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Published in final edited form as:
Parent Sci Pract. 2011 July 1; 11(2-3): 152–162. doi:10.1080/15295192.2011.585561.
Attributions and Attitudes of Mothers and Fathers in Kenya
Paul Odhiambo Oburu
Department of Educational Psychology, Maseno University, P.O. Box 333-40105, Maseno, Kenya
SYNOPSIS
Objective—The present study examined differences and similarities between Kenyan mothers
and fathers in attributions regarding successes and failures in caregiving situations and progressive
versus authoritarian attitudes.
Design—Interviews were conducted with both mothers and fathers in 100 two-parent families in
Kenya.
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Results—Mothers were more likely to make attributions regarding adult-controlled failure in
caregiving situations than were fathers, but mothers and fathers did not differ on attributions
regarding uncontrollable success, child-controlled failure, or authoritarian or progressive attitudes.
Moderate to large correlations were found between mothers and fathers in terms of attributions
regarding uncontrollable success, authoritarian attitudes, and modernity of attitudes.
Conclusions—Kenyan mothers and fathers hold very similar attributions for success and
failures in caregiving situations as well as parenting attitudes.
INTRODUCTION
Kenyan Culture
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Studies that have compared childrearing patterns and socialization processes across many
cultures or assessed the links between culturally determined belief systems have consistently
reported that outcomes of child development can partly be ascribed to attribution processes
consisting of personality attributes of the parent, ability, effort, and the operation of
externally determined cultural influences (e.g., Harkness & Super, 1996; LeVine, 1988).
These studies, while confirming the important roles played by parents in socializing their
children, have also reported that parents who perceived greater control over their own lives
and destiny were more likely to link parenting outcomes to their own efforts and ability. In
such circumstances, success was more likely ascribed to internal attributes related to
personality, ability, and effort or due to other externally determined and impersonal forces
(e.g., Zuckerman, 1979). Thus, when considering guiding principles that are likely to
influence Kenyan parents’ attribution possibilities, one must take into account internal
factors likely to influence individual parents’ attribution processes and complex, rich,
varied, and continuously evolving cultures of the pluralistic and heterogeneous Kenyan
people who are exposed to numerous changes related to urbanization, development,
modernization, Western forms of education, and competing heritages (Ma & Schoeneman,
1997; Sobania, 2003).
The impact of globalization is not unique to the Kenyan experience, but it is a factor that has
helped homogenize cultures, interests, and desires such that global influences increasingly
similarities among Kenyans. The most affected have been youth (Frederiksen, 2000; Ma &
Correspondence concerning this manuscript may be addressed to Paul Odhiambo Oburu, Department of Educational Psychology,
Maseno University, Box 333-40105, Maseno, Kenya. Phone: +25457351620/21/22. Fax: +25457351221. poburu@yahoo.com.
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Schoeneman, 1997). However, in addition to globalizing influences, local social factors
within Kenya, such as the rapidly growing population, poverty, widespread impact of HIV/
AIDS on family configurations, and institutionalized and gender-based discriminatory
practices against women, may have implications for parenting attributions and attitudes.
The national census of 2009 estimated the total population of Kenya to be 38 million people,
with a median age of 18 years, spread across eight provinces. Kenya’s life expectancy
(estimated to be 53 years) is declining due to widespread impoverishment and heavy
concentration of HIV/AIDS related mortalities amongst males, young adults, and the
middle-aged population. The annual adult mortality rate is estimated to be 387 per 1000
among persons aged 15 to 60, and the infant mortality rate is 34 children per 1000 live births
(Kenya Statistical Abstract, 2009). In terms of socioeconomic indicators, more than half of
the Kenyan population (53.8%) lives on less than USD$2 per day. The country’s Gross
Domestic Product was estimated to be USD$54.95 million in 2007. The GDP growth was
7.1% in the same year but dropped to 1.7% due to the 2007–2008 post-election related
violence (Kenya Statistical Abstract, 2009). Adult literacy rates are estimated to be 73.6%,
with a combined school enrolment for primary, secondary, and tertiary institutions
calculated to be 60.1% (Kenya Statistical Abstract, 2009).
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The high mortality rates especially amongst children and male adults are more likely to
increase individual Kenyan’s impoverishment and perceptions of vulnerability to external
determiners of control and attributions. Additionally, the widespread deaths of males,
especially with the advent of HIV/AIDS deaths and comorbidity, have altered family
structures and configurations resulting in transformations of gender roles and emergence of
non-traditional role shifts and family structures characterized by absentee males and childor woman-headed households. This circumstance suggests that increased levels of HIV/
AIDS related mortalities have likely shifted the power balance in favor of once
underprivileged women and children. The terminal nature of HIV/AIDS and vulnerability
generated by the realization that the scourge has no known cure has generated increased
levels of non-normative caregiving responsibilities that occur when women and children are
forced to take on childrearing roles on their own after the deaths of once predominant males.
It is likely that additional roles could differently affect women now forced by changed
circumstances to take on childcaring duties at a time when they are exposed to general
impoverishment and high mortalities generated by the HIV/AIDS related deaths. One likely
consequence could be that difficulties related to caregiving burdens generate ambivalent
feelings of inadequacy in cases of apparent childrearing failures.
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Previous research also suggested that impoverished contexts favor the development of
collectivistic tendencies and self-concepts that are geared towards the satisfaction of
communal rather than individual goals (e.g., Frederiksen, 2000; Ma & Schoeneman, 1997).
Additionally, the perceived vulnerability generated by externally determined factors such as
widespread politically motivated violence, impoverishment, and higher HIV/AIDS related
mortalities are more likely to lead underprivileged individuals into externally attributing
their failures to factors beyond their control (Altrocchi & Altrocchi, 1995). In Kenya’s
impoverished contexts, institutional and economic opportunities for the advancement of both
males and females are limited. Kenyan women are, however, more disadvantaged than men
even in situations where they possess similar levels of education, probably due to minimal
advancement opportunities and entrenched gender based discriminatory practices against
women (Frederiksen, 2000). Such circumstances and disadvantages are more likely to
encourage external rather internal attributions of outcomes especially amongst women
(Zuckerman, 1979).
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Given the unique circumstances and also due to varied heritages of different groups within
Kenya, it is erroneous to consider Kenya as a single cultural entity. Yet, it is a country
similarly exposed to varying levels of acculturation and homogenization forces that are also
affecting the rest of the world (Sobania, 2003). Kenyans are, however, in a unique position
where they are daily influenced by loyalty to traditional norms, but also exposed to and
influenced by complexities associated with modernity, Islam, Christianity, politics, science,
and technology. These influences have either altered or superimposed foreign lifestyles onto
traditional mores and practices such that contemporary Kenyans profess ways of thinking
not wholly grounded in Africa’s traditional religions and philosophies (Nsamenang & Looh, 2009) but on colonial and neocolonial legacies derived either from their association with
Western educational experiences and European American cultural imperialism that they are
daily exposed to by Western mass media (Mazrui & Lewin, 1986; Mbiti, 1992).
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Although each ethnic group in Kenya has distinctive socio-cultural traditions, mores,
language, self-identity, nostalgic memories of a fast disappearing past, and shared group
ideals for the future that broadly distinguishes it from out groups, there are also common ties
that bind the diverse Kenyan communities. For example, inter-ethnic marriages, formal
employment, education, and trade are some of the forces that have helped spread
commonalties across ethnic groups within Kenya. The centuries old international trade
between the Bantus living along the East African coast and merchants from Europe, the Far
East, and interior of Africa has led to the emergence of Kiswahili as a national language and
the spread of Islam, Christianity, and urbanization along the coastal city states and trade
routes across many parts of East and Central Africa. These varying levels of acculturation
related to trade, urbanization, and Western influenced education systems have been reported
to reduce collectivist tendencies by increasing many Kenyans’ access to factors of wealth
production and also opening up avenues for disadvantaged groups to climb social ladders
and be exposed to external experiences. Modernizing factors could also attenuate presumed
interethnic differences by increasing the evolution of sub-cultures with shared
commonalities rather than differences. The increased interaction possibilities and widening
of social space is also likely to increase individuals’ perceived control over their own
destiny, boost self-esteem, and enhance internal attributions especially amongst traditionally
disadvantaged groups (Altrocchi & Altrocchi, 1995; Frederiksen, 2000).
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To fully understand factors influencing parenting attributions and attitudes in Kenya, it may
be necessary to focus on within-group differences in particular Kenyan ethnic groups. The
Luo are the ethnic group within Kenya that constitutes the focus of the present study. The
Luo are the third largest ethnic community in Kenya; other Luo groups are also found in
Uganda, Ethiopia, Southern Sudan, Eastern Congo, and Tanzania. The Luo make up 13% of
the total Kenyan population. Traditional Luos are principally fishermen due to their
proximity to Lake Victoria. The need to focus on a specific Kenyan ethnic group becomes
more evident when one considers that, although distinctive differences in childrearing
practices have been reported across cultures (e.g., Harkness & Super, 1996; Levine, 1988),
not much is known about parenting attributions and attitudes of specific, non-Western, nonindustrialized, tribal, non-literate, collectivist societies (Javo, Ronning, & Heyerdahl, 2004).
The choice of the Luo as a focus for the present study was also based on their perceived
representativeness of Kenyan ethnic groups especially in regard to experiences with
acculturation. Just like other Kenyan groups, the Luos are presumably at a cultural crossroad due to Westernization to which they are exposed daily. A distinctive characteristic of
the ethnic group is their “love for modernity,” while at the same time making full
compliance with traditional norms, and respect for the elderly and also for one another
(Oburu, 2004; Ocholla-Ayayo, 1976, 1997). Traditionally, amongst the Kenyan Luos,
children and married women belonged to the father’s side of the family. Divorce and
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separation were not encouraged. Another unique aspect of Luo customs and traditions was
that even when widowed, remarriage for women (also known as wife inheritance or ter) was
expected to occur within families between close relatives due to brothers’ and close
relatives’ affinity to social norms and perceived responsibility for taking care of the interests
of vulnerable widows and children. The custom is no longer widely practiced due to
modernization, Christianization, and the perceived links of tero (act of inheriting) to HIV/
AIDS related mortalities that have transformed traditional Luo ways of life and thinking.
Due to its contagion effect and terminal nature, HIV/AIDS was initially perceived as a death
sentence “disease for the morally irresponsible.” This suggested that the infected likely
attribute causation to internal attributes such as inability to take full control over their own
sexuality (Zuckerman, 1979).
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Through the proximal location of the “Luo County” at the terminus of the Kenya-Uganda
railway line, some Luo had a head start over other ethnic groups in regard to access to
formal employment and earlier exposure to Western modes of production, education, and
acculturation processes that followed the construction of the railway line by the Imperial
British East Africa between 1896 and 1901. Amongst contemporary Luos, practices
associated with traditional or rural life are intertwined with “modern” ways of living or
western lifestyles. To be a traditional Luo is thus perceived by many as a status symbol that
also connotes identification with Luo nationhood that extends from Ethiopia to northern
parts of Tanzania and also subscribing to “collective responsibility” aimed at advancing the
communal goals of living and rearing children. Some of the common culturally determined
childrearing sayings amongst the Luo include, “A tree is shaped while young, or when it is
grown up it breaks” and “Iron is forged while hot; otherwise you would need extra force to
forge it, or it breaks” (Oburu, 2004; Ocholla-Ayayo, 1976). These sayings suggest that
amongst the Luo, the child and final adult product are a function of parental input into the
child’s socialization process. Possibilities of parenting failure are also alluded to as a
function of inability of an individual parent to take timely corrective actions.
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Traditional Luo societies were highly structured and hierarchical. There were distinctive
transitional phases to adulthood for both males and females. Amongst the Luo, alternate
groups such as grandparents and grandchildren were presumed to be “equals” with shared
similarities, unlike the relationships that existed between adjacent generations of parents and
their own biological offspring. Consequently, the relationships between alternate groups
were expected to be collegial, and relationships between adjacent generations were between
“unequals” and characterized by secrecy and restraints (Geissler, 2000). In comparison to
biological parents, children occupied relatively lower status in the social hierarchy (Oburu &
Palmerus, 2003). In traditional contexts, childrearing was perceived as a communal rather
than an exclusive nuclear family activity. Children were expected to conform to both
parental and expectations and to respect age and societal status in their daily interactions
with adults. Power and authority revolved around fathers due to the patrilineal nature of
descent and fathers’ control over wealth and resources. However, actual childrearing and
overall day-to-day survival of children was the mothers’ main responsibility, even though
mothers were somewhat marginalized in terms of livelihoods and methods of resource
accumulation (Frederiksen, 2000). Fathers’ caregiving roles primarily involved adjudicating
family disagreements, passing on skills to their sons aged over 7 years, and providing
guidance and advice to family members. Fathers traditionally left other parenting roles to
their wives, daughters aged over 7, and grandmothers (Ocholla-Ayayo, 1976).
It was hypothesized in the present study that these gender specific roles, economic
disadvantages, and cultural biases against women could generate a sense of powerlessness
and perceived dependency of women (and children) on men. In the long run this would
make women likely to form external attributions of parenting failure due to their
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powerlessness, lowered self-esteem, and limited control over means of production
(Zuckerman, 1979). The imbalance in power control and caregiving responsibilities between
men and women suggests that Luo fathers and mothers would differ in their levels of
involvement in childrearing practices (Ocholla-Ayayo, 1976). What is not clear is whether
fathers’ and mothers’ differential involvement in childrearing, and the comparatively lower
status of mothers and children in the social hierarchy are linked to differences in mothers’
and fathers’ attributions for success or failure in caregiving situations or to authoritarian
versus progressive parenting attitudes. The present study focused on within group
similarities and differences between Kenyan Luo mothers’ and fathers’ attributions
regarding success and failure in caregiving situations and progressive versus authoritarian
parenting attitudes.
METHOD
Context
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Participants were recruited from Kisumu, Kenya. Kisumu is the third largest city in Kenya
and a principal lake port located on the shores of Lake Victoria. The city began in 1901 as
an inland terminal for the Kenya-Uganda railway. Since then, it has developed to become
the provincial headquarters of Nyanza and a leading commercial, trading, industrial, and
communication hub for the southwestern part of the country. It is accessible via a network of
roads, railway, waterway, and an international airport. The majority of the inhabitants of
Kisumu belong to the Luo ethnic group. However, the city is also occupied by other ethnic
communities including descendants of South East Asians brought in by the Imperial British
East African Company to construct the Kenya-Uganda railway line.
Participants
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After obtaining IRB approval, the Kisumu Municipal Education office was contacted to
request a list of schools within the city. The Municipality’s area of educational jurisdiction
covered six zones. Some of these included schools found in the rural parts of the town. The
obtained information was used to determine whether the schools located within the urban
areas were public or private and to categorize the socioeconomic status of the school’s
neighborhood (slums, middle SES, and high SES). Three schools from each SES category
were selected, for a total of 12 schools. The participants who were selected were
representative of the two school categories and also the population of Kisumu city. After
receiving permission from school principals, classroom teachers in grades 2 and 3
distributed letters describing the project to 8-year-olds in their classes. Parents who were
willing to participate returned consent forms to the classroom teacher. Letters were sent
home with 250 children. Two hundred forms were returned giving permission for the
research team to contact the family, and 100 two-parent families were contacted and
interviewed. Table 1 presents demographic characteristics of the participating families.
Procedures
The interviews were conducted one-on-one in places deemed by participants as convenient.
These included the target children’s schools, parents’ work places, residences, and public
places such as churches and community halls. The interviews were conducted orally, in
writing, or both by three different interviews. Most participants were fluent and literate in
more than two languages including English. The fully literate participants completed the
measures in writing. They were, however, given the opportunity to seek clarification from
the interviewers if needed. Oral administration was used with participants with limited grasp
of the English language. In such instances, the interviewer read aloud items translated into
the local Dholuo language and recorded the participants’ responses. Participants completed a
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demographic questionnaire, a measure of social desirability bias (Reynolds, 1982), and two
parenting measures.
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The analyses in this paper focus on constructs from two measures of attributions and
attitudes (see Lansford & Bornstein, 2012). First, parents completed the short form of the
Parent Attribution Test (Bugental & Shennum, 1984), which was developed to measure
parents’ perceptions of causes of success and failure in hypothetical caregiving situations.
Parents are presented with a hypothetical scenario that involves either a positive or negative
interaction with a child (e.g., “Suppose you took care of a neighbor’s child one afternoon
and the two of you had a really good time together.”). Parents then are asked to respond to a
series of questions regarding reasons that the interaction was positive or negative. Parents
rate on a 7-point scale (1 = not at all important, 7 = very important) how important factors
such as the child’s disposition and the parent’s behavior were in determining the quality of
the interaction. The amount of power or control attributed to oneself versus children is the
key dimension of interest. This measure yielded four variables: (1) attributions regarding
uncontrollable success (6 items; e.g., how lucky you were in just having everything work out
well); (2) attributions regarding adult-controlled failure (6 items; e.g., whether you used the
wrong approach for this child); (3) attributions regarding child-controlled failure (6 items;
e.g., the extent to which the child was stubborn and resisted your efforts); and (4) perceived
control over failure (the difference between attributions regarding adult-controlled failure
and attributions regarding child-controlled failure).
Second, parents completed the Parental Modernity Inventory (Schaefer & Edgerton, 1985),
which assesses parents’ attitudes about childrearing and education. Each of 30 statements is
rated on a 4-point scale (1 = strongly disagree, 4 = strongly agree). This instrument yielded
three variables: (1) progressive attitudes (8 items; e.g., Children have a right to their own
point of view and should be allowed to express it.); (2) authoritarian attitudes (22 items; e.g.,
The most important thing to teach children is absolute obedience to their parents.); and (3)
modernity of attitudes (the difference between the progressive attitudes score and the
authoritarian attitudes score). Alphas for each variable are shown in Table 2.
RESULTS
Overall, Kenyan mothers’ and fathers’ attributions regarding uncontrollable success were
above the scale midpoints, as were their attributions regarding adult-controlled failure and
child-controlled failure (although these were closer to the scale midpoint). Mothers’ and
fathers’ attitudes were, on average, more authoritarian than progressive (see Table 2).
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Gender Similarities and Differences in Parents’ Attributions and Attitudes
Repeated-measures linear mixed models with gender of parent as the within-subjects fixed
factor tested for differences between mothers and fathers in attributions for success and
failure in caregiving situations and progressive versus authoritarian attitudes. Test results are
presented with and without controls for mothers’ and fathers’ ages, education, and possible
social desirability bias. The results indicated that out of the seven attribution and attitude
constructs of interest, gender had a significant main effect only on attributions regarding
adult-controlled failure (see Table 2). Mothers reported comparatively higher levels of adultcontrolled failure attributions than did fathers. The obtained differences between mothers’
and fathers’ attributions did not remain significant when parents’ age, education, and
possible social desirability bias were controlled. Both mothers and fathers similarly
professed authoritarian attitudes and exhibited less modernity and progressive attitudes.
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Within-Family Correlations between Parents’ Attributions and Attitudes
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The final columns of Table 2 present bivariate correlations of mothers’ and fathers’
attributions and attitudes. As indicated in Table 2, analyses revealed significant correlations
between mothers’ and fathers’ attributions regarding uncontrollable success, progressive
attitudes, authoritarian attitudes, and modernity of attitudes. With the exception of parents’
progressive attitudes, these correlations remained significant after controlling for parents’
age, education, and possible social desirability bias.
DISCUSSION
The present study examined similarities and differences in Luo Kenyan mothers’ and
fathers’ attributions regarding successes and failures in caregiving situations and progressive
versus authoritarian parenting attitudes. Except for differences between mothers’ and
fathers’ perceptions of adult controlled failure, the obtained findings suggested the existence
of commonalities rather than differences in parents’ attributions and attitudes. For example,
both mothers and fathers professed similar authoritarian attitudes and less modernity and
progressive attitudes. Older and comparatively more educated mothers and fathers were
similar in their perceptions of adult-controlled failure attributions.
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The obtained similarity in mothers’ and fathers’ attitudes, attributions about failure and
equivalent ratings and moderate to large correlations between attributions regarding
uncontrollable success were rather unexpected findings given differential power structures
and levels of parental involvement in childrearing activities that have been reported for Luo
Kenyan mothers and fathers (Ocholla-Ayayo, 1976). One possible explanation for the
obtained finding that mothers and fathers in this study differed only on one of the seven
constructs examined, and also that this difference did not remain significant after controlling
for parents’ age, education, and possible social desirability bias, was that although mothers
and fathers may have had different levels of experience with childrearing (Oburu, 2004;
Ocholla-Ayayo, 1976), they might share similar culturally shaped beliefs regarding children
and parenting. Consequently, both mothers and fathers could possibly have been influenced
by the common childrearing ideology amongst the Kenyan Luos that perceives childrearing
as a deliberate adult activity with the express aim of shaping children so that they show
desirable outcomes. Furthermore, mothers and fathers appear to equally endorse
authoritarian attitudes and were less inclined towards modernity and progressive attitudes
due to entrenched cultural norms that favor child obedience to adult authority as well as
respect for age and social status (Oburu, 2004; Ocholla-Ayayo, 1976).
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The similarities in mothers’ and fathers’ parenting attributions and attitudes after controlling
for age, education, and possible social desirability bias could be due to these participants’
exposure to Western forms of education that reduced loyalty to traditional structures and
modes of thinking. The consequent exposure to global changes through their increased
access to mass media, modes of thinking, science, and modern forms of technology has
meant that changes occurring in the rest of the world equally affect indigenous societies
(Mbiti, 1992). These kinds of experiences could have undermined and transformed
traditional structures or pre-existing classificatory factors, such as the family and ethnic
identities, into less recognizable entities. Over time, this may have led to a reduction in
gender-related factors determining parenting attributions and attitudes.
Limitations and Directions for Future Research
There are some methodological issues that need be considered when interpreting the study
findings. In particular, attributions concerning child controlled failure and progressive
attitudes scales had low alphas (< .60). The generalizability of the study findings could also
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be limited because the study focused only on biologically related families selected from one
of the 42 ethnic groups in Kenya. The two-parent family sample of biological parents used
in the present study should not be assumed to be fully representative of all of the varied
Kenyan cultures and the emergent family constellations found in Nyanza Province. The
HIV/AIDS epidemic has had a disproportionate effect on males and young adults between
the ages of 15 and 49 years in Kenya (UNICEF, 1999). Therefore, single-parent families and
child-headed households are becoming the norm rather than exceptional family
constellations. Because individuals’ parenting attributions and attitudes could vary across
different family constellations, religious affiliations, and ethnic categories, a direction for
future research will be to examine how different family structures and ethnic groups within
Kenya might be similar or different on parenting attributions and attitudes.
Conclusion
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Luo Kenyan mothers and fathers were more similar than different in their attributions
regarding successes and failures in caregiving situations and progressive versus authoritarian
attitudes. The results were characterized by mean level agreement between mothers and
fathers and by significant correlations between some attributions and attitudes of parents
within the same family. These Kenyans’ attributional processes and attitudes were likely
shaped by a complex array of rich and varied cultural practices, exposure to modern
influences, traditional beliefs, and religious practices that permeate almost all aspects of
their lives.
Acknowledgments
This research was funded by the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human
Development grant RO1-HD054805.
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TABLE 1
Demographic Characteristics of Children and Families
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Child’s gender (% female)
61%
Child’s age in years
8.46 (.64)
Mother’s age in years
32.45 (6.21)
Father’s age in years
39.28 (6.87)
Mother’s education in years
10.69 (3.65)
Father’s education in years
12.29 (3.61)
Parents’ marital status (% married)
98%
Number of children in household
3.68 (1.66)
Number of adults in household
2.95 (1.38)
M (SD)
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NIH-PA Author Manuscript
NIH-PA Author Manuscript
TABLE 2
Mothers
Fathers
Mothers
Fathers
α
α
M (SD)
M (SD)
F
Fa
d
da
r
ra
Uncontrollable success
.62
.64
4.64 1.12)
4.82 (1.06)
1.91
1.20
−.17
−.13
.23*
.25*
Adult-controlled failure
.69
.73
4.56 (.72)
4.35 (.73)
4.06*
2.55
.28
.22
.04
.04
Child-controlled failure
.53
.51
4.16 (.74)
4.15 (.79)
.01
.33
.01
−.08
.12
.06
-
-
.40 (1.05)
.20 (.91)
2.10
2.35
.20
.21
.07
.05
Progressive attitudes
.33
.39
2.76 (.39)
2.78 (.37)
.16
1.48
−.05
.16
.24*
.18
Authoritarian attitudes
.79
.82
3.02 (.38)
3.02 (.38)
.03
1.19
.02
−.12
.45***
.37***
Modernity of attitudes
-
-
−.26 (.58)
−.24 (.56)
.16
2.82
−.04
.20
.40***
.27**
Oburu
Parenting Attributions and Attitudes: Alphas, Tests of Gender Differences, and Correlations for Mothers and Fathers
Attributions
Parent Sci Pract. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2012 July 1.
Perceived control over failure
Attitudes
Note. Ns range from 92–100. Repeated-measures linear mixed models with gender of parent as the within-subjects factor. Cohen’s d was computed using Equation 3 for paired samples in Dunlap, Cortina,
Vaslow, and Burke (1996).
a
Controlling for parents’ age, education, and possible social desirability bias.
*
p < .05.
**
p < .01.
***
p < .001.
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