to control them.
A second sense of self involves our ongoing experiences and our awareness of them, which
plays an important role in guiding our own behavior. The tendency to suppress or avoid
awareness of aspects of our experience can impair our ability to cope.
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The third sense of self is as an observer. The therapist uses exercises to help people experience
the sense in which, as the counselor might say, “the ‘you’ that you experience yourself to be
is the same and unchanging throughout your life and across all of the pleasant and unpleasant
experiences you have had.” There is a sense in which this “self” is a safe place from which to
experience all wanted and unwanted experiences of life, since it remains unchanged. The
therapist might ask, “So even when you are very anxious, isn't there a sense in which you are
the same person as when you are lying in bed relaxed on a Saturday morning?” The ACT
therapist tries to create a context in which clients experience this sense of self so they can begin
to experience emotions, thoughts, and self-attributions as things that happen to them rather
than as literal characteristics they possess and must control in order to be all right.
Values
If people abandon efforts to control, what will guide them through life? The ACT valuing strand
helps people clarify what is important and what enables them to choose directions they want
to take. Often ACT therapists begin therapy with a focus on this issue. They frequently contrast
“where you want to go in life” with “your current struggle not to have bad feelings.”
Here too, the therapist reminds the client that, in keeping with acceptance of thoughts and
feelings, valuing is not just a matter of having strong feelings about wanting to move in certain
valued directions. It is instead a matter of consciously choosing to take action in valued
directions—whatever thoughts and feelings accompany the action.
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People learn to understand they can choose a course of action, even when they have many
reasons why they cannot or should not pursue that action. In this sense, they are “free to choose.”
One exercise involves helping people envision what they want their lives to represent by having
them imagine how they would like people to remember them after they have died.
Another facet of this strand involves prompting the person to contemplate this conundrum:
“Outcome is the process through which process becomes the outcome.” It means that, although
the goals we set define outcomes we will work to achieve, doing so actually makes life about
the process of pursuing those goals. From this perspective, the values we set define directions
in which we want to move, and life is far more about the process of moving in those directions
than reaching a goal. In this sense, we can distinguish values from goals. For example, if we
articulate a value of having supportive relationships with other people, it implies something
about the way we will behave over time; there is no sense in which we will achieve supportive
relationships and having done so, be finished. The value defines a way of living, not an end.
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A key exercise for this strand involves helping people clarify values in nine domains: 1.
marriage/couples/intimate relationships; 2. family relationships; 3. friendship/social relations;
4. career/employment; 5. education/personal growth and development; 6. recreation/leisure;
7. spirituality; 8. citizenship; and 9. health/physical wellbeing. Having articulated valued
directions for all chosen domains, people are then able to clarify goals to move them in those
directions.
Committed action
This strand involves helping people commit to actions consistent with their own values. Unlike
most other aspects of ACT, which focus on undermining the control of verbal rules (e.g., “I
must not feel anxious”), this strand involves increasing the extent to which people behave under
the control of verbal rules. However, the rules here describe the valued directions in which
they want to move and they create these rules themselves.
An ACT metaphor, The Monsters on the Bus, illustrates well the concept of pursuing valued
actions in the context of having unwanted thoughts and feelings.
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Imagine you are a bus driver with a bus headed in a valued direction in your life.
However, a bunch of really scary passengers gets on the bus. They are thoughts,
feelings, bodily states, memories—all the ones that you really don't want. They are
big, ugly, smelly, and scary. You make a deal with them. You don't want to see or
hear them, but you tell them if they sit quietly and don't bother you, you will drive
the bus where they want to go. At some point, you may decide to throw them off the
bus, but notice when you do that, your bus isn't going anywhere. It turns out that they
are strong and you can't get them off. So you go back to placating them. Whenever
they say “Turn left!” you turn. The trouble is that your bus is not going where you
want it to go.
The trick is, though, the only reason they have control over you is that you don't want
to see or hear them. But the fact is they can't really harm you. They say they can; your
mind tells you they can; but they cannot. They are mostly just words. Maybe—
consider the possibility —all the effort you put into controlling these critters isn't
needed—you can let them come on up and you can drive your bus wherever you
choose to go.
Committing to the action that moves in a valued direction is likely to bring up the thoughts and
feelings that have halted action in the past. The key question is, “Are you willing to do what
would work to enhance your life and to have whatever thoughts, feelings, or memories arise
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as you do it?” (Hayes et al., 1999). Willingness is not the same as wanting. A person may not
want to do something they have said they would do. They can do it nonetheless.
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The Efficacy of ACT
Two recent outcome reviews summarize results of randomized trials (Hayes, Masuda et al.,
2004; Hayes et al., 2006), almost all of which have occurred since the year 2000. The studies
address a broad range of problems, including substance abuse, chronic pain, anxiety,
depression, psychosis, smoking, prejudice, worksite stress, employee burnout, diabetic selfmanagement, adjustment to cancer, self-harm, obsessive compulsive disorder,
trichotillomania, and epilepsy, among others. A meta-analysis of controlled outcome studies
(Hayes et al., 2006) reported on 21 randomized trials of ACT. The average effect size (Cohen's
d) was .66 at post treatment (N = 704) and .65 (N = 580) at follow-up (on average 19.2 weeks
later). In studies involving comparisons between ACT and active, well-specified treatments,
the effect size was .48 at post (N = 456) and .62 at follow-up (N = 404). In comparisons with
wait list, treatment as usual, or placebo treatments, the effect sizes were .99 at post (N = 248)
and .71 at follow-up (N = 176).
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We will describe several studies to characterize more fully the nature of the current ACT
outcome literature and to give some sense of the breadth of problems it successfully addresses.
This breadth of application is a major reason for believing that the processes ACT targets may
be of general relevance to prevention science.
In a randomized controlled trial focused on workplace stress management (Bond & Bunce,
2000), 90 workers at a media group (45 of each gender) received (by random assignment) an
ACT protocol (n = 30; Bond & Hayes, 2002), a behavior-oriented Innovation Promotion
Program (IPP) to encourage them to identify and change stressful events at work (n = 30), or
a waitlist control (n = 30). Each intervention consisted of three half-day group sessions spread
over 14 weeks. ACT demonstrated significantly greater improvements than the IPP and control
groups in a general measure of stress and psychological health at post- and at three-month
follow-up. Both interventions were equally effective compared to the wait list in increasing
the propensity to take concrete action to reduce worksite stressors, even though the ACT
condition did not target this explicitly. An increased acceptance of undesirable thoughts and
feelings mediated the outcomes achieved by the ACT intervention but not by the IPP condition.
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A study comparing ACT to Nicotine Replacement Therapy (NRT) for smoking cessation
(Gifford et al., 2004) randomized 67 smokers either to NRT or to seven individual and seven
group sessions of ACT. ACT had significantly better smoking cessation outcomes (35 vs. 15%)
at one-year follow-up. A decreased need to avoid smoking-related thoughts and feelings in
order to maintain abstinence mediated outcomes in the ACT group, passing all of Baron and
Kenny's (1986) steps for mediation.
One study of opiate-addicted polysubstance abusers compared methadone maintenance alone
to methadone maintenance with 16 weeks of either Intensive 12-Step Facilitation (ITSF) or
ACT (Hayes, Wilson et al., 2004). ACT was associated with lower objectively assessed opiate
and total drug use during follow-up than methadone maintenance alone, and with lower
subjective measures of total drug use at follow-up. An intent-to-treat analysis provided further
support for decreases in objectively assessed total drug use in the ACT condition. ITSF reduced
objective measures of total drug use during follow-up but not in the intent-to-treat analyses.
Most measures of adjustment and psychological distress improved in all conditions, but there
was no evidence of differential improvement across conditions in these areas.
Burnout is common among drug and alcohol abuse counselors, which may be due in part to a
tendency to experience and then seek to suppress negative attitudes about clients (Corrigan,
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2002). Hayes, Bissett et al. (2004) reasoned that ACT training could help counselors accept
their thoughts as just that, be more mindful of the automaticity of those thoughts, and thus
experience them as less believable and recommit to their values in helping clients move
forward. They randomly assigned counselors to receive a one-day workshop on ACT, on
Multicultural Training (MT; the widely promulgated technology for reducing negative
attitudes toward stigmatized groups), or on the biological processes involved in addiction
(based on the common belief that stigma will decrease if it is understood that addiction is a
biological disease). On a questionnaire measure of stigma, those in the ACT workshop
improved significantly more than those in the biological education condition from pretreatment
to three-month follow-up, but those receiving MT did not. Moreover, at follow-up, ACT
recipients scored better than MT recipients did on a burnout measure. The degree to which
ACT recipients believed stigmatizing attitudes about their clients mediated the improvements
in the ACT condition but not in the other conditions.
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Bach and Hayes (2002) evaluated a three-hour ACT intervention for hospitalized patients with
hallucinations or delusions. By random assignment, 80 patients received either the brief ACT
intervention or usual care. The ACT intervention focused on accepting—rather than trying to
control—their hallucinations and delusions, mindfully viewing them as psychological events
that come and go, and focusing on the behaviors needed to achieve valued ends. Those who
received ACT had significantly lower rates of rehospitalization over four-month follow-up,
but they did not have lower rates of symptoms. Among those receiving ACT and admitting
symptoms, the rehospitalization rate was below 10%, but among those who denied symptoms
it was 40%. ACT participants also showed much lower levels of literal believability of
symptoms. Among those in usual care, those who admitted symptoms re-entered hospitals as
frequently as did those who denied symptoms, and believability of symptoms did not change.
None of the ACT participants who showed lower believability and admitted symptoms reentered the hospital. The Acceptance and Commitment Therapy website
(www.contextualpsychology.com) includes a list of empirical papers on the effects of ACT.
Foundation in a Basic Analysis of Verbal Behavior
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From the standpoint of traditional mental health conceptions, as reflected in the DSM nosology,
it might seem odd that a treatment procedure would have an impact on such a broad range of
problems, particularly since many of these protocols are not extensive (e.g., three hours with
psychotic individuals, six hours for burnout, etc.). The explanation provided by ACT
researchers is that ACT targets key processes identified in basic behavioral research on
language and cognition. This claim is crucial to the possibility that ACT may be a useful
framework for improving our ability to prevent a wide array of problems. In the next section,
we will review some of the evidence that shows the relationships among these behavioral
processes and a wide variety of psychological and behavioral difficulties,
Analysis of a Fundamental Verbal Process: Experiential Avoidance
Experiential avoidance (EA) is the tendency to try to alter the frequency, form, or situational
sensitivity of thoughts or feelings even when doing so causes behavioral difficulties (Hayes,
Bissett et al., 1999). Based on clinical research and a growing body of basic research on human
verbal behavior, the ACT/RFT analysis proposes that people are highly likely to try to avoid
unpleasant thoughts and feelings as a natural generalization of their verbal problem-solving
abilities to their psychological experience.
Relational Frame Theory (RFT; Hayes et al., 2001) views the core of human language and
cognition as the learned ability to relate events arbitrarily, mutually and in combination, and
to change the functions of these events based on those relational responses. For example, very
young children learn that a nickel is larger than a dime in terms of physical size, but not until
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later will the child develop the relational ability to apply arbitrarily the relation of comparative
value to these coins, when the child will label a dime as “bigger” than a nickel. Because of this
relational response, a dime comes to have a greater reinforcing function than a nickel does. In
a 20-year literature spanning over 70 empirical studies, RFT researchers have shown that
relational responding is a fundamental feature of language (e.g., Devany, Hayes, & Nelson,
1986; Lipkens, Hayes, & Hayes, 1993) that is learned (Barnes-Holmes, Barnes-Holmes,
Smeets, Strand, & Friman, 2004; Berens & Hayes, 2007). They show that a wide variety of
cognitive processes involves relational responding (Hayden, Barnes-Holmes, Barnes-Holmes,
& Stewart, 2005) and, most importantly, relational responding transforms the functions of
stimuli and alters other behavioral processes, such as operant conditioning or classical
conditioning (e.g., Dymond & Barnes, 1995). For example, consider a person who learns a
relational network between three arbitrary stimuli: A < B < C. If we now pair “B” with shock,
“C” will elicit far more arousal than B, even though no one paired it with shock (Dougher,
Hamilton, Fink, & Harrington, in press). Young children will not show such effects, because
they first have to learn arbitrary comparative abilities (see Berens & Hayes, 2007 for
experimental demonstration): they have to learn a nickel “is smaller than” a dime. Said in
commonsense terms, these findings show that, when human beings learn to compare events,
related events can change their functions, even if the comparisons are arbitrary and there is no
direct basis for the resulting functions.
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If RFT is correct, learned relational operants underlie important activities such as human
problem solving (Hayes et al., 2001). Verbal problem solving involves rules such as “given
this, if I do that, I will get X, which is good.” These rules are simple applications of “if…then”
and comparative relations. In other words, we relate a current situation to what it would be like
if we “do that” and we cognitively compare possible outcomes. We get rid of ants by putting
out ant bait. We take a course to master a skill, which we think will land us a better job. We
call a plumber to repair a burst pipe.
Because such relational skills are massively useful, once learned they become more and more
dominant in behavioral regulation—the world as verbally constructed becomes the world in
which humans live. ACT/RFT theorists have labeled the tendency for people to live in a
verbally constructed world, while not noticing the role of verbal constructions in their
experience of that world, as “cognitive fusion.” This domination is not without cost. Verbally
regulated behavior tends to be less flexible, less modifiable by experience, and at times less
effective than behavior shaped by experience (see Hayes, 1989 for a book-length review).
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Unfortunately, when applied to private experiences, these same relational skills create
problematic self-focused and self-amplifying loops. We will, for example, categorize emotions
or thoughts into “good” and “bad” and will apply “if…then” relations to the regulation of these
events, resulting in attempts to avoid negative thoughts and feelings. Feeling anxious, we may
apply the formula, “If I just stay out of malls, I won't feel anxious.” Not liking how the behavior
of others makes us feel we may fight with or stop speaking to people who bring on unwanted
feelings. Thanks to cognitive fusion our thoughts about distress—not just the distress itself—
become something to avoid. Unfortunately, efforts to suppress thoughts do not work. The
overarching avoidance rule contains the very thought we are trying to suppress and thus evokes
it (while simultaneously increasing its functional importance). Failing to control unwanted
thoughts and feelings, we may drink or take drugs to avoid feelings. We may move away from,
divorce, or even kill people who put us in touch with images, thoughts, or beliefs that we “just
cannot stand.”
Efforts to control thoughts and feelings may work in the short run. Nonetheless, we may begin
to constrict our lives as we attempt to avoid unwanted feelings. We can avoid anxiety by not
going to malls, but we also can no longer shop. We can drink to control anxiety, but drinking
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may lead to other problems. Indeed, life may come to be about not having unpleasant feelings.
If avoiding malls works (even temporarily) to control anxiety, we might as well avoid
everything that makes us anxious: stop going to public places, seeing our friends, or working.
As avoiding anxiety uses up a greater portion of our daily activities, life becomes about not
being anxious.
This line of thinking makes sense of data that have long been central to a prevention science
perspective. When we consider the lifetime incidence of any DSM disorder, or the rates of
physical abuse, divorce, sexual concerns, and prejudice, it is hard to conclude that
psychological suffering and behavioral difficulties characterize only a small minority of human
beings. Even such seemingly severe processes as entanglement with suicidal thoughts affect a
majority of human beings at some point in their lives (Chiles & Strosahl, 2004). Hayes, Bissett
et al. (1999) argue that, contrary to traditional nosological thinking, the ubiquity of human
psychological suffering occurs because normal and essential human verbal abilities contain
within them tendencies toward cognitive fusion, experiential avoidance, and psychological
inflexibility. Although our verbal abilities are fundamental to our ability to control the world
around us, they become counterproductive when applied to private experience.
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Closely linked to EA is a lack of committed and effective action. If we take the stance that our
life can go forward only with our emotional and cognitive life under control, it prevents our
taking action. We can seek a new job only when we feel confident we can do the job
successfully. We can attend school only when feelings of anxiety and panic no longer arise on
the way to school. These kinds of rules can put behavior on hold indefinitely while awaiting
change in historically produced private experiences.
Empirical Evidence Regarding Experiential Avoidance
Several studies show that experiential avoidance as a construct is distinct from other
psychological constructs and is associated with a variety of psychological and behavioral
difficulties. We review a number of these below.
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Bond and colleagues (Bond, Hayes, Baer, & Orcutt, in preparation) explored the psychometric
properties of measure of EA with a 10-item scale called the Acceptance and Commitment
Questionnaire II. Example items are “I'm afraid of my feelings” and “Worries get in the way
of my success.” They rated items on a seven-point scale, ranging from “never true” to “always
true.” The researchers collected data from 2,226 participants. The alpha coefficient for the scale
was .85; a factor analysis indicated that a single factor accounted for 43.70% of the variance,
with all but one item loading above .40. There was no correlation with a measure of social
desirability. The measure showed strong relationships with other measures of psychological
functioning. Still, a confirmatory factor analysis, with items from the AAQII, the Beck
Depression Inventory (BDI; Beck, Ward, Mendelson, Mock, & Erbaugh, 1961), Beck Anxiety
Inventory (BAI; Beck, Epstein, Brown, & Steer, 1988), General Health Questionnaire (GHQ;
Goldberg, 1978), Negative Affectivity, and each of the “Big Five” factors (Goldberg, 1993),
showed the AAQII measured a construct distinct from those of the other measures. In other
words, this measure of EA seems to be getting at a process distinct from the psychological
processes and behavioral tendencies on which we have traditionally focused.
There is both correlational and experimental evidence indicating that EA contributes to diverse
psychological and behavioral difficulties. Hayes et al. (2006) report a meta-analysis of the
relationship between an earlier version of the AAQ and a wide variety of measures of
psychological wellbeing including psychopathology (e.g., depression, anxiety, post-traumatic
stress, and trichotillomania), stress, pain, and job performance. Collectively, the 32 studies
reviewed involved 5,616 participants and 67 correlations between the AAQ and these
outcomes. The weighted effect size of these relations was .42 (95% CI: .40-.44), showing that
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this measure of ACT processes had a moderate relationship with psychological outcomes
generally. Across eight studies, the AAQ correlated with the BDI .50 (CI: 0.46-.054). The
average correlation with the GHQ (Goldberg, 1978) was .40 (CI: .34-.45) across three studies.
More recent data from the Bond et al. study (in preparation) cited above showed that the AAQII
correlated .48 or more with the three subscales of the Depression, Anxiety, and Stress. It
correlated .75 with the BDI, .59 with the BAI, and .31 with the GHQ.
The research includes several longitudinal studies. For example, EA predicts PTSD symptoms
over time in trauma survivors (Marx & Sloan, 2005). In a college student population, the AAQ
predicted deterioration of quality of life measured a year later (Hayes, Strosahl et al., 2004).
Bond and Bunce (2003) examined whether the AAQ predicted subsequent mental health and
job performance among customer service employees. At Time 1, 647 people completed the
AAQ, a job control measure, and measures of negative affect and locus of control. A year later,
412 participants completed measures of general health and job satisfaction. The authors then
obtained records of participant rates of errors in entering computer data. The AAQ predicted
mental health and computer errors a year later, even when controlling for other variables.
Moreover, those who were high in acceptance and had higher levels of job control were
particularly likely to have low levels of psychological problems and fewer computer errors.
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Somewhat similar results exist for measures of thought suppression (Wegner & Erber, 1992;
reviewed below), mindfulness (Baer, Smith, & Cochran, 2005), distress tolerance (Brown,
Lejuez, Kahler, Strong, & Zvolensky, 2005), learned industriousness (Eisenberger, 1992),
emotionally focused coping (Carver, Scheier, & Weintraub, 1989), emotional suppression
(Kashdan & Steger, in press), and other measure of general acceptance (Baer et al., 2005). The
ability to have discomforting feelings and thoughts and still take effective action seems to
predict success for diverse aspects of human functioning. Exactly how these related processes
interact is unclear. Some of these measures do include indices of acceptance (e.g., Carver et
al., 1989). All appear to relate to EA and do not fully duplicate each other conceptually or
empirically. For example, measures of EA function as mediators in studies in which measures
of, say, thought suppression do not. We discuss this further below.
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Growing evidence indicates that even relatively well-educated and successful populations
entangle themselves in EA. For example, among college students, the percentage of those
presenting with depression, suicidality, and personality disorders appears to have at least
doubled within the last decade (Benton, Robertson, Tseng, Newton, & Benton, 2003). This
increase appears to come from an increase in the number of distressed students controlling for
levels of environmental stress (Erickson-Cornish, Riva, Cox-Henderson, Kominars, &
McIntosh, 2000). Yet unpublished data show that among college students, it is possible to
predict significantly psychological distress, healthcare visits, and dropouts across the college
years by combinations of entering levels of EA and emerging life stressors (Hildebrandt,
Pistorello, & Hayes, 2007). Furthermore, recent evidence shows that materialistic values are
associated with diminished wellbeing, and that this relation is itself mediated by EA (Kashdan
& Breen, in press).
There is less evidence regarding the relationship between EA and externalizing problems such
as aggressive social behavior. The ACT/RFT theory suggests that people may be motivated to
attack those who make them feel bad in an effort to reduce the feeling. Thus, people who call
others “wrong,” “stupid,” etc. may be targets of aggression if their epithets fuse with the world.
For example, due to fusion, to hear I am “stupid” is the same as being stupid. Tull, Jakupcak,
Paulson, and Gratz (2007) studied whether EA has a role in the relationship between PTSD
and aggression. They reasoned that those who experience trauma would be more likely to
behave aggressively if they were experientially avoidant. They found a nine-item version of
the AAQ mediated the relationship between exposure to trauma and self-reported aggressive
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behavior. The study was limited as it was cross-sectional and relied on self-report measures.
Greco, Lambert, and Baer (in press) found an adolescent version of the AAQ correlated .11
with teacher ratings of problem behavior in each of two samples. Forsyth, Parker, and Finlay
(2003) found that EA was related to addiction severity in a sample of substance-abusing
veterans.
Rigorous tests of the role of experiential avoidance in behavior come from experimental studies
that reduce EA and then assess its impact on behavior. In a study of pain tolerance, Hayes et
al. (1999) found an acceptance rationale and brief training in acceptance and defusion methods
produced more pain tolerance than a pain control rationale drawn from CBT pain management.
In a replication (Takahashi, Muto, Tada, & Sugiyama, 2002), a randomized controlled trial
showed this effect depended on a combination of an acceptance rationale plus actual exercises
that taught the new coping methods. A third study (Gutiérrez, Luciano, Rodríguez, & Fink,
2004) found acceptance and defusion methods particularly worthwhile when pain was severe.
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A randomized laboratory experiment with 60 patients having panic disorder (Levitt, Brown,
Orsillo, & Barlow, 2004) evaluated whether reducing EA would affect the tendency to panic.
It compared effects of a brief instruction and exercise focused on accepting feelings to
suppression and distraction conditions in response to a CO2 gas challenge that induces paniclike symptoms. Acceptance instructions led to significantly less anxiety than did the other
conditions during the gas challenge and to a greater willingness to participate in a second
challenge. Similar results occurred with negative and intrusive thoughts. Marcks and Woods
(2005) showed not only that EA exacerbated the impact of these thoughts but also that a brief
acceptance and mindfulness intervention drawn from ACT reduced the psychological distress
the thoughts cause.
Research by social psychologists also supports the idea that efforts to control unwanted
thoughts and feelings can be problematic. Wegner and Erber (1992) found that instructions to
suppress thoughts and verbal responses actually increased their occurrence. Wegner, Erber, &
Zanakos (1993) found that, when people were asked to think of happy or sad events but not to
have feelings associated with the events, they could not do so, under conditions of cognitive
load (having to remember a nine-digit number). Wegner (1994) argues that these effects are
because conscious efforts to control or suppress thoughts or moods require a person to be
vigilant for any sign of those events. In a sense, one must have a thought or mood in order to
control it.
A Diathesis-Stress Model of Experiential Avoidance
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Evidence reviewed thus far seems to indicate that EA is a risk factor for diverse problems.
Persons who are experientially avoidant are at greater risk for a wide variety of behavioral and
physical health difficulties.
In part, this may come because the tendency to be experientially avoidant leads directly to those
difficulties. However, we can also think of EA as a diathesis that makes people more vulnerable
to a wide variety of stressors. A person prone to avoid unpleasant thoughts and feelings may
lock into self-amplifying efforts to suppress such experiences when stressful events—whatever
their nature—bring distress into their lives. Such a process could help account for why EA has
a connection to so many different problems. Whether a struggle not to feel distress begins from
failure in school, the loss of a loved one, or a difficulty on the job, the distress it engenders
multiplies by efforts to control it. A number of studies support this idea.
In a recent study of mothers experiencing the distress of preterm birth, Greco et al. (2005)
found that experiential avoidance mediated the relationship between the stress of having a
premature birth and parental adjustment and trauma. This was true regardless of the degree of
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social support or the temperament of the infant. In a series of studies, McCracken and
colleagues (McCracken, 1998; McCracken & Eccleston, 2003; McCracken, Vowles, &
Eccleston, 2004) found that a pain-specific version of the AAQ predicted adjustment in chronic
pain patients more than did actual pain intensity or extent of injury. Greater acceptance of pain
and willingness to act even when pain was present were associated with less pain-related
anxiety and avoidance, less depression, less physical and psychosocial disability, more daily
uptime, and better work status. Similar findings have been shown for the relationship between
adult trauma and childhood sexual abuse (Marx & Sloan, 2002; Rosenthal, Rasmussen-Hall,
Palm, Batten, & Follette, 2005), combat violence (Plumb, Orsillo, & Luterek, 2004),
interpersonal violence (Orcutt, Pickett, & Pope, 2005) and several others forms of stress (Marx
& Sloan, 2005; Plumb et al., 2004). Tull et al. (in press) also showed that EA interacted with
trauma exposure to heighten aggressive behavior.
It is not just that EA moderates these effects. It also seems to mediate them in the sense that it
is part of the causal path translating stressors into poor outcomes. People may learn EA directly
through modeling, family processes, poor parenting patterns, and so on. Nevertheless, stress
itself may create the conditions for EA to be established.
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Through accident, biology, or social disadvantage, some individuals must face higher levels
of psychological pain and distress than others do. When encountering biological stressors like
physical pain or injury (McCracken et al., 2004), temperamental factors like high emotional
responsiveness (Sloan, 2004), or psychosocial stressors like the violence faced by inner city
youth (Dempsey, 2002; Dempsey, Overstreet, & Moely, 2000), people may be more likely to
learn EA as form of coping in order to experience relief on a short-term basis.
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However, EA as a form of coping has longer-term negative effects regardless of its initiating
cause. This is because of its repertoire-narrowing impact and because many methods of EA
(e.g., substance use, social withdrawal, or high-risk sexual behavior) produce negative social,
psychological, and physical effects. As a result, EA as a coping strategy often increases stress
over the long term. Patterns of EA and cognitive fusion thus are ready to create pathological
self-amplifying cognitive and emotional processes in which efforts to control or suppress
unwanted thoughts and feelings only worsen the thoughts and feelings and increasingly
motivate ineffective and harmful control strategies such as substance use and aggression. In
this way, the psychological diathesis of EA appears to interact with stress from whatever source
(violence, loss, life challenges, pain, racism, etc.) to create higher levels of behavioral and
psychological difficulties. These two processes—stressful events making EA more likely, and
EA leading to poor outcomes (including more stress) regardless of its source—define what is
necessary statistically for EA to serve as a mediator of the impact of stressful events on
pathology. Various studies (e.g., Kashdan, Barrios, Forsyth, & Steger, 2006) have found
exactly that.
Further empirical evidence is necessary to clarify the extent to which EA is a risk factor for
problems regardless of levels of stress and the extent to which EA is a diathesis making the
development of diverse problems more likely when one encounters stress. If the model above
is correct, however, the self-amplifying nature of EA means that even lower level of stress can
put individuals at risk in the context of EA.
The relationship to other models of coping—Greco et al. (in press) discuss the
relationship of the EA construct to other conceptualizations of stress and coping. They point
out that most existing approaches to coping do not directly assess people's acceptance of the
experiences associated with stress. Rather they assess the ways in which people try to cope and
whether they engage in active efforts to solve problems or to avoid distress through distraction,
positive thinking, thought replacement, or self-talk. Further, they assess passive-avoidant
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reactions such as withdrawal. However, all these measures focus on attempts to regulate or
control private events and therefore do not directly assess people's willingness to have these
experiences. In other words, the specific approaches people use in reaction to distress may be
less important than their willingness to experience private events fully without efforts to
minimize them. In line with this view, EA seems to mediate the impact of a variety of coping
and emotional regulation processes, including cognitive reappraisal, controllability of
stressors, anxiety sensitivity, and emotional response styles, both correlationally and
longitudinally (Kashdan et al., 2006).
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These points are also relevant to the theory of primary and secondary control. Rothbaum,
Weisz, and Snyder (1982) propose that, besides making efforts to control their environment,
people engage in “secondary” control in which they bring their thinking in line with the realities
of their situation, by characterizing a situation as beyond their control, or involving luck or
powerful others. In general, perceived control is associated with greater psychological and
physical wellbeing (e.g., Seeman, 1991). However, there is also evidence that people with
strong beliefs in their ability to control become distressed by situations which they cannot
control (Seeman, 1991). Evidence about the importance for human functioning of acceptance
versus emotional avoidance suggests that whether people engage in primary or secondary
means of control may not be as important as their willingness to accept the feelings that arise
when they are unsuccessful in efforts at control. Indeed, it may be more useful to people in
stressful situations to help them accept the feelings that arise from uncontrollable situations
than to join them in an agenda of control. Thus, cognitive reframing may help to diminish the
impact of distressing thoughts. However, it may also encourage people to think that they must
find ways to view thoughts that will make them less distressing; this may subtly reinforce an
agenda of control. This may be one reason why EA mediates the positive impact of cognitive
reappraisal (Kashdan et al., 2006): it is helpful only to the degree that is leads to a more flexible
and accepting stance on cognition.
Relationship to resilience research—Research on EA concurs with work on resilience.
A number of studies document the tendency of some people exposed to extreme stress to
succeed nonetheless on social and academic tasks (e.g., Luthar, 1991; Luthar, Doernberger, &
Zigler, 1993; Masten et al., 1999; Masten, Best, & Garmezy, 1990). We label such persons
resilient. Research also shows that youth exhibiting resilience in some areas of functioning
nonetheless often show psychological difficulties like depression (Luthar et al., 1993). The
studies show that, in the context of stressors like socioeconomic disadvantage, divorce, or
trauma, youth are more likely to succeed academically and socially with stable parental care
or other caring adults, high intelligence, or specific areas of competence (Masten et al., 1990;
1999).
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With few exceptions, experiential avoidance measures have not been included in resilience
studies. However, it is plausible and worth studying whether those who are low in EA (i.e.,
high in openness to and acceptance of unpleasant emotional experiences) are more resilient
since they do not lock into self-amplifying efforts to control unpleasant experience that increase
psychological distress and avoidant behavior, causing more issues. This seems to be the case
in the elderly, in which psychological acceptance is associated with greater resilience and
quality of life (Butler & Ciarrochi, 2007). Indeed, some measures of psychological resilience
specifically contain measures of psychological acceptance (e.g., Schumacher, Leppert,
Gunzelmann, Strauss, & Brahler, 2005), and in prospective studies of adjustment to death and
loss, acceptance is one of the predictors of resilience (Bonanno et al., 2002). These
interconnections suggest that prevention researchers may be able to inoculate people against
many types of adversity by increasing their openness to distress that naturally arises from
adversity. Furthermore, creativity and problem-solving abilities relate to openness to
experience (George & Zhou, 2001).
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Implications for Risk Factor Research
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From the public health perspective organizing prevention science, two key questions arise
regarding experiential avoidance. One involves its prevalence; the other concerns the extent
to which it is a risk factor for many problems we try to prevent. The evidence reviewed here
makes clear that EA is associated with a wide variety of psychological problems. However,
only a few of the studies conducted so far involve longitudinal data (Bond & Bunce, 2003;
Hayes, Strosahl et al., 2004; Marx & Sloan, 2005; Plumb et al., 2004). Evidence that reducing
EA mediates therapeutic outcomes for diverse problems (Hayes, Follette, & Linehan, 2004;
Hayes et al., 2006) also points to its central role in many of the problems we wish to prevent.
Evidence remains limited, however, about the extent to which EA contributes to the
development of externalizing problems, such as interpersonal aggression.
Given existing evidence, large-scale population-based studies are essential to determine the
prevalence of EA and allow calculation of the population-attributable risk of EA for the
problems with which it seems to correlate. Such studies would provide new chances to replicate
findings that EA is a construct distinct from other measures of psychological functioning.
Moreover, these studies would enable better delineation of the extent to which EA is a direct
risk factor for problems vs. a factor that interacts with stress to produce problems.
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If EA emerges as a risk factor for diverse problems, research on the factors influencing its
development will be crucial. These might include studies of the influences of schools, families,
and the media on experiential avoidance.
Implications for Strengthening Preventive Interventions
Many preventive interventions might be more effective if they incorporated ACT principles
and procedures. Here we point out how ACT could enhance some of them.
Parenting Skills Interventions
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Behavioral parenting skills training programs produce consistent significant effects on parents'
skills and children's behavior and appear to be the treatment of choice for child behavior
problems (Biglan et al., 2004), however the impact of most interventions could be greater (e.g.,
Smolkowski et al., 2005). For the most part, these interventions concentrate on teaching
specific parenting skills and pay less attention to parents' thoughts and feelings or to their
values. When they do address parents' thoughts and beliefs, they commonly advise parents to
try to control negative thoughts about their children. Suggested strategies include “soothing
self-encouragement,” refutation of upsetting thoughts, and visualizing positive outcomes.
From an acceptance perspective, these approaches imply that such thoughts are the reasons for
parents' inappropriate practices (e.g., “he made me so angry, I started yelling”). If emerging
evidence from ACT research is correct, such strategies may be counterproductive; they may
intensify negative thoughts and may distract parents from using newly acquired parenting skills
in service of their values about their child and their relationship with their child.
ACT would encourage parents to accept upsetting thoughts and feelings that often accompany
parenthood, but would gently challenge the assumption they must believe those thoughts or
eliminate them before they can move toward parenting practices that are more effective and
more in keeping with their values. Exercises and metaphors, as described above, would help
parents notice and accept their thoughts and feelings as they interact with their children, and
take those thoughts less literally. It would help clarify their values about relationships with
their children and their children's direction in life. It would help them “be in the moment” as
they interact with their children.
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From a research perspective, one could evaluate the efficacy of this strategy by measuring
common thoughts about parenting and examining whether an ACT strategy reduces the
believability—if not the frequency—of those thoughts (Bach & Hayes, 2002). One could then
examine the degree to which such changes mediated intervention effects on parent behavior.
Blackledge and Hayes (2006) examined the impact of ACT on parents of autistic children in
within-subject design. ACT reduced parental depression and distress, but this study did not
directly target skills training. A small series of case studies provided some evidence that
mindfulness training with parents led to reductions in child aggression, non-compliance, and
self-injury (Singh et al., 2006).
It may also be important to examine whether parenting interventions should focus on changing
the ways parents socialize their children regarding ways of responding to emotions and negative
cognitions. For example, if parents receive assistance in helping children to label their
emotional reactions accurately, accept them, articulate valued ways of behaving, and support
action in keeping with values, even in the face of negative emotions, it could conceivably
improve the outcomes of parenting skills training programs (Murrell, Coyne, & Wilson,
2004).
Interventions Targeting Adolescents
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Existing evidence suggests that experiential avoidance is an important, but previously
undiscerned, psychological process among adolescents. Interventions that foster acceptance of
negative thoughts and feelings and commitment to valued action could contribute to the
prevention of a wide range of problems.
Perhaps the most important pathway to adolescent problem behavior is through deviant peer
influences (Biglan et al., 2004). Social rejection, including teasing and harassment, heightens
susceptibility to peer influence (Patterson, Reid, & Dishion, 1992; Rusby, Forrester, Biglan,
& Metzler, 2005). A likely mechanism subserving this process is the worry and distress such
rejection causes an adolescent. Teasing and harassment, which escalate in middle school
(Gottfredson, Gottfredson, & Hybl, 1993), are likely to increase adolescent worries about their
peers accepting them. Are they sufficiently masculine or feminine? Are they dressed right?
Will their peers accept them? Presumably, many teens worry about these issues and take them
quite literally. It is not that your peers might think you uncool; it is that you might actually BE
uncool!
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As noted above, a recent paper by Greco et al. (in press) reported that an adolescent version of
the AAQ, the Avoidance and Fusion Questionnaire, was correlated with a variety of measures
of adolescents psychological and behavioral functioning. This suggests that, in the context of
peer teasing and harassment, students are most vulnerable if they engage in EA.
We therefore need to examine whether acceptance and commitment exercises increase
resistance to deviant peer influences. Current classroom-based approaches to preventing
tobacco and other substance use train students in social skills for resisting peer influences (e.g.,
Botvin, Tortu, Baker, & Dusenbury, 1990; Sussman et al., 1993). However, these programs
might be strengthened by acceptance and defusion components of ACT as well as by activities
that foster committed action in the service of important values. Exercises that foster the
adolescent tendency to accept unpleasant thoughts and feelings about peer pressure, and that
help them see that those thoughts and feelings are not literally true, but are thoughts and feelings
they are having, may reduce the influence of such thoughts over behavior. Helping adolescents
define valued directions they want to take in their life may orient them toward action that is
not about fitting in with peers. Strengthening these processes could inoculate adolescents
against peer influences to engage in the entire range of problem behaviors.
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One problem with much prevention research is its failure to link interventions clearly to
hypothesized mediating psychological processes and hypothesized mediators to behavioral and
psychological outcomes (Eddy, 2006). The present analysis proposes clear links between
acceptance-based intervention processes, reductions in experiential avoidance, resistance to
peer influences, and reductions in diverse problem behaviors.
To date, we have limited data on ACT interventions with children and adolescents. Wicksell,
Melin, and Olsson (2007) reported substantial (effects sizes ranging from .47 to 1.53)
improvements in a series of 14 adolescents with chronic pain. Metzler, Biglan, Noell, Ary, and
Ochs (2000) reported the results of a randomized controlled trial that employed ACT strategies
as part of a multicomponent program to reduce high-risk sexual behavior in adolescents.
However, the role of the ACT components per se cannot be determined. Several additional
studies are currently underway in the areas of pain, diabetes, anxiety, and eating disorders.
The Prevention of Depression
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ACT may also be valuable for the improving the efficacy of prevention interventions for
depression. Horowitz and Garber (2006) provide a meta-analysis of studies of depression
prevention among children and adolescents. They report small, but significant effects for
studies involving either selective interventions (mean effect size = .30) and indicated
interventions (mean effect size = 23). One of the most common approaches to the prevention
of depression involves cognitive behavior therapy in which people learn to modify
depressogenic thoughts (Clarke et al., 1995; 2001; Gilham, Hamilton, Freres, Patton, & Gallop,
2006; Muñoz et al., 1995; Seligman, Schulman, DeRubeis, & Hollon, 1999). For example,
Seligman et al. (1999) report on an intervention whose topics included: “(a) the cognitive theory
of change (the relationship between thoughts, feelings, and behaviors); (b) identifying negative
thoughts and underlying beliefs; (c) marshaling evidence to question and dispute automatic
negative thoughts and irrational beliefs… and (d) replacing automatic negative thoughts with
more constructive interpretations, beliefs, and behaviors….” [no page number given].
ACT takes a distinctly different perspective. Rather than encouraging people to dispute and
try to get rid of negative thoughts, it encourages people to accept whatever thoughts they have,
but to look at them as thoughts, not as accurate descriptions of their situation or the world.
Through acceptance and defusion, the influence of such thoughts is diminished, even if their
frequency remains unchanged. As evidence cited above suggests, efforts to control such
thoughts may be counterproductive.
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Two lines of evidence are consistent with the possibility that this is a more fruitful approach
to preventing (and treating) depression. First, ACT seems to have an equal (Forman Herbert,
Moitra, Yeomans, & Geller, in press; Zettle & Rains, 1989) or greater (Zettle & Hayes,
1986; Lappalainen, Lehtonen, Skarp, Taubert, Ojanen, & Hayes, 2007) impact on depression
as compared to traditional cognitive-behavioral treatment. In all of these studies, ACT effects
were mediated by experiential avoidance and related ACT processes, which the present paper
shows predict positive outcomes in a broad range of areas. That is not true with the processes
altered by traditional CBT methods. Second, recent component analysis studies comparing
behavioral activation (in which people are encouraged to become more active, but do not
receive cognitive intervention) with full-blown cognitive-behavior therapy have shown that
behavioral activation is as effective (Gortner, Gollan, Dobson, & Jacobson, 1998; Jacobson &
Christensen, 1996) or more effective (Dimidjian et al., 2006) than traditional cognitive
behavior therapy. Furthermore, there is little evidence that the processes manipulated by
traditional CBT actually predict CBT outcomes (Longmore & Worrell, 2007). The ACT focus
on values and commitment, coupled with acceptance and defusion, orients people to take action
in the service of their values, even in the face of stressful events. Such an orientation may be
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particularly valuable in preventing the onset of depression, when one encounters stressful
experiences.
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ACT in Education
A few small studies are occurring on ACT's impact in educational settings, such as junior high
health classes, college classes, Phys Ed programs (e.g., Yoga) and after-school programs. For
example, one recent study, available so far only in dissertation form, found that a randomly
assigned but required high-school ACT health class led to lower levels of stress and anxiety at
a one-year (Livheim, 2004) and two-year (Jakobsson & Wellin, 2006) follow-up. These
changes were mediated by greater acceptance of undesirable thoughts and feelings.
Acceptance, defusion, and mindfulness are teachable skills. Additionally, there seem to be
fewer barriers in teaching them in schools than with other methods more closely linked to
functionally similar methods (e.g., meditation) but also linked in the public mind to specific
religions (e.g., Buddhism).
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ACT is also relevant to dealing with the stress problems of teachers. Compared with the general
population, teachers are at higher risk for psychological distress and low job satisfaction
(Schonfeld, 1990). Teachers in schools with high levels of misbehavior and other stressful
conditions experience more stress and burnout (Abel & Sewell, 2001). Gersten, Keating,
Yovanoff, & Harniss (2001) reported that stress among special education teachers is related to
their intention to leave the field. Thus, addressing the stress problems of teachers may be
important for improving education, keeping teachers in the field, and improving the quality of
their lives. Given the impact of recent ACT studies on reducing stress and burnout among drug
abuse counselors (Hayes, Bissett et al., 2004) and call center employees (Bond & Bunce,
2000; 2003), we are exploring its value for teachers. There is also evidence from work with
drug abuse counselors that they are more likely to adopt new treatment procedures after an
ACT workshop (Varra, Hayes, Roget, & Fisher, 2007). This suggests that ACT may be
instrumental in influencing teachers to try the many evidence-based practices that prevention
researchers are trying to introduce into schools.
ACT may also be useful in preventing problems among college students. Most colleges and
universities conduct freshman orientation classes that include material on withstanding the
stress of college life. It is common for these classes to include material on emotional
intelligence, healthy thinking styles, and the like, even though correlational and mediational
analyses provide more support for acceptance and mindfulness than they do for these processes
(e.g., Donaldson & Bond, 2004). Thus, it is important to conduct research on the value of ACT
for improving our ability to prevent the most common problems of college students.
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ACT at Work
A number of randomized trials have already shown the benefit of ACT methods in the
workplace (Bond & Bunce, 2000; Hayes, Bissett et al., 2004). Acceptance and mindfulness
seem to predict not only fewer health problems but also higher work performance (Bond &
Bunce, 2003; Donaldson & Bond, 2004). Other randomized trials have shown ACT to prevent
pain-related worker disability and to have a dramatic effect on absences associated with illness
(Dahl, Wilson, & Nilsson, 2004). Prevention scientists have done relatively little work on
prevention in the worksite. These findings suggest a strategy that could greatly expand the
ability of prevention scientists to make a difference in work settings.
ACT in Medical Care
Many visits to a health provider involve behavioral health issues (Vogt et al., 1998). However,
traditional psychological models have a hard time fitting in the time demands of primary
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medical healthcare. It is possible to disseminate the core ACT message in short interventions;
the fit between an ACT model and pragmatic normal healthcare is good. Already a number of
studies have occurred on ACT as a support for front line medical healthcare.
For example, in one randomized trial, Gregg, Callaghan, Hayes, and Glenn-Lawson (2007)
added three hours of ACT training to patient education received at a public health clinic by
poor and mostly minority patients with Type II diabetes (N = 81). After three-months, ACT
outperformed education alone on changes in self-management behavior and percentage of
patients in blood glucose (HbA1C) control. Mediational analyses showed that diabetes-related
acceptance and action, combined with self-management, meditated blood glucose control.
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Similarly, Lundgren, Dahl, Melin, and Kees (2006) conducted a small randomized trial (N =
27) comparing ACT to an attention placebo with poor, institutionalized South African
epileptics who were receiving medical care for their seizures. A nine-hour ACT intervention
reduced the total time per month seizing by over 95%. The participants maintained these
improvements over one year. Equally important, by integrating ACT into medical care, patients
began a new path in their lives more generally. The authors used the WHO Quality of Life
Scale and its subscales (environmental, physical, and psychological health and social
relationships) looking for improvement in overall quality of life. They had no improvement at
post, but began to improve at six-month follow-up, and showed large and significant changes
at one year (between condition Cohen's d for the overall scale of = .28, .51, and 1.59 across
post, six-month follow-up, and one-year follow-up, respectively, with similar findings on all
four subscales). ACT produced very large improvements at post and both follow-ups in a
specific epilepsy-focused version of the AAQ (between condition d above 2.8 at all occasions),
and measures of changes in values attainment and persistence in the face of psychological
barriers, which fully mediated both the seizure improvements and the quality of life
improvements seen a year later.
Given these kinds of results, it seems important to develop and test short applications of the
ACT model in primary healthcare and to test the ability of these strategies to increase adherence
to medical regimens and to prevent problems beyond the specific areas addressed.
Implications for Policy
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To the extent that experiential avoidance and its converse, acceptance, are shown to be
important for human wellbeing, it will be important to examine how public policy affects them.
For example, our society makes extensive use of punishment in order to deal with undesirable
social behavior (Biglan, 1995). Often the punishment process communicates to people that
they should not engage in the behavior and, in the context of a culture that teaches that behavior
is due to thoughts and feelings, the message is implicit that people should control their thoughts
and feelings. Acceptance research suggests that this may only heighten an offender's experience
of thoughts and feelings associated with engaging in the unwanted behavior and which the
offender feels makes the behavior irresistible. Research might explore if our policies for dealing
with those who break the law or school rules should include a process of fostering acceptance.
The Potential of Acceptance-Based Strategies
Many of the most successful strategies of prevention interventions arose from cognitive
behavior therapy and basic and applied behavior-analytic research. However, research over
the past 20 years has found substantial room for improving our preventive interventions and,
until lately, it has been unclear from where new initiatives might arise. The evidence reviewed
here indicates that recent research in behavior therapy and verbal behavior have delineated a
core verbal process—experiential avoidance—that seems to be a risk factor for a wide range
of human problems. Interventions that assist people in accepting difficult thoughts and feelings
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and focusing instead on effective action seem to have great promise for increasing the efficacy
of our interventions. We might also examine a variety of related concepts in the ACT work
and related approaches (e.g., values attainment, focus on the present, mindfulness) for possible
sources of new prevention approaches, which only stress the possibility that newer behavioral
and cognitive approaches hold the promise of improving the precision and impact of prevention
research.
Acknowledgments
NIDA Grant Numbers DA017868 and DA018760 and NIMH Grant Number MH074968 supported in part the
preparation of this manuscript. The authors thank Christine Cody for editorial help and help in preparation of the
document.
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