The Galatians and Cabyle. A fragmentary inscription and its context.

STUDIA ARCHAEOLOGICA UNIVERSITATIS SERDICENSIS Supplementum IV (2005) Stephanos Archaeologicos in honorem Professoris Ludmili Getov _____________________ THE GALATIANS AND CABYLE A FRAGMENTARY INSCRIPTION AND ITS CONTEXT JULIJ EMILOV The battle of Couropedion in 281 BC and the end of Lysimachus’ rule in Thrace, Macedonia and Asia Minor followed by the Galatian campaigns in the Balkans and Anatolia in the beginning of the 70ties of the third century BC marked a period of significant political transformations in the Hellenistic world. Antigonos Gonatas was recognized as a king of the Macedons after his sound victory over a Galatian band near Lysimachia in the late summer of 277 BC and managed to establish the house of Antigonids as a ruling family in Macedonia until the Roman involvement in the region (Gruen 1984: 429–436; Green 1990: 134). A victory over the Galatians appeared to be the best and quickest way to win solid international prestige. The theme was successfully employed by the Aitolians expanding immensely the political influence and the military force of their koinon in Continental Greece after the Galatian campaign to Delphi (Scholten 2000: 30). A slogan of saving the Hellenic world from the destructive barbarian forces was also introduced in Anatolia and both the Seleucids followed more successfully by the Attalids of Pergamon proclaimed their victories against the barbarians on inscriptions and architectural monuments (Worrle 1975; Marszal 2000; Gruen 2000: 17 ff). The actual role of the Galatians in the affairs of the Hellenistic world was certainly not among the leading ones. Political importance of the military accomplishments against their tribal groups in Anatolia was beyond doubt a matter of exaggeration as illustrated by contemporary Pergamene art and "Kulturpolitik" (Allen 1983: 73; Schales 1985; Gruen 2000: 20 ff).* The European Galatians or more precisely the ones which remained in ancient Thrace near the enigmatic Tylis did not had the historical chance of their Anatolian kinsmen to become a subject of artistic representations as the famous statuary groups presumably Pergamene in origin known by Roman replica (Steward 2000 with op. cit). The history of their kingdom of Tylis, its territory, political weight and relations to the other centers of power in Thrace is rather problematic (cf. recent studies on the history of the period in Thrace: Delev 2003 with op. cit; Делев 2004: 282). The Galatian invasions and settlement in the Thracian plain certainly have changed the political landscape but it is hard to assess if these events had such a devastating effect on the development of the local communities as suggested (Bенедиков 1955; Mihailov 1961). Taking in consideration the paucity of written sources and archaeological discoveries relevant to the turbulent times in Thrace of the second quarter and the second half of the 3rd century BC it is questionable whether the crisis caused by the Galatians * The idea of this article was born during my research in the library of EFA. I take the occasion to express my gratitude to the institution for the support. 324 is not an invented modern conception, which sets about the shortcomings of the information in hand. Every attempt to present a coherent picture of Thrace in post Lysimachus period faces brief and scattered evidence of the ancient authors supplemented to a certain degree by evidence of numismatic data and several epigraphic monuments from Messambria and Apollonia Pontica (cf. Данов 1952; Михайлов 1955; Тачева 1981; 1997: 25 ff; Delev 2003; Делев 2004: 280–295). In this respect, a badly preserved inscription from Cabyle and a hypothetical reconstruction of the combination ΓΑΛΑ on the marble slab as ΓΑΛΑΤΑΙ or ΓΑΛΑΤΩΝ deserves attention as a curious testimony of the Galatians in Thrace and the interaction between different communities and political entities in the region. The fragment of the inscription is discovered by chance near a basilical building of Late Antiquity period in Cabyle (see Appendix ). The monument is published by V. Velkov and dated to the second half of the 3rd century BC (Велков 1985: 24–25; 1991: 11–12, обр. 2). It is the paleography of the preserved letters and the inscriptions mentioning Galatians found in other parts of the Hellenistic world that constitute the basis of suggested dating. An attempt will be made in this paper to present a short overview on several of the inscriptions related to the activities of or against the Galatians. In this order, some light could be thrown on the historical background of the fragmented inscription from Cabyle and the actions of the Galatians registered in the epigraphic records of the period. The actual context of the find strictu sensu – uncovered in vicinity of much later construction is of no help in regards to inscription’s content and probable dating. These issues are examined in the framework of some historical and archaeological evidence from the region providing a broader context of the partially preserved epigraphic monument and reflecting the major trends of cultural process in the valleys of ancient Tonzos and Hebros rivers. Information of Galatians appear in epigraphic documents of Hellenistic age shortly after the Delphic campaign (278 BC) and in the following period both Galatians acting as mercenaries or on their own are preserved in the record. An inscription from the Aegean island of Cos (Dittenberger Syll3 398) is among the earliest examples. It expresses the spontaneous enthusiasm of the inhabitants of the island on learning the news of the barbarian retreat from Delphi and celebrates the events as a day of victory and salvation (Momigliano 1975: 61; Nachtergael 1977). While Brennus and his forces were raiding towards the sanctuary of Apollo a Galatian band under the leadership of Leonorius and Lutarios pillaged the Propontis. This force consisted of three separate tribes of Tolistobogii, Tectosages and Trocmi looking for land to settle. After invitation from Nicomedes, ruler of Bithynia, they landed in Anatolia and caused instability in western part of Asia Minor, which culminated in the famous "Elephant battle" (BarKochva 1973). The Galatians searched for booty the coastal centers of trade and posed danger to the areas legendary of its rich (Strobel 1996: 236–252; Cunliffe 1997: 83 ff). An inscription from Priene (Dittenberger OGIS 765) dated to this period records opposition of the community of Priene against invading Galatians and honors Sotas – a prominent citizen of his participation in the events and his virtues. A stele in Cyzikus (Dittenberger OGIS 748) on other hand expresses the gratitude of the citizens to Phileitairos (ca 300–263 BC), ruler of Pergamon for a series of benefactions in the resistance against the Galatians. The dynast had a military success over the Galatians, an event later commemorated on a dedication on Delos (Gruen 2000: 18 with op.cit). Antiochus I victory over the Galatians best illustrated by a terracotta statuette of an Indian 325 war elephant attacking a Galatian warrior from Myrina, at present in Musée du Louvre lays the beginning of Seleucid royal propaganda (Bienkowski 1928: 141 ff, fig. 212–213). The ruler is celebrated as Soter after triumph on battlefield over the barbarians as an inscription from Laodicea and several others monuments suggest (Worrle 1975; Green 1990: 140; Strobel 1996: 260–262; 2002). After the initial hostilities the heirs of Antiochus I on the Seleucid throne took a more practical approach towards the incomers and started to employ Galatian mercenaries in their campaigns. As a consequence there is a constant number of Galatians in the Seleucid army taking part in any major battle during the second half of the 3rd and the beginning of the 2nd century BC (Griffith 1935: 166 ff ). Victories of Attalos I (241–197 BC) over Galatian contingents serving in the forces of Antiochus Hierax and defeats inflicted on several of the Galatian tribes are denoted on several inscriptions from Pergamon (Dittenberger OGIS 269, 275, 276, 280). As early as 274BC Galatians made their way into an Egyptian army. Initially 4000 Galatians were engaged to suppress a revolt in Cyrene. Their dissatisfaction with the employer ended in a desert island of the Nile where the Galatian warriors were taken to perish by hunger and each other swords (Griffith 1935: 119 ff with op. cit). Some of the later recruits of Galatians in Egyptian service had a more convincing performance and were settled in cleruchies. In 186 BC they wrote on a little temple of Horus in Abydos in Egypt: "we of the corps of the Galatians have come and have captured a fox" (Dittenberger OGIS 757). If it is really a fox or a jackal they caught is certainly not of importance but the inscription is a single evidence of this kind, a written testimony made by Galatian mercenaries (Momigliano 1975: 53 ff). It should be noted however that the corps of Galatians serving in the Ptolemaic army in the beginning of the 2nd century BC is composed by sons and grandsons 326 of long established settlers near the Nile and the number of new recruits is relatively small (cf. Polyb. 5.65). In this respect the inscription of Abydos reflects process of Hellenization among the Galatian mercenaries in Egypt and greatly diverges from the bulk of the epigraphic evidence discussed above. To the very beginning of the 2nd century BC is dated an inscription (Dittenberger Syll3 757) which registers help of the Massaliots to Lamsacus in relations of the city to the Galatians in Anatolia. It is a curious document of diplomacy and refers to the Phocean origin of both poleis and reputation of Massalia as intermediary in contacts to Galatians against the background of Massalian successful interaction to indigenous population in the valley of river Rhone. One of the most famous epigraphic monuments related to the activities of Galatians outside Anatolia is the inscription of Protogenes from Olbia, now preserved in the Public Library of St. Petersburg (Shchukin 1995 with op. cit). On paleographical grounds, the text is dated to the last decades of the 3rd century BC and provides a description of barbarian invasion in the chora of Olbia. The decree is in honour of Protogenes, a wealthy citizen who rebuilt the fortifications of the polis in the time when Galatians and Scirians were heading towards the urban center near the estuary of the Southern Bug River. By its nature, the inscription resembles the one of Sotas from Priene celebrating a distinguished citizen on his actions in favor of the endangered community. On the other hand Protogenes decree poses several problems of dating the Galatian penetration in this part of Black sea littoral and the events described in the text as most of the La Tène finds associated with the Galatians in the area belong to Duchcov-Münsingen phase of the early 3rd century (Shchukin 1995: 212). Another contradiction to dating in the last decades of the 3rd century is the fact that all settlements near Olbia were destroyed in the first or the second third of the cen- tury and no hillside suburbs of oiketai mentioned in the text existed at the time of paleographical date (Shchukin 1995: 214 with op. cit). One possible solution of the inconsistencies between archaeological data and results of epigraphic methods of dating in this case is the suggestion that record on marble is made several decades after the actual time of the events. The inscription of Protogenes is an illustration of the difficulty in dating and interpreting a historical event such as Galatian expansion to Eastern Europe and local events of Olbian history based on paleographical features of a single epigraphic document. It also reveals the importance of relation between textual information and its contextual archaeological background especially in geographical areas of scanty written sources and extremely limited number of decisively and closely dated epigraphic documents. In the instance of the monument from Cabyle, the matter is even more complicated due to the fragmentation of the inscription. There is no available narrative (see Appendix) or even a single line, which could allow direct comparison to any of the inscriptions, mentioned above. It does not seems plausible however to suppose it is an inscription similar to the one from Cos celebrating the salvation of Delphic sanctuary or like the writing from Abydos of Galatian mercenaries who marked their visit to a place with a notice of their leisure time amusements. On the other hand, there is no information in ancient written sources or indication in archaeological contexts of any destructions or disasters taking place in Cabyle in the beginning of the 70-ties of the 3rd century at the peak of Galatian raids in Thrace nor yet in the following decades. It does not imply that relations of the urban center situated at the great bend of the river Tonzos to the incomers were serene and peaceful but at present stage of research there is no evidence of conflict and hostility. Taking in consideration the available information V. Velkov suggested the involvement of the Seleucids in the political affairs in Thrace and the campaign of Antiochus II Theos (261 – 246 BC) as one of the possibilities to situate the fragmentary inscription in historical context (Велков 1985; 1991). The exact chronology of military operation of Antiochus II in Europe is a matter of debate in the modern scholarship as well as the opponents and territorial scope of his activities in Thrace (Юрукова 1982; Тачева 1997: 24 – 25, 36; Делев 2004: 287). The Seleucids managed to impose their rule for a short time in lower course of the river Hebros and neighboring Thracian Chersonese according to information of the sources and attested by issued silver tetradrachms of Antiochus II in Lysimachia (Юрукова 1982: 4 with op. cit). On other hand, the activity of this Seleucid king was not confined only to coastal Aegean regions and the Straits. Considerable number of his coins are discovered in inner Thrace and a stategus of Antiochus II army is honored in a fragmented Doric decree found in Apollonia Pontica dated to the middle of the 3rd century BC (Юрукова 1982: 1–8; Драганов 1986; 1991; 1993: 56–58; Delev 2003: 113). Notice of the friendly relations between Cabyle and the Syrian ruler is the fact that bronze mints of Antiochus II had a wide distribution in Cabyle and the local authorities stamped a countermark of the city on the Seleucid coins to validate their participation in the internal circulation on equal basis to the local currency (Драганов 1991: 206; 1993: 56–58). In this context the fragmentary inscription from Cabyle is interpreted as a treaty between the urban center on Tonzos and Antiochus II (Велков 1985: 23–28; 1991: 12). Penetration of Antiochus II mints followed by official recognition of his monetary units is the economic expression of his domination and direct consequence of the agreement. The role of the Galatians in these affairs and their relation to the events in the middle of the 3rd century remains obscure. They are among 327 the potential enemies in the Thracian campaign of Antiochus II (Delev 2003: 114) and if we accept the idea that the fragment of inscription from Cabyle is such an agreement Galatians could be mentioned in the text as a clause in φιλ…α or συμμαχ…α treaty between the sides. In Hellenistic instruments of diplomacy φιλ…α and related to it συμμαχ…α indicate amity and collaborative agreement involving partnership in war (Gruen 1984: 69 ff with op. cit.). Military enterprise of Antiochus II against the Ptolemeis in the Thracian littoral and Seleucid involvement in the affairs in Thrace are appropriate circumstances to establish relations of φιλ…α and συμμαχ…α with Cabyle, one of the leading political entities in inner Thrace. Another possibility following the same line of thought but adding some nuance to military cooperation and friendly relations discussed above is to view the inscription in the framework of royal propaganda popular during the Hellenistic period. Repeated slogans of ™leuqer…a and aÙtonom…a are regularly proclaimed by the epigonoi. The house of Seleucus also adopted such formulas and reiterated it from reign to reign stressing on the continuity and maintaining the order. This announcement was an efficient instrument employed by the major Hellenistic powers to assure the good will and cooperation of lesser states (Gruen 1984: 133–140). The Galatians could be mentioned in relation to the image of Seleucid rulers as protectors of freedom and autonomy indicating the achievements of Antiochus Soter, father of Antiochus II Theos against the barbarians. The main argument in favor of Seleucid actions against the Galatians is a partly preserved Doric decree from Apollonia (Mихайлов 1948: 63–66, IGBulg 12 No 388, IGBulg 5 No 5136). It registers the help of the Antiochus to endangered Pontic poleis and honors a strategus of the Syrian king. In the commentary to the inscription, the editor discussed the problem of identification 328 of Antiochus from the monument – Antiochus Theos or Antiochus the Great. The threat to the Pontic settlements however is not explicitly stated in the text and it is conjectural that Galatians are the ones repelled with the assistance of Seleucid forces. Such a scenario cannot be ruled out as well as any actions of Antiochus II against the Galatians. Written sources however remain silent on any activity of the Galatians in Thrace until the time of their last king Cavarus in the beginning of the last quarter of the 3rd century (Тачева 1981, 1997: 35 ff). The coins minted in Cabyle in the name of the last ruler of Galatians in Thrace are the single evidence of direct connection between the Hellenistic center and the kingdom of Tylis (Draganov 1984; Драганов 1985). There are similarities between the coins of Cavarus and the countermark of Cabyle on the Antiochus II coins – image of the goddess Artemis with a pair of torches. The same figure is engraved on the autonomous coinage of city (Draganov 1984: 96– 99; Драганов 1986: 81–89; 1991: 204 with op. cit). Striking at the same time of Cavarus issues and silver coinage of the city poses the question what were the reasons and the circumstances that forced Cabyle to mint in the name of Galatian ruler. It is suggested Cavarus issues were tribute to the Galatians similar to the contributions paid by Byzantion to the political formation of Tylis (Герасимов 1959: 119). According to Polybios information (4.46) at the time of Cavarus Byzantion was forced to raise the contribution up to 80 talents annually (Walbank 1957: 499–500; Werner 1996: 288). On the other hand, in a fragment of Polybios (8.25) Cavarus is noted as providing a security of the traders in the Pontic area. Byzantion remained the main focus of interest for the Thracian Galatians and their last ruler is involved in the conflict of Byzantion and Rhodes and a peace mission in 220 BC – beyond doubt an extraordinary political move to ensure the revenues from Pontic trade (Домарадски 1984: 86; Domaradzki 1995: 126–127). It seems the Galatian tribute imposed on Cabyle was a single act and a brief episode of urban center history rather than a notion of long-term dependency and pressure (Delev 2003: 110). Is it possible to associate the fragmentary inscription from Cabyle mentioning Galatians to this episode? The context is beyond doubt appropriate and the chronology of the events does not contradict to broad dating of the inscription based on paleographical features of the monument in the second half of the 3rd century. Maybe it was an agreement between Cabyle and Galatians concerning the tribute of the city or a decree in honour of a citizen involved in the events. Such an interpretation cannot be ignored although the exact nature of the inscription remains unclear due to its fragmentation and lack of available basis of comparison. The urban center situated at the great bend of the river Tonzos is an example of continuous development during the 3rd century BC (Велков 1991а). Intensive trade relations to Aegean and Pontic centers as Rhodes, Cnidos, Cos and Sinope are indicated by numerous amphora stamps discovered in the city (Гетов 1995: 118–122). Wide distribution of its autonomous coinage is also an evidence of active commercial activity and incorporation in the Hellenistic koine (Драганов 1993: 91–92). Cabyle gives an impression of political stability, emergence of social structures similar to the Hellenistic poleis and economic prosperity in the period following the Galatian raids and contemporary to the existence of Galatian kingdom of Tylis. It appears that some of the communities in Thrace not only have survived the arrival of the fierce warriors from Central Europe, but also managed to take advantage of important factors as favorable geographic location and economic potential to preserve their autonomy and benefit from the relations to the major Hellenistic centers. Hellenistic fashion could be observed also in the grave goods discovered in the necropolis of the Cabyle citizens (Гетов 1991). At the present stage of research, there is a single find of La Tène type discovered in the territory of Cabyle. A double-loop spring of a bronze fibula is found close to the left shoulder of the individual buried in tumulus No 7 (Гетов 1991: 174–175). The grave is one of the most representative structures in the investigated necropolis from the Hellenistic period. Wooden planks cover the sidewalls of the grave pit roofed in addition by wooden beams. Among the inventory of the grave – an iron sword, an iron candelabrum, an iron strigil, two funeral wreaths as well as the pottery correspond to the elaborate grave construction and demonstrate Hellenistic fashion in the expression of status and group identity of the individual. One swallow however does not make a summer and a single spiral of La Tène fibula does not change the overall impression that adornments of such types are not a regular element of the costume popular in Cabyle during the 3rd century. This striking fact stands out more clearly in comparison to the other urban center located on upper Tonzos river. In Seuthopolis 108 intact or partly preserved fibulae are discovered 26 of which belong to La Tène related types with double-looped spirals (Ognenova 1974; Огненова 1984: 160– 163; Домарадски 1991: 135–136; 2000: 207). Some of these finds are undoubtedly a local production in the decades prior to destruction of the center and reflect changing fashion of these items during the first half of the 3rd century. One possible explanation of the double spiral introduction and production of the artifacts are contacts of local groups in Thrace to the Galatians and to the cultural traditions of La Tène Europe. The lack of such finds in Cabyle and in the territory under his control at the present stage of research is apparent and leads to the assumption that the urban center was not actively involved in this process. At the very beginning of the 2nd century BC a major event in the history of Cabyle is the mili- 329 tary campaigns of Philip V (221–179 BC). The results of the investigation of Western fortification wall date the destructions and the abandonment of defense structures because of the interference of the Macedons (Домарадски 1991 a: 60). The actions of this Hellenistic monarch had more profound effects on the development of the urban center than the Galatian raids in Thrace and political formation of Tylis. APPE NDIX (after Велков 1991: 11) Historical museum Jambol INV. No I – 1068. Marble slab. Height – 0. 43 m. Width – 0. 085 m. Thickness – 0. 027 m. Preserved part ΤΩ ΤΩΙ ΕΥΜΑ ΒΑΣΙ 5 ΤΗΣΠ ΓΑΛΑ ΤΑΙΚ ΙΔΙΑ ΤΩΝ of a band and left part of an inscription. Height of the letters – 0. 01–0. 014 m. Discovered by chance in 1970 in Late Antiquity basilica. βασι[λεÝς?] τÁς π[Õλεως] Γαλ¦[ται?] B IB L IOGR APHY Allen, R. E. 1983. The Attalids Kingdom, A Constitutional History. Oxford. Bar-Kochva, B. 1973. On the Sources and Chronology of Antiochus I's Battle against the Galatians. – Proceedings of Cambridge Philological Society 199, 1–8. 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