SCIENTIFIC ARTICLE
S C IEN TIFIC A R TIC LE
Prospects for reform
and community-based operations
in Hungarian law enforcement
Árpád Budavári
Fejér County Police Headquarters, Székesfehérvár, Hungary
National University of Public Service, Budapest, Hungary
E-mail: budavaria@fejer.police.hu
Received: 30 November 2023; accepted: 20 December 2023
Summary
This paper summarises the main theses of the author’s doctoral research, awareded with an excellent rating, and
funded by the National Research, Development and Innovation Fund and supported by the Ministry of Innovation
and Technology’s Cooperative Doctoral Programme Doctoral Fellowship. The aim of the research is to take a position on whether organisational reform is necessary for a modern, socially integrated police force in Hungary that
respects human rights. To reach his conclusion, the author reviewed the changes in the perception of security and the
role of the police in society from the creation of modern states to the present day, and studied five foreign police
reforms. He examined the process of social integration in the Hungarian police from the change of regime to the
present day, analysing in detail the attempts at organisational reform and the reasons for their failure, as well as the
situation of plural policing. In his empirical research, he carried out a questionnaire survey with the participation of
310 police officers serving in the public places in a police headquarters in a county, and interviewed 19 senior police
officers, and compared these findings with those of a survey of the general public on a similar topic.
According to his conclusions, the lack of reforming the rule of law in the period of regime change in the spirit of
depoliticisation, decentralisation and demilitarisation can be considered reasonable in view of the social, political and
law enforcement conditions of the period. Since the regime change, the Hungarian police has been experiencing
changes in the direction of cooperation with the communities of society. Structural reform is not necessarily the way
forward for the renewal of Hungarian policing. The changing, globalising world situation, which is burdened by
serious crises, points to new directions for the development of the police. A state policing model that reinforces centralisation does not preclude the emergence of a community approach that is capable of cooperating with society.
Changes in the direction of the three ‘de-’ can be facilitated by a paradigm shift that recognises and accepts the extension of policing.
Keywords: law enforcement reform, criminal strategy, community policing, social integration, plural policing
A reform és a közösség alapú rendészet kilátásai a mai magyar rendőrségen
Budavári Árpád
Fejér Vármegyei Rendőr-főkapitányság, Székesfehérvár, Magyarország
Nemzeti Közszolgálati Egyetem, Budapest, Magyarország
Összefoglalás
E tanulmány a szerző doktori kutatásának főbb téziseit foglalja össze. A kutatás célja állást foglalni abban, hogy szükséges-e szervezeti reform ahhoz, hogy modern, az emberi jogokat tiszteletben tartó, társadalomba integrált rendőrség működjön Magyarországon.
Állásfoglalásához a szerző áttekintette a biztonságszemlélet és a rendőrség társadalmi szerepének változásait a
modern államok létrejöttétől napjainkig, tanulmányozott öt külföldi rendészeti reformot. Megvizsgálta a magyar
rendőrségben a rendszerváltástól napjainkig végbemenő társadalmi integrációs folyamatot, részletesen elemezve szervezeti reformokra tett kísérleteket és ezek elmaradásának okait, valamint a plurális rendészet helyzetét. Empirikus
DOI: 10.1556/112.2023.00180
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Á r pá d B uda v á r i
kutatásaiban a rendőrök bűnözésértelmezését, együttműködési készségét és problémakezelését vizsgálva kérdőíves
vizsgálatot végzett egy vármegyei rendőr-főkapitányság 310 közterületen szolgáló rendőrével, interjút készített 19
vezető beosztású rendőrtiszttel, e vizsgálatokat pedig összevetette egy, a lakosság körében hasonló témában végzett
kutatás eredményeivel.
Megállapításai szerint a rendszerváltás időszakában a depolitizálás, decentralizálás, demilitarizálás jegyében megvalósítandó jogállami reform elmaradása az időszak társadalmi, politikai, rendészeti viszonyainak ismeretében okszerűnek tekinthető. A magyar rendőrségben a rendszerváltás óta tapasztalhatók a társadalom közösségeivel való kooperáció irányába mutató változások. A magyar rendészet megújításának nem szükségképpeni útja a strukturális reform.
Az átalakuló, globalizálódó és súlyos válságtünetekkel terhelt világhelyzet a rendőrségek fejlesztésének új irányait
mutatja. A centralizációt erősítő államrendőrségi modell nem zárja ki a társadalommal együttműködni képes közösségi gondolat térnyerését. A három „de-” irányába mutató változások a rendészet kiterjesztését elismerő és elfogadó
paradigmaváltással elősegíthetők.
Kulcsszavak: rendészeti reform, kriminálstratégia, közösségi rendészet, társadalmi integráció, plurális rendészet
Forewords
it was a pity he did not teach at the university. In Zalakaros, we had an extraordinary conference with a quarter of
us, and I have fond memories of our late-night, worldchanging wine-tasting session at the same venue. Then
came the pandemic, the fearful anxiety, the online complex exams, the constant credit-hunting and finally the
absolutorium. The awarded Cooperative Doctoral Programme made research progress tighter. But there is still
work to be done: a forthcoming joint publication is still
in progress, almost a year in the making, and we have to
close the CDP grant. Our long and repeated attempts to
tackle the textual data of Árpi’s work, and in the final
stages the less than successful – and I stress quantitative –
slimming down of the dissertation, were not easy. But
more decisive were my wonderful absorptions in the author’s superb style. I loved the process of thoroughly
preparing the questionnaires and interviews, and the
constant perusal of the incredible amount of literature
processed by an author with a real researcher’s flair.
Then came the reassuringly pleasant atmosphere of
the workshop debate, followed by months of final touches, the selection and organisation of the opponents and
the selection committee. The final approval of the thesis
to be submitted, the printing and binding, the final signature and submission. Small things, but all important.
In the end, everything was smooth and all the hard
work was crowned with success. It’s been an arduous but
happy five years, after which we pause for a moment, but
just. Because tomorrow the work will resume, and from
the workshop of the scientific spirit, Árpi will return to
practice. I would like to believe that his acquired knowledge will be of use not only to his beloved Dunaújváros,
but now to the whole Fejér County, and even to our
police and society. At the same time, I also hope to see
him back in the faculty and in the pages of scientific journals, and that our professionalism will not end with this
toast, but will move on to another stage and level.
It is understandable why my congratulations are so biased. I am delighted and thank him for having chosen me
as his guide at the time, and I wish him continued success in his professional, academic and, not least, personal
life!
Dr. Katalin Molnár PhD
Associate Professor
National University of Public Service
Our common history with Árpád Budavári started in
2010, when the police captain from Dunaújváros started
to study at the master’s school. His history is interestingly winding: he led two other captaincies, and after
thirteen years he returned to his home town. But only
for a few months, because on 1 November 2023, he was
given a bigger post – and with it a bigger task: he was
appointed Deputy Chief Criminal Commissioner of
Fejér County. This fact could be embarrassing, but for
me he will remain Árpi, as he has been from the very
beginning, just like I was for him, Kata.
One of our first experiences in class was the thrilling
distance from which the two of us approached the mysteries of good enough policing and then good enough
police driving. Under the headings of Integrated Social
Studies and Leadership Communication, we had the
opportunity to bring together theoretical (obviously
Kata’s) and practical (obviously Árpi’s) ideas about organisational and occupational culture. This was so successful that the diploma thesis of the master’s student
who chose me as a consultant – the telling The Stone Soup
of Public Security – was published in the Journal of Internal Affairs. From then on, it took six years for Árpi to
make up his mind to apply to doctoral school. In 2018,
he came to me again as a supervisor. I was happy to do
so, and the successful award of the degree shows that I
made the right decision.
I do not praise his thesis, since the two opponents,
Géza Finszter and István Szikinger, who have their honor, did it. The committee’s verdict – summa cum laude,
100% – also confirms that great work has been produced.
Whatever I have had to do with the work over the past
five years has been done with integrity, and I hope the
author will agree that I have been a worthy companion
and supporter throughout. In any case, I wish everyone
such a disserence.
I enjoyed every moment of the often difficult journey
we were on. We alternated between serious, fine professional-theoretical discussions and practical steps. We collected signatures and certificates to keep all the paperwork in order. In the meantime, we enjoyed together the
candidate’s attempts at teaching, the smell of the workshop and the appreciative feedback from the students,
who said that the Colonel would be a good teacher, but
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Prospects for reform and community-based operations
The democratic rule of law that took shape after the
change of regime was far from being able to guarantee
security to the same extent as in the period of total dictatorship. With privatisation, a vast amount of wealth has
been given into private hands, and the egalitarian
planned economy of socialism was replaced by a market
economy. The democratic turnaround required both a
reform of the judicial system and the democratisation of
the police, and a fight against the sharp rise in crime. It
was also clear that a new police force could only be
formed on the basis of the rule of law and respect for
human rights.
Opinions on the future of the police were divided into
two poles. The proponents of a radical turnaround were
mainly theoreticians. Their aim was to replace the military-style organisation with a decentralised municipal
police force integrated into the civil administration,
which would provide strong guarantees against abuses of
the monopoly on the use of force. However, police leaders and policy-makers did not turn their backs on the
past, arguing for the maintenance of the old structure
and wanting to build fewer constraints and greater empowerment into the way it operated. In the end, the latter idea won the day (Finszter 2008). The constitutionalisation brought the police under the same authority as
the army, now without direct party control, but left the
centralised, militarised state police structure in place.
The change of regime created an opportunity for our
police to face its past openly, to make an accurate diagnosis of its condition and to offer a chance for a sociopolitical consensus on the police’s role in the rule of law.
Without this, it would not have been possible over the
last 30 or so years to develop long-term concepts for the
organisational structure and functioning of the police
that could withstand the test of changing political courses. And although renewal has been a constant theme of
police research, in my opinion only one period has offered any real prospect of reform: the period of 2006–
2010. The investigations carried out in the aftermath of
the police handling of the demonstrations in Budapest in
the autumn of 2006 highlighted the shortcomings that
were closely linked to the unchanged organisation.
These failures led to a serious level of social dissatisfaction and a crisis of confidence in the police. The poor
state of public safety and the police became a leading
theme in political rhetoric in the following years. This
dissatisfaction revived vigilante movements calling for
the restoration of public safety and the crackdown on
criminals. The emergence of the paramilitary Hungarian
Guard, which had the largest social support of all, both
cast doubt on the state’s ability to fulfil its function of
protecting public safety and deepened the divisions between the Roma and the majority society. The police’s
handling of the series of attacks against the Roma in
2008–2009, the most extreme manifestation of this,
pointed to professional shortcomings and some manifestations of prejudice in the organisation’s staff (Pap
Colonel Árpád Budavári’s research is a gap filler, as law
enforcement professionals expect the results and recommendations of applied research that can be used in everyday practice from the researchers of the Doctoral School
of Police Sciences. Colonel’s research is also forwardlooking, because until now there has been a lack of researchers with serious practical experience in the field of
police science, and the field is showing an increasing interest in the results of police science.
The researched topic is a timely issue of police operation, since the more than thirty years following the regime change have resulted in a number of unprecedented situations in the operation of the police. The
quantitative and qualitative transformation of tasks and
expectations also requires a reassessment of the relationship between state and non-state actors in the creation
and maintenance of security. The priority is to make an
informed and responsible choice as to which tasks the
police should concentrate its resources on, which tasks it
can delegate to civilian, complementary police actors and
in which areas it should strengthen its cooperation with
them, thus ensuring the rationalisation of public tasks
and more efficient and cost-effective organisational operation.
Colonel, you are a highly experienced and respected
law enforcement leader. Given the relevance of his research, it is expected that it will be supported by both the
public and civil sectors, and that it will be used in practice
by all actors involved in the security sector.
The colonel is a recognized police leader with extensive
professional experience. Given its relevance, the utilization
of its research results is expected to be supported by both
the public and civil sectors, and they can also be used in
practice by all actors involved in the security sector.
Dr. József Németh PhD. r. Colonel, Associate Professor
corporate expert
Police Science Council, President
Reasons for the choice of topic and
purpose of the research
The idea of renewing the police, inherited after fourty
years of state socialism, dates back to the pre-reform era.
The basic structural set-up has remained virtually unchanged since 1949: a highly hierarchical and militarised
centrally controlled state police force, separate from the
civil administration. Under the party state, the professional and political management of the police, which was
part of the Ministry of the Interior, was not separated.
Its operation was not under the rule of law but of the
state party, and there was no social control. The state
had a monopoly on the performance of public security
functions, ensuring both total control over its citizens
and a low crime rate, aided by the fact that the economy
was also under the control of the state administration,
with no private property and no market economy.
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Á r pá d B uda v á r i
Hypotheses
2019). It became clear that the government of the time
was unable to deal with this situation.
In the more than a decade since then, however, the
improved outcomes, growing sense of security and confidence mentioned earlier have pushed the idea of a reformed, structural overhaul of the police back into the
research workshops. There have been several attempts to
introduce a community policing approach in recent
years, but no breakthrough structural change has occurred (Christián 2019: 79–89).
In our current context of low crime and high institutional confidence, there is an opportunity to move from
a spectacle to a workshop, where the community’s need
for security, the results of scientific research and the
views of the profession can all be taken into account.
The situation is not only ripe for change, but also
makes it necessary. Globalisation processes are also fundamentally changing the conditions affecting security
and the perception of security. The focus on addressing
global security threats in many European countries has
been accompanied by a redefinition of the role of the
police in society, with implications for the relationship
between the police and society.
The general aim of the research was to assess whether
structural reform is necessary to ensure an effective police force in our country that respects human rights, is
close to and cooperates with civil society and citizens.
This work does not deny the need for change. It does,
however, suggest that the reform that has not taken
place since the change of regime is not the only way to
achieve change, and perhaps not the most effective one.
There is currently a huge gap between the positions of
police science, which argues for radical change, and
those of police policy and the law enforcement profession, which are rigidly attached to the current way of
doing things, and a bridge between them, which can be
bridged by arguments based on scientific need and practical experience.
The first of the specific objectives of the research is to
understand the reasons for, the content and the results
of the police reforms implemented in the different countries since the turn of the millennium, the main elements
of the police reforms, how these reforms harmonise with
the principles of community policing and the experiences of their implementation. The knowledge thus gained
can contribute to a general understanding of the nature
of police reforms and to an analysis of the situation of
the Hungarian police in light of the changes in policing
that have taken place.
In the further parts of the research, I used my knowledge of police reform to examine the Hungarian police
force by systematically analysing the relevant literature
and my own experiences, and by using empirical methods to take a position on the need for police reform
through an understanding of its relationship with communities.
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1. The economic and social tensions caused by the transformation of the political system, and in particular the
dramatic rise in crime in the first half of the 1990s,
demanded that the police, above all, should be kept
operational rather than undergoing radical structural
changes. In view of the social, political and policing
conditions of the period, the lack of implementing a
reform in line with the requirements of the rule of law
in the period of regime change, in the spirit of depoliticisation, decentralisation and demilitarisation, can
be considered reasonable.
2. Especially since the change of regime, the Hungarian
police has been experiencing changes towards cooperation with communities, the characteristics of community-based cooperative problem solving, and the
intervention needs that can improve the problem sensitivity and cooperative competences of the police.
3. The reform focusing on decentralisation, demilitarisation and depoliticisation of the police is not necessarily the way to renew Hungarian policing. The changing, globalising and crisis-ridden world situation
shows new directions for the development of police
forces. A model of state policing that reinforces centralisation does not exclude the emergence of a community idea capable of cooperating with society.
Research design, scope, scale and methods
used
The research is divided into five main parts, progressively narrowing its focus from the analysis of the changing
perception of security and the changing role of the police in society in the international arena, to the analysis of
international reforms and community-oriented policing
strategies, to the situation of community policing in
Hungary and Fejér county. Thus, the processing of the
experiences of the areas under study moves from the
identification of general world trends towards concrete
proposals for the identification of the needs for change
in domestic policing.
In the first, theoretical part, I presented the changes in
the interpretation of security from the beginning of
modern statehood to the present day, and in parallel the
correlations between the applied policing strategies and
operational models, thus laying the foundations for the
analysis of international policing reforms. Among them,
I have paid particular attention to community policing as
a fundamental policing strategy of modern policing. An
emphasized part of the analysis is the presentation of the
impact of globalization and, in this context, the risk society on the interpretation of security, on the relationship between the police and society, and on community
policing. I have described the ‘abstract policing’ theory
of Jan Terpstra, Nick Fyfe and Renze Salet, which illustrates the increasingly abstract nature of police relations
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Prospects for reform and community-based operations
reform and the main periods with reform potential. I
examine in detail the period of regime change, including
the findings of the Team Consult study, the changes in
the period 2006–2010, and the years after 2010 with a
unified approach to criminal policy.
I have presented the relationship between the Hungarian police and society, and thus the desirable directions of change needs, through the following dimensions:
a. I have illustrated the crime policy and social inclusion efforts reflected in the National Strategy for
Social Crime Prevention and the National Crime
Prevention Strategy through a comparative analysis;
b. a key indicator of the relationship with the communities is the expected police behaviour as set out in
ethical standards, the development of which I have
outlined through a sketch of the various codes of
ethics;
c. respect for universal human freedoms is a fundamental characteristic of modern, democratic policing. In a separate sub-chapter, I have presented the
guarantees that have been built up in the Hungarian
police after the change of regime and what characterises the police of our time. This thesis cannot attempt to cover the topic in its entirety, therefore, in
addition to the changes in the legislative activity
determining the functioning of the police, I have
examined the situation of two fundamental rights,
the right to peaceful assembly and the right to equal
treatment, in more detail. In this context, I also
considered it important to examine how the control
mechanisms of the police, which are empowered to
restrict fundamental rights, are structured and how
they serve the rule of law;
d. I have described the development of the community policing concept that has become a fundamental
value of socially integrated democratic police forces
from the change of regime to the present day.
In the fourth part of the thesis, I have already used the
results of my empirical research to assess the domestic
situation of what Jan Terpstra, Nick Fyfe and Renze Salet called “abstract policing”. Among the globalisation
influences, illegal migration, the COVID-19 epidemic,
e-governance, the transformation of information gathering activities, and the introduction of the current system
of performance evaluation and the Unified Emergency
Call System have had a significant impact on the distancing of the police within the organisation and its relationship with society.
The study of the above-mentioned areas cannot do
without the processing of the relevant literature, but at
the same time it also requires independent, empirical
data-based knowledge of the topic. The fifth part of my
thesis is a detailed description of the empirical research,
for which I have chosen as a model my place of service,
the Fejér County Police Headquarters and the police officers serving there.
systems focused on addressing global security challenges
as an undesirable side effect of police reforms, using the
examples of the Scottish and Dutch police (Terpstra–
Fyfe–Salet 2019). I have explained the process of pluralisation of policing, highlighting its democratising role. I
have analysed the specificities of the former socialist
countries’ approaches to security and the challenges of
democratising their policing. Finally, I took a position
on the main criteria for democratic policing today.
Drawing on the experience of the first part, the second
part looks at police and police reforms in other countries
at the turn of the millennium and beyond. The aim of
this chapter is to take a position, through the international examples presented, on the main trends in police
reform today and what lessons can be drawn from the
various police reforms that can be applied to domestic
policing. In the first part of the chapter, I analysed in
detail the reforms of Belgium, the Netherlands, Scotland
and the Czech Republic, and presented their important
experiences that are worth considering in the context of
domestic conditions. An important task of the analyses is
to shed light on how the countries under study have responded to the threats of globalisation to security in
their reforms. In what ways has the end of the monopoly of state policing and the pluralisation of policing been
achieved? And how has this affected the relationship between police and society?
I then discussed the police reform in New York, USA,
implemented by William Bratton. The experience of this
reform is important to this research in a number of ways.
First, they can provide lessons on the potential for repressive policing away from the communities it serves to
cause serious discontent, escalating to the point of social
crisis, even in the face of significant reductions in crime.
On the other hand, William Bratton’s second term as
New York City Police Commissioner demonstrates the
kind of policing strategy that can both serve the community and reduce crime without significantly altering
the police structure.
The general world trends and the experience of the
five reforms under review have been instrumental in
shaping my views on the main issues. For this purpose, it
is necessary, but not sufficient, to filter the changes in the
interpretation of security perception and the lessons
learned from law enforcement reforms implemented in
other countries. In order to use these experiences at
home, it is necessary to examine the needs and opportunities for reform in the Hungarian police, why these
were not realised, how the relationship between the police and society has changed since the change of regime,
and what changes are needed for the future.
The third part of the thesis was devoted to these investigations. I showed how the democratisation process of
the Hungarian police progressed after the regime
change, and how the need for a reform worthy transformation emerged. In this part, I started from the period
of regime change to show the emergence of the need for
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To have a clearer view on the police’s understanding
of security, the system of cooperation and the definition
of public security problems, I analysed the reports of the
Fejér County Police Headquarters to the County Assembly from the entry into force of the Police Act until
today. These allowed me to follow the evolution of the
relationship between the police and the communities,
which is evident from the reports. In particular, I examined how these reports reflect the police’s identification
of problems, their handling of public safety issues, and
the relationship between the police and communities.
In the course of my interventional investigations, I examined the policemen’s understanding of security, their
problem management attitudes and cooperation skills by
interviewing police officers working in the headquarters’
police stations and involved in work in public areas with
a self-filled questionnaire. The reported data have a margin of error of +/– 1.9–3.1% for binomial (two-category) questions at the 95% confidence level and depending
on the number of respondents to each question. This
means that the measured results differ by at most this
much from the results that would be obtained if all police officers on duty in the public areas of Fejér County
were asked. I also involved Tamás Ruff, a senior staff
member of the Hungarian Urban Research Institute
Ltd. in the data analysis, which was carried out using
SPSS.
The survey asked closed questions, some of which
were so-called multiple-choice questions, while others
required respondents to rank their answers on an ordinal
scale. For some questions, I asked them to rate statements, social actions, problems and institutions on a
scale of four or five. For these questions, I converted the
scores to a scale of one hundred, where one hundred
would be the maximum score if all respondents were
unanimous on the question and zero would be the minimum score. The cut-off point on such a scale of one
hundred is fifty points. A value below this usually indicates a negative opinion (distrust, dissatisfaction, dislike,
etc.), while a value above this indicates a positive opinion.
In its design, it was essential that the results could be
compared with the results of a recent questionnaire survey of public perceptions of security and public opinion
on public security and its institutionalised actors. In
2016, a survey was carried out among the population of
Székesfehérvár (seat of Fejér County) in the framework
of the project “Improving public safety in Székesfehérvár
by focusing on settlement safety and youth protection”
(BM-15-MA-0052), which was implemented by the
Hungarian Urban Research Institute Ltd. and supported
by the National Crime Prevention Council. During the
survey, 500 Székesfehérvár residents aged 18 and over
were interviewed using standard questionnaires. The
sample was selected using a random probability procedure, ensuring that all residents had an equal chance of
being included.
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In addition, the attitudes of the managers who have a
fundamental influence on the functioning of the departments through their decisions were investigated through
semi-structured interviews. The interviews shed light on
how managers identify local problems, what options,
room for manoeuvre and individual methods they have
to deal with them, how they think about cooperation
with local communities and with non-police actors in the
police.
As a result of these studies, it is possible to take a position on the validity of the basic questions and hypotheses
of my research, and to formulate the needs for change
that will make the Hungarian police adequate in problem definition and its cooperative skills capable of protecting public safety in cooperation with the communities, even within its current organisational structure.
Key findings, results
The findings that support the first hypothesis can basically be found in the chapters on Hungarian policing,
but the thesis on which they are based became clear
when examining reforms abroad. A common feature of
the law enforcement reforms analysed in this thesis is
that among the causes of the reforms, social changes
leading to a deterioration of public security are of fundamental importance. The poor state of public security, in
turn, leads state leaders to be cautious about reform. Organisations in transition are distracted by change itself
and can easily become unstable, which can make it difficult to manage an already critical public safety situation.
However, stability is not an incentive for reform. Consequently, there is little chance of reforming the police at a
time when it is most desirable to do so.
This contradiction can also be traced through the
Hungarian police of the period of regime change. The
need for decentralisation, demilitarisation and depoliticisation had already been expressed before the change of
regime, but the apparatus was not interested in their implementation, and the new system could not do without
their expertise. In events that tested both the new democracy and the police, such as the opening of the western border or the taxi strike, the centrally controlled police performed well. The fact that the status of the police
was discussed in the constitutional law alongside the
army gave the militant establishment a constitutional
mandate. There has been no meaningful public debate
on public security and the place of the militia in a democracy, nor has there been any social demand for a new
organisation to confront the police’s past. Team Consult, which conducted an external review of the police,
also expressed its belief in a monolithic police organisation, and foreign experts who had insight into the functioning of the domestic police (in this paper, the Dutch
police) praised the professionalism of our police. In the
light of all this, it is indeed reasonable not to reform the
police.
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Prospects for reform and community-based operations
The second hypothesis formulates a premise about the
social integration process of our police after the regime
change: the section on the changes in the Hungarian
police’s relationship with society after the regime change
supported this hypothesis from several sides. After the
regime change, our police started on the path of social
integration, not relying on foreign models, but rather
through their own, often bitter, experiences. There is no
doubt that the centralised, militant operational structure
inherited from the police of state socialism, which has
not been shaken by the crises that gave rise to reform
during the regime change and the subsequent periods
under scrutiny, has hindered the completion of this process to this day. However, there are also a number of
factors that show that the present police are much more
open to local communities than they were before or immediately after the regime change. The continuity of the
community approach of our two crime prevention strategies has not been a breakthrough in the domesticisation
of community policing, but the values of this approach
have seeped into daily operations and we can now see
locally initiated community-oriented projects across the
country.
The culture shift announced in 2014, the implementation of a growing and broadening cooperation to tackle local security problems, is a way of reaching out to
society. However, the research also points to the increasing distraction of the police in the domestic context.
However, surveys of police officers suggest that this is
more a process of internal police relations, with respondents perceiving little negative impact on police–society
relations, as in Western Europe. This is supported by the
high level of institutional trust in the police.
The process of opening up and getting closer to society was most vividly captured by examining the reports
of the Fejér County Police Headquarters before the
General Assembly. From the mid-1990s, signs of a shift
from the position of power of the police to that of a service organisation gradually appear in the annual evaluations, which are initially narrow and rely only on the figures of criminal statistics. There is a growing need to
build partnerships, and the reports increasingly focus on
crime prevention and the evaluation of various satisfaction measures.
The process of transformation from a position of power to a service police force will never be complete and
will only slowly catch up with the backlog of fourty years
of state socialism. However, it seems that this need does
not only exist in society. Both the managerial expectations and mission statements for the operation of the
police and the police officers in daily contact with society
understand and appreciate the importance of cooperation and practice it in the performance of their daily duties. While, in addition to the crime prevention strategies
mentioned above, minority liaison working groups, District Public Safety Advisory Forums, Drug Advisory Forums, culture change or expectations of police services
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are examples of cooperation initiated from above, questionnaires and interviews, in addition to numerous local
community policing projects, provide a good ammunition for joint problem solving in the everyday life of police officers. On this basis, the hypothesis can be considered valid.
The third hypothesis, concerning the necessity of
structural reform, is based on a number of findings
which, on the basis of the laws of law enforcement reform and the evaluation of the individual reforms under
examination, provide arguments in support of the hypothesis of decentralisation, demilitarisation and depoliticisation in general. Among these findings that most
resonate with the demands for change towards the Hungarian police, the following should be highlighted:
To begin with, it is important to recall the findings of
David H. Bayley, who argues that there are no universally applicable police reform strategies. A country’s tradition of policing, the relationship between police and
society, the legislative environment, the organisational
culture and many other external factors determine how a
country’s police can be changed and moved towards democratisation. Reforms in Western Europe show that
democracy is compatible with both centralised and decentralised systems (Bayley 2001).
– Reforms are often motivated by the desirability of
their objectives, not their feasibility, but they are rarely
implemented when they are most needed.
– The organisational culture of the police cannot be
changed by formal reorganisation within the police.
Changing some elements of the organisational structure cannot have a significant impact on the content of
operations unless it is accompanied by a much slower
change in organisational culture.
– In addition to stable external conditions, a firm commitment of leaders to the goals of reform is essential,
and this is lacking in the domestic police, as both the
research I have studied and my own data confirm.
– Another reason for caution about reforms is that they
can only fulfil their hopes much more slowly, after a
series of “replications”, than the accelerating changes
in the complex world relations would require. Evaluators of the reforms that have already been carried out
therefore stress that institutional development is not
only a matter of change but also of continuity, and in
our time a gradual process of development that is constantly mindful of social change seems more realistic
than large, total transformations (Terpstra–Fyfe 2019:
106).
– These changes should focus on professional development rather than structural issues. All the more so because there does not seem to be an exclusive path to
follow on the question of centralisation/decentralisation of the police either. The key may be to find and
maintain a balance between the unifying aspirations of
the central will and the needs of local priorities.
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The main experiences of the law enforcement reforms
studied that affect my hypothesis:
– Western European countries with traditionally municipal police forces (see the analysis of the Belgian,
Dutch and Scottish reforms) have reformed to create
unified national police forces. The main objectives of
creating monolithic police forces were to standardise
the quality of police services, eliminate duplication in
fragmented police organisations, build a common record and information base, apply a common policing
strategy and increase cost-effectiveness. The operation
of the restructured organisations then has a strong
centralised character.
– In a security environment transformed by globalisation, police forces are becoming increasingly empowered by the state, and their operations are becoming
increasingly military in character. This is supported by
Klára Kerezsi, who argues that the militarisation of the
police – although the definition of this concept is still
unclear – is a reflexive response to global threats and,
in addition to its relationship with society, has implications for procedural justice, legitimacy, law enforcement and police cooperation (Kerezsi 2020b: 157).
– The danger of distortion in the direction of arbitrariness exists mostly with the close relationship between
the police and politics. This is particularly true for all
centrally controlled police forces, and thus also applies
to the police forces under investigation. States opting
for unification are seeking to mitigate this risk by
strengthening police controls.
Overall, we can conclude that in the functioning of
police forces in modern democracies, there are trends in
the opposite direction to the triple requirements of decentralisation, demilitarisation and depoliticisation. It
can also be seen that police forces in Western European
democracies are finding it extremely difficult to deal with
the security deficit resulting from the effects of globalisation. The national police forces are concentrating a significant part of their forces on these issues and are becoming increasingly distanced from local communities
(the phenomenon of abstract policing), repressive elements are being intensified and the application of the
community policing model is being increasingly withdrawn from everyday practice into the realm of rhetoric.
The authority of the police is undermined by professional errors (the killing of Linda van der Giessen in the car
park of Waalwijk hospital, the mishandling of an accident
on the M9 motorway in Scotland – see Terpstra–Fyfe–
Salet (2019)) and serious excesses (the cases of Moise
Bangoura, Mawda Savri, Mehdi Bouda, Adil Charrot,
Jozef Chovanec, Ibrahim Barrie – see Budavári (2022)).
At the same time, the creation of national police forces
has catalysed the multiplication of policing. In addition
to police forces that paid less attention to local problems,
there was an increased demand from society for various
municipal police formations, whose role was strengthened by the state increasing their powers. The multipli2023
cation of policing can contribute to the achievement of
the three ‘de-‘, if interpreted for the whole policing system:
– As a consequence of the reflexive modernisation of
global society, the focus of addressing public security
challenges has shifted towards prevention. This process has enabled organisations with no or limited legitimacy to use force to play a prominent role in public security. This may contribute to the demilitarisation
of policing.
– Local public safety is delivered by independent organisations working in partnership with each other and in
close cooperation with local communities. This provides an opportunity for a decentralised, communitybased approach to policing.
– The democratic control and transparent functioning
of independent local organisations and their cooperative networks of partners is ensured by the state and
social control instruments, but central power is not
directly involved in their management. Non-political
policing can therefore be achieved by non-state police
organisations.
To justify my hypothesis, I have made a number of
significant arguments in the course of the previous hypotheses: the Hungarian police force after the regime
change – despite the maintenance of its basic organisational structure and the lack of structural reform – has
made significant progress towards democratisation and
social integration. At the same time, however, there were
also circumstances that made social integration, and ultimately the democratisation of our police, difficult. In
relation to the enforcement of human liberties in policing, there is a clear international trend, even in the domestic context, to increase the powers of the police while
limiting these rights. However, this process has been
able to take place virtually without significant social resistance. In addition to this important lesson, it can also
be concluded that the control system necessary for a police force that respects human rights has been established, but is only partially fulfilling its purpose. The
powers of the Fundamental Rights Commissioner are
limited, and much of the control of the police by local
authorities is nominal. However, the low number of
complaints and the use of non-institutionalised control
mechanisms also suggest that there is a lack of a strong
societal demand for more effective controls.
The perception – also inherited from socialism – that
responsibility for public safety rests solely with the police
and, through them, the state, is only slowly being dismantled. “Domestic society expects the police to provide
public safety, although it probably knows in its heart of
hearts that the police alone cannot do this.” – says Kerezsi
(Kerezsi 2020: 586). The gradually expanding system of
plural policing is still far from the situation in many European countries, where, in addition to police forces focused on global threats, the state has given local authorities considerable powers to operate local police forces.
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Prospects for reform and community-based operations
A precise analysis of these areas was hampered both by
my lack of expertise and by the operational characteristics of the police headquarters of the county in which the
research was carried out. Thus, the identification of
shortcomings was limited to those operational areas that
could be ‘explored’ in sufficient depth within the constraints of this research.
It does not follow from the support for these hypotheses that changes involving decentralisation, demilitarisation and depoliticisation are unnecessary. However,
the direction to take is a new approach to policing as a
whole, one that allows for a truly multi-stakeholder policing system. A paradigm shift must take place in state,
society, science and policing. Even in our country, it is
not possible to effectively address the challenges of public security today if the police remain solely responsible
for it. In many respects, pluralist law enforcement actors
can provide a solution to the problems, but this requires
a change of attitude on the part of the state, which is
entitled to mandate, train and regulate operations, the
police, which is interested in working in partnership, and
society, which has so far expected security services only
from the police. We can also make progress if we do not
interpret the desired decentralisation, demilitarisation
and depoliticisation solely within the organisational
framework of the police. With a truly pluralist police
force, this is inevitable.
The police, as the representative of the supreme power
of the state, with a monopoly on the use of force, will
continue to play a leading role in protecting public safety, and there is an inherent interest in their operation
under the rule of law. However, the multi-playing role of
the police may also represent an ‘evolution’ of the police, leading to a more advanced state of affairs, which
will result in a higher level of service to society’s security
needs. However, while emphasising this, it is also important to stress that the aforementioned effects of an expanded system of understanding of policing should not
exempt the state from the ongoing democratisation of
its police.
These, complemented by private police formations, have
the potential to take a significant burden off the shoulders of the police and become important actors in addressing local security problems. In our country, in addition to the scarcity of legal powers, there is a lack of
expertise and a lack of a guarantee system for accountable and transparent operations. This is partly the reason
why pluralisation processes in Hungary have started later
and are more difficult to develop than in the Western
European police forces analysed. The common, unanimous conclusion of both the evaluations of the reports
illustrating the process of social integration and the
questionnaire surveys and interviews contributing to the
present state of play is that the complementary actors of
policing still play only a marginal role in the policing
system. This perception persists despite the fact that it is
evident that, with the proliferation of tasks, the police
are finding it increasingly difficult to cope with the roleconflict-ridden entrenchment of the dual expectation
that they (the police) should meet local security needs
and address global security threats. The explosion of illegal migration after 2015, the COVID epidemic and
the Russian-Ukrainian war have led to the Hungarian
police devoting more and more attention to global
threats and, as a consequence, less of their work to local
problems, which, despite the obstacles, reinforces the
need for multi-role policing.
It is also clear that without a vision of a policing strategy, the organisation is often forced to drift with the tide
of daily compliance demands. What is more, important
basic prerequisites for strategising are missing. The deficit that has been dragging on since the change of regime
is the lack of a real social debate on the desired functioning of the police, which is inextricably linked to the need
to carry out a situation analysis that would show precisely what the desired relationship between the police
and society is, what conditions are in place for the expected functioning and what conditions need to be provided by legal, financial, training, etc. means. Of the police reforms analysed, both Western European and Czech
police forces have carried out the necessary work and,
building on this experience, have developed their medium- and long-term policing strategies.
As so often in this work, however, it should be noted
that the list of intervention needs cannot be exhaustive.
The framework of this paper is defined by what can be
called the typical functioning of a police force of general
competence, i.e. the police activity that is perceived by
society in everyday life and is therefore decisive for the
relationship of the police with society. The work of the
police is much more diverse than this, and it is clear that
an examination of each of these areas can reveal both
virtues and failings. There is no doubt that many areas
not covered by this research play an important role in
social integration and the democratisation of policing.
For example, there can be no question about the importance of the training system or police communication.
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New directions for future research
The objectives of the research have been achieved, but
the research cannot be considered complete. New tasks
have been set for research into the role of plural policing
in the present and its possible future. A more complete
picture of the actors of the law enforcement system in
Fejér County can be obtained by examining in detail the
situation of each of these actors: municipalities, civil police, private police. This, like a drop in the ocean, can
reflect the state of Hungarian plural policing.
Our picture of the police will be more complex and
complete if I broaden the scope of the research by analysing the situation of problem sensitivity and cooperation between police officers serving in an executive and
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Á r pá d B uda v á r i
managerial role in several departments outside the county.
A third new direction is to explore areas not covered
by current research, such as training, communication or
human resource management, with competent peers,
which could create new opportunities for a broader exploration of the subject.
Program of the Ministry of Innovation and Technology financed from the National Research, Development and Innovation Fund.
Acknowledgements
One of the main ideas of my doctoral thesis is the cooperation of law enforcement actors. The existence of the
dissertation itself is a result of significant cooperation,
which is a sufficiently credible support for this idea.
Throughout my research, I have been guided by the
aim of bridging the gap between the ideas of police science calling for reform and the views of police leaders
and policy-makers who consider the current structure to
be unquestionable. A significant step forward in my research mission was the award of a Doctoral Student Fellowship from the Ministry of Innovation and Technology’s Cooperative Doctoral Programme, which opened
up a new opportunity to fulfil my inner demand for research quality. This programme essentially ensured that,
with the support of my supervisor, Dr. Katalin Molnár,
and the corporate expert representing the police, Dr.
József Németh, our regular consultations would help to
promote the creation and dissemination of research results that would be of benefit to both science and everyday practice. The financial support provided by the Cooperative Doctoral Programme has also provided a solid
basis for the production and publication of results, which
has resulted in 19 scientific publications, 9 conference
presentations and the fact that I have defended my dissertation with the highest possible score, “summa cum
laude”.
Besides my supervisor Dr. Katalin Molnár and the
programme’s corporate expert Dr. József Németh, I also
owe a lot to the support provided by Prof. Péter Szendrő,
President of the Cooperative Doctoral College, who has
been very supportive in his strict requirements, constructive criticism and open and constructive dialogue,
thus helping me to meet the timeliness and content requirements of the research and to fully exploit the potential of the grants.
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Acknowledgement
Prepared with the professional support of the doctoral student scholarship program of the Co-Operative Doctoral
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