PAPUA NEW GUINEA
LIQUEFIED NATURAL GAS PROJECT
SOCIAL IMPACT
ASSESSMENT 2008
Assoc Professor Laurence Goldman
January 2009
Social Impact Assessment 2008
Papua New Guinea Liquefied Natural Gas Project
4.5
Portion 152
4.5.1 Introduction
The Papua New Guinea (PNG) Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) Project (‘the project’ or ‘PNG LNG
Project’) aims to commercialise the gas resources in the Southern Highlands and Western provinces
of PNG. The project involves the production of gas and its transportation to an LNG plant at Portion
152 on the coast of the Gulf of Papua near Port Moresby. The gas is to be liquefied at the LNG plant
and the LNG product shipped to international markets.
The PNG LNG Project will be operated by an ExxonMobil Corporation (ExxonMobil) affiliate, Esso
Highlands Limited (Esso).
This study has been commissioned by Coffey Natural Systems (CNS), the Environmental Impact
Study (EIS) lead consultants for the project. This report documents cultural heritage sites found within
and near 1) the proposed Portion 152 LNG Facilities site (referred to throughout this report as the
‘Onshore LNG Facilities component’ of our surveys); and 2) the proposed associated shallow marine
area of Caution Bay, including the inter-tidal zone (referred to as the ‘Offshore LNG Facilities
component’) (Figure 4.5.1). Combined, these two components are referred to as ‘the Study Area’ (see
section 4.5.3.1 for exact location of the Study Area).
This report begins with an outline of the proposed LNG Facilities developments in the Study Area in
section 4.5.2 (as these have been communicated to us by Coffey Natural Systems), and the objectives
of the cultural heritage sites surveys in the ensuing section 4.5.3. Legislative, ethical and best practice
issues that guide the cultural heritage surveys presented in this report are outlined in section 4.5.4.
This is followed by the methodology employed to document the Study Area’s cultural heritage sites
(section 4.5.5). In section 4.5.6 background environmental details are presented, followed in section
4.5.7, section 4.5.8 and section 4.5.9 by cultural, archaeological and historical details relevant to
understanding cultural heritage site locations and locational patterns within the Portion 152 area. This
is followed by section 4.5.10, where the results of the field surveys are presented. The significance of
the Study Area’s cultural heritage sites are then assessed (section 4.5.12), so as to make informed
recommendations (section 4.5.14) for their management in light of potential impacts from the proposed
developments (section 4.5.13).
For this report, cultural heritage sites are defined as places that relate to the cultural history of the
study region, as they concern the peoples engaged with them in the past and/or in the present. While
this report focuses on specific places, it recognises also that the meaning of what constitutes a cultural
heritage site varies widely and can include places of archaeological (scientific), historical (social)
and/or traditional (cultural) values. The cultural heritage sites in this report are therefore considered in
the wider context of the social landscape setting in which they occur.
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4.5.2 Project Description
The following descriptions of the planned LNG Facilities developments are taken directly from
Attachment A of the cultural heritage consultancy agreement of 18 December 2007 between Coffey
Natural Systems and Monash University, as supplied by Coffey Natural Systems.
The proposed development aims to move compressed hydrocarbon gas from existing gas and oil
fields through a submarine pipeline to processing and storage facilities at Portion 152. At Portion 152,
the plant will receive the pipeline at inlet facilities. Processing will here involve acid-gas removal and
disposal, gas dehydration involving water and mercury removal, gas liquefaction, LNG storage and
loading in storage tanks, condensate storage and loading in tanks, and possible future Liquified
Petroleum Gas [LPG] storage. To perform these tasks, the Portion 152 processing plant will include a
range of utilities including power generation facilities, fuel systems, heating and cooling systems,
nitrogen production systems, fresh water and potable water systems, and instrument air systems. The
LNG Facilities will require refrigerant storage and make-up system, wet and process flares and liquid
blowdown, LNG storage flare, firewater supply wells, reserve storage, distribution systems, and diesel
fuel systems. Infrastructure at the LNG Facilities site will include a temporary camp for construction
and contract personnel of approximately 7500 people; an operations camp for operating and
maintenance personnel (approximately 500 people); waste and effluent collection/treatment systems;
administration and maintenance buildings associated with the LNG Facilities; a helipad; a possible
project air strip; a loading terminal; and upgrade of the existing road between the Facility and Port
Moresby. A conventional piled access trestle offshore and earthen causeway across the salt pan, with
a total length of 2 km, is proposed to connect the incoming marine pipeline with the onshore LNG
processing and storage Facility. The trestle and causeway will support a range of facilities including
the product loading platforms at the end of the trestle in 14-15 m of water depth at lowest astronomical
tide (LAT). The loading platform will consist of LNG loading and return vapour arms and LNG berthing
facilities. Loading platforms will be sited adjacent to the trestle, and in future possibly adjacent to the
LNG or condensate loading platform.
A separate materials offloading facility (MOF) is proposed to facilitate the construction of the LNG
Facilities. The offloading dock is an approximately 500 m long earthen causeway with a sheet-piled
dock in 7 m of water depth at LAT, capable of receiving 5000 tonne barges. LNG tankers are
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anticipated to have a capacity of 210,000 m and require approximately 15 m water depth at LAT. LPG
3
tankers are anticipated to have a capacity up to 85,000m and require approximately 15 m water depth
at LAT. Condensate tankers are anticipated to require approximately 8 m water depth at LAT. The
approach and departure manoeuvres of all the carriers are expected to be assisted by 80 tonne tugs.
The LNG Facilities site will be fenced with regular security inspections.
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Figure 4.5.2 Location of Survey Focus Area (purple), original kidney-shaped area (blue), site
security fence area (black), within and near Portion 152 (red) (as supplied by
Coffey Natural Systems).
The proposed LNG Facilities developments will undoubtedly require the construction of numerous
access roads and tracks, laydown areas, cleared buffer zones and other infrastructure in addition to
the above described processing facilities. Individually and together, these developments will certainly
create considerable disturbance (e.g. through crushing or direct removal) to surface and sub-surface
cultural heritage sites, both through direct disturbance (e.g. digging activity) and indirect disturbance
(e.g. the passing of heavy machinery over archaeological deposits; foot traffic; access to nearby
archaeological sites and the picking up of archaeological objects by personnel; increased runoff which
may increase erosion along Ruisasi Creek – as the North Vaihua River is known locally based on
preliminary information obtained during fieldwork for this report – and Vaihua River). Potential
spillages and longer-term extensions of facilities will also almost certainly cause incremental impacts
on cultural sites both within and surrounding the Study Area.
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Figure 4.5.3 Proposed offshore LNG Facilities option locations in Caution Bay, showing areas
where maritime cultural heritage surveys have been undertaken (within the blue
400 m and green 700 m buffer zones) (as supplied by Coffey Natural Systems).
Cultural heritage sites will certainly be impacted by these planned construction, infrastructural and
operational developments. In order to document the impacts of the planned developments on cultural
heritage sites, a sample of the Study Area was systematically surveyed to allow probabilistic
extrapolations to be made for the entire area for purposes of the Environmental Impact Study (EIS).
While this report thus documents in detail the cultural heritage sites of the Survey Focus Area (a
delimited, gridded area within the proposed LNG Facilities’s site security fence area; see Figure 4.5.2
and section 4.5.3.1 for definition of ‘Survey Focus Area’) and nearby transect areas and associated
offshore facilities (Figure 4.5.3), at the time of this study field access to other parts of the proposed
LNG Facilities area was restricted due to the unexpected discovery of unexploded ordnances (UXO).
Therefore the location of cultural heritage sites outside the field-surveyed areas cannot be directly or
systematically addressed in this report, although the results of the surveys can be used to undertake
general predictive modeling for the LNG Facilities as a whole. This means that the specific locations of
any potential infrastructure locations associated with the proposed LNG Facilities developments,
including access roads, laydown areas and the like, are not addressed in this report. Such areas will
require cultural heritage investigation and management planning prior to development (see section
4.5.14 for recommendations).
4.5.3 Objectives
The aims of this report are to 1) document the location and nature of cultural heritage sites within the
Survey Focus Area of the proposed LNG Facilities site (Figure 4.5.2) and the adjacent near-shore
area (Figure 4.5.3); 2) identify potential impacts of proposed developments on these cultural heritage
sites; 3) identify the significance of these cultural heritage sites; and 4) make recommendations on
how to manage the area’s cultural heritage sites based on anticipated impacts and significance
assessments.
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The brief for the cultural heritage site surveys expects the consultants ‘to liaise with PNG national
agencies in a manner that assists capacity building and national database records’, ensuring that the
work meets ‘the requirements of PNG legislation and the Equator Principles. In particular the
assessment should conform to IFC Performance Standard 8, Cultural Heritage’. It requires
performance of the following tasks
•
Attend study briefing meeting with Coffey Natural Systems project staff, either in person or via
teleconference:
– To present an overview of the project scope and components.
– To discuss and agree the study scope of work.
– To discuss and agree study information requirements.
– To discuss study in field travel and survey OHS, logistics and resourcing requirements.
– To agree format and timing of study deliverables.
•
Literature review of archaeological work in the relevant project environs to date.
•
Inspect PNG National Museum and Art Gallery register of archaeological sites in the project area.
•
Liaison with Project Social Mapping and Land Identification researchers as required on information
to support this study.
•
Provide input to planning of study field logistics and engagement of research assistants as
required.
•
Undertake fieldwork to identify and assess the significance of archaeological and cultural heritage
sites in the project area, to include:
– Foot-surveys of the land component to identify archaeological and cultural heritage sites in the
project area.
– Informant interviews concerning significant sites (including information on landowner attitudes
and expectations regarding the management of the sites).
– Marine archaeological survey in near-shore area including a helicopter fly-over (if required),
remote sensing survey and underwater archaeological inspection.
– Photos and accurate GIS data of identified sites (including marine sites).
•
Liaise with the Contracting Party, project design engineers and the Social Impact Assessment (SIA)
consultant Laurence Goldman on the findings of the survey to agree appropriate mitigation
measures to manage potential impacts to sites or constraints to route planning. Any such measures
recommended by Monash University may be reported or disclosed to third parties, including PNG
Government agencies, provided that the Contracting Party (Coffey Natural Systems) provides its
consent prior to the disclosure or report (such consent not to be withheld unreasonably).
•
Consultation with and presentation of the findings of the surveys to the PNG National Museum and
Art Gallery and the Department of Environment and Conservation (DEC), as appropriate.
•
Formal presentation to DEC of the findings of the study as part of the EIS process.
•
Produce a report addressing the objectives listed above. The present report fulfils this task.
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We describe below under two separate sections – ‘LNG Land’ and ‘LNG Shallow Marine’, representing
the two separate geographical and methodological components of this study – specific locational
details of the Study Area.
4.5.3.1
Onshore LNG Facilities Component
The Survey Focus Area which forms the focus of this study is located between Papa and Boera
villages (see Figure 4.5.2). The location and size of the land area to be covered by the present study
changed during the course of the cultural heritage surveys. Initially the Monash University cultural
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heritage site surveying team was asked to cover an area of land 8.18 km in size. However, the
discovery of an UXO early during the cultural heritage surveys (see section 4.5.5.1) resulted, at the
request of Coffey Natural Systems, in a cessation of the original surveys and changes to the brief to
allow UXO clearance by a technical team of experts prior to continuation of the cultural heritage field
surveys. This led Coffey Natural Systems to refine the survey area to what is referred to in this report
as the Survey Focus Area throughout, consisting of an area 2.2 km (east-west) x 1.2 km (north-south)
in size as shown on Figure 4.5.2, and representing part of the focal area of construction activity for the
proposed LNG Plant. No planned access roads, laydown areas or other infrastructure places outside
the Survey Focus Area were investigated during our surveys, although some cultural heritage sites
outside the Survey Focus Area were opportunistically recorded and are documented in this report.
Figure 4.5.4 The kidney-shaped area (blue line) within and near Portion 152 (red line) for which
cultural heritage sites surveys (land component) were originally requested (as
supplied by Coffey Natural Systems).
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The cultural heritage sites documented for this report are located within and near the PNG
Government-owned Portion 152, in Central Province. Portion 152 extends from latitude 09° 19' 26'' in
the north (~2 km south of Papa on the 1:50,000 Port Moresby Sheet 8379-III [Edition 1] Series T702
topographic map) to 09° 23' 53'' in the south (~1 km north of Boera). Its western boundary is variously
between 400 m and 800 m inland from the high water line as per government regulations. The eastern
boundary runs from Kokoro Hill (~8 km east and inland from the coast) south along the foothills of the
range to a point ~500 m north of the Boera turn-off, from where it runs basically on an east-west axis
between the foothills and the coast. The kidney-shaped area originally marked for archaeological
investigation (Figure 4.5.4), and the subsequent Survey Focus Area that superceded it and that largely
lies within it (Figure 4.5.2), are located in the northwestern corner of Portion 152.
Because of the above fieldwork history, the cultural heritage field surveys were undertaken over two
field trips (section 4.5.3.1 for details). The result is 100% surface surveying of the northwestern and
western parts of the Survey Focus Area, and transect (probabilistic) sampling for the rest of the Survey
Focus Area. An area outside and to the northwest of the Survey Focus Area was also 100% surveyed
for cultural heritage sites during the first field trip prior to the discovery of the UXO, when the original
Study Area was larger than the Survey Focus Area itself and extended into this locality. The exact
locations surveyed, methods employed, and results of the surveys are fully described in section
4.5.3.1, section 4.5.1 and section 4.5.10 respectively.
4.5.3.2
Offshore LNG Facilities Component
Our brief for the Offshore LNG Facilities component of the cultural heritage site surveys was to
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undertake a maritime archaeological survey of a ~4km area of Option One (with a 400m buffer zone
around proposed locations for an LNG Jetty) as a priority, with further investigations of a 700m buffer
zone (Option 2) around these same proposed locations if any time remained available during our
period of contract. The shallow marine area covered by this report is shown in Figure 4.5.3. Here the
area surveyed for cultural heritage sites includes that part of the route which would be directly
impacted by the construction of the proposed offshore LNG Jetty near Konekaru beach and the
proposed Marine Offshore Facility near Boera Head (as determined by the map supplied to the cultural
heritage site surveying team by Coffey Natural Systems immediately prior to fieldwork – see Figure
4.5.3). Documentation of cultural heritage sites in other nearby underwater areas did not form part of
the brief, budget, schedule or logistical planning; hence any inspection of such additional areas was
opportunistic and restricted. It should be noted that shallow marine areas outside the Study Area
addressed in this report will require cultural heritage investigation and management planning prior to
development if such areas are to be impacted by the proposed developments.
4.5.4 Law, Ethics and Best Practice
Current international best practice standards for extractive industries are laid out in the World
Bank/IFC-sponsored Equator Principles (Equator Principles, 2005), and the legislative requirements
have been detailed in Section 4.1. However, we reiterate here those sections that are relevant to
Portion 152. Current international best practice standards for extractive industries are laid out in the
World Bank/International Finance Corporation (IFC)-sponsored Equator Principles (Equator Principles,
2006). The IFC standards required under the Equator Principles incorporate IFC Performance
Standard 8 (Cultural Heritage), which is of relevance to development responsibilities towards a variety
of archaeological and non-archaeological cultural heritage places documented in this report.
IFC Performance Standard 8 adopts the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization’s (UNESCO) definition of ‘cultural property’ which includes:
sites having archaeological (prehistoric), paleontological, historical, cultural, artistic, and religious values,
as well as unique natural environmental features that embody cultural values, such as sacred groves. …
intangible forms of culture, such as cultural knowledge, innovations and practices of communities
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embodying traditional lifestyles, are also included. The requirements of this Performance Standard apply
to cultural heritage regardless of whether or not it has been legally protected or previously disturbed.
Natural features of the landscape such as specific hills, clay sources, beaches, sago stands and
waterholes, which may be unmodified but nevertheless regarded as significant by local communities,
are included under IFC Performance Standard 8. Such places are also of relevance in the sense that
it may not be appropriate to only protect an archaeological site (e.g. a particular ancestral village site)
while at the same time destroying its immediate surroundings (e.g. its associated waterhole or beach),
if these immediate surroundings also form part of a site’s culturally significant matrix.
4.5.4.1
Historic and Maritime Heritage Legislation
Several pieces of legislation also apply to underwater or maritime (including both pre-Europeancontact period and later) and other European-contact period sites in PNG. All the definitions of
cultural property identified under the National Cultural Property (Preservation) Act listed above also
and equally apply to contact period and maritime scenarios, particularly as the Act does not define the
term ‘ancient’ and is not limited to terrestrial places. In particular, the specific reference to ‘a deposit of
… historical remains’ (§20[1][c], which is referred to in §20[3]) indicates that all ‘historic’ and maritime
sites are reportable under this Act. These sites include artillery batteries and other associated defence
structures, planes and shipwrecks, graves and, similarly, all burial sites (including sites associated with
World War II [WWII] conflict and crashes). The PNG National Museum and Art Gallery is empowered
under §6 and §7 of the National Cultural Property (Preservation) Act to investigate any destruction or
illegal export of, and to compulsorily acquire, any movable objects and immovables (the land where
they are located) which have been declared to be National Cultural Property under the Act.
Under the terms of the National Museum and Art Gallery Act (1992), the PNG National Museum and
Art Gallery is also responsible for administering the War Surplus Material Act (1952).
The War Surplus Material Act (1952) and accompanying Regulations (1952) specifically protect all
material from World War II and other times of defense for the period between 1939 and 1952,
including any plane or shipwreck, vehicle or machinery (such as cars, trucks, tanks and so forth) or
their associated parts; unexploded ordinance; building, fitting or other structure (or its associated
materials) including those situated in internal waters, territorial seas or underground. All war-related
materials are deemed to be the absolute property of the State. There is a mandatory requirement (§9)
that the discovery of any material of this type must be reported to the Curator of DoMH, a division of
the PNG National Museum and Art Gallery. The Curator is currently Mr Mark Katakumb. The DoMH
is responsible for the administration of modern periods, and specifically WWII materials and sites, and
maintains a Register of military sites, relics and collections. Of note, the Act restricts any interference
with unexploded ordinances (UXO) and other munitions. If UXO materials are discovered, it is a
requirement that they be reported initially to the DoMH, who will organise their removal through the
PNG Bomb Squad. However, UXOs can be removed by any persons discovering such a site, if the
team has an approved UXO disposal expert working with them (Mark Katakumb, personal
communication 2008).
There are also provisions under the War Cemeteries and Graves Act (1986) for the responsible
Minister to declare an area of land a Commonwealth War Cemetery. Once this clause has been
enacted, it is an offence to disturb or exhume a body buried in such declared places without Ministerial
approval. Many military aircraft and shipwreck sites are commonly regarded as ‘war graves’ around
the world (Gibbs, 2005:60), and as such hold strong social and spiritual attachments for relatives.
Such sites are often the scene of memorial services (for an apt example, see the recent press reports
surrounding the discovery of HMAS Sydney). It is thus possible, and indeed likely, that newly
discovered aircraft or shipwreck sites associated with loss of life could be deemed war graves and
awarded suitable protection under this Act. International parties may also have an interest in such
sites and consider them war graves or places of special significance (see section 4.5.4.3.1, section
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4.5.4.3.2 below). It should also be noted that under the Cemeteries Act (1955), it is an offence to
exhume a body from a grave, and a body still entombed in an aircraft or shipwreck might also be
considered a grave. This Act is also relevant to those areas with ancient village sites containing
burials, and where other kinds of burial sites (e.g. cave ossuaries) are present.
The National Cultural Commission Act (1994) also contains clauses for ‘the preservation … of
indigenous lifestyle of the peoples of Papua New Guinea as well as their cultural heritage [both
tangible and intangible] and values’ through a cultural development programme (§1 of the Act).
4.5.4.2
Non Heritage-Specific Legislation
Other PNG national legislation indirectly applies to the protection of maritime cultural heritage sites.
There are a number of clauses under the Merchant Shipping Act (1975) that pertain to shipping
incidents, shipwrecks and their associated fittings and cargoes. These include offences and penalties
for interfering with, plundering and/or removing a wreck (§263J, §263Q); obligations to report the
discovery of a shipwreck (§263K); and transferral of ownership to the State where original ownership
cannot be ascertained (§263N).
Under §37-43 and §47 of the National Agriculture Quarantine and Inspection Authority Act (1997), any
overseas vessel or aircraft (and all their associated goods) that has not previously cleared quarantine
is still subject to quarantine regulations until such time as it is cleared or given a certificate of pratique.
It is an offence (under §63) to remove any material from a vessel or aircraft that has not cleared
quarantine. These regulations still apply to planes and ships that were wrecked before they had
cleared quarantine (particularly those that had not already docked in PNG or were flying defence
sorties directly from Australia).
Similarly, under the Customs Act (1951) it is an offence to import any goods that have not cleared
customs through a designated port of entry. Goods that have not cleared customs within a designated
period are declared forfeit to the State (§25, §25a). This Act further outlines obligations to report the
incidence and/or discovery of a ship or plane wreck to a customs officer, and that it is an offence to
remove, alter or interfere with any part of a wreck or its associated goods that may be subject to
customs duties (§30, §31, §32). This is reinforced under §263B of the Merchant Shipping Act.
Examples of these types of cultural property may be present within the project development area.
This summary of PNG national legislation is indicative of what the project development area may be
subject to in regard to cultural heritage protection under PNG law.
4.5.4.3
International Instruments
4.5.4.3.1 Historic and Maritime Heritage Legislation – Australian Legislation
Certain PNG shipwrecks and associated relics in waters adjacent to Australian Commonwealth waters
or within/above the outer limit of the continental shelf of Australia may be declared as historic
shipwrecks and/or relics under the (Australian) Historic Shipwrecks Act (1976) (§5.5, §5.6). Although
one of the applications of this Act appears to be to protect PNG wrecks in Australian waters, it is
unclear whether or not this also applies to PNG wrecks that occur on the Australian side of the
continental shelf where it is contiguous to the PNG coastline, as the Act stipulates that all wrecks that
occur on the Australian continental shelf are also protected. Further work by maritime law specialists
is required to determine the implications of the Petroleum (Submerged Lands) Act (1967), Indonesian
Border Agreement Act (1973), Petroleum (Gulf of Papua) Agreements Act (1976), National Seas Act
(1977), and Offshore Seas Proclamation (1978) in regards to any overlap between Australian and
PNG sovereignty boundaries, particularly with regard to the extent of the Australian continental shelf,
and the implications of these Acts on the application of the Australian Historic Shipwrecks Act (1976).
The Office of Australian War Graves (OAWG) also maintains a Register of War Dead, and has an
undertaking to maintain and commemorate war graves in perpetuity (OAWG, 2008). The OAWG
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would show interest and concern for any graves of Australian servicemen found discovered in PNG,
including those where crewmen died and were still interred in their vessels or craft.
4.5.4.3.2 Historic and Maritime Heritage Legislation – U.S. Legislation
Many countries have enacted legislation to ensure that their wrecks of military craft are protected
through perpetual retention of salvage rights (United States Sunken Military Craft Act §1401, §1406).
For instance the United States Sunken Military Craft Act (2004) states that all sunken United States
(US) military craft remains the property of the US government, and that salvage rights will never be
extinguished without express divestiture of title by the United States government. In this context,
sunken military craft applies to any US military ship or plane which was wrecked during military service
(§1408).
Furthermore, should any war aircraft crash or shipwreck site be discovered that contained human
remains, it is probable that such sites would be declared war graves by their country of origin, and that
protection would be sought from the host nation (in this case, PNG). This was recently the case after
the discovery of the Australian Battle Cruiser HMAS Sydney and the German raider HMV Kormoran
off the Western Australian coast (e.g. see Blenkin, 2008).
It should be noted that the US Defence Department has a co-ordinated programme to locate, record
and exhume the remains of former US servicemen for return to their families. The Joint POW/MIA
Accounting Command (known as JPAC) runs worldwide operations with dedicated field teams of
forensic scientists and archaeologists to achieve this aim. It has in-country detachments in Vietnam,
Thailand and Laos. Japan also runs a similar program to recover the bodies of Japanese servicemen.
Both of these US and Japanese agencies should be consulted wherever any allied aircraft, shipwrecks
or other war grave and crash sites are discovered, and should also be notified of the aircraft wrecks
identified in the present report.
4.5.4.3.3 International Conventions: Cultural Heritage as a Human Right
With regard to ‘historic’ and underwater/maritime sites specifically, the UNESCO Convention for the
Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage (2001) has outlined several statements and conditions
which are rapidly being accepted as global standards for the protection of submerged cultural heritage.
The convention defines underwater cultural heritage as ‘all traces of human existence having cultural,
historical or archaeological character which have been partially or totally underwater, periodically or
continuously, for at least 100 years’, such as:
•
Sites, structures, buildings, artefacts and human remains, together with their archaeological and
natural context.
•
Vessels, aircraft, other vehicles or part thereof, their cargo or contents, together with their
archaeological and natural context.
•
Objects of prehistoric character.
Pipelines and cables on the seabed are not considered as underwater cultural heritage (Article 1).
The convention recommends and encourages:
•
In situ conservation and conformity of protection, documentation and legislation regarding
underwater cultural heritage, and discourages commercial exploitation of the same (Article 2).
•
That any salvaging (where authorised) should conform with the protection standards of the
Convention (Article 4).
•
The reduction of any adverse affects on underwater cultural heritage (Article 5).
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•
Co-operative State party and internal agreements to preserve underwater cultural heritage (Articles
6, 7 and 8).
•
Development of reporting procedures which ensure that the discoveries of international cultural
heritage sites are made known to the international community and the site’s country of origin, to
enable co-operative management/protection of those sites (Articles 9, 10, 11 and 12).
•
That although military and government vessels/aircraft have immunity from these conditions, they
should endeavour to abide by them where possible (Article 13);
•
State parties should endeavour to terminate and control the illicit trade in underwater cultural
heritage relics, and impose sanctions and seizure of the same where possible (Articles 14-18).
•
State parties should promote co-operation and information sharing through public awareness and
training in underwater archaeology and through the establishment of competent authorities, cooperative meetings and mediation arrangements (Articles 19-22).
•
That the Convention applies equally to inland and maritime waters (Article 28).
The Convention outlines rules regarding activities directed at underwater cultural heritage sites. These
rules include:
•
In situ preservation, protection and documentation.
•
The restriction of sale or trade of underwater cultural heritage as commercial items.
•
Minimisation of the affects of activities on the underwater site.
•
Use of non-destructive investigative/survey techniques in preference to excavation/recovery.
•
Avoidance of all activities causing unnecessary disturbance to human remains or venerated sites.
•
Regulation of activities to ensure proper recording of cultural, historical and archaeological
information.
•
Promotion of public access to sites.
•
Encouraging international co-operation to improve codes of conduct and skill-sharing.
•
Improved planning and research design to facilitate significance assessments, adequate funding
and timetabling, expertise and onsite conservation, reporting, curation, archiving and
dissemination.
•
Greater consideration of environmental impacts of research/investigation.
Although PNG is not currently a signatory to UNESCO’s Convention for the Protection of Underwater
Cultural Heritage, these standards should be adopted as best practice in any operation dealing with
underwater/maritime archaeological sites.
The UNESCO Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import, Export, and
Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property (1970) equally applies to the trade in relics from land and
underwater sites, including ship and plane wrecks.
Drowned landscapes, where former terrestrial areas have been inundated, may potentially hold
evidence of prehistoric occupation (e.g., as is likely to be the case shortly to the east of the Kopi
Bypass corridor at the ancient village site of Areviti [site KG41]). Many previous studies (e.g. Dortch et
al., 1990; Fischer, 1995) have demonstrated the diversity and remarkable state of preservation of
stone and organic artefacts that might be found in inundated landscapes. While a previously terrestrial
site may now be under water as a result of shifting river courses or rising sea levels, a drowned site
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should be investigated to determine whether or not it still retains cultural materials worthy of future
management. English Heritage, the premier heritage organisation in the United Kingdom (UK), has
set out guidelines for detecting prehistoric artefacts using seabed dredging operations; such guidelines
have been adopted by commercial dredging operators (British Marine Aggregate Producers
Association and English Heritage, 2003). These standards include using a suitable screen to sample
dredge spoil at regular intervals to determine the presence of prehistoric artefacts.
4.5.5 Methods
Following the brief for this study, and in accordance with the various legal instruments (including both
domestic legislation and international covenants), and ethical and professional best practice
expectations outlined in Section 4.1, the cultural heritage site survey team has employed the following
methodology in carrying out the cultural heritage sites impact study presented in this report. The
methodologies employed in the Onshore and Offshore LNG Facilities components are presented
separately in section 4.5.5.1 and section 4.5.5.2 respectively.
Knowledge of cultural practices and historical trends and events for the study region is based on five
kinds of sources:
•
Oral traditions. What living people can tell us about their past and present cultural practices,
cultural events and cultural sites.
•
Historical records. These include early colonial (generally European) and later observations of local
peoples, as recorded in written texts, historic maps and charts, photographs and audio-visual
recordings (explorers’ reports, missionary accounts, government patrol reports and so forth).
However, in a maritime context these also include historical documentation of past sailing routes
and port facilities (such as pilots’ records and/or sailing directions; notices to mariners;
governmental public works records; Customs Department records of shipping incidents). WWII
sites are documented through numerous avenues, including defence department and other
administrative records of WWII air and shipping losses; civilian registers of aircraft crashes;
regional maps and plans.
•
Anthropological and linguistic writings. What anthropologists and linguistics have to say about
cultural heritage matters and cultural sites, based on professional participant observations and
linguistic analyses.
•
Museum and other portable objects. Artefacts which came from particular locations on the land or
in water and which help give those places distinctive cultural significance.
•
Archaeological evidence. Material remains (artefacts) of past human activity obtained through
archaeological investigation.
Throughout this report, unless otherwise indicated all locations are given in the WGS84 (Zone 55) coordinate system.
4.5.5.1
Onshore LNG Facilities Component
The archaeological team undertaking the LNG152 Land component fieldwork consisted of Dr Bruno
David – Project Co-ordinator, archaeologist (Monash University, Australia), Dr Matthew Leavesley –
Field Survey Co-ordinator, archaeologist (University of PNG, Port Moresby), Nick Araho –
Archaeologist (PNG National Museum and Art Gallery, Port Moresby), Jeremy Ash – Archaeologist
(Monash University, Australia), John Dop – Cultural heritage officer (PNG National Museum and Art
Gallery, Port Moresby), Dr Brad Duncan – Archaeologist (Monash University, Australia), Dr Alexandra
Gartrell – Cultural geographer (Monash University, Australia), Alois Kuaso – Archaeologist (PNG
National Museum and Art Gallery, Port Moresby), Herman Mandui – Archaeologist (PNG National
Museum and Art Gallery, Port Moresby), Moi Dobi – Community representative (Boera village), Gau
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Ario – Community representative (Papa village), Renagi Koiari – Community representative (Papa
village).
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The fieldwork for this report began on 17 January and ended on 11 May 2008. It was undertaken
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during two phases, the first from 17 January to 21 February when surveys began at the northwest
2
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corner of a 8.18 km kidney-shaped area within Portion 152; and the second from 21 April to 11 May
2
of a smaller, 2.64 km area (from here-on the ‘Survey Focus Area’) largely but not exactly contained
within the original kidney-shaped area. As noted in section 4.5.3.1, the reason for these two phases is
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that an UXO was found by the field crew during the first period of fieldwork, on 20 January. Upon
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reporting this discovery to Coffey Natural Systems on 21 January, the cultural heritage site survey
team was instructed for safety reasons to cease all Onshore LNG Facilities component fieldwork until
further notice. This arrived during a series of communications from Coffey Natural Systems between
nd
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2 and 30 April (especially 25 April), when the brief was changed and the Monash University
cultural heritage team was requested to survey only along 3 m-wide transect lines pre-cleared by
MilSearch personnel within the area of the Survey Focus Area (because the rest of the Survey Focus
Area had not been cleared of UXO by MilSearch in time for 100% archaeological surveys to proceed).
2
2
As a result, the western 39% (0.89 km ) of the total 2.28 km of the Survey Focus Area inside the site
security fence area was entirely (100% ground coverage) field surveyed during the first phase of
fieldwork, but the rest of the Survey Focus Area was only sampled along the transect corridors (Figure
4.5.5).
Figure 4.5.5 Areas surveyed in January (100% surveys) and April-May 2008 (sample transects)
within and near the site perimieter fence and Survey Focus Area.
2
Additionally, an area of 0.75 km to the immediate northwest of the Survey Focus Area was entirely
(100%) surveyed, because the original kidney-shaped area prior to the discovery of the UXO included
an area extending outside the subsequent Survey Focus Area.
In June, Nick Araho undertook an extra day of fieldwork to record two ancestral village sites outside
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the development area, Aemakara and Dirora. On 19 June, five days before this report was due for
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submission, the cultural heritage team was given a map showing the final proposed development
footprint (the area inside the ‘site security fence area’, being the security fence at the outermost
boundary of the LNG Plant site) by Coffey Natural Systems. The area inside the site security fence
2
area covers 7.93 km , 29% of which is covered by the Survey Focus Area (Figure 4.5.2). In this report
(see section 4.5.11 in particular), cultural heritage site distributions are presented for the area inside
the site security fence area, based on field surveys undertaken in the Study Area. Impacts of the
proposed developments on cultural heritage sites within the site security fence area are presented in
section 4.5.13.1, and recommendations in section 4.5.14.2.1.
Interviews and site visits were undertaken with local Koita and Motu community members at a series
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of public meetings held at Porebada, Boera, Papa and Lea Lea villages on 25 January 2008, and
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each day from 6 to 10 May 2008. Additionally, field participants nominated by village representative
bodies participated in the archaeological fieldwork during both the January and April-May surveys (see
the above bullet-point list for the names of each representative; see section 4.5.4.1 for specific
details). The following people participated at these community discussions in public meeting places
and/or as individual discussions at Porebada, Boera, Papa and Lea Lea: Aia Avata, Daro Avei,
Rakatani Henri, Diari, Siosa, Lohia Gabe, Tara Gau, Mea Gudia, Billy Heni, Iru Kari, Robert Kauga,
Maba Lohia, Oveai Maino, Igo Meauri, Lohia Miria, Mea Miria, Nadani Morea, Reverend Vagi Naime,
Heni Totona, plus another approximately 30 people who attended these meetings but whose names
were not recorded.
During the second phase of fieldwork, Jessica Wiltshire and Robert Bone of Coffey Natural Systems
joined the Monash University cultural heritage team as observers.
4.5.5.1.1 Historical Sources Investigated
A number of documentary sources were investigated for background information on cultural heritage
and cultural heritage sites in and surrounding the Study Area. These include the site register and
reports files of the PNG National Museum and Art Gallery, a limited investigation of cultural items held
by the PNG National Museum and Art Gallery, and a detailed review of the published literature on the
archaeology of the southern PNG lowlands, focusing on the Port Moresby area.
4.5.5.1.2 Fieldwork and Site Recording Methods
All cultural heritage sites identified during the fieldwork within the Study Area were recorded on
recording forms specifically designed for this cultural heritage consultancy (the original recording forms
were slightly modified after the January fieldwork and used in the April-May fieldwork; see
Annexure 4.5.1). All sites were recorded in consultation with representatives from Papa and/or Boera
villages. Cultural heritage sites were deemed any place showing evidence of cultural heritage, be it a
large village, a sacred place or an isolated stone artefact. Evidence for the presence of cultural
heritage sites followed two principles:
•
Archaeological sites were by definition identified through the presence of material remains relating
to past cultural activities (e.g. stone artefacts, pottery sherds or shells). Neighbouring
archaeological sites were differentiated when artefact concentrations were separated by areas
devoid of surface culture materials more than 5 m apart.
•
Oral tradition sites are any cultural heritage site known from oral traditions.
In principle, an oral tradition site could be a sacred site lacking material evidence of past human
presence (i.e. a cultural heritage site that is not also an archaeological site), or it could also be an
archaeological site (i.e. it may have an anthropogenic material signature), but in practice we found that
all of the oral tradition cultural heritage sites communicated to the cultural heritage site survey team by
community representatives were outside the Survey Focus Area. That is, all cultural heritage sites
within the Survey Focus Area are archaeological sites.
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The survey was undertaken in two stages. Due to the complexities resulting from the discovery of the
UXO during the January survey, the methodologies for each survey were markedly different and
therefore are described separately below.
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January Survey. The survey was undertaken on 17 to 20 January 2008. The participants for this
survey included Matthew Leavesley, Herman Mandui, Nick Araho, Alois Kuaso and Moi Dobi in Team
1; and Brad Duncan, Jeremy Ash, Jon Dop and Gau Ario in Team 2. The January survey strategy was
designed to identify every archaeological object on the landscape in the Priority Area including isolated
(individual) midden shells and stone artefacts.
In January 2008, prior to the discovery of the first UXO, we undertook archaeological field surveys in
the following way:
1. Prior to commencement of fieldwork, a meeting was convened with Herman Mandui (Chief
Archaeologist, PNG National Museum and Art Gallery), Nick Araho and Alois Kuaso of the
Prehistory Department at the PNG National Museum and Art Gallery (which administers the
National Cultural Property [Preservation] Act). Alois Kuaso undertook to gather documents from all
known archaeological surveys previously undertaken within the study region for photocopying. The
locations of existing archaeological sites were plotted on 1:50,000 topographic maps, and individual
site records were photocopied from the Museum files.
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2. On the first day (Thursday 17 January), with the assistance of Esso Highlands Ltd. Community
Affairs officer Agi Hoire, we travelled to Boera and Papa to liaise with the community leaders so as
to meet with the community representatives from the respective villages to assist with the cultural
heritage surveys. We then identified the geographical parameters of Portion 152 and the proposed
archaeological survey area within it. This included a cursory driving tour of parts of Portion 152 and
a visit to Konekaru beach. The information obtained allowed us to formulate an efficient survey plan
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for the remainder of the survey. On the 18 , 19 and 20 January we divided into two teams
(Matthew Leavesley, Herman Mandui, Nick Araho, Alois Kuaso and Moi Dobi in Team 1; Brad
Duncan, Jeremy Ash, John Dop and Gau Ario in Team 2).
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On Friday 18 January we operated as two co-ordinated teams. Team 1 began an intensive survey
while Team 2 recorded the large site complex (and associated nearby sites) identified the previous
day. Team 1 began on the junction of the northern boundary of Portion 152 and the Boera-Papa
Road. The team formed a line with each individual spaced 10-15 m apart and simultaneously
walked west to the coast. When a site was identified the team stopped to identify its respective
parameters and record the site. Upon completion of the recording process the line was reformed
and the team continued to walk across the landscape. Once the team reached the western
boundary of Portion 152, it reformed south of the southern-most surveyor and return back (east)
across the landscape to the road. This procedure altered slightly at the junction of the Boera-Papa
Road and Ruisasi Creek. Rather than crossing the creek with every sweep, the team remained on
its western side. This process was continued for the remainder of the survey.
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From the outset, Team 2 followed a slightly different strategy. It began Friday 18 by returning
directly to the large site complex at Konekaru beach and recorded all of the sites within the vicinity.
Upon completion of this task the team moved to the dry ground north of the confluence of Ruisasi
Creek and Vahui River. Team members recorded all the known sites in the locality and then formed
their own line of surveyors spaced 10-15 m apart and began to survey on an east-west axis moving
to the north, back towards Team 1.
3. Although ground visibility was in the main between 0-25 % due to long grass on the field and thick
mangrove cover on the coastal margin, conventional ground-walking archaeological surveys were
employed for this study. Significantly, the one old village location identified as Konekaru and lying
along the beach where the pipeline was at one stage proposed to come onshore was identified by
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village representatives during our field surveys, without us ever having to ask local people about
the locations of individual villages – that is, the village was memorialised in local clan oral histories,
and was communicated to us during the ground surveys. The villagers who showed us cultural
heritage sites during this phase of the project are the following: Moi Dobi (from Boera) and Gau
Ario (from Papa).
4. While travelling to and from cultural heritage sites shown to us by clan representatives, walking
tracks, creek banks, mudflats, uprooted tree hollows, and the sediment matrix trapped in tree roots
were examined for archaeological remains, and all sites thus found were recorded.
5. Whenever we came across a site, whether taken there by local community representatives, or by
being told of nearby sites presently inaccessible due to thick vegetation cover, or by finding isolated
stone artefacts along tracks/tree roots/creek banks while walking to other sites, an individual Site
Recording Form was completed (4.5 Annexure). GPS locations were recorded for each site we
went to, and estimated using compass bearings for more distant sites we could not directly access;
locations at these latter sites were identified from the 1:50,000 topographic map following informant
interviews conducted in proximal locales.
6. At the completion of the January survey, the team had all but completed an intensive survey of the
region bounded on the north by the boundary of Portion 152, the east by the Papa-Boera Road and
Ruisasi Creek, and the south and west by the mangroves.
2
2
Using these methods, a total area of 1.64 km covering the western 11% (0.89 km ) of the Survey
2
Focus Area plus an area of 0.75 km immediately outside but contiguous with the Survey Focus Area
(to the northwest) were 100% surveyed in January 2008. The total contiguous area systematically
100% surveyed within and adjacent to the site security fence area is equivalent in size to 21% of the
site security fence area.
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April-May Survey. This survey was undertaken between 21 April and 8 May 2008, and was
conducted very differently to the January survey. Under the directions of Coffey Natural Systems and
Esso, the survey was restricted to the areas previously cleared of UXOs by MilSearch.
Site identifications proceeded in the following way:
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1. Prior to commencement of fieldwork on Monday 21 April, we liaised with Esso Highlands in order
to participate in a site induction conducted primarily by MilSearch.
2. Upon arrival at Portion 152 we liaised with MilSearch and the local village representatives and
immediately divided into two surveying teams and remained so for the duration of the survey. Team
1 consisted of Matthew Leavesley, Herman Mandui, Nick Araho, Jessica Wiltshire (Coffey Natural
Systems) and Moi Dobi. Robert Bone (Coffey Natural Systems) also briefly joined Team 1. Team 2
consisted of Jeremy Ash, John Dop and Renagi Koiari. Each team was also accompanied by a
MilSearch representative.
3. The survey was limited to narrow transects and areas of high ground visibility that had previously
been cleared by MilSearch. This included the transects, mudflats and other areas clear of long
grass. In the latter case, the MilSearch representatives cleared the area before we ventured into it.
All but one small section of the transects were 3 m wide. The only exception to the use of the
transects occurred when either a MillSearch representative cleared a path in front of us, or on open
ground (such as the mudflats) where the MilSearch representative could clearly see the ground
ahead of us. The spatial distribution of the transects was designed to ensure that all of the major
topographic features on the landscape were encountered at least once. They were also spaced in
such a way that large archaeological sites would not be missed. The transects were divided
between the two teams and were intensively surveyed. These factors seriously limited the scope of
the survey (i.e., the eastern part of the Priority Area has not been 100 % surveyed).
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4. Although ground visibility was low, conventional ground-walking archaeological survey was
employed for this study. The two teams intensively surveyed the ground, within the requisite areas
delineated by MilSearch, for archaeological material.
Whenever we came across a site, an individual Site Recording Form was completed (4.5 Annexure).
GPS locations were recorded for each site we went to, and estimated using compass bearings for
more distant sites we could not directly access; locations at these latter sites were identified from the
1:50,000 topographic map following informant interviews conducted in proximal locales.
The cultural heritage site recordings were not aimed at mapping present-day land-use patterns, but
historical sites that may potentially take a number of culturally meaningful expressions in the
landscape. This might include the Department of Primary Industry (DPI) farm that was set up early last
century (post-1906). Thus, the kinds of sites recorded are those sites that allow people to trace the
present with the past. Such sites may include conventionally defined archaeological sites – that is,
sites that have physical and potentially datable evidence of past activities, such as stone tools, pottery
or wooden structural remains – or they may be ancestral or ‘origin’ sites for local village members or
sacred sites which allow local people to spiritually connect with ancestral homelands (as per oral
traditions). Thus present-day gardens, villages or bush camps have not been mapped in this cultural
heritage study unless these are also said to have been historically significant places by clan members,
or showed evidence of archaeological significance during the course of the surveys.
Public and individual discussions and interviews were also held at Porebada, Boera, Papa and Lea
Lea villages to ensure that cultural heritage sites within the Study Area known by local villagers were
documented. During these interviews, various issues and concerns were raised by Koita and Motu
individuals and representatives. Additionally, village representatives took members of the cultural
heritage team to cultural places outside, but close to, the Survey Focus Area for field recording. These
sites and issues are documented in various parts of this report, in particular section 4.5.10 and section
4.5.14 (survey results and recommendations, respectively).
4.5.5.2
Offshore LNG Facilities Component
It is important to note that this is the first time that formal maritime archaeological research has been
undertaken in mainland PNG for EIS purposes. Therefore, there are no previous compilations that
could be used as foundation documents, as this study entailed locating and exploring information
sources previously not considered or consulted. The location, extent, availability and accessibility of
these data sources varied greatly. In this way, the shallow marine investigations carried out during this
consultancy set a benchmark for future consultancies.
The archaeological team undertaking the Offshore LNG Facilities component fieldwork consisted of Dr
Brad Duncan – Co-ordinating archaeologist and commercial diver (Monash University, Australia), Lyall
Mills – Commercial diver, commercial dive supervisor and avocational archaeologist (Monash
University, Australia), Scott Allen – Remote sensing specialist, commercial diver and avocational
archaeologist (Monash University, Australia), Liz Kilpatrick – Archaeologist and commercial diver
(Monash University, Australia), Gau Ario – Community representative (Papa village), Auda Delena –
Community representative (Lea Lea village), and Moi Dobi – Community representative (Boera village)
4.5.5.2.1 Historical Sources Investigated
Given an absence of pre-existing synthesized information or bibliographies for the Study Area, several
local knowledgeable institutions were approached by which to establish a background history for the
Caution Bay area. The archival collections of the following institutions were investigated for this
purpose:
•
PNG National Museum and Art Gallery (Department of Prehistory), Port Moresby.
•
PNG National Museum and Art Gallery (Department of Modern History), Port Moresby.
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•
History Department of the University of PNG, Port Moresby.
•
Archaeology Department of the University of PNG, Port Moresby.
•
Ports PNG, Port Moresby.
•
PNG National Archives, Port Moresby.
•
National Research Institute, Port Moresby.
PNG National Museum and Art Gallery (Department of Prehistory). The Prehistory Archaeological
Database was searched with the assistance of Curators Herman Mandui and Nick Araho. There were
no known records of indigenous archaeological sites in the underwater section of the Study Area.
PNG National Museum and Art Gallery (Department of Modern History). The Department of
Modern History (DoMH) maintains a database of aircraft and other military wrecks and relics from
WWII. DoMH also houses an extensive collection of military and civic maps, plans and charts, books,
and databases of missing WWII aircraft. The entire map collection, missing aircraft database, and
selected archival documents and publications were investigated with the assistance of the Curator
Mark Katakumbe and Technician John Lelai. Archival research was concentrated in this facility to
begin with, as the most likely anticipated maritime sites in the Study Area were historical shipwrecks,
aircraft wrecks, defence sites and other historic infrastructure.
Archaeology and History Departments, University of PNG. Interviews were conducted with Dr Matt
Levingsley (Archaeology) and Professor Biama Kanasa (History) to ascertain the extent of previous
research in the Caution Bay area. Biama Kanasa has undertaken historical research in this area (with
particular reference to oral history documentation), and during the course of the archival research for
the present Consultancy discussed his findings and previous publications with Brad Duncan. However,
no previous maritime or post-European contact period archaeological investigation had been
undertaken in the region.
Ports PNG. Ports PNG control the movement of shipping in and out of all ports, and provide sea pilots
to navigate large vessels. Although the organisation did not retain an archive of Notices to Mariners
(as was anticipated), local sea pilots did have a detailed knowledge of the coastal waters and provided
Brad Duncan with information not otherwise available, particularly regarding maritime defence facilities
and the absence of shipwreck sites in the Caution Bay area.
National Archives/National Library. Unfortunately, the National Archives and the PNG National
Library were both closed during the period allocated for historical research. The latter was closed
indefinitely for major refurbishment. Although one day’s research of the air crashes and airstrips
folders (SN54) was subsequently undertaken on our behalf by a local contractor when the National
Archives re-opened, results were negligible. Further research in the archives may reveal historical
data pertinent to the Study Area. Areas recommended for further research include the following
Series:
•
Aerodromes and Air Services (GSS360) – includes air crashes and airstrips.
•
Air Services (SN19).
•
Airfields and Airline Services (SN54) – includes reports of air crashes.
•
Allied Geographical Studies (SN94) – includes aerial photography of military forces activities in
WWII.
•
Armed Services (SN55).
•
Bomb Disposal (SN55).
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•
Cemeteries (SN45) – includes Commonwealth war graves and Japanese graves.
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Cemeteries (GSS365) – includes graves of National and Australian servicemen; Customs and
Trade (GSS370).
•
Defence (GSS400).
•
District and Departmental Annual Reports (SN100).
•
Folding Maps - British New Guinea (SN664).
•
Lands, Surveys and Mines (SN70).
•
Patrol Reports (SN659) – includes social, economic and political reports 1900-1980.
•
Public Services (GSS395) – includes wharves and jetties.
•
Scrap Metal Disposal (SN24).
National Research Institute. The National Research Institute holds an extensive collection of PNG
literature and historical records in their library. A brief search of this collection for primary shipping
records and WWII defence records did not reveal any relevant sources, although more detailed
research in the institution’s library may hold hitherto unknown details.
PNG Department of Defence. Planned research with the PNG Department of Defence did not take
place, due to difficulties in arranging meetings with senior Defence Department personnel. The PNG
Defence Forces may hold an archive including information applicable to this study. However, given the
Australian administration of PNG until 1975, it is likely that most documentation relating to military
activities during WWII is held at the Australian War Memorial Archives (see below).
Other PNG Sources. Other potential PNG avenues of enquiry identified but not explored due to time
constraints included divers and seamen associated with The Underwater Explorers Club of PNG (Port
Moresby Branch), and the Port Moresby Yacht Club.
Australian War Memorial. The Australian War Memorial (Canberra, Australia) holds extensive
records regarding Australian and Allied wartime activities. Selected pictorial collections have been
searched on-line (see http://www.awm.gov.au/database/cas.asp), although further investigation of
these sources is recommended. Details of files relevant to PNG military activities are outlined in
Kanasa (1996).
National Archives of Australia. Previous research by Mr Peter Taylor of the Maritime Archaeological
Association of Victoria (Australia) of the National Archives of Australia (Victorian Branch) had identified
files regarding WWII war wrecks in PNG. However, no information regarding ship or plane wrecks in
the Caution Bay area was contained in these files.
4.5.5.2.2 Fieldwork and Site Recording Methods
The cultural heritage sites documented in this report occur within the area known as Caution Bay,
which extends from Redscar Head in the north, to Idihi Island in the south and all the areas east to
Boera Head. Sites were deemed to be any place showing physical evidence of cultural heritage,
regardless of size or antiquity. Site identification proceeded in the following way:
Oral Histories. Oral histories form a significant resource for identifying archaeological and traditional
sites, and can often be utilised to definitively locate previously undocumented maritime sites (see
Duncan, 2007:44). Prior to the commencement of fieldwork, oral histories were collected from the
three villages located close to the Study Area. Starting from the north proceeding southwards, these
villages were Lea Lea, Papa and Boera. Interviews were undertaken with fishermen and other local
people who had a demonstrated knowledge of the offshore regions. Dr James Weiner (personal
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communication 2008), who had been undertaking a concurrent social anthropological survey of these
villages, had observed that the people of Boera and Lea Lea made greater economic use of the ocean
than those at Papa do, as the former villages had predominantly fishing-based economies, whereas
the latter was more terrestrially based. Hence, the collecting of fishermen’s oral histories for purposes
of this report was concentrated at Boera and Lea Lea, with a greater emphasis on terrestrial areas and
mangroves undertaken at Papa.
Fishermen in all three villages demonstrated in-depth knowledge of the underwater landscape in the
areas utilised for their fishing activities. Most of the fishing in this region is today undertaken by freediving from small outrigger canoes to spear fish and crayfish, and to collect molluscs (giant clams and
sea urchins) and bêche-de-mer (sea cucumbers). Consequently, local fishermen possess an intimate
knowledge of the submerged topography and reefs, along with archaeological sites found in those
locations. It should be noted that as underwater wreck sites frequently provide an attractive habitat for
fish, it was highly probable that local fishermen would know the location of any wrecks in the region.
Three community representatives (one from each village: Auda Delena at Lea Lea, Gau Ario at Papa
and Moi Dobi at Boera) accompanied the fieldwork crew on a boat-visit to the Study Area to locate
archaeological sites. Later, after consultation with village elders and other fishermen/villagers, the
representatives produced a map of Caution Bay showing the location of known archaeological and
traditional sites, along with the names of local reefs used and associated with traditional fishing rights
(Figure 4.5.6).
Prior to the commencement of fieldwork, a number of researchers and government officers who had
detailed knowledge of the Study Area and now resident in Port Moresby were interviewed to collect
oral histories of any activities they had undertaken in and around the Study Area, as well as their
knowledge of potential sites. These people included:
•
Environmental consultant (John Douglas).
•
Local avocational archaeologists and divers (Neil Whiting, John Miller).
•
World War II veteran from Papa (Ben Moidé).
•
Members of the PNG bomb squad (Lt Tui Gaileko, Petty Officer Steven Yamun, Leading Seaman
Ausa Tau and Sub-lieutenant Allan Mitmit).
•
Ports PNG pilot (Captain Charles Kabilu).
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Figure 4.5.6 Map of traditional places and known archaeological sites produced by
representatives of Boera, Papa and Lea Lea. From map drawn by Auda Delena,
Gau Ario and Moi Dobi. Red areas are locations of locally known ship or plane
wrecks.
All informants were asked to indicate the position of sites that they knew of on copies of Aus Chart
379. Informants were also requested (where possible) to accompany the survey team to locate and
document sites, and GPS co-ordinates were taken for such sites. Where the site has not been visited
in this current study, or the location could not be confirmed by survey, the approximate location as
indicated by the informant has been provided.
Remote Sensing Fieldwork: Magnetometer. The fieldwork used two kinds of remote sensing
equipment, magnetometre and Side-scan Sonar. Here we give some basic details of how these
instruments work, for it is the first time that they have been used in EIS consultancies in PNG, and
understanding their potentials and limitations is important for the interpretation of results.
A proton magnetometer is used to detect magnetic anomalies on or immediately below the seabed. A
proton precession magnetometer works through its utilisation of the precession of spinning protons or
nuclei of hydrogen atoms within a sample of hydrocarbon fluid to measure total magnetic intensity.
The spinning protons are contained inside a sealed unit (usually referred to as the ‘fish’) towed behind
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a vessel. These spinning protons inside the fish behave as small magnetic dipoles, which are
temporarily aligned to a uniform magnetic field generated through the application of a current through
a coil inside the unit. When the current is removed, the spin of the protons causes them to precess
(i.e. slowly spin) about the direction of the ambient or earth’s magnetic field, in the same way that a
spinning top moves around the earth’s gravity field. A small signal is then generated by the precessing
protons in the coil, proportional to the total magnetic field intensity for the area at that moment
(Breiner, n.d.:3).
A simplified explanation of this process is as follows: when the induced magnetism from the current is
switched off, the free floating protons inside the ‘fish’ align themselves in the direction of the magnetic
polar alignment of any anomalies encountered beneath it. As the unit passes over an anomaly, there
will be a sharp increase in magnetic readings in one direction as it passes over the magnetic extremity
(or pole) of the object. The direction will return to the centre as the ‘fish’ passes the object’s middle,
and then move to another sharp peak in the opposite direction as it passes the corresponding
magnetic pole. These fluctuations give indications of the strength of magnetic anomalies, which are
proportional to the distance from, size and/or metal content of the object encountered (Figure 4.5.7).
Figure 4.5.8 is a nomogram used to determine the size of search lanes based on the possible target
size. Note that 1 pound of iron 10 m away from the magnetometer will give the same reading as 1 ton
of iron that is 38 m away. Therefore, although a magnetometer can detect the presence of an
anomaly, it cannot independently determine the size of the object or its distance away from the unit.
Consequently it is imperative to record the depth of the area being investigated in order to be able to
interpret the output data.
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Figure 4.5.7 Demonstration of magnetometer readout as the unit passes over a site. Note: high
readings as the unit passes over each of the object’s magnetic polar regions.
Figure 4.5.8 Nomogram showing the relationship between signal strength (nano teslas) and
distance from the magnetometer head (from Breiner, no date:43).
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Magnetometers can detect magnetism and anomalies not associated with cultural heritage sites, such
as those created by the surface and subsurface geology (especially igneous formations), as well as by
outliers or sediments derived from these. Because the magnetometer reads anomalies relative to the
background magnetic field intensity, the nature of the geology and geomorphology of a Study Area
may reduce or effectively mask any anomalies resulting from cultural features. It is thus important to
interpret signals in relation to those of the background geology.
During fieldwork, a Wreckhunter Mk5 proton magnetometer was towed approximately 50 m behind the
boat. This unit has a range of up to 100 m on either side of the magnetometer head dependent on
distance from the target (usually related to water depth). A paper-trace readout recorded the
geographical extent of each anomaly and was continually monitored in real time during the survey in
conjunction with the side-scan sonar survey results (see below).
Remote Sensing Fieldwork: Side-scan Sonar. Side-scan sonars will detect any structures and
objects which protrude above the seabed. The side-scan unit works by projecting a sonic beam from a
transducer at an angle towards the seabed. When an object protruding above the seabed is
encountered, the beam reflects back to the fish head (see Figure 4.5.9). However, subsequent sonic
beam pulses (from the ‘fish’) will continue beyond the raised object until they hit the seabed, where a
similar return signal will be reflected back to the ‘fish’ head. Analysis of the returned beam signals
produces a sharp solid reading for the raised object itself (usually a bright white readout) with a dark
‘shadow’ behind the object. The height of the anomaly can be calculated by an equation which
measures the distance from the unit to the object proportional to the distance of the shadow (see Fish
and Carr, 1990:84).
Figure 4.5.9 Demonstration of side-scan sonar principles of use (from Fish and Carr, 1990:84).
The simplest way to visualise this concept is to compare the side-scan to the effects of shining a torch
on an object. The front of the object will be brightly illuminated by the beam, while a dark shadow
whose length will correspond to the distance away from and angle of the beam and the size of the
object will be produced behind it. Examples of the expected types of sites that might be found in the
Study Area (and which were recorded elsewhere by us using the same equipment used in this
fieldwork) are shown below (Figure 4.5.10). The side-scan unit was tested in Melbourne prior to
fieldwork to calibrate the unit signals against known underwater site types. These include aircraft crash
sites, along with intact shipwrecks and wreckage. As can be seen, these are very distinctive
signatures which can be easily distinguished against other potential features such as reefs.
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Figure 4.5.10 Left: Aeroplane wreck, Port Phillip Bay, Victoria (Australia). Note the shadow in
the middle of the white area (fuselage) caused by an upright wing stump. Middle:
Ship wreckage site, Port Phillip Bay. Right: Intact shipwreck in Yarra River,
Melbourne.
In the Offshore LNG Facilities component of the field surveys, a Burton M1 side-scan sonar ‘fish’
(Plate 4.5.1, left) was trailed approximately 15 m behind the boat at a depth of 1-2 m below the
surface. This model of side-scan only reads to the port side of the ‘fish’ head (single beam only) and,
hence, lane spacing was adjusted accordingly to ensure complete coverage of each area. The
equipment was set to read up to 65 m from the ‘fish’ head, which affords a seabed coverage of up to
63.25 m in 13 m-deep water. Side-scan sonar readings were linked to an internal GPS unit to
determine the exact location of the ‘fish’ head. Screen readout was constantly monitored during survey
runs to detect any anomalies (Plate 4.5.1, right). Later interpretation of these results were undertaken
using Lowrance side-scan sonar (version 1.2.2) interpretation software, which provided clearer images
of anomalies than the Burton M1 unit monitor. These images were used to determine the location of
each anomaly from the output data.
The location of each anomaly was calculated by extracting the ‘fish’ location from the sonar readout,
plotting the depth from GIS chart coverage, and then calculating the position of the anomaly on the
seabed based on depth and diagonal distance from the sonar. The results were plotted using GIS
software and subsequently physically investigated by divers.
Plate 4.5.1
Left: Side-scan sonar ‘fish’ rigged for shallow water in the dinghy. Right: Sidescan sonar monitor.
Limitations of Remote Sensing Surveys. As noted in section 4.5.6.7 below, in highly dynamic areas
with a hard substrate (in this case coral and reef), archaeological sites such as planes and shipwrecks
are likely to be flattened and scattered over the seabed (Riley, 1997). This observation has
implications for detection of sites using side-scan sonar, as archaeological sites on high-energy reeftop areas may not be distinguishable from the surrounding coral structure. In tropical areas where
coral growth is often accelerated, archaeological sites can be completely subsumed by coral in
relatively short timeframes, often masking their presence completely.
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Although archaeological sites may survive relatively intact in cases of a softer seabed matrix (such as
sand, silt or mud), they may not be visible or detectable above the seabed if they are covered
completely. Furthermore, long-shore drift, currents and extreme weather events (storms and the like)
can also periodically strip and/or cover large areas of seabed. Brad Duncan has observed numerous
cases where shipwreck and maritime infrastructure sites have been suddenly revealed after large
storms, only to be buried again within the space of a few days (e.g. the Port Albert Unidentified Wreck,
documented in Duncan, 1995). In these cases, although sites may not be evident with a side-scan
sonar, it may still be possible to detect associated magnetic items (if any exist) which lie either on or
below the seabed surface. However, it should be noted that if there are no magnetic anomalies
associated with a buried archaeological site (e.g. a timber shipwreck with no iron fittings onboard), it
may prove impossible to detect it without other more localised and intensive remote sensing
techniques (e.g. metal detector/sub-bottom profiling), or invasive techniques such as excavation. To
further complicate the situation, even if anomalies are detected via remote sensing, water turbidity and
low visibility may still affect the ability of divers to adequately locate, identify or record associated
archaeological sites.
It should therefore be noted that even though an area may have been surveyed using side-scan
sonar, magnetometer or visual inspections, the possibility always exists that undetected
archaeological sites may exist below the seabed.
It is usually not possible to locate low-density pottery scatters with a magnetometer or side-scan sonar
as they do not exhibit high profiles (visible to side-scan sonar) and do not produce magnetic
signatures (detectable by a magnetometer). However, high-density pottery scatters can be detected by
magnetometer surveys, as was recently the case near Epemeavo village in the Gulf Province (Ian
Moffat, personal communication 2008).
Remote Sensing Surveys: Survey Lanes Methodology. In deeper water (between 5 -13 m) the sidescan sonar and magnetometer units were towed behind the mother-ship (MV Lauta Marata), with
enough spacing between them to ensure that the side-scan unit was not influencing the magnetometer
readings. The side-scan was trailed 10 m with the magnetometer at 50 m behind the vessel. When in
shallower water (<5 m), the side-scan sonar was towed on an extension pole on the port side of a 6 m
runabout approximately 0.5-1.5 m below the surface, with the magnetometer trailed at the rear of the
vessel.
Search lanes were spaced every 100 m in a north-south direction and plotted using a GPS system.
Transit marks were also established onshore at the extremities of the search area as a visual
verification of the survey lane start and finish marks. The small vessel then towed the equipment along
the survey grid lines from north to south, turning 180° and returning on the same line from south to
north. This method ensured that the survey coverage included both sides of the lane (to ensure
complete side-scan sonar investigation) which effectively resulted in 50 m spacings between runs, with
approximately 15 m of overlap between each survey run. For the westernmost lane of each survey
area, only the inshore side of that lane was surveyed (e.g. on the western extremity lane for the MOF,
only the inshore side was surveyed as it was at the extremity of that buffer area).
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Figure 4.5.11 Left: Remote sensing equipment set-up in dinghy. Side-scan sonar (bottom), and
magnetometer on console. Right: Areas covered by maritime remote sensing
survey lane runs (shown on Aus Chart 379).
All of the areas in the 400 m buffer option of both the jetty and MOF sites were surveyed using remote
sensing equipment. Part of the 700 m buffer section of the jetty site (mainly to the north and south of
the 400 m jetty buffer, on the western side those areas) was also surveyed using remote sensing
equipment (see Figure 4.5.11). Inshore areas of the 700 m option were not surveyed close to shore
due to lack of time, severely restricted favourable weather conditions, and extremely low spring tides.
The side-scan survey sonar and magnetometer runs were started/ended simultaneously to enable
correlational comparison of data from each remote sensing source. Data could then be compared both
when monitoring output during the survey in the field, and for any anomalies identified during postprocessing of the survey results. Generally, if a large anomaly was encountered with the
magnetometer, it could be checked instantaneously with the side-scan sonar to verify if an extant
object was visible on the seabed, and vice versa.
Sea swell, wind and underwater obstructions, along with the ability of the boat driver to steer a straight
course, all affected the accuracy of the lane runs. Where rough weather affected the ability of the boat
driver to steer a straight course, the survey was moved to the inshore areas inside the fringing reef
where water conditions were usually calmer. If it was too rough to steer a straight course in these
conditions, then the survey was abandoned. In these scenarios, diving was undertaken on anomalies
if safe to do so, although the adverse weather usually also prevented this. Where survey runs were
interrupted by underwater obstacles, the boat was navigated around the impediment, which altered the
survey run lane by a maximum of 3 m to one side. Where peninsulas (such as at the MOF site) divided
the survey lane run, these survey runs were terminated when water depths became too shallow for the
boat to safely operate on either side, and visual inspections of these areas were undertaken using
divers on snorkel.
Remote Sensing Surveys: Constraints. Many problems were experienced due to the timing of the
morning surveys, which usually fell at extremely low spring tides (which hampered survey access to
the inner reef due to insufficient water depth for the boat), and the occurrence of strong mid-morning to
afternoon northwesterly sea breezes (of up to 40 knots) which produced unfavourable (and often
unsafe) survey conditions. This severely restricted the time available to undertake the survey.
Mechanical failures in outboard equipment supplied for the fieldwork further reduced available working
hours.
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Furthermore, the time taken by the slow larger work vessel (Lauta Maurata) to access the site each
morning also restricted available working hours (daily travel time was up to 5 hours dependent on
weather). It is recommended that any future survey works in this area should be timed to coincide with
more favourable weather conditions (possibly in the southeasterly season), and that a faster working
vessel be accessed to increase productivity for working hours available onsite.
Due to these limitations, underwater inspections of anomalies were restricted to the 400 m Buffer Zone
for the deep water areas (over 9 m) especially as weather restrictions limited available diving time.
Remote Sensing Surveys: Underwater Inspections. Wherever anomalies were detected using the
remote sensing equipment, their positions were plotted with GPS and then inspected by professional
(commercial) divers with archaeological experience. As uncorrected GPS has an accuracy of ±15 m,
divers carried out a circular swim-line search around the derived location for each anomaly (using a 30
m tape measure attached to a weight to measure each circular line swim-line spacing) until the
anomaly was either located or the extremity of the tape was reached. In most cases, anomalies were
encountered in shallow waters (usually coinciding with shallow reefs) and were investigated by divers
using snorkel.
Where weather conditions prevented safe diving practices, a drop camera was used from the dinghy.
The unit consisted of an underwater camera mounted on a cable, which relayed images to a monitor
on the surface.
Where shallow water depth prevented boat access, divers undertook swim-line search lanes to inspect
these areas. Due to the presence of known terrestrial archaeological sites close to Konekaru Beach,
an area up to 150 m off the beach and up to 100 m to either side of the mangroves was also inspected
by divers using the swim-line search method. These surveys were later supplemented by a more
intensive visual survey after the area had completely dried out at low spring tides.
Mangroves and Inter-tidal Zone. The coastal fringe and intertidal zone was dominated by mangroves
centrally located around the mouth of the Vaihui River, making survey particularly difficult.
Archaeological surveys inside the mangroves were undertaken only within accessible areas of higher
ground where the vegetation was sufficiently open for foot access. The higher ground was identified by
two means. Firstly, the aerial photographs indicated the possibility of a small sand dune running
through the mangroves. Secondly, potential for higher ground was inferred by reference to subtle
changes in the vegetation. In both instances a survey team investigated the requisite areas to confirm
both the presence/absence of higher ground and, where higher ground was identified, it was surveyed
for archaeological material. All such sites discovered within the mangroves were recorded.
4.5.6 Background: Environmental Context
4.5.6.1
Climate
During the summer months of December to April, the island of New Guinea witnesses the lowest
barometric pressures of any island in the tropical Pacific. During this period, Papua New Guinea is
subject to an extensive low pressure belt which extends from northern Australia to Indonesia and
encourages monsoonal air flows from Southeast Asia. After passing the equator, these winds change
direction and develop off the coast as the northwesterly monsoon.
By July, the entire area is under the influence of the high pressure systems of the southeasterly trade
winds. The periods of change in May and November are characterised by periods of doldrums and
also considerable atmospheric instability. The southeast trade winds are predominant in the months of
June to September, with the northwestern monsoons being experienced mainly from December to
April (Darby, 1945:84-87). Oceanic currents during these periods roughly align with the predominant
trade winds, with southeasterly currents experienced in August to September and northwesterly
streams from February to March (Lewis, 1994:142-43).
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These prevailing winds and oceanic currents are known to have significantly affected the scheduling of
voyages for both local sailing ships and European masted vessels, and directly influenced the viability
and staging of voyages carrying trade ceramics from the Boera area towards the Gulf Province in the
past (the hiri trade, see below) (see David et al., 2001:70).
4.5.6.1.1 Water (Rainfall and Ground Water)
The broader Port Moresby region including the Study Area represents the driest region of Papua New
Guinea. ‘Permanent water supply’, writes Susan Bulmer (1978:13), ‘is one environmental factor that is
likely to have been crucial to the location and success of [Koita and Motu] settlements’. Douglas and
Sawanga (2007:22) write that ‘Very little is known about groundwater’ in the area, and ‘Boera
residents obtain some of their water from local shallow groundwater wells. During the War the Gun
Battery at Boera also developed a water supply for soldiers manning the gun battery by shallow bores,
located by dowsing’. A resistivity survey undertaken in the 1980s at the junction of Papa-Leala and
Porebada roads indicated ‘low volumes of poor quality water at shallow depths’ (Douglas and
Sawanga, 2007:22).
The Port Moresby region, including the Study Area, averages 995 mm per year (figures taken from
Konedobu weather station, after Douglas and Sawanga, 2007:11). Rainfall is highly seasonal, with
76% falling between December and April (Figure 4.5.12). However, annual rainfall typically ranges
from below 1000 mm to 1500 mm, and the region is subject to periodic drought, especially when wet
season rains fail to arrive.
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Figure 4.5.12 Mean annual rainfall for the Port Moresby area as taken from the Konedobu
weather station (1881-1941), after Douglas and Sawanga (2007:11).
4.5.6.1.2 Temperatures
The Port Moresby area sees little variation in mean monthly temperatures through the year, as
common also of other tropical regions (Figure 4.5.13).
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28
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Figure 4.5.13 Mean monthly temperatures for the Port Moresby area as taken from Jackson’s
Airport, after Douglas and Sawanga (2007:14).
4.5.6.2
Geology
Much of the LNG Facilities site consists of flat coastal plains and tidal flats (see section 4.5.6.3 and
section 4.5.6.6 for discussions of the shallow marine environment). Further inland, some 6 km from the
coast, is ‘a range of hilly ridges running North-West to South-East, with wide valley floors between
ridges … Those hills that exist near the coast [in particular near Boera] are lower, more rounded and
more eroded’ (Douglas and Sawanga, 2007:17-18). Sediments are of marine origin, with sandstone,
siltstone, limestone and chert being found across the region. The low-lying valley floors and coastal
plains consist of recent alluvial deposits, with mud and clay being common in near-coastal and valley
settings (usually on raised marine sediments), and skeletal soils in the hills (Douglas and Sawanga,
2007:18).
Sea levels have prograded through the course of the mid to late Holocene, with the coastline presently
being further to sea than in the past. Consequently, we can expect ancient coastlines dating to ancient
settlements to have been further inland than presently, although precisely where these coastlines
would have been at different times in the past remains a matter of speculation as systematic research
has not been undertaken on this question for the Study Area (but see Betitis and Sullivan, 1990).
Attempting to trace ancient shorelines by tracking through contour levels appropriate to past sea levels
is not adequate for this region as significant amounts of alluviation can be expected as thousands of
years of forest clearance and agricultural practices inland can be expected to have caused deep
siltation near the coast through time. Proper appreciation of past cultural practices across the region
will in future need to systematically address this question of the positioning of ancient coastlines.
4.5.6.3
Coastal Geomorphology and Pilotage
The southern PNG coast from Kerema to Samarai is characterised by gradual subsidence with
outlying chains of the main mountain axis not far from the coast. This has led to a terrestrial landscape
of undulating hills, peninsulas and swampy plains. Rivers have partly silted estuaries and are generally
shorter than those further to the west in the Gulf Province. This limited deposition of river silts has
allowed more continuous development of barrier and fringing reefs in this area. The lower basin
embayments of the larger rivers have resulted in mangrove fringes and swamps. Many sandy beaches
exist along this coastline, particularly around Redscar Head, although lesser development of beaches
has occurred in the areas down to Port Moresby as a result of the fronting reefs. Fringing and barrier
reefs extend southeastward from Caution Bay all the way to south of Port Moresby and around Hood
Point to Samarai. Caution Bay is an open cove, of limited use to shipping (due to its exposure to
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prevailing northwesterly winds) and contrast with the safe harbour available at Port Moresby. The Port
Moresby hills run out into the sea, and fringing reefs are located offshore (Darby, 1945:52-53).
Navigation through the western approach to Port Moresby via Liljeblad passage has long been
discouraged by local sailing directions, as it was reported to be ‘partly obstructed by foul ground and
only suitable for vessels with local knowledge’ (Darby, 1945:234-5).
4.5.6.4
Vegetation
Much of the Study Area consists of grassland (mainly Themeda australis and kunai grass), with
Eucalyptus savannah occurring further inland and extensive but narrow stretches of mangrove along
the coast (Douglas and Sawanga, 2007:25, 34-35). Bulmer (1978:19) writes that ‘the savannah and
grassland vegetation [of the Port Moresby area, including the Study Area] are thought to be
predominantly anthropogenic (Eden 1974)’, although Allen (1977:421) notes that there is ‘no clear
consensus of opinion as to whether these grasslands are the result of low rainfall or burning by man’
and ‘the dry climate and highly seasonal rainfall of the Port Moresby area contribute to the ease with
which the forest is cleared and the maintenance of the grassland through seasonal fires’ (Bulmer,
1978:16). This dry climate and periodic droughts gave rise to annual food shortages in the past: ‘oral
traditions and historical records show that the recent [Koita and Motu] inhabitants of the Port Moresby
area regularly had shortages of garden produce and depended upon imported food for much of the
year’ (Bulmer, 1978:18) (see section 4.5.6 for further details).
4.5.6.5
Fauna
Douglas and Sawanga (2007:28) note that ‘No data exists on the invertebrate fauna of the area’, and
that many of the vertebrate populations have been affected and in some cases decimated by high
human populations associated with PNG’s capital city Port Moresby. Despite an absence of
systematic faunal surveys, eight species of snakes, about 70 species of birds, three species of native
rodents, seven marsupials, pigs and bats are found in the general area (Douglas and Sawanga,
2007:26-31). While wallabies were once abundant, Douglas and Sawanga (2007:30) note that they
are now ‘unlikely to be found due to hunting pressure from nearby villages’. Dogs appear to be a late
Holocene import into this part of PNG: ‘In lowlands sites dog is not present in pre-ceramic deposits. …
Dog was present in the earliest layer at Taurama (Site AJA), probably dating to about 2,000 years ago’
(Bulmer, 1978:30).
4.5.6.6
Shallow Marine Environments
Douglas and Sawanga (2007:31) write that ‘The great barrier reef runs parallel with the Konebada
coastline, petering out towards Galley Reach in the north west of the project area. The reef provides
an important habitat for fish and marine invertebrates’. We have presented in section 4.5.5.2 details of
reefs identified by local villagers in and near the Study Area. Here marine invertebrates (e.g. shellfish,
prawns), fish and turtles are abundant and serve an important dietary role to Lea Lea, Papa, Boera
and Porebada villagers (see also Douglas and Sawanga 2007:32-33).
4.5.6.7
Effects of Visibility and Substrate on Site Recovery
Dense grass cover is well documented to inhibit ground visibility and site recovery (cf. Richards,
2008). The dense grass cover of much of the eastern part of the Study Area in particular can thus be
expected to affect archaeological site recovery rates; this issue is addressed in section 4.5.7 below
and has relevance to the cultural heritage sites surveys presented in this report.
The environmental characteristics of the seabed in the Study Area have implications for the location
and preservation of cultural heritage sites. In particular, the type of seabed substrate will determine
whether or not sites will be preserved or able to be seen. For instance, a site will be well-preserved if it
can sink into the seabed and be covered by sand or mud, as under such conditions it will have been
largely protected from the effects of marine organisms such as teredo worms and adverse weather.
Such conditions also provide good anaerobic (i.e. oxygen-free) environments for the preservation of a
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range of materials including organics (such as wooden objects), metals, ceramics and glass. In such
cases and if not disturbed, archaeological materials will remain relatively stable over very long periods
of time spanning thousands of years (Dean et al., 1996). Organic materials, which usually deteriorate
rapidly on terrestrial sites, survive extremely well underwater if buried, as evident in the discovery of
350 year old timbers from Dutch shipwrecks (Green, 1977) and prehistoric artefacts in the English
Channel and European river beds (e.g. Fischer, 1995; see Van de Noort, 2008 for a general
discussion of wetland archaeology). Seabeds with soft substrates offer the best potential for
archaeological preservation, and therefore any archaeological site discovered in such conditions may
well be of high archaeological significance (especially if organic objects are preserved).
In environments with hard substrates (such as rock, reef or coral), archaeological materials tend to be
quickly destroyed or broken apart, as such environmental conditions lack the protective covering
offered through burial by soft sediments. Where hard substrate areas are also high-energy sites (e.g.
surf zones), the water is also usually super-oxygenated, further accelerating corrosion or organic
breakdown. Ships which wreck on hard substrates usually deteriorate and scatter at a much faster rate
than those which are wholly or partially buried in softer, low-energy seabeds (Riley, 1997). Similarly
rapid site break-down can be expected to apply to other types of archaeological sites, such as
submerged villages, under such conditions.
Variations in site conditions as outlined above (i.e. hard vs. soft substrate; low- vs. high-energy zones)
also have implications for site visibility on the seabed (i.e. the potential to visually observe
archaeological materials). Remote sensing techniques such as side-scan sonar and magnetometers
may supplement visual inspection and aid in the relocation of submerged archaeological sites,
particularly where water turbidity, full or partial covering in silts or sand, or depth restricts the ability to
visually inspect sites. However, there are many factors and environmental circumstances which also
limit or impede the success of such remote sensing techniques (see below).
Much of the shallow marine environment in the Study Area consists of shallow mud and sand seabed
overlying a hard compacted coral and rock substrate. This area extends up to 1 km offshore to where
the edge of the shallow fringing reef, interspersed with coral and rock outcrops, drops to a deeper
offshore channel. The seabed in this shallow marine area is unlikely to contain largely intact buried
archaeological sites (such as ship and plane wrecks), as there appears to be insufficient depth in the
substrate for cultural materials to be protected by soft sediments. However, it could hold the remains
of Indigenous sites such as stilt villages and their associated structures or portable objects.
The seabed in the deeper areas of the Study Area consists mainly of a sandy and/or muddy bottom of
indeterminate substrate depth with greater potential for buried archaeological remains of all kinds.
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4.5.7 Background: Cultural/Historical Context
In order to meaningfully characterize and assess the significance of cultural heritage sites in the Study
Area, those sites need to be understood in relation to the region’s cultural history. Furthermore, a
review of this history may itself reveal the location of cultural heritage sites within or near the Study
Area. There are five major avenues of investigation by which such an understanding may be achieved:
archaeology (scientific research in historical places); archives (historical records including texts,
photographs, drawings, audio-visuals); oral traditions (mainly as told by descendent communities);
linguistics (language analyses); and social anthropology (scientific study of present-day and recent
cultural practices). It is the aim of this section to investigate these sources for cultural heritage details
that give information on the location, nature and significance of people’s past relations with place and
the formation of cultural heritage sites in and adjacent to the Study Area.
4.5.7.1 Introduction to Ethnography (by Bruno David and James Weiner)
The people of the Study Area today and in the past identify themselves either as Koita (or Koitabu as
the Motu call them) or Motu, each group tracing their own, distinctive social and cultural history
through ancestral male and/or female lineages. While the Koita identify their traditional lands as
incorporating the Study Area’s coastal lowlands inland into the hills (see Figure 4.5.14), the Motu are
restricted to a narrow coastal strip from Gabagaba in the southeast to Manumanu in the northwest, a
distance of some 105 km (Allen 1977a:419; Chatterton 1968:92).
Both Motu and Koita people have accounts of the places of origin of their ancestors and stories of the
routes these ancestors took to arrive at their present-day locations. Included in the accounts of these
journeys is the identification of previous village sites. These old village sites have the status of valued
cultural places if not ‘sacred sites’ in the conventional sense of that term. Some of these sites appear
to have been inhabited in recent times, such as the ancestral Koita village site at Mt Darebo, where
pottery fragments are numerous; others such as Daeroto and Aemakara were inhabited in the more
recent past. Davage, the coastal site directly north of present-day Boera village, is a previous village
site, as well as an area of early Motuan settlement in the project area (see section 4.5.7.1). Because
of the Motu-Koita custom of burial of bodies in the village precinct, all these sites almost certainly
contain human remains. Today, each village has a more or less clearly defined cemetery within the
village itself. Many of these more recent graves possess elaborate gravestones and memorials.
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Figure 4.5.14 Map of Port Moresby region showing location of Koiraian language family
(including Koita, marked as ‘Ka’ on the map; and Koiari, marked as ‘K’) (from
Dutton, 1969:27).
In the context of anticipating a major development project like the LNG152 Facility, Motu and Koita
people are in some instances now asserting proprietary relations to places on the basis of oral and
documentary history that indicates their ancestors lived in previous villages at those places.
4.5.7.2 Koita and Motu
The Motu subdivide themselves, and are usually subdivided by researchers, into Western Motu and
Eastern Motu, the former containing the ethnographic villages of Manumanu, Lea Lea, Porebada,
Hanuabada and Pari (Figure 4.5.15). However (Allen 1977:424; see for example Chatterton [1968:92]
for local oral traditions about the distinctive ancestry and origins of Boera Motuans, who call
themselves Apau),
[three other] Motu-speaking villages, Boera, Tatana and Vabukori, while geographically within the Western
Motu, are considered in this local classification to be different from either group … Several cultural
differences do exist apart from minor dialectal ones between the Eastern and Western Motu: the former
are not known historically to have directly sponsored the hiri trading expeditions …, and at contact Eastern
Motu villages were built completely in the sea, while Western Motu villages were constructed on the
intertidal zone or on beaches.
Bulmer (1978:41) thus writes that on ecological grounds:
Oram (1975:31f) divided the Port Moresby villages into a western group, i.e. the Motu-speaking villages
from Manumanu to Pari …, an eastern group, i.e. the four Motu-speaking villages east of Bootless Inlet,
and the Koita and Koiari settlements. This coincides with the subdivision of the Motu into eastern and
western groups mainly on military grounds (Groves 1972), except that three villages in the western
ecological group, Tatana, Vabukori, and Boera, were traditionally independent of the other western
villages. The western Motu fished, gardened, hunted and traded with the Koita and Koiari inland and the
Doura and Gabadi to the north and east. Gardening was important to them, and their main crops were
yams, bananas, and coconuts.
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We follow Allen (1977) in that as the villages of Boera, Tatana and Vabukori follow the Western Motu
in village locations and participation on hiri expeditions, they are combined with the Western Motu in
this report. Interestingly, only the villages of Tatana and Vabukori – two of the three atypical Western
Motu villages – have been ethnographically documented to manufacture the ageva shell disc
valuables used for trade, further indication of the somewhat distinctive cultural character of these Motu
villages (Allen 1977:430).
Linguistic studies identify the Koita and Koairi (speaking non-Austronesian languages) as being
closely related historically and as having a common linguistic ancestry that is different to that of the
Austronesian-speaking Motu (Dutton 1969) (see Figure 4.5.14). ‘The Koita occupied territory inland
from the western Motu, while the Koiari lived inland from the eastern Motu’ (Bulmer 1978:43).
Swadling (1977:42) states that ‘Koita tradition says that they once lived on the Sogeri Plateau before
they migrated to Rouna and then to the coastal lowlands. Oram has recorded one genealogy of 19
generations which goes back to the time when the Koita moved away from the Koiari [with which they
were previously affiliated] (Oram n.d.)’ (see Gadiki, 1972 for oral traditions about the migration of Koita
from the inland Naoro village to Nebira in the hills of the coastal plains; Dutton 1969 for linguistic
evidence of linguistic divergence and movements toward the coast; see also Hicks 1973). Based on
genealogical reckoning, the emigration of the Koita from Rouna-Sogeri is believed to have taken place
perhaps 200 years ago, while ‘The pottery found on traditional Koita sites also indicates that the Koita
movement from the Sogeri area was recent’ (Swadling 1977:42). Swadling (1977:42) continues:
From Koiari, Mountain Koiari and Koita stories it would seem that Koiari advancements into Koita land was
one of the main reasons for the Koita movement to the coastal lowlands (Dutton 1969:33, 43-5, 59). This
Koita movement was greatly encouraged by fear of Koiari sorcery and their poisoning of Koita wells.
Figure 4.5.15 Map of Port Moresby region showing location of ethnographic villages around
1870 (from Bulmer, 1978:figure 3.1)
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In line with such oral accounts of the coastward movement of Koita villages, Allen (1977:430-31)
suggests that ‘at the time of [European] contact the inland settlements were fewer in number than the
archaeological evidence suggests for the preceding centuries’. For the most part, those inland
settlements appear to have been hamlets with 5-10 houses rather than larger villages. The houses in
these hamlets, ‘while … on piles, were much lower to the ground’ than the Motu coastal houses, and
‘each village or hamlet appears to have had one or more houses constructed for defence in the
branches of tall trees, sometimes 15 metres or more above the ground’ (Allen 1977:431-32) (see Plate
4.5.2). Allen (1977:432) further notes that ‘While much of the stated Koita domain would be infertile
hills, certain edaphically determined localities such as the fringes of the Waigani swamp and the
stream and river banks would have provided areas of relatively good gardening land’.
Plate 4.5.2
Left: ‘Sadāra Makāra, Koiari village near Bootless Inlet’. Right: ‘Tree house, Koiari
village’ (from Lindt, 1887:plates XII and XIV).
Western Motu origin stories tell of the coming of people from the east (Oram 1975), although some
stories also tell of Motuans coming with pottery from the west and settling in villages to the immediate
west of Port Moresby, including Lea Lea (e.g. Gadiki 1972:30-31). ‘The far western Motu villages,
Rearea [Lea Lea] and beyond, were … better endowed than the more central villages’ of the Port
Moresby area, ‘with richer fishing grounds, access to estuarine environment at Galley Reach and to
garden land on the river. … explanations for the movement from the east into the central area …
include warfare, population pressure and epidemic disease. The movement from the central area to
the west can be seen as expanding to gain access to better resources on the part of groups forced
into an unbenevolent situation’ (Bulmer 1978:41).
Oram (1975:33-35) suggested that a population of 4000-5000 people lived in an area of around 500
km2 in the broader Port Moresby area in the 1870s; Allen’s (1975) review of the historical literature
indicates a total of 3000-3500 people in the western villages of Manumanu, Lea Lea, Porebada,
Hanuabada (consisting of an amalgamation of three Motu and two Koita villages), Pari, Boera,
Vabukori and Tatana (see Table 4.5.1 for a village-by-village breakdown). Oram (1975:35, cited in
Bulmer, 1978:47) suggests a total of around 1500 for the Koita. Bulmer (1978:48), following Turner
(1877:474), stresses that these numbers are almost certainly lower than earlier population sizes due to
the depopulation effects of European-introduced epidemic diseases such as measles, smallpox, ague,
dystentry and whooping cough.
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Table 4.5.1
Population within the western Motu villages in the 1880s (excludes exclusively
Koita villages) (after Allen, 1977:table 1, based on data in LMS Annual Report,
1890; Rosensteil, 1953:145; as see also Bulmer, 1978:47)
Village
Population
Manumanu
300
Lea Lea
209
Porebada
349
Hanuabada
1310
Pari
306
Boera
315
Vabukori
184
Tatana
205
Total
3178
Oram (1970:7) notes that ‘In 1874, land held by the Motu was confined mainly to a narrow strip
between the hills and the sea while the Koita held rights to large areas of land which extended inland
as far as the Laloki River’. The Koita ‘acted as middlemen in trade between the Motu and the people of
the mountains, exchanging Motu pottery, coconuts, fish and shell, for example, with meat, feathers,
stone implements, garden produce and other commodities’ (Bulmer 1978:43). The Western Motu
annually relied on their Koita neighbours for food during times of drought and famine in particular, for
while the Motu obtained marine resources such as fish, crabs and shellfish, and to some degree
produced yams, bananas and other garden produce, invariably the wet season brought resource
shortages necessitating importation of foods through trade (see Allen 1977, 1991 for detailed
discussions). ‘Motu have never been able entirely to live off the land within the narrow strip of relatively
infertile coast that most of them inhabit’, writes Groves (1960:5). Long-term survival was thus achieved
through short-distance exchanges with Koita and other neighbouring groups for garden and meat (in
particular wallaby) produce, as well as through annual long-distance maritime hiri expeditions that
brought back large quantities of sago from the Gulf Province (Plate 4.5.3). Ceramics, along with shell
valuables and marine products such as fish, were the principle trade goods enabling the Motu to
obtain such food resources (e.g. Seligmann 1910). As Groves (1960:7) points out, ‘Lacking
dependable primary resources adequate to their needs, the Motu have founded their trading system
on manufactured goods, especially pottery’. Through chains of connection, these ceramics and other
trade products would find their way throughout the coastal and hinterland regions of the Central and
Gulf Provinces and beyond (Plate 4.5.4). As Lindt (1887:124-25) wrote in 1887 about traded shell
valuables:
An article of very great value to the native is the ornamental toea or arm-shell. A few small ones are made
on this part of the coast, but the best come from the east, as far away as the D’Entrecasteaux Group. They
trade them for pottery, &, to the Dauni natives, whilst the Dauni natives sell them again to Mailuikolu for
sago, dogs, &c., and these to the Aroma natives for pigs, dogs, and canoes. The Aroma natives trade
them to the Hood Bay, Kerepunu, Kalo, Hula, Papaka, and Kamari natives for birds’ plumes of various
kinds, and these again to the Motu natives for sago, and the Motuan to the Eelemaites for sago in bulk,
weighing 2 or 3 cwt’.
It is such objects found across the southern PNG landscape that has enabled archaeologists to shed
light on this part of the country’s cultural history.
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Plate 4.5.3
Left: sago being produced in Gulf Province. Right: sago bundles ready for local
trade, Gulf Province. Both photos taken in 2007 (courtesy of Bernard Sanderre)
Plate 4.5.4
Left: ‘Women’s canoe laden with pottery’ (from Chalmers, 1895:91). Right:
‘Women of Tupuselei, going for water’ (from Lindt, 1887:plate XXIV; this photo
appears to have been the original for Chalmers’ drawing)
Cultural heritage site types in the Port Moresby region are varied and include clay sources (Plate
4.6.6), freshwater wells (see Bulmer 1978:44 for Boera) (Plate 4.5.6), chert sources, ochre sources,
and food resource areas (marine resource zones, hunting grounds, and Motu and Koita gardens; Plate
4.5.7) as well as villages (Plate 4.5.8) and burial places. Known clay sources include site ABG near
Boera, and ‘two places 100 m apart on the beach between Rearea [Lea Lea] and Papa (Groves
1960:11) (Site AFC). The last sources were used by the people of Manumanu, Boera and Porebada’
(see section 4.5.7.9, section 4.5.7).
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Plate 4.5.5
Woman digging for pottery clay near Porebada (photograph courtesy of PNG
National Museum and Art Gallery: photograph 19695)
Plate 4.5.6
‘Well inland from old ridge site and present river mouth settlement of Kido’
(photograph courtesy of PNG National Museum and Art Gallery)
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Plate 4.5.7
Gardens shortly inland of Boera, January 1974 (photograph by Gabrielle Johnston
and Pamela Swadling, courtesy of PNG National Museum and Art Gallery)
Plate 4.5.8
‘”At low water,” native houses at Koilapu’ (from Lindt, 1887:plate XX)
4.5.7.3 Koita and Motu Settlements
th
Following Seligmann (1910:41), Bulmer (1978:45-46) notes that ‘In the mid- and late 19 century there
were at least twenty-five separate settlements’ in the area between Bootless Inlet and Galley Reach,
from the coast inland to the Laloki River (Figure 4.5.15). Ten of these were Motuan (some of which
also contained Koita sections), while another 15 were Koita villages. Bulmer (1978:45-46) continues:
All of the Motu villages and five of the Koita villages were located on a beach, either in the intertidal zone
and/or above high water [e.g. Plates 4.5.8 and 4.5.9]. Three Motu villages were apparently completely on
dry land; Manumanu and Rearea (Lea Lea), which were on beaches lacking the protection of a barrier reef
(Groves 1972:803), and Pari (Chalmers and Gill 1885:258). … The Koita settlements that were not on the
beach, were on hills behind the beach or some distance inland (Seligman[n] 1910:45; Dutton 1969:26-31).
These settlements were in the process of progressive movement toward the coast at the beginning of the
historic period.
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Plate 4.5.9
‘Women making pottery’ in a Port Moresby village (from Lindt, 1887:plate V).
Allen (1977:427) notes that Western Motu houses ‘were located along the beach and intertidal zones
… Houses were erected in lines according to iduhu groupings [social sections], all on piles at an
approximate height of 3 metres above the ground for the shoreward houses’, and that ‘no Motu village
was built higher than the beachline’ (Allen 1977:428). Bulmer (1978:46) states that other, special
activity sites were used contemporaneously with these settlements, including ‘fishing and travellers
camps on offshore islands, hunting camps inland, and garden camps in valleys in the coastal hills’.
She further writes that ‘The Motu villages were spaced out along the coast at approximately 15 km
intervals, with an extra distance between the eastern villages and the western villages, which formed
military alliances in opposition to each other (Groves 1972:803). Separate Koita settlements were
located either in between Motu villages or on elevated land inland from a Motu village’ (Figure 4.5.15).
Bulmer (1978:49-55) undertook a detailed study of Western Motu and Koita settlements, taking into
consideration their location, size and internal structures. We present her results in some detail as
these will help inform the expected nature of village distributions, sizes and structures within and near
the Study Area.
Beach and offshore islet settlements and specialized sites include:
•
Villages with up to 60 or more houses aligned along the beach and facing inland. Burials were
located ‘in front of (inland from) the dwellings, in graves in the sand in front of each house’. Lea Lea
was of this form.
•
Villages located on the intertidal zone with houses over the water. Porebada contained 50 houses,
while Boera contained some houses over water and some on shore.
•
‘Fishing and shellfishing camps on offshore islands, particularly Daugo and Haidan islands’
(Bulmer, 1978:50).
•
Garden houses.
Inland settlements and sites consist of:
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•
Small numbers of houses – typically one to three – in garden areas or hills. These were invariably
Koita (or to the east Koiari) houses.
•
‘Hamlets of four or five houses. These occurred either as individual hamlets … or as a nucleated
settlement’ (Bulmer 1978:50).
•
Villages on ridgetops. ‘Both Koita [in the west] and Koiari [in the east] had settlements with two
parallel rows of houses facing each other along a ridge … The houses were elevated on the slopes
at the back and at ground level on the ridge at the front. A tree house was located at either end of
the settlement for defense’ (Bulmer 1978:50; see also Seligmann 1910:44).
•
‘Another variant of inland villages were the double line Koita villages … Two lines of houses faced
each other across an open space, and burials were in the street in front of the houses. Seligman[n]
generalized that average Koita villages contained 20-22 houses (1910:44), referring to two beach
villages’ (Bulmer 1978:50).
•
Hunting camps. ‘Koita hunters spent weeks at a time inland in the vicinity of the Laloki’ (Bulmer,
1978:51).
•
Garden houses ‘in valleys in the coastal hills, where people normally resident on the coast lived
during garden work’ (Bulmer 1978:51).
For generations, Motuans have largely built coastal villages on stilts over water (Western Motuans
typically over shallow water, in particular the inter-tidal zone, e.g. Plate 4.5.10; Eastern Motuans over
deeper water, e.g. Figure 4.5.11). In more recent years, Motuans have started building residences on
land, usually with associated small garden plots adjacent to dwellings. This contrasts to Koita houses,
traditionally built on communally owned land belonging to the clan (Brammel n.d.).
Plate 4.5.10 Stilt houses at Hanuabada, date unknown (photograph courtesy of Biama Kanasa
Collection, University of PNG)
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Plate 4.5.11 ‘Tupuselei, marine village (from the shore)’ (from Lindt, 1887:plate XXII)
In the immediate vicinity of the Study Area, three ethnographically documented villages have been
noted by Seligmann (1910), Kauga (2008) and Rakatani (2008): Dirora (a.k.a. Namura), Aemakara
and Konekaru. Many other important ancestral villages known from oral traditions or historical records
exist in the region, as outlined in this report, but the above two appear to be those closest to the Study
Area proper. Seligmann (1910:41) thus writes that the Koita village of Namura ‘stood between Boera
and Lealea in the bush, a short distance from the coast’ (Figure 4.5.16). Writing on 4th March 2008 on
behalf of the Namura clan, Rakatani (2008:2), notes that the original name of Namura village was
Dirora, and that it was ‘the biggest of all the villages ever known in [Koita] history’. Dirora, a village site
important to the Namura clan, lies outside but close to the Study Area proper, but Portion 152 ‘is a
parcel of land which includes several portions the Namura Mata clan ancestors have accessed to land
usuage for hunting and gardening activities’ (Rakatani 2008:9). The ancestral village site of Dirora
remains to this day of utmost significance to the Koita, and we have been told by Boera and Lea Lea
villagers in particular that this location must not be damaged by the proposed LNG152 Facility
developments. We return to this site in section 4.5.13.
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Figure 4.5.16 ‘Map of coastal portion of Central District’, showing locations of village sites
Namura (Dirora), Aemakara and Konekaru (from Seligmann, 1910:figure 3)
Aemakara is an ancient Koita village mentioned by Seligmann (1910:figure 3, 41) and Rakatani
(2008). Rakatani (2008:5) notes that ‘Perhaps around the mid 1750s [as indicated by genealogical
reasoning], the Namura tribe broke camp at Boiodubu Darovaina and relocated at Mageto land. Rest
of the family members moved together with the Isu tribe and established Aemakara village inland of
Boera within the Laba land area (152)’. Gau Ario of Papa village identified Aemakara as an important
ancestral village during interviews at Papa on 25th January 2008.
The ancient village of Konekaru was occupied at the time of initial European contact (e.g. Seligmann
1910:41). It is an important ancestral place of oral tradition that formed a gateway to the coast for the
Koita (Rakatani 2008:11), and that enabled Koita and Motu fishers to co-ordinate fishing and sailing
activities (Kauga 2008:2). Konekaru village and its associated beach are located immediately to the
north of the Priority Area, and must not be damaged during developments. We shall return to this site
in section 4.5.7 and section 4.5.13 below.
The present villages of Lea Lea and Porebada may have been settled less than 200 years ago by
genealogical reckoning, although archaeological research may reveal earlier cultural deposits not
evident in oral traditions. According to these oral traditions (Swadling 1977:40-41; see also Hicks
1973; Oram 1968:87-89; Tau 1976),
About 6 to 4 generations ago [in 1977], people began to leave Badihagwa and establish the village group
now known as Hanuabada. Tanobada was built below the mission at Metoreia, Elevala around the island
of the same name, and Poreporena on the mainland further to the east (Oram n.d.). Later people left
Hanuabada and founded four new Motu villages and a section settled at Boera. The new villages were
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LeaLea, Pari, ManuManu and Porebada. The last village, Porebada, was founded not long before the first
Europeans landed in the early 1870s (Oram n.d.).
4.5.7.4 Social Structure (by James Weiner)
The social structure of these villages appears to have been predominantly based on agnatic descent
groups (iduhu) with both ascribed and achieved leadership. That is, descent-group headmen coexisted with ‘big-men’ who achieved renown through their economic and political exploits.
Residentially, iduhu constituted separate parts of any village area. Groves observed that ‘there is no
traditional government of any formal kind at the village level’ (1963:17) and that mobilization for
collective action always occurred at the instigation of particular local patrilineal corporate groups or
iduhu (Groves 1963:17).
4.5.7.5 The Men’s House or Dubu (by James Weiner)
Rosenstiel1 wrote that the ‘chief’ supervised the activities of the iduhu in regards to activities such as
gardening, marital problems and land tenure (Rosenstiel 1953:14). He was also the owner or tauna of
the right front post of the dubu, or ceremonial platform. The dubu itself consisted of four such carved
posts ‘each of which was hereditary within the iduhu which had built it’ (Rosenstiel 1953:14). Though
she is not clear about this, Rosenstiel seems to infer that the dubu represented at least four separate
iduhu, to one of which the ‘chief’ belonged and whose iduhu was represented by the right front post.
Belshaw (1957:15) later wrote that ‘each iduhu has the right to a pattern of carving, which may be
used on a post erected by any of its members’. He goes on to say that ‘it usually happens that a dubu
is erected by representatives of several iduhu and often of several villages, each striving to outdo the
rest in the provision of food for the feasts that accompany the stages of erection, and the final dancing
and ceremonial’ (Belshaw 1957:16). ‘In no sense may the dubu be regarded as the exclusive property
of one iduhu, though it may be said to be erected in honour of the iduhu of the originator; and it is a
long-lasting symbol of an event in which the co-operation of many groups has been obtained’
(Belshaw 1957:16). In unpublished papers, Nigel Oram (Oram Papers NLA, Box 2, Folder 14) wrote
that ‘If the Iduhu got too big it would break away and build a new Dubu. The name has nothing to do
with family names but explains why some Iduhu have the same name’. None of the villages in the
Project area have dubu (there is one in Hanuabada) and they do not comprise part of iduhu
functioning today. Nevertheless, it is possible that dubu may be found archaeologically within the
Study Area, and as indicated by the ethnographic evidence would be recognisable through the
presence of postholes for a front platform on the first house along a row of houses. Such
archaeological evidence would be significant in that it would enable a historicising of the iduhu socioorganisational system itself (see section 4.5.7.6 below).
4.5.7.6 The Iduhu (by James Weiner)
The iduhu is the unit of social recruitment in Motu-Koita society. Belshaw (1957:12-13) saw it in spatial
terms: ‘It consists of one or more lines of houses built on piles over the sea at an angle to the
coastline by people who give themselves an iduhu name’. He goes on: ‘The iduhu … is primarily a
residence unity based upon one or more separate lineages of patrilineal emphasis, and hence may be
differentiated from a clan, which, in a technical sense, must consist of people claiming common
descent’ (Belshaw 1957:13). James Weiner (2008) found this characterization to be accurate for the
iduhu which he came into contact with during fieldwork in 2008.
Groves (1954:78) likewise wrote in 1954 that:
1
Rosensteil probably acquired much of her information on the dubu from pages 60-65 of Seligmann (1910).
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Traditionally, the members of each iduhu resided in a single line of houses running out from the beach into
the sea; the iduhu was therefore a discrete residential unit within a wider residential unit. Membership of an
iduhu was determined patrilineally …
Observers such as Groves, Oram and Goddard maintain that the iduhu recruitment principle is flexible
and can incorporate non-agnates (non-patrilineally-related individuals). Rosenstiel similarly draws
attention to the flexibility of iduhu structure when she describes that ‘… families were loosely
organized into exogamous patrilineal groups called iduhu’ (Rosenstiel 1953:14). Goddard (2001:314)
writes that ‘I believe iduhu have been more resilient than previous researchers have thought, that the
importance of landholding has been underestimated in previous attempts to understand what iduhu
are’. Groves also wrote ‘the iduhu is a corporate group of great importance’ (Groves 1963:17). He
stated that during his fieldwork period, ‘conflict within the village is generally viewed as conflict
between component iduhu’ (Groves 1963:18).
Oram wrote in 1970 that ‘Iduhu were corporate groups with assets which included insignia, a name,
fishing or hunting nets, and frequently but not invariably land’ (Oram 1970:7). He went on to say that
‘In most villages, land was divided into sectors and each iduhu regarded a particular sector as its own
iduhu land’ (Oram, 1970:7). Iduhu land did not constitute a discrete territory either: Oram (1970:7)
wrote that:
Not all land … was iduhu land. Iduhu as corporate bodies did not necessarily hold rights to all land inside
their land boundaries and lineages within an iduhu may have established exclusive rights to particular
areas.
Oram wrote that among the Koita, a man could confer land to his daughter, which would then belong
to her and her descendants (Oram 1970:7). Oram wrote in his notes that women could assert rights to
use their descent group land as well as men: ‘In the past rights to land were essentially rights to use
the land when there was a need to do so. It appears that rights were enjoyed equally between male
and female members of a descent group. The control of the land, however, rested with the senior
member of the male line’ (16th July 1963: Oram Papers NLA Box 1, Folder 6). But he also wrote
elsewhere (on 29th December 1963) that Gavera Baru told him that ‘the land belonged to the father or
brother and his descendants, not those of the women’ (Oram Papers, NLA Box 1, Folder 6). Groves
(1963:21) wrote that despite the fact that non-agnates can under certain circumstances be
incorporated into the iduhu, the normative principle governing iduhu composition is that of agnation, or
patrilineal descent. Therefore, ‘rights in a man’s estate are normally shared by his sons. Ideally, then,
primary membership in an iduhu should coincide with membership in an agnatic lineage’ (Groves
1963:21).
Oram also noted that at least one informant stressed the corporate nature of descent group land
ownership: ‘Phillip emphasized that in the past there was no land belonging to a person but it
belonged to the iduhu’ (Oram Papers, NLA, Box 1, Folder 6).
As a result of movement, migration and warfare, iduhu have fissioned (and sometimes fused) and
iduhu of the same name can be found in different villages, often with an additional name to
differentiate them from other local iduhu of the same original name (Groves 1963:16; Goddard,
2001:315). Goddard (2001:315), writing more recently, observed that ‘The Motu-Koitabu themselves
now translate “iduhu” (referring to groups within villages) into English as “clan”, reflecting the influence
of common, rather than academic, terminology and an idiom that iduhu are principally patrilineal
descent groups’. Groves observed that if a local iduhu (what he called a ‘section’) divides into two, the
two resulting groups become separate and independent in every meaningful political sense, although
they will continue to recognize ties of kinship between them (Groves 1963:16).
The following can all contribute to the definition of iduhu membership and identity: residential unit,
possession of a ceremonial platform or verandah, and exogamy. In 1954, Groves (1954:80) mentioned
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‘Tenure of a house and of garden land, property in ceremonial and ritual observances, and the cooperative labour of other members of the iduhu, were all very important interests which the unity of the
iduhu safeguarded’. Groves made this characterization of iduhu functions in 1963: a name, a heavy
fishing net, ability and equipment with which to build trading canoes, residential locality, claims to
certain ceremonial dances, ritual relationships with identified deities, responsibility for amassing
bridewealth, responsibility for distributing food at ceremonial feasts, possession of garden land, a
leader, and a corporate history (Groves 1963:18). Groves also wrote that ‘The iduhu is the unit which
owns and controls the assets that are most important to the Motu, such as fishing nets, trading
vessels, ancestral rites, and, in some cases, land’ (Groves 1963:17-18).
Rosenstiel wrote that the iduhu ‘controlled its own land, and garden plots were divided among the
men, who owned the land’ (Rosenstiel 1953:15). As Goddard points out, however, all these attributes,
while they may contribute to iduhu identity, are not primary in the way land-ownership is, in his opinion
(Goddard 2001:316). However, Groves denied that all iduhu were land-owning units, nor were all landowning units iduhu (Groves 1963:26), and noticed that cognatic descendants could claim control of
land in the absence of patrilineal heirs (Groves 1963:26-27).
A term used by Groves which is also relevant to the task of describing agnatic solidarity within an
iduhu is siahu which he translates as ‘potency’ (Groves 1963:23). ‘Siahu’ can also mean ‘spirit’
(commonly in the context of church related translations). Goddard more recently has glossed siahu as
‘power, potency’ and also ‘heat’ (Goddard n.d.). ‘Heat’ in this context refers to the potency of ancestral
power performed in specific places and the legitimacy this lends in land claims. Goddard (n.d.:6)
describes ‘heat’ in the context of making claims to land in the following way:
Genealogical connections to specific ancestors legitimated narratives of the past, which might include, for
example, stories of the movement of ancestors from place to place establishing or abandoning villages or
gardens, fighting battles, killing or being killed and buried. Through these narratives speakers would iterate
their siahu, or that of their iduhu, to inhabit, or use, or pursue various activities at, the places to which they
referred. In other words, their siahu derived from their ancestor’s presence and actions at a given place.
Any archaeological evidence that would shed light into the history of iduhu – such as structural
evidence from dubu, as noted above – would thus have considerable significance, for iduhu are
ethnographically of notable importance in social and territorial structure.
4.5.7.7 Settlement Patterns in Historical Perspective
Bulmer (1978:51-54) has modeled population migrations and shifting settlements in the broader Port
Moresby area from oral histories largely collected by Nigel Oram in the 1960s and 1970s. She writes
that:
Motu villages were based on two movements of people into the area, one from an inland area to the east
to Motupore and Taurama, and another from the west in the Gulf of Papua to Boera. These were possibly
‘migrations’ in the sense that they consisted of people deliberately moving to a new territory, but it could be
that they only involved small groups of people. Both these movements are from areas where other
languages than Motu are now spoken [Figure 4.5.17].
Oral histories … indicate that by perhaps 450 years ago there were three villages on the coast of the
survey area [broader Port Moresby area], i.e. Boera, Vabukori, and Taurama (Oram 1975:6), founded by
the above movements of people, and another [further to the east of Port Moresby] …
Since the period of the earliest four villages there has been a rapid increase in the number of Motu
settlements, according to the oral histories. The settlement of Taurama was abandoned as a result of
th
warfare, probably in the 18 century, and by about 200 years ago there were additional settlements at
Pari, Manugava (an inland hilltop site), Badihagwa (near Hanuabada), as well as at Vabukori. In the
following century four other western Motu villages were founded to the west of Badihagwa, and three
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others were settled to the east from Tubusereia. It can be suspected that this increase in numbers of
settlements reflected a rapid increase in population …
Allen (1975:9, 13) argues that pottery manufacturing centres along the Papuan coast appear to coincide
with the largest population centres and that there was a development of a Motu ‘central place’ at
Hanuabada in response to the Motu role as specialist traders. It seems to me that this increase in the
th
th
number of settlements in the 18 and 19 centuries reflects instead a decentralization of Motu
communities in general …
During the period of Motu settlement and expansion, the Koita were in the process of moving from the
inland river plains to the coast. … The histories of the Koita communities on the coast recount the
th
progressive movement from site to site toward the coastal hills, where they were settled in the 19 century.
There was also some Koita resident in all but one Motu village at the beginning of the historic period, but
th
none of the separate Koita settlements were on the coast until the end of the 19 century. The Koita still
maintained land rights as far as the Laloki River, using the inland area for gardening and hunting and
collecting.
Figure 4.5.17 Migration histories according to oral traditions (after Oram, 1981:214).
Settlement locations across the broader Port Moresby region, including the Study Area, were dynamic.
Warfare and migrations (due to conflict, resource shortages and the like) led to resettlement,
sometimes in entirely new areas, and the ‘number of settlements has changed in the proto-historic
period from four to fourteen Motu settlements … [while there was] probably an increase in the number
of Koita settlements’ (Bulmer 1978:55). The Koita initially had ‘small inland hamlet settlement’ (Bulmer
1978:55), while Motu settlements were coastal or over water, but through time each attracted each
other into more or less symbiotic relations as the Koita moved towards the coast and in later times
came to share coastal villages with the Western Motu. In the 19th century, villages tended to contain a
few hundred people, typically 200 to 350 (see Table 4.5.1), although this may be an underestimate for
earlier times due to the unknown effects of 19th century diseases. Settlements typically ‘ranged in size
from a single house to over 60 grouped together. The smaller settlements were Koita, but there were
also larger Koita villages, of a similar size to the Motu villages’; there was ‘considerable variation in the
arrangement of nucleated settlements’; and both ‘Koita and Motu had limited activity sites, for fishing,
hunting, gardening, which were occupied temporarily for special purposes’ (Bulmer 1978:54).
It is salient to remember that we cannot expect oral traditions to have retained all knowledge of all
times in the past, especially in such a region where settlement systems are known to have been
historically so active. Rather, much of the oral history relates to the last 500 years (or less), and for
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any given period of time some village and other cultural sites can be expected to have been forgotten,
especially the further one goes back in time. It is this kind of forgotten site that archaeological research
can reveal, despite their absence from oral testimonies (along with forgotten historical details of
remembered sites). It is also significant to note that the largely settlement-subsistence concerns of
most if not all archaeologists working along the southern PNG lowlands in the 1960s into the 1980s,
when all of the region’s professional archaeological research was undertaken, took place at the
expense of ritual, sacred and religious sites. The outcome is an impoverished and almost entirely
ignored archaeological record that relates to such latter cultural concerns (a common feature of pre1980s archaeological research in many parts of the world).
4.5.7.8 Burial Practices
Little is known of Koita and Motu burial practices. We cite Allen (1977:432), who summarises well the
existing evidence:
Direct evidence of Koita burial practices is poor, and this probably means that the Koita sharing Motu
villages followed the Motu custom of interment in shallow graves within the village, with either a small
grave house above, or a stake on which the weapons or utensils of the deceased might be placed. The
grave would be filled with beach sand, and might be disturbed at a later date to recover various bones to
be worn by relatives. Inland Koita practices may have been more like Koiari, where primary interment
seems to have been less favoured than exposure in houses, on platforms, and bundle burials in trees.
Secondary burial took place, and in one account a pit grave is described as circular, lined with stones and
having a small wooden conical frame above on which was suspended the valuables of the deceased.
Archaeological evidence would add cave and rock fissure interment to these practices.
Such burial practices would express themselves archaeologically as interments within or near house
spaces within hamlets and villages; inland as ethnographically or locally known burial platforms or
burial trees; and mortuary caves and rockshelters.
4.5.7.9 The Hiri Trade
The peoples of the Port Moresby area – in particular the Motu but also to a much lesser degree the
Koita – were renowned makers of ceramic vessels. ‘All of the Motu villages made pots, with the
exception of two, Vabukori and Tatana, that specialized in the manufacture of shell ornaments … Thus
there were manufacturing specialties even among the villages participating in the same trade system’,
writes Bulmer (1978:42, following Oram 1975); ‘The potters were described as recent immigrants to
the area, one group coming from the east to Taurama, and another group coming from the west to
Boera’. During ethnographic times the pottery-making villages included Porebada, Boera, Lea Lea,
Manumanu, Tatana, Pari, Hanuabada, Elevara and Tanabada (Lampert 1968:77, after Barton 1910;
Chalmers 1887:11; Haddon 1894:149). Clay sources have been documented ‘on the coast between
Lea Lea and Papa (Groves 1960:11), Tubusereia, Boera, and Pari … that were used in the protohistoric period by Motu potters. These all seem to occur in the coastal areas’, although ‘inland clays
were probably used’ (Bulmer 1978:15). Pottery was manufactured by women both for domestic use
and for local, regional and distant (hiri) trade. The regional trade involved women carrying pots by
canoe or on foot to kin or trade partners in nearby inland Gabadi, Doura and Koita villages (in
particular villages along the Aroa River), in exchange for garden and meat produce, in particular yams
and bananas. In time the Gabadi, Doura and Koita villagers themselves would exchange some of
these pots further afield, resulting in a widespread spatial patterning of ceramic pots amenable to
archaeological investigation (Groves 1960:8).
The hiri (see Dutton 1980 for its linguistic history) is an ethnographically reported trade system
involving Austronesian-speaking (principally Western Motu) ceramic pot manufacturers and traders
sailing annually to villages in the Gulf of Papua (Plate 4.5.12). The hiri trade journeys are well
documented in the late 19th and early 20th century literature (e.g. Barton 1910; Chalmers 1895;
Chester 1878; see Oram 1982 for a review). Trade voyagers set-off in fleets of (typically around 20)
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multi-hulled sailing ships (lagatoi) from the Port Moresby area of Bootless Bay and Caution Bay
(including Boera-Papa-Lea Lea; e.g. Anon. 1929) when the southeast trade winds blew, typically in
October or November, and returned with the monsoons around January. These trading expeditions
brought ceramic pots and shell artefacts to the western Gulf Province villages, in return for sago and
canoe hulls that would be strapped to the ships for the return voyage. So large were these expeditions
that Seymor Fort (1886:15) wrote in his government report in 1886 that annually ‘20,000 pots were
taken, for which they would bring back in exchange about 150 tons of sago’; other estimates indicate
around 30,000 pots and 600 tons of sago per annum (e.g. see Allen 1977b; Allen and Rye 1982 for
reviews). Motu traders regularly travelled to the Gulf Province coastal villages as far west as Vaimuru
along the Purari River delta, and there are suggestions in local oral traditions that the Motu trade
expeditions sometimes went further west (e.g. Chester 1878:9) (Plates 4.5.13 and 4.5.14). These
villages then served as redistribution centres for inland villages and villages further to the west (e.g.
those of the Kikori River and nearby river systems) (e.g. Chester 1878:9; Oram 1982). The finding of a
rock painting of a large, lagatoi-like crab-claw canoe on Dauan in northern Torres Strait (Brady 2006;
McNiven et al. 2004:244) suggests that at least on rare occasions hiri traders may have ventured even
further west to northern Torres Strait, whether by accident or design. As Groves (1960:8) concludes
from the ethnography, the Motu hiri trading network was ‘more extensive than any other yet reported
from Papua and New Guinea’, and in this holds a special place in PNG’s cultural history.
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Plate 4.5.12 Lagatoi on Port Moresby Harbour, date unknown (photograph courtesy of Biama
Kanasa Collection, University of PNG)
Plate 4.5.13 ‘Fleet of lakatois starting for the west’ (from Chalmers, 1895:75)
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Plate 4.5.14 ‘East End lakatoi at Purari Delta’, moored off Kaimare village around Christmas
1915 (photograph by Ernest Sterne Usher, courtesy of South Australian Museum,
AA835 C93; see also Pike and Craig 1999:234, 248. From David, 2008b:figure 1)
Professional archaeological research since the late 1960s indicates that the ethnographically
recognisable hiri system and its associated ceramic traditions probably began around 500 years ago
(see David 2008). Older ceramic traditions across the Gulf and Central Provinces also suggest that the
historical hiri descended from a further 1500 years or more of formalised long-distance maritime trade
relations across the region (e.g. Allen 1976, 1977; Bulmer 1978, 1982; Rhoads 1982; for a review and
significantly expanded radiocarbon chronology, see David 2008) (see section 4.5.8.5 for details). At
the other end of the chronological spectrum, hiri expeditions were severely disrupted during World War
II when Motu villages were evacuated and also as a result of increasing involvement in the wage
economy since the mid-1900s (Ryan 1970; see also Johnston 1974, cited in May and Tuckson
2000:59). Formal hiri trade expeditions continued sporadically into the 1960s, although they largely
ceased in the late 1950s following the sinking of a lagatoi off the coast of Boera village in 1957 (a
then-predominant Motu hiri pottery manufacturing centre), when several lives were lost (the location of
this sunken lagatoi off Boera has not been mapped, but its presence should be kept in mind by the
developers). However, long-held trading partnerships between villages have in many cases been
maintained, despite the demise of formal hiri expeditions (Vincent Eka, Kerema resident and
descendent of historical hiri trade partner, personal communication 2007).
The Origin of the Hiri
Motuan hiri trading vessels and expeditions are well described by early observers (e.g. Barton 1910).
Lennox (1903) describes an 1883 expedition in this way:
These Motuans are the traders of Eastern New Guinea. The staple manufacture of the district is pottery,
and the earthenware vessels made by the Motu tribe are used for cooking and other purposes throughout
the land. The generic name for articles of this ware is uro; but uro is really the cooking vessel, while water
vessels, dishes for serving food, large and small cups, small pots, large and small basins, pots with rims,
and large vessels for holding sago are varied forms of domestic utensils manufactured by the Motuans,
and each has its particular name. The distribution of uros is secured by barter. Food-stuffs are brought into
Port Moresby and exchanged for uros, or the trading Motuan voyages along the coast and barters his uros
for other commodities. Once a year the Motuans make a trip of two hundred miles to the westwards, faring
forth with boat-loads of pottery and – in more recent years – of knives, beads, looking-glasses, red cloth,
and tobacco; purchase in exchange large quantities of sago; and sell that again to the coast natives nearer
home, receiving payment this time in arm-shells and other articles that represent the native currency.
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This great westward trip is made by a fleet of lakatois, vessels made up by the combination of several
large canoes, and capable of carrying a considerable crew and a large cargo. Here is Tamate’s description
of these strange craft: ‘Four large canoes are lashed together. Their bulwarks are made from the leaves of
the Nipa palm sewn together, well fastened with long, strong mangrove poles, and caulked with dried
banana leaves. A stage is made all round, so that the sailors can work her without getting inside of the
bulwarks. Masts of mangrove, with the roots, are stepped on to the centre, and large sails, made of mats
all sewn together and shaped like crab toes, are fixed for working, with ropes made from the bark of the
large yellow hibiscus. The anchor is a large stone made fast with long canes, sometimes one hundred
fathoms in length. Fore and aft are small covered-in houses, strong enough to withstand a very heavy sea,
where the captain, mates, and boatswains sleep and smoke. There are strong divisions of wicker work in
each canoe, into which pottery is put, each division having an owner. The pottery is well packed with dried
banana leaves, and only when thrown ashore in a gale do they have much breakage’.
…On this occasion Tamate secured a passage on board the Kevaubada, one of these lakatois, and, after
a voyage of five days, arrived in far-distant Elema, making the port of Vailala. The Kevaubada was a twomaster, and he took up his sleeping quarters on two planks covered with a mat and set on the top of a
large crate of pottery between the masts. [See Chalmers 1895:74-92 for a first-hand account of this hiri
expedition].
Motuan oral tradition has it that the hiri trading voyages originated at Boera village (e.g. Barton 1910;
Lewis 1994:134-35). In 1910, F. R. Barton published a widely known origin story in Seligmann’s The
Melanesians of British New Guinea. This oral tradition has been handed down for generations and
continues to be retold today by Western Motuans of the Study Area. We recount the origin story here
in some detail because of its great significance to Motu history, and because it relates directly to a
number of cultural heritage sites located near the proposed Portion 152 Facility site (see section
4.5.7). These cultural heritage sites, by virtue of their direct association to this hiri origin story, are of
utmost cultural, historical and educational significance – and central to the maintenance of cultural
traditions by local peoples – and must therefore not be damaged as a result of the proposed LNG152
developments. We will return to the mapping of these sites, and their management recommendations,
in section 4.5.7 and section 4.5.13 respectively.
‘A very long time ago’, writes Barton (1910:97-100), ‘there lived at the Motu village of Boera a man
named Edai Siabo’. He continues:
One day he sailed with some other men in a canoe to the islands of Bava and Idiha (small coral islands on
the barrier reef off Boera) to catch turtle. They were unsuccessful, and at night the other men went to sleep
on the island, whilst Edai Siabo, who was varo biaguna (‘master’ of the turtle net) slept alone in the canoe.
During the night a being named Edai, of the kind called dirava, arose from the water, seizing hold of him
and carrying him under water to the cave among the rocks which was his abode. The dirava drew Edai
Siabo head-foremost into the cave so that he lay prone with his feet projecting from the entrance, and he
then informed him that he had brought him there to tell him about lakatoi (composite trading canoes). ‘Do
not be afraid,’ he said; ‘as soon as I have told you all about lakatoi, you can go back to your canoe.’ The
dirava went on to explain how these vessels should be made, and how, if he and his fellows went to the
west in a lakatoi, they would be able to obtain plenty of sago to die them over the season of scarcity. At
daylight next morning the men who had slept ashore swam out to the canoe, and when they saw that Edai
Siabo was gone they wept. While they were talking, and weeping, and wondering what had become of
him, one of them looked over the side and saw their comrade’s feet and called to the others to come and
see. So they all dived into the sea and caught hold of his feet, and tried to haul him out of the cave, but the
dirava held the shoulders of Edai Siabo, and the men could not move him, and they had to rise to the
surface again to take breath. Again and again they dived down but were unable to pull him out for the
dirava still held fast to Edai Siabo because he had not finished telling him about lakatoi. At last, when all
had been told he allowed the men to haul Edai Siabo out of the cave to the surface of the sea, and they
placed him in the canoe. He was apparently dead and the men wept sorely over him, but after a while he
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opened his eyes and revived. His companions asked him what he had been doing, and he told them that
he had seen and heard many strange things. When the men asked him what these things were, he told
them that the dirava Edai had taken him into his rock-cave, and instructed him as to the manner of making
a lakatoi, and about the hiri (the trading voyage on which the lakatoi must sail). The men inquired the
meaning of these words, and Edai Siabo promised that he would repeat all that the dirava Edai had said to
him when they had returned to Boera. So they made sail for that place. There Edai Siabo built a model of a
lakatoi according to all that the spirit had told him, and when he put it upon the sea it sailed along quickly,
and all the assembled people exclaimed: ‘Inai! (behold!) who taught you to make such a thing?’ and he
told them that the dirava Edai had taught him thus to make a big vessel, and to sail in it to the west for
sago. Then he took the little lakatoi to his house, and the men of the village went there to examine it and
ask questions. Edai Siabo explained to them how to lash the canoes together, and how to step the mast,
and how to make the sail, and so forth. So the people went away and built a lakatoi, and they called it
Oalabada. A Koita – a brother-in-law of Edai Siabo – tried to dissuade him from going to the west, telling
him that in his garden there were plenty of bananas, and in his house good store of yams, so that he would
not want, but Edai Siabo remained stubborn. When the lakatoi was finished it was loaded with
earthenware pots, and as soon as all the pots had been stowed aboard the people wanted to dance on the
lakatoi, and they called for their drums; but Edai Siabo forbade them to beat drums on the vessel. He told
them that instead of drums they must use sede (a percussion instrument made of bamboo), and he
explained to them how these should be made. So the men went into the jungle, and cut bamboos and
made sede, and when they beat them they were delighted with the sound given forth. After that they went
aboard again, and poled the lakatoi through the shallow water, intoning meanwhile the following words:
‘Dokaimu Oalabada dokaimu, Ido-Ido, Ido-ido-ido-ido,’
and all the while they kept beating the sede. Presently they asked what song they should sing, and Edai
Siabo then told them the words and tune of the lakatoi ehona (song) as the dirava Edai had taught him,
and the words of it were these:
‘Oalabada Oviria nanaia
Ario Visiu O Veri Auko
Bogebada Eraroia Nanaia
Irope Umanai Ela Dauko’ (and many other verses).
When the song was ended those who were not going on the hiri went ashore, and the others hoisted the
sail and left. They sailed for many days into the west until they came to a large village on the banks of a
river, and there they stopped. The people received them with great joy inasmuch as they never before had
pots in which to boil their sago. The travelers remained there until all the pots had been bartered for sago
and then the lakatoi being loaded they set sail for home.
Now Edai Siabo was married to a woman named Oiooio, and when he sailed away to the west, he told her
that after fifty days were past, her daughter-in-law was to climb every day to the summit of the hill called
Taubarau, to look out for the lakatoi returning. Day after day she returned to Oiooio saying she could see
nothing. The wives of the men who had gone, took other husbands, but Oiooio remained faithful, in the
sure belief that her husband would return, till one morning her daughter-in-law said she had seen
something near Varivari islets, but she could not be sure that it was not a piece of floating driftwood. Oiooio
told her to hurry back and look again. As it came nearer and grew larger she saw it was indeed the lakatoi
and ran down to tell the good news. Oiooio swept the house, washed herself, put oil upon her body and in
her richest ornaments paddled off to the lakatoi when it rounded the point to the village. There she told
those aboard that their wives had been faithless, and that she and her daughter-in-law had alone been
obedient to the commands imposed on them by Edai Siabo before leaving. She took some sago from the
lakatoi and returned to her house, and after Edai Siabo had washed in the sea, he and those with him
went ashore. The men were greatly grieved to find that Oiooio had spoken the truth about their wives, for
many of them were big with child by other men. Then Edai Siabo told all the people that the words of the
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dirava were all true, and he admonished the faithless women and the men who had taken them as their
wives. The women were very ashamed of themselves, and some of them were taken back by their
husbands.
Since that time the lakatoi have gone every year to the west, and there has consequently been food in
plenty during the season of scarcity.
4.5.7.10 The Ceramic Industry
Murray Groves (1960:3) writes that in the 1950s ‘Motu pottery traditionally found its way, and still finds
its way, into almost every village along the shores of the Papuan Gulf and in the immediate hinterland’
(e.g. Plate 4.5.15). The ubiquity of this cultural product gives it great archaeological potential, allowing
archaeologists to investigate cultural change, including past inter-regional relations and interactions
across close and distant communities.
Plate 4.5.15 Ceramic pot (uro) in the Gulf Province village of Epemeavo in August 2007,
obtained in the past through hiri trade
The late 19th and early 20th century ethnographic records from Motu pottery manufacturing villages
identify a number of formal pottery shapes and decorative designs within a single general ceramic
style. Pottery was made in most Motu-speaking villages (including Delena village near Yule Island to
the west of the Study Area, where Motuans are said to have lived in the past). Seneca (1976:4)
describes how a Boera woman called Boio Siabo introduced Western Motu knowledge of pottery
manufacture to the Koita after she was ‘carried off by a Koitabu tribesman called Bokina Bokina after a
tribal war raid. She spread the knowledge of pot making to her husband’s village women’. Following
Groves (1960), Haddon (1894:156) and Stone (1880:141), Bulmer (1978:55-56) thus notes that
‘Pottery is also made in Koita-speaking communities … but it was generally thought that the Koita
learned the skill from the Motu’.
Numerically predominant among ceramic vessels were uro cooking pots, hodu water jars (typically
larger and deeper than the uro) and nau dishes (Arifin 1990:31). As Arifin (1990:31-39) notes,
however, other named forms were also present (such as kibokibo, e.g. Bulmer 1971), with Chalmers
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(1887:122) documenting 10 named vessel types, Finsch (1914:270) eight, and Barton (1910:114)
seven; more recent, mid-20th century commentators have documented up to 12 Motu pottery types
(Table 4.5.2). Not all of these pottery types are said to have been traded by the Motu. Furthermore, a
number of pot shapes were further sub-divided into size classes by the Motu to create a broader range
of distinctive and recognised vessel types (Arifin 1990:35). Plates 4.5.15 and 4.5.16 and Figure 4.5.18
show examples of vessel types recognized by the Motu during ethnographic times.
Plate 4.5.16 Motu ceramic pot types from Manumanu, February 1974. Left: tohe. Middle: hodu.
Right: nau. ‘Man in photo called Karai; his mother made the pot (tohe) in the time
of his grandmother. Urimu his mother died about 1970’ (photograph courtesy of
PNG National Museum and Art Gallery)
Figure 4.5.18 Motu ceramic pot types (from Bulmer, 1978:figure 3.2)
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Pottery was manufactured by the Motu and, to a lesser extent, the Koita for a number of reasons:
domestic use, short-distance (mainly inland) trade with the Gabadi, Doura, Koita and Koiari (Bulmer
1978:56), and long-distance (maritime) hiri trade with Gulf Province communities. The pottery was
made with paddle and anvil technique (rather than coil technique as practiced in some other parts of
Melanesia) (Plate 4.5.17), the paddles commonly being ridged, although ‘This ridging is normally
erased by the potter in the final paddling with a smooth paddle’ (Bulmer 1978:57) (Plate 4.5.18).
Ceramic manufacturers made both plain (undecorated) and decorated wares, the latter representing
makers’ marks enabling the male traders to keep track of whose (female kin) products they were
exchanging (see Groves 1960 for details of such siaisiai services). However uro, in ethnographic times
the principle trade item, were usually undecorated. More generally, pottery made for domestic use was
undecorated (Bulmer 1978:61). Bulmer (1978:57, 59) notes that ‘pottery decoration has been rapidly
forgotten’ by recent Motu and Koita generations, and ‘the historic period has seen the reduction of the
“kinds” manufactured from ten to four, only one of which remains numerically common’.
Plate 4.5.17 Pottery being manufactured at Porebada (probably in the mid-1970s) (photograph
courtesy of PNG National Museum and Art Gallery: photograph 19696)
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Plate 4.5.18 Ethnographic paddles and anvil for pottery making, collected from several
households in Manumanu in 1974 (photograph courtesy of PNG National Museum
and Art Gallery).
It is also widely recognized that ceramic traditions have changed significantly through time. Bulmer
(1978:59-60) thus notes that:
The distribution of pottery making is said to have changed during the proto-historic period, with separate
introductions of pottery making from both the west and east into an area for which no earlier tradition is
described. The fact that Motu style pottery was found to be made in two non-Motu-speaking settlements to
the east and west may be taken as a possible indication of a process of expansion of the industry in the
proto-historic period. Indeed, Haddon (1900:275) said that pottery making was introduced into the Yule
Island area by the Motu. Another change in the pottery industry in the historic period has been the
reduction in the number of pottery-making villages, and in the quantities of pots.
Previous archaeological research both within the Central Province and Gulf Province has revealed the
existence of a range of past ceramic conventions that were not practiced during ethnographic times:
ceramic conventions have changed significantly through time. This historical dynamism highlights the
significance of archaeological ceramics as testimony to past ceramic-making traditions (in a way that
oral traditions alone cannot due to loss of such details from social memory) across the Motu
homeland, including the Study Area.
The best way to adequately reveal this ceramic history is to adequately sample each site in order to
understand the antiquity and geographical spread of specific ceramic conventions. The clay and sand
temper used in the manufacture of pottery will also differ from village to village, and through time. ‘In
spite of the basic common technology [the widespread use of paddle and anvil technique]’, writes
Bulmer (1978:57), ‘the differences in clays, tempers, and the individual trademarks ought to provide a
basis for identifying the villages of origin of Motu pottery’ (e.g. Plate 4.5.19). Each archaeological site
is a unique historical ‘document’ possessing its own, singular evidence of past cultural activity (and in
many cases village sites will themselves have been more or less specialized pottery manufacturing
centres, the history of which tracks changing spatial configurations of ceramic manufacture,
specialization and trade). Lampert (1968:77) thus concludes:
The dominance of Motu pottery and its widespread distribution through trade makes its ethnographic
and archaeological study a vital one, not only for the history of the Port Moresby district but for that of
a large part of Papua. … Largely on the basis of pottery analysis we can reasonably expect
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archaeological sites in the Port Moresby district to provide a sequence of material culture reflecting
both the movements and identity of people … the sites will no doubt reveal long forgotten and
unrecorded facets of the everyday lives of people.
Table 4.5.2
Function
Large
cooking pot
Traditional categories of Motu pottery (after Bulmer, 1971:63, 1978:58; Groves,
1960:14).
Stone (1876)
ura – 15-18”Ø
Lindt (1887)
uro – large
vessel
Finsch (1903)
uro – everted
rimmed
spherical pot
Small
cooking pot
keikei – small
pot
Sago
storage pot
tohe
?
kaeva – pot
with rim
kaiwa – pot with
horizontal
‘collar’
Seligmann (1910)
uro – 10-12”Ø
Groves (1960)
uro – 10-16”Ø
everted rimmed
spherical pot
keikei – small pot
shaped like uro
Water
vessel
hordo
hodu – water
vessel
hodu –
spherical pot
with narrow
neck and
vertical rim
Serving dish
nao
nau
nau – oblong
dish with lugs at
either end
?
ohoru – large
cup
oburo – deep
slightly incurved
bowl
?
ituru – small
cup
itulu – cup with
goblet-like stem
and base
?
kebo - basin
?
kibokibo – small
basin
tohe – same shape
as uro, but several
times larger
tohe – same shape
as uro, but several
times larger
hodu – 12-18”Ø
hodu – 12-18”Ø
nau – 12-20”Ø
circular bowl
nau – 12-20”Ø
circular open dish
itulu – small basin
with legs, for dye
kebo
kibo – basin
It is clear that any disturbance or destruction of archaeological sites in and near the Study Area needs
to systematically sample all threatened sites prior to any disturbance to ensure adequate
characterization of ceramic conventions by which this part of PNG’s history can be understood and
recorded, for once destroyed such sites can never again be accessed, and such historical details
would be gone forever.
It is clear that any disturbance or destruction of archaeological sites in and near the Study Area needs
to systematically sample all threatened sites prior to any disturbance to ensure adequate
characterization of ceramic conventions by which this part of PNG’s history can be understood and
recorded, for once destroyed such sites can never again be accessed, and such historical details
would be gone forever.
4.5.8 Archaeology: Indigenous Cultural Heritage
Austronesian-speaking villages (such as the Motu) are found scattered along the eastern part of the
southern PNG coastline, concentrated in the Central Province, and many of these manufactured
pottery in the recent past. The implication is that ancestral Austronesian maritime colonizers – the
ancestors of the Motu – began to settle in the region some 2000 years ago or perhaps earlier.
Although earlier ceramic sites have not yet been found in the southern PNG lowlands, McNiven et al.
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(2006) have argued that around 2600-2400 years ago Austronesian speakers came to Torres Strait
likely from the east; they anticipate that ceramic sites of similar antiquity will one day be found along
the ancient southern PNG coastline (located along the inland plains shortly to the north of the present
coastline), for this is the most likely source of influence for the manufacture of the Torres Strait
ceramics.
Plate 4.5.19 Examples of ceramic sherds collected from different archaeological sites by the
PNG National Museum and Art Gallery, by site code. Top left: AAJ. Top right:
ACQ. Bottom left: AMG. Bottom right: AMH. The contrast in decorative
conventions between sites is clear, and shows how different sites have the
potential to reveal unique information on specific pottery conventions. Scales
differ between sites (scales not included in the original photographs) (from
photographs courtesy of the PNG National Museum and Art Gallery)
The Port Moresby area has received professional archaeological attention since 1967. Here can be
found a wide variety of ceramic decorative styles, and it is the history of these ceramic traditions that
has formed the focus of archaeological research in this region (in part because of a focus on the
history of the hiri trade and of earlier long-distance maritime trade networks which involved the
manufacture of large quantities of trade ceramics over some 2000 years or more).
In this section the history and key findings of archaeological research in the broader Port Moresby
area are presented, as they inform an understanding of Lea Lea-Boera’s cultural heritage sites and
their significance. Many of the sites discussed below possess their own language names (obtained
from oral traditions or the vicinity from which they are found) (e.g., Nebira), archaeological code given
by the discovering archaeologist as part of their own surveying referencing system (e.g. Nebira 2),
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and/or a unique three or four letter reference (e.g. ACJ), being the official PNG National Museum and
Art Gallery site register code (by convention, site lettering is organized by PNG Province; all registered
cultural heritage sites from the Central Province and the National Capital District begin with the letter
A). For example, the cultural heritage site known from oral traditions as Nebira has been sub-divided
by archaeologists into a series of distinctive, archaeologically separate exposures each of which has
been given a separate researcher reference number (e.g. Nebira 2, Nebira 4 etc.), and each of which
has been given an official PNG National Museum and Art Gallery site number (Nebira 2 = ACJ; Nebira
4 = ACL). We emphasise that despite 40 years of research and numerous systematic and
opportunistic cultural heritage site surveys across different parts of the broader Port Moresby region,
only a small proportion of cultural heritage sites has so far been recorded. No archaeological surveys
had previously been undertaken in the Study Area itself.
For ease of report structure, the results of previous archaeological research are presented by
researcher name, in general chronological order.
4.5.8.1 Graeme Pretty
In 1967, Graeme Pretty undertook reconnaissance archaeological surveys in the vicinity of Boera
village, in search of Maurice Leask’s (1943a) previously reported ‘kitchen midden’. Pretty undertook
preliminary surveys on and around Stanley Hill, recording three sites (which he termed Sites A, B and
C), but without finding the sought-after sites. He notes that ‘both the Summit and slopes were thickly
strewn with potsherds, shell and other Melanesian habitation residue’ (Pretty 1967:34). During these
investigations, Pretty visited Boera village and the nearby beach, recording in the process the
important cultural heritage site of Edai Siabo’s first lagatoi anchor (Pretty 1967:35) (which he identifies
as the anchor of the sailing ship by which Edai Siabo founded Boera; see section 4.5.7.9 for details of
the legendary story of Edai Siabo and his first lagatoi). The anchor was already partly covered with
sand at the time of Pretty’s visit.
4.5.8.2 Susan Bulmer
Susan Bulmer’s 1978 doctoral thesis Preshitoric culture change in the Port Moresby region is the only
PhD dissertation, and the largest single study, ever undertaken on the archaeology of the Port
Moresby area. It represents the culmination of research she began in 1967, and supercedes many of
the conclusions about the region’s archaeological past she presented in earlier publications (e.g.
Bulmer 1969, 1971). Bulmer was interested in understanding the distribution, and ecological and
social inter-relationships, of sites across the landscape, and how spatial variation and temporal
change in ceramic conventions could be used to explore the region’s cultural and social history. She
argues that settlement-subsistence systems shifted through the course of Port Moresby’s preEuropean contact history, and these changes were accompanied by shifts in the location of potteryproducing centres and changes to ceramic styles. She suggests that during the Early Period of
occupation, from around A.D. 0 to 1000, a relatively homogeneous pottery style was widespread along
the Central Province coast from Mailu in the east to Yule Island in the west. Towards the end of the
Early Period, a large settlement could be found at Ranvetutu. During the Middle Period, from around
A.D. 1000 to 1500, the earlier pottery style rapidly changed, making way for ceramic conventions akin
to those of Milne Bay some 370 km to the southeast. Towards the commencement of this period large
pottery-producing communities were set up at Motupore and Boera, while previously established
communities at Taurama, Nebira and Eriama continued to exist. During this time, pottery-using
settlements became established on elevated hills in the coastal hinterland, probably for reasons of
defense. The Middle Period was followed by the Proto-historic Period (about A.D. 1500-1875)
immediately preceding, and continuing into, the early European contact period, when ‘Middle period
pottery is replaced by a single style, which in the 18th and 19th centuries appears to sub-divide into
the eastern and western variants’ (Bulmer 1978:xxi). The late Proto-historic Period saw a
predominance of settlement on the coastal hills and along the coast, and ‘heavy dependence upon
imported food based on the specialist manufacture of shell ornaments and pottery, was of relatively
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recent origin’ (Bulmer 1978:xx). Bulmer (1978, 1982) argues that the people of the ancestral Nebira,
Eriama and Taurama villages – spanning nearly 2000 years of occupation – were not specialized craft
manufacturers (for a different view, see Allen and Rye 1982; Allen et al. 1977), and that while there is
evidence in oral traditions and in the archaeological record for close contacts between coastal and
inland communities, these sites show little evidence of specialized trade (a point disputed by Jim Allen
in particular – e.g. Allen and Rye 1982).
Bulmer suggests that early in the region’s history large settlements containing ceramics were
established on the inland river plains. During the last 300 years (based on oral traditions), she argues
that settlements shifted towards the coast. She asks if the earlier, hinterland villages were occupied by
the Koita (the ‘people of the land’, who possess the oral traditions about those older sites), while the
later coastal settlements were occupied by the Motu ‘people of the sea and trade’ (sometimes together
with the Koita). Using oral traditions and historical records, she interprets the archaeological evidence
around the notion that the Koita ‘had moved down from the mountains and across the plains to the
coast, while the Motu arrived by sea to dwell with them’, both movements taking place only during the
last 400 to 500 years, with the Koita ‘reaching their position in or near Motu villages in the 19th
century’ (Bulmer 1978:39). Yet the Koita did not traditionally practice pottery-making, having learnt the
craft from the Motu after the latter’s arrival along the coast (perhaps 2000 years ago, perhaps more
recently with earlier ceramic manufacturers in the Port Moresby region before the Motu). If the
hinterland villages indeed relate to early Koita occupation, what of the pottery found within those sites?
The ‘great variety’ of pottery shapes and decorative designs found across the Port Moresby region are
critical to unraveling such questions, for it is the pottery that holds the key to understanding the
location of manufacturing centres, the arrival of new pottery manufacturers, cultural affiliations
between communities and geographical dispersal routes through trade and acculturation. By
determining the location of pottery manufacturing centres (villages) through time, the geographical
spread of ceramic traits across the landscape – and the occurance of specific styles at any given
archaeological site – will allow understanding of landscape use and social relationships between sites
across the broader region.
Bulmer’s work on the history and dynamics of ceramic production and settlement location in the
broader Port Moresby area was based on the analysis of pottery sherds collected from 67
archaeological sites within an area covering 800 km2, and the excavation of two ancient village sites
and a rockshelter, Nebira 2 (ACJ), Eriama 1 (ACV) and Taurama (AJA). Her investigations focused on
the region from Bootless Inlet in the east to Galley Reach in the west, from the coast northward to the
Laloki River. Within this area the Koita and Motu have long lived in a ‘complementary relationship in an
overlapping territory’ (Bulmer 1978:2) involving trade and cohabitation in close social relations.
The archaeological ceramics of the Port Moresby region contain a range of vessel shapes and
decorative designs, many of which are not represented by ceramic conventions of ethnohistoric times
(cf. Plate 4.5.19). The geographical distribution and antiquity of each of these conventions is of great
interest to archaeologists, for it is through these that the spatial, temporal, cultural and social
relationships of sites can be investigated. As Bulmer (1978:74) notes, ‘pottery decoration is particularly
sensitive to culture change’ (much like car designs today mark the changing times). Archaeological
pottery remains have been the major means by which the region’s cultural history has been
investigated, including patterns of inter-regional interaction and the history of the hiri system itself (e.g.
Allen 1977). Consequently, every site containing pottery remains will hold archaeological significance.
Here we summarise the major pottery decorative styles identified by Bulmer (1978) for the Port
Moresby region (incorporating Lea Lea-Boera). We note that while the chronological value and spatial
integrity of these styles remain in contention by archaeologists (e.g. Allen 1977; Swadling 1980),
Bulmer’s schema remains one of only two detailed published accounts by which archaeologists
presently order Port Moresby ceramics. And here-in lies a major problem: Bulmer’s ceramic styles are
ordered into an apparently chronological system but are not, in themselves, based on systematic
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temporal data. We thus note that while her ceramic schema requires refinement and perhaps
replacement once fine-grained chronological investigations have taken place (Bulmer did not
undertake fine-grained temporal analyses of the sites she excavated), her framework remains the
archaeologically predominant one and is therefore cautiously presented here.
Bulmer’s study is largely based on 2977 ceramic sherds from 67 undated surface archaeological sites
(Bulmer 1978:76-77). Her six decorative styles are summarized in Table 4.5.3. Table 4.5.4 represents
her style key for the region’s ceramic bowls. She argues that four cultural phases can be identified for
the broader Port Moresby region based on changes in ceramic conventions, as indicated by her
surface ceramics, combined with results from three archaeological excavations she undertook at
Nebira 2 (ACJ), Eriama 1 (ACV) and Taurama (AJA) together with those of others (principally
Motupore, Nebira 4, Ava Garau) (Bulmer, 1978:340-41):
1. Early Period with Style I pottery: around A.D. 0-1000;
2. Middle Period with Styles II, III and IV pottery: around A.D. 1000-1500;
3. Proto-historic Period with Styles V and VI pottery: around A.D. 1500-1875;
4. Historic Period: after around A.D. 1875.
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Table 4.5.3
Summary of some characteristics of decorative styles of Port Moresby bowls (from Bulmer, 1978:table 5.5).
Style
I
Common Techniques
Red Slip
Vessel Forms
Probable
Associated Pot
Decoration
Characteristic Rim or Lip
Form
Slipping
Burnishing
Incising
Combing, grooving
Simple restricted bowl
Simple unrestricted bowl
Composite restricted bowl
Composite unrestricted bowl
Thickened, round
Thickened, square
Round
Round
Heavy line incising, perforation
Appliqué
Grooving
IIa Composite bowl
Square, round
IIb Simple unrestricted bowl
IIc simple restricted bowl
Thickened, square
Thickened, round
Slipping
Burnishing
Incising
Painting
II
Eriama Incised/Applique
(formerly Massim)
III
Eriama Incised/Punctate
(formerly Massim)
Fine line incising, punctation
Simple restricted bowl
Thin, round
IV
Taurama Shell/Comb
(formerly Boera/Taurama)
Shell and comb impressing, combing
Composite bowl
Square
Shell and comb
impressing, painting
V
Taurama Incised/Punctate
(formerly Motu)
Heavy line incising
Simple bowl
Thickened round or square
Incising
VI
Waigani
Incising, finger impressing, shell
impressing
Simple bowl
Thickened round or square
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Table 4.5.4
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
Pottery style key for Port Moresby bowls (from Bulmer, 1978:table 5.6).
Slipped or burnished
Style I
Not slipped or burnished
Go to 2
Shouldered vessel with incised, perforated, punctuate, grooved or appliqué decoration
Not so
Style IIa
Go to 3
Unrestricted vessel with wide, decorated horizontal lip
Style IIb
Not so
Go to 4
Thickened lip
Style IIc
Not so
Go to 5
Thin lip and lacking thickened rim
Style III
Not so
Go to 6
Square or round lip and shell or comb decoration
Style IV
Not so
Go to 7
Thin lip with thickened rim, and incised or punctuate decoration, or undecorated
Not so
Style V
Go to 8
Vessel with A5 and/or A6 field decorated using Design Units #76 and 39 (see Bulmer, 1978)
Not so
Style VI
Go to 9
Residue: ‘foreign’ sherds
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While Bulmer (1978:96) notes that the earliest, Style I ceramics are found in the Lea Lea-Boera area,
such early ceramics are concentrated along the coast but remain relatively uncommon across the Port
Moresby region. Red slipped and/or burnished sherds of this early phase have long been documented
from Central Province and Gulf Province archaeological sites (e.g. Sullivan and Sassoon 1987).
Because of this previous identification of red slipped and/or burnished ceramics from radiocarbondated sites elsewhere in the PNG lowlands (e.g. Vanderwal 1973), Style I is the least controversial
phase of her chronological sequence. Styles II, III, IV and V sherds are also found in the Boera area
(Bulmer 1978:96, figure 5.17). If Bulmer is correct in identifying her styles as chronological markers,
the implication is that the Lea Lea-Boera area contains archaeological deposits covering much of the
period of human occupation in the Port Moresby region. Given the large number of archaeological
sites identified in the Study Area and the proven presence of early ceramics in the Lea Lea-Boera
area, we can thus expect the Study Area to contain cultural deposits spanning a considerable period
of time, and potentially incorporating materials from Style 1 ceramics onwards.
4.5.8.3 Jim Allen
Jim Allen’s work in the Port Moresby region involved both field research and the theoretical modeling
of culture change in this ceramic manufacturing and ethnographically renowned long-distance
maritime trading centre. Allen (e.g. 1984:415-16) notes that the Motu, like other southern lowlands
PNG Austronesian-speaking groups, did not settle rich agricultural landscapes but rather coastal
regions fronted by resource-rich offshore reefs. These were (and continue to be) specialized maritime
peoples who also gardened, hunted and gathered, but it is the sea that formed the focus of
subsistence and settlement practices. Nevertheless the drought-prone Port Moresby region, and the
paucity of agricultural products directly available to the maritime specialist Motu, meant that alternative
means of obtaining food resources had to be developed to ensure long-term survival. The answer
came in the form of craft specialization (ceramics and shell valuables used for bride price and the like)
and long-distance maritime trade (the hiri). Both these ceramics and shell valuables have high
archaeological visibility enabling the history of such trade and social relations to be investigated.
Jim Allen undertook archaeological excavations at two ancestral village sites in the Port Moresby
region, Nebira 4 (ACL) and Motupore (AAK). Both sites contain rich cultural deposits, including two
human burials, 7483 flaked stone artefacts (amongst which are obsidian pieces imported from
Fergusson Island, and drill points), 49,728 pottery sherds, numerous animal bones (mainly pig,
wallaby, fish and shell), shell artefacts (including beads and fragments of arm bands) and varied
pieces of ochre and ground-stone artefacts from Nebira 4; and 40 burials, numerous stone drill bits,
hundreds of shell disc beads, large volumes of shell and vertebrate faunal remains (particularly marine
and wallaby), structural evidence in the form of pits and post holes, and very large quantities of
ceramic sherds from more extensive archaeological excavations at Motupore (e.g. Allen 1977:443,
444; the Motupore results remain largely unpublished). One of these Motupore burials (a secondary
burial with a dog’s teeth necklace) dated to around 400 years ago is interpreted as Koita, due to its
similarity to Koita and Koiari burials of ethnographic times. The implication is that by that time KoitaMotu relations were already close enough for a Koita burial to be included in a predominantly Motu
village, as was the case during ethnographic times (Allen 1977:445).
Nebira 4 is believed to date from around 2000 years ago to sometime before the colonial period.
Together with the similarly-dated Eriama 1 and Loloata Island midden, it currently represents the
oldest known site in the PNG southern lowlands. The similarity of dating of the earliest cultural levels
at each of these sites, along with Oposisi in the western Central Province where 2000 year old
ceramics were also found, led Allen (1972:121) to conclude that ‘we appear to be dealing with a
widespread maritime migration into the central coast about 2,000 years ago. These people established
themselves widely and maintained good communications for at least a thousand years [as indicated by
similarities of ceramic conventions between communities]’.
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The Nebira 4 faunal assemblage indicates a marine-oriented economy (as would be expected of early
Austronesian speakers such as the ancestral Motu) during the earliest (and thus oldest) cultural
layers, becoming gradually less so through time (Allen [1972:116]; this may be due to increasing
dependence on inland gardens, as Allen [1972:122] suggests, or to subsequent sedimentation of the
coastal plains). The ceramic sequence indicates an early red slip (and sometimes burnished) tradition
followed by a sequence of ceramic conventions including continuity of red slipping (Allen 1972:99).
Allen (1972:105-9) identifies nine decorative styles (Styles A-I), many (but not all) of which represent
sequential changes in ceramic conventions. The Nebira 4 sequence can be summarized into a
sequence of three phases (Allen, 1972:108, 109):
Horizon 1. Levels 1-8. Globular pots with heavily rolled horizontal rims; bowl forms shallow and open, often
with a thickened lip; decorative style A the most distinctive marker, with a large percentage of painted
pottery. [Corresponds with Styles IA and IB at Oposisi].
Horizon 2. Levels 9-15. Globular forms a mixture of horizontal and angled rims with the latter more
popular; deeper bowls with straight sides; styles D and E the most common decorative styles with some
temporal value, together with styles F and G. [Corresponds with Style IIA at Oposisi].
Horizon 3. Levels 16-19. Globular forms with angled rims; bowl forms most commonly restricted, and found
in association with decorative styles F and G. Styles H and I are the best indicators of this early horizon.
[Corresponds with Styles IIB and IIC at Oposisi].
The dating of these phases remains unclear due to dating uncertainties and insufficient radiocarbon
determinations to resolve such questions (Allen 1972:121). Nevertheless, Nebira 4 clearly
demonstrates some 2000 years of ceramic evolution and the deeply stratified potential of
archaeological sites in the Port Moresby region.
Motupore in Bootless Inlet to the southeast of Nebira was established around A.D. 1200, and appears
to have been abandoned around A.D. 1700 (Allen 1977:443). Motupore is of salutary interest in that it
is only referred to once in the recorded oral traditions of the greater Port Moresby area, yet as
determined archaeologically it was once a major site of ancestral Motu character (Allen 1977:442,
446). The lesson is that even major archaeological sites may not register in oral traditions, forgotten
from social memory through time. Allen (1984:420) wrote that Motu (and to a lesser degree Koita)
pottery ‘underwrote the emergent maritime trading systems’. Allen (1977) has suggested that socioeconomic interactions between the Koita and Motu, and with trading partners further to the west in the
Gulf Province, have intensified through time. Such intensifications are observable archaeologically in a
simplification (decreased decoration) and standardization of Motu ceramics with the mass production
of trade goods, along with an increased population evident in a concomitant proliferation of
occupational sites. Among the Western Motu, amicable relations with the Koita led to the
establishment of seaside villages, but further to the east less amicable relations between the Eastern
Motu and the Koiari led to the construction of Motu villages over the sea for purposes of defense (Allen
1977:451) (e.g. see Plate 4.5.11). He notes that pottery-producing Motu settlements were located in
low-rainfall parts of PNG subject to periodic droughts, encouraging the development of specialized
pottery manufacture for which food products (in particular sago) could be traded in surplus quantities
(Allen, 1984). Nevertheless the manufacture of (principally hiri) trade ceramics did not simply meet the
dietary needs of the Motu villages, but also enabled the fulfiment of high risk, status-enhancing longdistance maritime voyages and the acquisition of surplus products (sago) by which internal exchange
relations could develop (with Koita and other nearby groups). The development of specialized
ceramic-for-food trade relations with long-distance trade partners (in the Gulf Province) as well as with
neighbouring groups (such as the Koita and Koiari, the latter bringing shell lime and highlands stone
axes to the Motu) created social developmental momentum that gave rise to the complex Motu and
Koita societies of ethnographic times. The Study Area’s archaeological ceramics are thus not simply
archaeological objects worthy of museum display, but more importantly allow an understanding of how
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Motu and Koita history and culture developed through social interaction. This rich ceramic tradition
now evident in the region’s archaeological record has a long history whose details still largely remain
to be revealed.
Following Bulmer (1971), Allen (1977:439-42) initially divided Port Moresby’s archaeological
sequences into three broad periods, which he referred to as the Early Ceramic Horizon (A.D. 0-1000),
followed by a ‘middle period’ onto a ‘final period’ (a re-formulation of his Nebira 4 three-phase
sequence, see above). He suggested that during this initial ceramic phase, Austronesian speakers
came from the east and settled in an interconnected network of villages along the southern PNG
coast, maintaining between themselves good inter-community communications and thereby a
commonality of ceramic conventions. However, ‘The demise of this Early Ceramic Horizon is sudden
all along the coast’ (Allen 1977:448). The subsequent phase of the ‘middle period’ saw ‘the possible
removal of the people from the valley floor site of Nebira 4 to the adjacent hilltop site of Nebira 2 and
the occupation of the offshore island site of Daugo near Port Moresby’ (Allen 1977:439-40). Allen here
suggests that around A.D. 1000 the (presumably Austronesian-speaking) people of the Early Ceramic
Horizon came under pressure from inland (ancestral Koita) groups as the latter began to move
towards the coast, necessitating the establishment of settlements in more defensive positions (hilltops
and offshore islands). Following Bulmer (1971), around A.D. 1000-1400 two new ceramic traditions
then appeared in the Port Moresby area: intrusive (i.e. foreign) ‘Massim’ wares from the Milne Bay
area, most evident from archaeological sites in the Boera area; and ‘Boera/Taurama’ wares that
appear to represent ancestral Motu ceramics. The pottery of the ‘final period’ corresponds to the
ethnographically recorded Motu ceramics. Allen (1977:446) suggests that as Motupore was occupied
continuously from around A.D. 1200 to 1700, and as Motupore’s most ancient ceramic decorative
styles can be shown to evolve uninterrupted into decorative conventions that are akin to Motu
ethnographic examples, its inhabitants were likely ancestral to present-day Motuans. ‘For this reason a
certain adjustment needs to be made to Sue Bulmer’s proposed culture sequence’ (Allen 1977:446),
which posits a sequence of interrupted ceramic styles representing external influences or
replacements. Hence, as the ceramic conventions of Bulmer’s ‘Boera/Taurama’ Middle Phase are
found at Motupore, where they can be shown to be ancestral to, and evolving into, historic Motu
incised/impressed wares, Allen (1977:446) suggests that the later two stages of Bulmer’s sequence
should be coalesced into one, reducing the entire Port Moresby sequence into two phases: an early
phase spanning around A.D. 0-1000; and a later phase beginning ‘somewhere before A.D. 1200 and
continuing to present’ (Allen, 1977:446). Allen concludes that the long-debated ‘hiatus between the
two is therefore reduced, and it is into this hiatus the Massim industry described by Bulmer must be
fitted. The status of the people represented by this pottery still requires elaboration … On the present
evidence it may well be that there was no hiatus at all, and that the Massim component infiltrated
during the brief period of disequilibrium following the disappearance of the earlier inhabitants and
during the establishment of ancestral Motuan groups’ (Allen 1977:446; see also Swadling 1976).
Motupore’s most recent phase, beginning around A.D. 1200, has a ceramic industry that can be
followed uninterrupted into ethnohistoric Motu ceramics. This phase is interpreted by Allen (1977:446)
as indicating that the Motu ‘impinged upon the existing central Papuan coastal population from outside
the research area some 800 years ago’. That is, around A.D. 1200 a new wave of Austronesian
speakers came from the east to the Port Moresby area with new ceramic decorative conventions,
establishing a base at Motupore. These were the ancestors of the ethnographic Motu. Through time,
as the Motu established and consolidated their villages along the coast, the Motu proliferated on the
coast and the Koita both inland and on the coast as the two groups entered into symbiotic social and
economic relations (Allen, 1977:449). In his later work, Allen (1984:423) argued that craft
specialization was ‘vitally important’ to the Western Motu (and Koita) trade economy, and that they
were ‘the only notable producers of pottery along some 400 km of the south Papuan coast’. Of note is
the highly standardized ceramics that emerged during this recent, monopolizing phase, which Allen
(1984:423) associated with increasing commercialization of production. Following Groves (1960), Allen
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(1984) noted that the hightened levels of trade generated by establishing trade partnerships led to
increased (and surplus) food returns into the Motu villages, which in turn fed increasing trade relations
with neighbouring groups who brought hinterland food products (garden produce, wallaby meat) for
imported surplus sago and ceramics, positively feeding back to higher populations that enabled the
system to grow. By the later stages of the recent phase, this demographic growth had led to further
increasing demands on food resources that led the ceramic-manufacturing women to work ‘at breakneck speed’ to produce the very large quantities of pots necessary for exchange expectations, in
particular in the form of the long-distance hiri expeditions; ‘insufficient care in making the pots’ led to
substandard pots that often broke in the making, and a lack of time for elaboration of designs led to
the ‘simplification of shapes and decoration’ evident in recent phase ceramics (Allen 1984:423). It is
this emerging but still-uncertain history and its ‘wider social and economic ramifications’ (Allen,
1984:426) that the sites of the Study Area can potentially elaborate, test or rewrite.
4.5.8.4 Pamela Swadling
Swadling (1977:38) states that by 1977, about 400 archaeological sites were known from the coastal
lowlands of the Central Province by the PNG National Museum and Art Gallery; the oldest of these
(e.g. Nebira 4, Eriama 1; susbsequently, Loloata Island) dated to around 2000 years ago, indicating
the rarity and great difficulty of finding older cultural materials, despite well-documented archaeological
deposits tens of thousands of years old in the Highlands. She further notes that at the time of early
European contact, ‘the largest villages were those of the Motu; but from Pari westwards, all Motu
villages also had Koita residents … The Koita however had other settlements located on the coastal
lowlands inland from the coast, or on hills overlooking the sea’ (Swadling 1977:37).
Swadling and Kaiku (1980) excavated two sites near the Study Area: a ‘fireplace in the clay surface of
an eroded village site in the Papa salt pans’ (Swadling and Kaiku, 1980:86), dated to 1280±170 BP;
and a large archaeological village site at Ava Garau located on a coastal ridge shortly to the northwest
of Boera, dated to 1220±95 BP. The Papa site contains red slipped ceramic sherds typical of the
earliest phase of known human occupation in the PNG southern lowlands (e.g. Style I of Bulmer 1978;
at Nebira 4 Horizon 3 of Allen 1972– see above). At Ava Garau – which Swadling (1977:39) identifies
as an ancestral Boera site – ‘pottery was found which shows that both old and new pottery ideas were
used by people living there 1,200 years ago. … The influence of new potting ideas, especially in bowl
decoration and rim shapes, from the D’Entrecasteaux, Amphlett and Goonenough Islands cannot be
denied’. Although the results of archaeological excavations at neither the Papa site nor Ava Garau
have been published in any detail; they nevertheless confirm the presence of ancient archaeological
deposits capable of shedding considerable light on the history of occupation, ceramic traditions and
social interaction for the broader Port Moresby region within the immediate Papa-Boera area.
Swadling (1977:42) concluded that while the ancient ceramic assemblages of the broader Port
Moresby region showed close formal and decorative affinities with those of the D’Entrecasteaux,
Amphlett and Goonenough Islands as well as Milne Bay, Motuan history could not be reduced to
recent or foreign arrivals ‘to the shores of Port Moresby’ (as Allen similarly concluded for the last 800
years, see above). Rather, oral traditions ‘do not tell of a far away homeland, but of old village sites
along the Central Province coastline. Some of these old villages are said to be very old, whereas
others have been recently settled’. It is this history of arrivals, continued or intermittent long-distance
contacts, and local practices that lies buried in the archaeological sites of the Port Moresby region.
The ceramics at those sites hold particular importance due to the cultural associations they can reveal
between sites and regions through time. It is these ceramic conventions that have long formed the
focus of archaeological research across the region and beyond.
Swadling (1980) has divided the Port Moresby region ceramics into three phases: Early Period (a.k.a.
late ‘Red Slip’, ~2000-1200 years ago), Middle Period (a.k.a. ‘Boera-Taurama-Motupore’, ~1200-300
years ago) and Late Period (a.k.a. ‘traditional Motu’, last 300 years). She argues that major stylistic
changes in ceramic designs took place between the late Early Period and the Middle Period (broadly
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but imprecisely corresponding to the ‘Papuan hiccup’ of Rhoads [1982:146], ‘hiccup’ of Irwin [1991];
‘ceramic hiccup’ of Summerhayes and Allen [2007]; and ‘hiatus’ of Allen [1997], see above; see
section 4.5.8.5 below). Her study of the sources and antiquity of a small sample of the ceramic vessels
found in Central and Gulf Provinces archaeological sites (including sherds from Daugo Island site
AAQ, the Papa Salt Pan site AWL, and Ava Garau [AMH] near Boera) indicates that ‘early Middle
Period sites do not seem to extend as far west as those of the late Early Period. Does this reflect
some settlement changes in the Gulf or the impact of the changing situation in the Central Province,
as the early Middle Period marks a rather abrupt, but not total, stylistic change in the Port Moresby
region’ (Swadling 1980:108-9). She continues (Swadling 1980:115):
… the people living at the late Early Period sites in the Port Moresby region were using a number of
different clay sources. Why the people living at Ranvetutu were using pots made from Boera clay, rather
than clay from near their own village, is not known. … The intricate decoration and complex shapes of the
pots made during the late Early Period indicates that considerable time and effort was spent on pot
making. These people were certainly not involved in the quick, mass production of pots which occurred in
the Port Moresby region at the time of contact.
Swadling clearly suggests major cultural change across the Port Moresby region between the late
stages of the earliest ceramic phase and the classic Motuan ceramic tradition familiar to us from
ethnographic times, changes akin to those questioned by Allen concerning the period between 1200
and 800 years ago in particular (but see section 4.5.8.7 below for a different timing from the Gulf
Province) and best investigated through the rich archaeological deposits of the region. Structural
remains (postholes) from this Early Period have been found at the Papa Salt Pan site. Furthermore,
further to the west in the Gulf Province sites receiving Central Province ceramics, ‘the bulk of the late
Early Period potsherds … come from sources in the LeaLea-Boki area. None come from Boera’.
Swadling (1980:119-21) continues:
The same pattern with most coming from LeaLea-Boki and none from Boera continues in the early Middle
Period potsherds from Tei Hill … This finding suggests that the same clay sources continued to be used
during the rather abrupt, but not total, ceramic stylistic change which occurred between the late Early
Period ceramics in the Port Moresby region. No settlement sites with early Middle Period ware are known
from the LeaLea area, but it would not be unrealistic to envisage the continued use of this clay source by
descendants of people who may have moved to reside in the Boera village complex from the LeaLea area.
… Perhaps the biggest surprise of all, is the lack of late Early Period and Middle Period sherds made from
Boera clay in the Gulf sites. … This seems contrary to the widely acknowledged Motuan legend which
claims that the hiri was started by Edai Siabo from the Boera area. … The results to hand would indicate
that it was the people formerly resident in the LeaLea area, who may have been responsible for producing,
using their former clay sources, most of the early Middle Period ware which reached the Gulf.
While the people using the Boki clay source in the LeaLea area were the main suppliers to the Gulf of both
Early Period and early Middle Period ware, the coming of the Middle Period seems to mark a ?total decline
in the movement of Central Province pots to the Gulf. The author is not aware of any middle Middle Period
[ware] … having been collected in the Gulf. In other words, it would seem that soon after the founding of
the huge village complex at Boera, that potsherds dating to that period no longer appear in the Gulf.
A likely explanation is that the oral traditions (including the legendary Edai Siabo story) relate largely, if
not entirely, to the most recent phase (last 500 years) of cultural activity in the Gulf and Central
Provinces, in line with David’s (2008) suggestion that the history of the PNG lowlands is best
understood as a sequence of pulses in occupation and long-distance maritime (ceramic) trade rather
than as singular long-term trends. An adequate resolution of this long-standing archaeological
conundrum as to the place of Lea Lea and Boera clays and ceramics in long-distance exchange and
regional occupation further requires investigation of archaeological sites between Lea Lea and Boera.
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A related question that has dogged the archaeology of the southern PNG lowlands concerns whether
or not a hiatus in human occupation and long-distance maritime trade occurred around 1000 years
ago. Swadling (1976:1) poses this question for the Port Moresby region, pointing out that ‘The
excavations and surveys of Bulmer, Allen and Vanderwal along the central south Papuan coast all
suggested that there was a chronological break about 1,000 years ago’. A paucity of radiocarbon
dates on individual pieces of charcoal (thereby avoiding the potential mixing of charcoal pieces of
varied ages) notwithstanding, Swadling (1976:2-3) suggests that the Ava Garau radiocarbon
determination near Boera ‘removes the likelihood of a hiatus in the Port Moresby sequence’, and
instead ‘suggests continuity into what has been called the Boera-Taurama-Motupore tradition’, as the
Boera-Taurama-Motupore tradition is interpreted as a local development of earlier (imported) ceramic
manufacturing conventions of the Port Moresby region (in line with Allen’s [1977] interpretations,
outlined in section 4.5.7.4 above). Like Allen (1977), Swadling (1976:4) suggests that the BoeraTaurama wares are ancestral to recent Motu ceramics as documented ethnographically. Nevertheless,
the question of a hiatus in regional occupation and long-distance ceramic trade between 950-500
years ago remains for the Kikori River area of the Gulf Province. Disruptions in settlement systems,
trade relations, and ceramic production in the pottery-producing Port Moresby region villages is key to
understanding the lull in ceramics and paucity of known archaeological villages between the
occupational pulses in the Gulf Province (see section 4.5.8.5 below).
4.5.8.5 Jim Rhoads, David Frankel and Bruno David: the Gulf Province Sites
This brings to the fore a dominant theme of southern lowland archaeological research in PNG, one
that is of close relevance to the archaeology of the Central Province and of the Study Area as outlined
above: the nature and antiquity of the ethnographically documented hiri trade system as visible from
the Gulf Province, recipient end of the hiri trade. As ceramics have been the single-most informative
artefact type allowing the tracking of the hiri system’s history, the reporting of ceramic sequences has
been of utmost importance for understanding southern PNG’s cultural history. Since the late 1960s
when professional archaeological investigations were initiated in southern PNG (e.g. Allen 1972;
Bulmer 1971, 1978; Irwin 1985; Vanderwal 1973, 1976, 1978), research has thus focused on
understanding ceramic sequences both within the pottery-producing (see Allen 1977a, 1977b, 1978,
1984; Allen and Rye 1982; Bulmer 1982) and receiving (see Frankel et al 1994; Rhoads 1980, 1994)
ends of the hiri system. Despite this considerable effort – particularly concentrated through the 1970s
into the early 1980s – and significant findings, including the identification of 2000 years of pottery
production and trade between the Central Province in the east and the Gulf Province in the west, few
excavations and ceramic sequences have been reliably radiocarbon-dated or systematically
published, making it difficult to characterise, adequately model, or trace the evolution of ceramic
sequences within and between the Gulf and Central Provinces.
Initially archaeological researchers who tried to investigate the origins and history of the hiri generally
concluded that the hiri system itself (in the form that we have come to know it from ethnography)
began only a few hundred years ago, with viewpoints ranging from around 700 to 300 years ago
depending on the region at stake, the specific archaeological site, and the kind of evidence used (e.g.
oral traditions, archaeological ceramics, archaeological evidence for settlement intensification and
population increase). There has, however, also been widespread recognition that the hiri is only one of
a number of post-Lapita long-distance Melanesian maritime trade systems operating during the late
1800s (e.g. see Irwin 1985 for discussion of Mailu trade to the east; Harding 1967 for Vitiaz Straits;
Uberoi 1962 for the Kula system of the Trobriand Islands), and whose ancestry in the region emerges
from at least 2000 years of ceramic history (cf. the sites of Nebira 4, Loloata, Oposisi, Eriava, and
perhaps Samoa: Allen 1972; Bulmer 1978; Rhoads 1980; Sullivan and Sassoon 1987; Vanderwal
1973; see Allen and Macintyre 1990 for a review; see McNiven et al 2006 for a critique of the dating of
the earliest southern PNG pottery). This extended history of long-distance maritime trade has led to a
rethinking of the history of the hiri and a general recognition that across the southern PNG coastline,
an early phase of widespread ceramic decorative styles and shapes (termed EPP, or Early Papuan
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Pottery by Summerhayes and Allen 2007) tends to be separated from a recent phase of highly
specialised, regionalised ceramics (and other goods) by a period of ceramic evolution lasting a few
hundred years (and dating to various times between about 1200 and 500 years ago, depending on the
region; see discussions of Jim Allen’s and Pamela Swadling’s work in section 4.5.8.3 and section
4.5.8.4 above). This latter phase of ceramic transformation was coined the ceramic ‘hiccup’ by Irwin
(1991; see also the ‘Papuan hiccup’ of Rhoads 1982:146), and in some regions may have involved
abandonment of settlements, a lull in long-distance maritime trade, or a change in occupational
systems, such as the hiatus in the cultural sequence at Yule Island/Hall Sound between 1200 and 700
years ago (however the presence of apparent ‘hiatuses’ may simply reflect insufficient, or insufficiently
precise, radiocarbon dating; Vanderwal 1973; see also Irwin 1991; Rhoads 1982). In the Gulf
Province, Frankel et al (1994), largely following Rhoads (e.g. 1980, 1982:143), identified a hiatus in
occupation and/or pottery as a relatively late occurrence compared with the ‘ceramic hiccup’ phase
(that is, the period between the end of the EPP and the commencement of the most recent regional
ceramic styles) of other sequences further to the east, pointing out that: ‘No sites in the Gulf have
been securely dated between 700 and 500/400 years ago. This is probably a product of the limited
amount of research and the difficulty of locating sites without pottery, but may well reflect this decline
in long-distance trade, at least in pottery’ (Frankel et al 1994:46). Most researchers (e.g. Allen 1977;
Swadling 1976) have suggested that the ethnographic hiri immediately post-dates this ‘ceramic hiccup’
phase of 1) transformation in pottery styles (in Central Province pottery-producing communities) or 2)
apparent ceramic absence (in Gulf Province pottery recipient communities), and is probably only 500
to 300 years old, including the first direct or indirect arrival of hiri trade pots into the western parts of
the Gulf Province (Rhoads and Mackenzie’s [1991] ‘Recent Ceramic’ phase). These and other related
historical trends are usually taken as indicating 500-300 years of continuous trade, an increasing
standardisation of trade goods (including increasing specialisation and centralisation of ceramic
production within the ceramic producing areas), population increases and the establishment of large
settlements in the Gulf Province (e.g. Allen 1977a, 1977b; Frankel et al 1994:45-47). Recently, David
(2008) has demonstrated major shifts in ceramic trade into the western sections of the Gulf Province
2
beginning 500 years ago , attributed to the onset of the hiri continuing uninterrupted into ethnographic
times. This most recent pulse in occupation, ceramics and radiocarbon dates in the Gulf Province,
dated to 500-0 years ago, corresponds well with Rhoads and Mackenzie’s (1991) Recent Ceramic and
Proto-historic phases. This period of time contains the greatest number of ceramic sherds, traceable to
the onset of the ethnographically documented hiri system (again in agreement with Rhoads and
Mackenzie’s earlier interpretations). Precisely how the newly excavated ceramics from this most
recent period formally, decoratively, economically and occupationally relate to the earlier ceramic
phases – in particular how they relate to an earlier pulse of high archaeological representation 1450950 year ago – remains a matter of debate.
Archaeological results from the Gulf Province – the receiving end of the hiri trade – have considerable
implications for understanding social dynamics across the entire region of the hiri system, including the
Port Moresby region. Ethnographically, the annual arrival of the lagatoi fleets was eagerly anticipated
in the host villages. Recipient communities expected Motu trade partners to arrive with appreciable
numbers of high quality goods, from which redistributions were scheduled with visiting trade partners
from hinterland villages. In order not to jeopardize established trade partnerships, the Motu traders
themselves targeted those Gulf villages where trade partnerships had previously been established and
where subsequent visits had been scheduled by mutual agreement (cf. Oram 1982). The viability of
such formalized exchange alliances required the existence of stable settlement locations as
destinations for voyaging hiri traders, as bases for negotiation and exchange, and as trade depots
through which redistribution could take place. It is at these established centres that the Motu traders
arrived, and it is here that villagers amassed the necessary bundles of sago and canoe hulls for
2
‘Years ago’ and ‘cal BP’ are used interchangeably in this section, although technically this relates more accurately to ‘cal BP’.
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exchange with the newly arrived hiri trade cargoes. The mass production of sago starch for exchange
by individual trade partners itself necessitated annually scheduled community planning, again
requiring the existence of stable settlement locations across the broader region for storage of largescale accumulations. Ethnographically, the hiri lagatoi were partly rebuilt in these trade centres, where
Motu traders resided over a period of weeks to months – security of residence and trade locale were
essential for successful and sustained trading (e.g. Oram 1982).
The sustainability of long-distance maritime trade thus required a significant degree of settlement
stability enabling prior planning for the large-scale movement of ceramic wares and sago bundles
between distant communities. It is probably no coincidence, therefore, to find that the most recent
major pulse in radiocarbon dates in the mid-Kikori River (500-0 years ago) is associated with large
quantities of ceramic sherds (of a kind associated with hiri trade wares) in relatively long-lived village
locations. Similarly, the only other major pulse in occupation in that region – dated at 1450-950 years
ago – is also associated with large quantities of imported ceramic sherds, suggesting the existence at
that time also of stable and sustained trade partnerships involving incoming ceramic wares. The
implication is that at both these times long-distance trade partnerships were established. Trade
partnerships between incoming ceramic traders and coastal Gulf Province villagers, as well as
redistribution partnerships between inland and coastal villagers, had to be sufficiently established and
reliable for long distance maritime traders to regularly make the dangerous sea journey to the Gulf
across distances of 400 km or more. In agreement with Frankel et al (1994), the onset of the hiri trade
during the last 500 years or so, as well as the establishment of antecedent trade partnerships between
1450 and 950 years ago, thus implicate more than the trade of material objects. They engendered a
broader package of social conditions including the scheduling of community activities, the fostering of
inter-regional relations and the establishment of stable village locations as agreed-upon centres of
negotiation. With this came articulating village networks within the Gulf, and forms of social and
demographic momentum regulating and directing village growth and broader networks of social
interaction.
While the major pulses in occupation in the mid-Kikori region suggest the existence of such forms of
social dynamism 1450-950 and again 500-0 years ago, they also indicate a loosening of village
stability presumably in concert with a breakdown in long-distance trade relations between 950-500
years ago, which is so-far characterized by an absence of (imported) ceramics. It is significant to note
that this period in the mid-Kikori region lies largely within the ‘ceramic hiccup’ phase of the Central
Province – a period of transformation of pottery styles in the ceramic production end of the hiri system.
The paucity of radiocarbon dates and the apparent absence of ceramics between 950 and 500 years
ago in the Kikori River region may thus reflect contemporaneous and/or shortly earlier disturbances in
ceramic producing sites and cultural sequences further to the east. If the precise dating of cultural
sequences in the Central Province sites is correct (which is not certain), the rejuvenation of ceramicsago exchange in the Gulf Province around 500 years ago appears to post-date the start of intensified
pottery production and the most recent ceramic phase (immediately following the ‘ceramic hiccup’) in
the Port Moresby area by perhaps 200 years (there possibly involving Koita-Motu displacements; Allen
1977a; Bulmer 1978). During this most recent period, the establishment of a new phase of trade
partnerships and stable settlement locations were associated with new forms of regionalized ceramics,
indicating a break-down of the earlier and more widespread ceramic conventions. Critical to
understanding the onset of this new phase is, therefore, the period we have come to know as the
‘ceramic hiccup’, for it is this period of transformation that represents the link between the earlier and
later phases of ceramic production and long-distance maritime trade. In such ways the archaeology of
distant (Gulf Province) places has profound significance for understanding the socio-cultural history of
the ceramic-producing villages in the Port Moresby region, and vice versa.
The archaeological significance of the hiri trade and its historical antecedents has recently been
reframed and set in new focus by the findings of red-slipped ceramics in northern Australian waters
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(Torres Strait). At Ormi and Mask Cave, Carter et al (2004) and McNiven et al (2006) have found
stratified ceramic sherds on islands that have no ethnographically known pottery making (or using)
traditions. The significance of these findings is highlighted by McNiven et al’s (2006) claims for the
presence of ceramic sherds dated to 2400-2500 years ago from Mask Cave on the islet of Pulu, which
they suggest may relate to the onset of southern PNG influences into Torres Strait around 2600 years
ago. Sourcing of the sand tempers by Dickinson (in McNiven et al 2006) failed to specifically locate the
manufacturing centre(s), but was tentatively identified to western Torres Strait sandy-clay sources. If
the dating at this site is correct, the Mask Cave results would pre-date any confirmed ceramics along
the PNG southern coast, and likely indicate the presence of Austronesian maritime colonizers akin to
the early Motuans traveling as far west as Torres Strait. One problem in the resolution of the origins
and history of ceramics in southern PNG and northeastern Australia remains the inadequately dated
antiquity of human occupation and cultural sequences along the entire southern coastline of PNG, the
Port Moresby area included (see McNiven et al 2006).
The temporal pattern in settlement and ceramics from the Gulf Province is of considerable significance
for understanding the region’s social history and its connectedness with ceramic production centres in
the Central Province area, including Lea Lea-Boera. What we can say from the occupational trends in
the Gulf Province is that settlement systems were never stable for very long: occupational trends are
best understood in terms of pulses rather than long-term trends, and these pulses appear to be
associated with the operation of long-distance Motuan trade networks coming from the broader Port
Moresby area. Because of the workings of the hiri system, cultural sequences in one part of southern
coastal PNG are closely linked to those of other parts, even if many hundreds of kilometres apart (as
recognized by previous researchers). In light of these findings, it is likely that ethnographic stories of
population movements, village and clan origins for this region relate to the latest (last ~500 years),
rather than earlier, phases of occupation or use. What this ethnography also enables us to conclude is
that to understand land use in the Gulf Province, we need to know more than environmental conditions
and environmental histories, requiring a focus on the specifics of social interactions which, in this case,
have come to guide settlement processes; understanding the cultural history of places requires
consideration of past social relationships. What the above results highlight is the significance of
ceramic producing centres for understanding the history not just of those locations for themselves, but
for understanding the history of the entire southern coastal region of PNG, as an inter-connected
social network. For this reason, the archaeological sites of the Lea Lea-Boera area, as a renowned
domestic and hiri pottery manufacturing centre, attain an extra-regional significance that requires
detailed documentation and considered management. We return to this point in section 4.5.8.6 below.
4.5.8.6 Geoff Irwin
Geoff Irwin did not work in the Port Moresby region, but his archaeological research in the Mailu area
along the coast 260 km to the east revealed historical trends applicable also to the Study Area. Like
other archaeologists working along the southern coast of PNG, his basic premise was that ‘One can
identify settlement patterns simply by plotting the distribution of archaeological sites shown to be
highly similar in their ceramic inventories’ (Irwin 1978:301). Irwin (1978) argued that the history of the
Mailu area, as indicated by archaeological research, can be divided into three major periods, which he
called Early, Mayri and Mailu. The Early period (2000 to around 1500 years ago) was characterized by
a series of pottery-producing villages along the mainland coast and on offshore islands. ‘Through time’
3
– i.e. during the Mayri period (from around 1500 to 400 years ago ) into the early Mailu period (after
approximately 400 years ago, at the time of writing [1978] identified as ‘350 b.p.’ by Irwin) – writes
Irwin (1978:299), ‘the density of mainland settlement increased and there was an associated shift in
3
There is some ambiguity as to the timing of the Mayri and Mailu periods, for Irwin (1978:302) also writes that the Mayri period
‘dates some 6-800 b.p.’; that is, that it continues to around 600 to 800 years ago. As Irwin here discusses settlement patterns
specifically, it is likely that he is referring here only to the distinctive (regionalised) Mayri settlement patterns lasting until 600 to
800 years ago, rather than to the Mayri period of ceramic conventions (which lasts until about 400 years ago).
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village site location. In addition, one settlement began to differentiate from others at a rate which
accelerated through time. By the period of European contact, the small island of Mailu was the location
of a settlement that can be described as a central place. It was larger, socially more stratified, more
influential and functionally specialized than any other place’. During the Mayri period, ‘pottery making
was a widespread skill and occurred in several villages’ (Irwin 1978:300). By the time of the early
European contact period, the entire region was dominated by a single pottery-making village (on the
island of Mailu) holding a monopoly over production and ceramic trade as well as use of large oceangoing canoes, despite the fact that by that time there were many more villages than previously along
the coast, and that these villages were more closely but less regularly spaced than during earlier
periods (being on average 7, 6 and 3 km apart during the Early, Mayri and Mailu periods respectively)
(Irwin 1978:304, 305). Along with this increasing centralization and specialization of ceramic
production and trade, and increasing populations and village density also came a move from coastal
village locations to hilltops for purposes of defense, a further indication that social relations were
significantly different between the latest (ethnographic) phase and earlier times. Because of
insufficient radiocarbon dating, Irwin (1978:315) concludes that ‘The major change in pattern occurred
between early in the Mayri Period and 1890’ – a period covering from around 1500 to 150 years ago.
Clearly and despite significant archaeological results, the archaeological record still holds much to
reveal about the region’s past. This process of socio-political development was analogous to that
documented among the Motu (and Koita) from the Port Moresby region, whereby archaeologists such
as Bulmer, Swadling and Allen have argued for a three-fold (sometimes reduced to a two-fold)
developmental sequence from an early phase of widespread ceramic conventions that changed in
tandem between regions, indicating ongoing inter-village communication and interactions, into a
middle phase of ceramic transformations, leading to a recent (ethnographic) phase of peak
populations making regionalized but highly standardized ceramics in poorly articulating villages among
the Motu. It is the archaeological records (sometimes combined with oral histories) of each region that
is best capable of discovering this deep history, and here it is worth noting that while some (but
limited) archaeological research at village sites has been undertaken in the Port Moresby region, as is
the case also in the Mailu district ‘little is known archaeologically of the many sites which have been
designated as hamlets’ (Irwin 1978:304). Yet a region’s history does not just consist of the villages, but
also the other places of human activity, and the smaller (e.g. hamlet) sites are just as important in
deciphering a region’s and peoples’ history. The ceramic sherds contained within these smaller
settlements may well shed significant light on the history of inter-regional interaction within and beyond
the Port Moresby region (taking into consideration also the fact that early Koita settlements tended to
be hamlet-sized), as well as the whereabouts of ceramic-manufacturing centres at different times in
the past (see also section 4.5.8.7 below).
4.5.8.7 Summary: The Study Area’s Indigenous Cultural Sites as Identified from
Previous Archaeological Investigations
Bulmer (1978:5) explicitly states in her major study of archaeological sites in the broader Port Moresby
area that archaeological sites are widespread and often structurally complex: ‘nearly every hilltop in
the region has at least a small scatter of pot-sherds and flakes’, and ‘many sites will have to await
accidental discovery if they are buried deeply beneath layers of sediment’. Because ‘indirect trade was
carried out all along the Papuan coast … and other trade occurred over the top of the mountains’,
while direct trade connected the Central Province with the Gulf Province, she also points out that
archaeological sites further to the west in the Gulf Province will be of relevance to those of the Port
Moresby region, and vice versa, as per previous discussions in section 4.5.8.2 above (Bulmer 1978:67). Golson (1968:70) similarly concludes that ‘The archaeological information to be collected from
village sites … will help to build up a picture of the Port Moresby coast in the centuries before the
Europeans arrived’. The sequence of ceramic styles that we find in these archaeological sites should
enable us ‘to trace the history of Motu relationships with other peoples inland and along the coast’
(Golson 1968:71). The significance of pottery-bearing archaeological sites in the Port Moresby region
has been stressed by all archaeologists who have worked in the region.
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The sites that have been archaeologically excavated from the Port Moresby region thus reveal
important details as to the kinds of cultural deposits we can expect to occur in the Study Area. Only
eight sites have been professionally archaeologically excavated and reported in the Port Moresby area
westward to Papa: ACL (Nebira 4) by Jim Allen (1972) in 1969-1970; ACK (Motupore) mainly by Jim
Allen, but also by or with Wal Ambrose, Sandra Bowdler, Mary-Jane Mountain, Pamela Swadling,
Allen Thorne, Les Groube and John Burton (Allen 1976b; Swadling 1997:2; see also Golson 1968) in
1970 to 1986; AMH (Ava Garau, near Boera) by Pamela Swadling (Swadling and Kaiku 1980) in 1976;
AWL (Papa Salt Pan) by Pamela Swadling (Swadling and Kaiku 1980); ACJ (Nebira 2), ACV (Eriama
1) and AJA (Taurama) by Susan Bulmer (1978; see also Lampert 1968); and ANT (Loloata Island) by
Sullivan and Sassoon (1987) in 1985. The PNG National Museum and Art Gallery site survey record
form for midden site AADI at Boera village indicates that Les Groube undertook an excavation and
obtained a radiocarbon date there in 1988, but the results have never been published. Similarly, the
site survey record form for the creek-bank pottery site of ARQ shortly to the east of Boera indicates
that a radiocarbon date has been obtained from this site by Colin Pain in 1979, but it has not been
published (see Table 4.5.6 for site details). Most of these sites had been targeted for research
because oral traditions identified them as dating to ancient times; no sites expected to contain
exclusively ‘recent’ deposits (and therefore targeting the last few hundred years of cultural history)
have been excavated. The oldest deposits have been dated to around 2000 years ago at Nebira 4,
Eriama 1 and Loloata Island (see Table 4.5.5). Nebira 2, Taurama, Ava Garau, and Motupore are in
themselves each also very old village sites close too, or in some cases more than 1000 years old. All
reported excavations contain rich pottery and shell deposits, as well as numerous human burials (at
Taurama, no burials were found in the archaeological excavations, but ‘Unrecorded human bones
have eroded from the beach front from time to time’ (Bulmer 1978:264). At Nebira 2, more than 55,000
pottery sherds were excavated, along with the remains of at least 45 individuals, although the true
numbers present at this site are likely to be around four times these amounts as only about one
quarter of the site has been excavated (Bulmer 1978:135). Taurama is a beachside ‘foundation village
of the western Motu’ and is said to have been settled from Motupore around 14 generations before
1978 (corresponding well with the timing of abandonment at Motupore as evidenced by archaeological
investigations) (Bulmer 1978:258, after Oram 1969:429; see also Golson 1968:69). Taurama itself is
said to have been abandoned as a result of warfare with the people of Loloata Island some seven
generations ago, resulting in migrations to Manugava (ABU) onwards to Tauata and Badihagwa, ‘the
forerunners of the present villages of Pari and Hanuabada’ (Bulmer 1978:258-59). Taurama contains a
rich assortment of shells, stone and shell artefacts (including imported obsidian flakes), beads,
vertebrate faunal remains, almost 25,000 pottery sherds, and structural evidence (e.g. postholes). At
Eriama 1, 48-50 burials were excavated, along with 1530 pottery sherds, shell and animal bone
remains, and stone artefacts including a small amount of exotic obsidian, probably imported from
Fergusson Island (Bulmer 1978:202, 246). Many of these interments contain burial goods such as
shell arm rings, beads, pottery, stone artefacts, or bone or tooth ornaments (e.g. Bulmer 1978:182,
226-34, table 6.9). At Motupore, ‘several hundreds of human skeletons’ have been reported (Lampert
1968:74). Archaeological excavations here have revealed extremely rich cultural deposits (including a
specialized bead-manufacturing industry) in addition to skeletal remains. The implication of these
archaeological excavations together with ethnographic information is that village sites across the
broader Port Moresby region including Lea Lea-Boera, will almost certainly contain human remains
from burial practices beneath or near the location of past houses. Rockshelters may also contain
human skeletal remains. Other, smaller cultural sites have not yet been excavated from the broader
region, so their site contents remain a mystery.
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Table 4.5.5
Site
Nebira 2
Eriama 1
Taurama
Nebira 4
Motupore**
List of reported excavated archaeological sites in the broader Port Moresby
region, with radiocarbon dates relating to cultural activity
PNG National
Museum and Art
Gallery Site Code
ACJ
ACV
AJA
ACL
AAK
Radiocarbon Date
Laboratory #
References
0±270
(GaK-2674)
Bulmer 1978
280±80
(GaK-2672)
Bulmer 1978
380±120
(GaK-2675)
Bulmer 1978
390±90
(GaK-2345)
Bulmer 1978
660±150
(GaK-2673)
Bulmer 1978
720±80
(GaK-2346)
Bulmer 1978
210±70
(GaK-2671)
Bulmer 1978
380±120
(GaK-2668)
Bulmer 1978
600±125
(GX-3334)
Bulmer 1978
1930±230
(GaK-2670)
Bulmer 1978
560±85
(I-6862)
Bulmer 1978
775±85
(I-6887B)
Bulmer 1978
865±140
(I-6863)
Bulmer 1978
880±250
(GaK-2667)
Allen 1972
1760±90
(I-5796)
Allen 1972
3340±160*
(GaK-2990)
Allen 1972
330±55
(ANU-1177)
Allen 1977
390±65
(ANU-1212)
Allen 1977
740±105
(I-5903)
Allen 1977
810±80
(ANU-1211)
Allen 1977
1010±80
(ANU-1219)
Swadling 1997
Loloata
Island
ANT
2300±100 (shell date)
(ANU-4808)
Sullivan and Sassoon 1987
Papa Salt
Pan
AWL
1280±170
(SUA-1524)
Swadling and Kaiku 1980
Ava Garau
AMH
1220±95
(SUA-515)
Swadling and Kaiku 1980
Radiocarbon dates use the Libby half-life of 5570 years (after Bulmer 1978:table 6.3). *Allen (1972:120) rejects this
determination in favour of I-5796. **Swadling (1997:2) states that 22 radiocarbon determinations have been obtained from
Motupore, but these do not appear to have all been published.
Of note here is that Bulmer (1978:345-46) has written that, based on the distribution of surface and/or
excavated ceramics, there is evidence of a substantial village at Boera during what she calls the
Middle Period (about A.D. 1000-1500) and at Lea Lea during the Proto-historic period (about A.D.
1500-1875), although little archaeological research (and no reported excavations except for Ava
Garau and Papa Salt Pan) has been undertaken in the Port Moresby region northwest of Boera and
therefore the deeper (older) cultural deposits of this area in particular remain largely unknown.
In summary, archaeological site patterning for the broader Port Moresby region indicates the following
for the general area including the Study Area:
•
A range of site types can be expected, including village sites; clay, ochre and stone artefact
sources; freshwater wells; hunting camps; gardens.
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•
Village sites can be expected along or near the coast (due to the maritime orientations of the Motu)
as well as on hilltops (due to the defensive positioning of ancient Koita settlements). The former in
particular will almost certainly be stilt villages, possibly with the presence of dubu.
•
Large village sites are likely to occur on the coast, with smaller hamlet-type settlements further
inland. However, migrating coastlines through time may mean that at some times in the past
coastal villages were located further inland than today’s coastline would indicate.
•
The inter-tidal zone and near-shore environment is likely to contain the remains of past settlements.
•
‘Prehistoric communities exploited not only the coastal zone and its range of resources, but also
the resources of the inland river plains’ (Bulmer 1978:326). Garden sites are likely to occur in the
hinterland.
•
Archaeological sites could be buried deeply below the present ground surface (due to alleviation
subsequent to site occupation, partly a result of siltation caused by forest clearance due to
hinterland burning and gardening practices).
•
Burials are likely to be found within any village site, as well as in some caves and rockshelters.
•
Customary spiritual/story places.
•
Most of the archaeological sites are likely to occur on land or in the inter-tidal zone, but lagatoi or
canoe wrecks and spiritual/story places are present underwater in the general region.
Impact considerations and management measures will need to take the above general principles into
consideration. Furthermore, we note that no maritime archaeological recording work has previously
been undertaken in the Study Area, with the exception of sporadic recordings of WWII crashed plane
sites and military sites by amateur enthusiasts and the recording of one aircraft by the Department of
Modern History. Before discussing the results of our own field surveys in the Study Area, in section
4.5.9 below we review the literature and archival records for evidence of European contact period, and
shallow marine, cultural heritage sites for the Study Area and its vicinity; a list of indigenous cultural
heritage sites identified above from the literature review is presented in section .4.5.9.5.
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4.5.9
Archaeology: European Contact Period Cultural Heritage Description
4.5.9.1
European Exploration
Here a very brief outline of European exploration is presented to set the scene as to what kinds of
early European contact situation, and archaeological objects relating to this period, may be found in
the Study Area. The Portuguese explorer De Meneses first sighted the island of New Guinea along the
Bird’s Head coastline (western New Guinea) and landing on Biak Island in 1526. But it was not until
1545 that Spanish explorer De Retes claimed the northeastern shores of the country and named the
area ‘New Guinea’, due to the resemblance of the local people to those in the African country of
Guinea (Kanasa 2006:10). The Portuguese and Spanish explorers Torres and de Prado landed at
nd
Red Scar Head on 2 September 1606 in search of fabled gold deposits (Kanasa 2006:11; Whittaker
1971:628).
Dutch explorations of the southern New Guinea coast began in 1605 when Willem Janszoon was sent
by the Dutch East India Company to investigate the area. He proceeded as far as the entrance to
Torres Strait and mistook numerous islands of the New Guinea coastline to be connected to the
legendary Terra Australis. Later voyages by other Dutch navigators, including Abel Tasman in 1643,
added further knowledge of the southern coastline (Darby 1945:121-22).
th
Dutch investigations of the island of New Guinea in the 17 century failed to reveal anything
considered of worth, while the English buccaneer William Dampier had also surveyed sections of the
northeastern coastline in 1700 (Whittaker 1971:629). In 1770, James Cook conclusively proved the
existence of a strait between Australian and New Guinea, confirming Torres and de Prado’s 1606
discovery (Darby 1945:1212).
In 1788, the French explorer La Pérouse in the Astrolabe planned a voyage which was to include
surveys of the Louisiade Islands (previously discovered by Bougainville) and a new route between
New Holland (Australia) and New Guinea (Horner 1996:3). However, it is probable that this never took
place as his ships were wrecked in the Solomon Islands (Stanbury and Green 2004). Further French
expeditions began surveying the New Guinea coastline and interior, and include D’Entrecasteaux
(1792), Duperrey (1823-24) and d’Urville (1827-28) (Darby 1945:122).
th
Early in the 19 century, growing trade with China opened up more sea routes between Sydney and
Canton and more frequent contacts between indigenous peoples of PNG and Europeans. New Guinea
coastal settlements could supply food and water to ships en route, and it is probable that whalers
frequented these shores in search of provisions and fresh crew (Whittaker 1971:630). Although the
French (d’Urville in the Astrolabe and Zélée) had surveyed the southern PNG coastline in 1839 (during
which they named Mt Astrolabe), they halted their surveys just east of (the current) Port Moresby and
did not proceed further west (Lubbock 1968:253-55).
In 1846 the British Navy planned further surveys of the southern New Guinea coast to continue earlier
explorations undertaken by Captain Blackwood of the HMS Fly, who had documented the Fly River
estuary along with the western shore of the Gulf of Papua in 1842. A survey was thus planned to
extend from the Louisiade Archipelago (in the southeast of PNG) to Cape Valesche (Lubbock
1968:163; Darby 1945:122).
The influence of the Dutch East Indies Company, which was guarding its monopoly in the Spice
Islands, had effectively prevented most previous attempts to survey the PNG southern coast. In 1849,
Captain Owen Stanley in the HMS Rattlesnake, along with Captain Yule of the HMS Bramble,
undertook a survey of the southern coastline of New Guinea (Figure 4.5.19). During this time Captain
Stanley named a high mountain range after himself (Owen Stanley Ranges), and the highest peak
after his predecessor in the area, the French explorer d’Urville (this peak was subsequently renamed
Mt Owen Stanley by hydrographer Sir Francis Beaufort in MacGillivray’s 1852 map, but was again
renamed as Mt Victoria in 1888). Stanley named Redscar Bay and Head after Preston in the U.K. and
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was impressed by its anchorage. Stanley had avoided the shallow shoal waters of Caution Bay and
most of the coastline due to fears of being shipwrecked or massacred by the local Indigenous peoples
(Figure 4.5.20). His survey from Rossel Island to Cape Possession was released in 1850 by the
Hydrographic Department of the British Admiralty (Lubbock 1968:242, 253-56).
In 1873, British Naval Captain John Moresby undertook a survey of the southeastern and northeastern
sections of the PNG coast, predominantly for military purposes (Kanasa 2006:10; Darby 1945:122).
Local villagers from Lea Lea provided the story behind the naming of Caution Bay by Europeans in the
th
late 19 century. The name relates to the practice by coastal traders of extinguishing all ship lights
when sailing through the area at night for fear of Lea Lea villagers rowing out and killing all aboard (Igo
Meauri, personal communication 2008).
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Figure 4.5.19 Huxley's Map of the New Guinea Coast drawn from surveys by HMS Rattlesnake
in 1849 (Lubbock 1968:211)
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Figure 4.5.20 MacGillivray's 1852 map of the south coast of Papua New Guinea, showing
Caution Bay area in the red inset (Lubbock 1968:248)
As noted, prior to 1870 occasional vessels involved in the Australian trade or whaling would
occasionally visit the southern New Guinea coast to obtain wood, water and other supplies. However,
from 1865-1870 a regular trade network began to be established as pearling and bêche-de-mer (sea
cucumber) camps were established in the Torres Strait islands. By 1870, Australian vessels began
visiting the southeastern New Guinea mainland to trade for cedar timber, which was profitable until at
least 1880 (Darby 1945:123).
A commercial trading station and plantation established on New Britain in 1873 by English interests
established a benchmark that led to the introduction of widespread trade and settlement across New
Guinea. Further interest was expressed in the region in the 1870s by German, English and Australian
commercial speculators as potential settlements for agricultural and mining developments. Although
the discovery of gold near Port Moresby in 1877 prompted a rush of miners to the area, fever, hunger
and difficult conditions led to abandonment of the search. During this time the Queensland
government provided an agent to maintain law and order (Darby 1945:123-25).
Missionaries established a presence in the Port Moresby area by 1874 as a direct result of Moresby’s
earlier surveys, when Reverend Lawes became the first European from the London Missionary
Society to be stationed in New Guinea. The missionaries travelled around the local coastal villages
learning the languages and gaining their confidence as a prelude to establishing permanent local
missionary teachers in the region. By 1883, New Guinea was involved in the native labour trade, which
saw many local people transported offshore to work on plantations around the Pacific (Darby
1945:123-25, 233).
By 1875, the significance of New Guinea as a strategic asset for the defence of Australia was
recognised by the British Government. With the rising interest of other colonial powers in the Pacific
(France, Russia, Germany and the United States) and fears of a Russian invasion associated with war
in the Crimea, New Guinea was established as a British Protectorate in 1884 under the authority of Sir
Peter Scratchley (who had designed Australia’s defence systems). During this period Scratchley
controlled shipping and introduced laws to bring order between the European and local populations.
The region became an Australian Territory in 1906 (Kanasa 2006:21; Darby 1945:125-29).
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In 1945, the southern coastline of PNG still required extensive surveying to provide adequate
information for mariners. The principle exports of Port Moresby at this time were associated with
livestock, copra, and timber, with smaller outward cargoes of desiccated coconut, coffee and rubber.
Regular traders visited Port Moresby (including those of the Burns Philp Company), maintaining
services to Australia on a three-weekly rota, along with other companies who provided services to the
Philippines, East Indies, Japan, China and New Zealand (Darby 1945:123, 235-36, 245).
4.5.9.2
Missionary Activity
In 1870, Reverend John Williams of the London Missionary Society (LMS) issued directives for
Reverend Samuel MacFarlane to establish a presence in New Guinea. On 20 May 1870, an LMS
party sailed from New Caledonia. In 1871, Reverends MacFarlane and Murray, along with eight New
Caledonian teachers, established missions in the islands of Torres Strait. In 1872, Reverend Murray
landed at Vari Vari Island (near Redscar Head) and was met by local people in canoes. After some
initial reluctance, they came aboard the LMS schooner and good relations were established. The
missionaries then set about reconnoitring the area with a view to establishing the site for a new
mission. After initially visiting Kido but finding it unsatisfactory for the proposed mission, they
established a small mission at Manumanu in 1872, where the first missionaries to reside and teach in
PNG were settled. Reverend Lawes became the first European to live with Papuans on the mainland
when he established a further station at Elevala in 1874 (Kanasa 2006:18-20). The Reverend James
Chalmers then landed at Boera on 12 October 1877 (Stewart 1973:277). By 1890, the administrator of
British New Guinea William MacGregor had outlined a policy for all religious denominations in British
New Guinea to avoid conflict with each other. The ‘sphere of influence’ policy allocated the whole of
the southern PNG mainland except Yule Island and Mekeo district, inland as far as Boku, to the LMS.
By 1909, the LMS had established an influential presence in the area, with attendance numbers at the
mission schools rising to 5000 (Kanasa 2006:18-20). There is to this day a strong Christian influence
in all three villages surrounding the Study Area.
4.5.9.3
Sisal Farm/Lea Lea Airstrip/Fairfax Cattle Station
After the annexation of New Guinea by Australia from the British in 1906, large tracts of land were
acquired for plantation purposes. By 1909, it was recorded that there were over 139 plantations in the
Australian territory growing coconuts, rubber, sisal-hemp and coffee (Kanasa 2006:25). The landward
area of the Portion 152 area was formerly a sisal plantation which produced hemp. Beginning in 1913,
the farm used a light railway to transport the harvested crop. The venture lasted until 1923 when the
high cost of shipping and a drop in sisal prices led to its decline (Stuart 1973:277; Douglas 2007:54).
An airstrip was built in this location prior to WWII to service the plantation, and was used by Motuan
businessmen to fly light planes to Kokoda and Yoda (Ben Moide, personal communication 2008). The
area was later used as an emergency airstrip (known as Lea Lea airfield or Schimmer Airstrip) during
WWII, from at least 1942 onwards (Ben Moide, personal communication 2008; Douglas 2007:54; see
DoMH display, 2008). At the end of WWII, the area was converted to a cattle farm run by the Fairfax
family (Stuart 1973:277) which ran until the 1980s (Douglas 2007:54).
4.5.9.4
Military and Defence History
Papua and New Guinea were pivotal strategic and tactical locations for the battle of the Pacific during
WWII. An enormous build-up of defence armoury and other mobile military assets were stationed in
this region during the conflict. A more extensive history of the role of the Port Moresby region in WWII
is required to give an overview of the range of activities that took place in this area (see below).
PNG and the Second World War (by Bob Marmion, military historian, University of Melbourne).
Papua New Guinea has long attracted foreign interest because of its natural riches and strategic
advantages. As a result, from the 1870s until Independence in 1975, the island has been occupied by
a series of foreign powers including Britain, Germany, Australia, Japan, and again Australia.
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The late 1800s was an era when the Australian colonies feared European expansion into the South
Pacific region; therefore in 1883, the Queensland government made an abortive attempt to annex the
eastern part of New Guinea to prevent further German expansion southwards (Meaney 1976:17). In
1884, the German government formally took possession of New Guinea, ostensibly to develop copra.
Though the annexation by Queensland the previous year was declared void by the British government,
Britain later (1888) annexed the southern half of eastern New Guinea outright. By 1902, the
protectorate was placed under the control of the new Commonwealth of Australia. In 1906, this area
became the Territory of Papua (Brune 2004:10).
In 1914, at the commencement of the First World War, the German colony of New Guinea was
occupied by Australian troops. Following Germany’s defeat, Australia was given a mandate by the
League of Nations to govern the former German colony (Brune 2004:10). This mandate remained in
place until the Japanese invasion during the Second World War, when civilian administration of Papua
New Guinea was replaced by Australian military control based in Port Moresby. In 1945, civilian
administration recommenced under the Australian government and continued until Independence was
granted in 1975.
The Pacific War 1941-1945 (by Bob Marmion). Concerns over possible Japanese expansion into
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southeastern Asia dated back to the turn of the 20 century (Walker 1999:75, 230). However, as a
result of a series of non-aggression and trade treaties and the fact that Japan fought during the First
World War on the Allied side, European powers during the 1920s and early 1930s tended to
underestimate the rising Japanese militarism and the potential for conflict in the South Pacific (Walker
1999:75, 230; Meaney 1976:167). While Japan was seen as a threat, as evidenced by the
establishment of a major British naval base at Singapore, European focus was squarely on fascism in
Germany and Italy (Robertson 1988:238-39). By the late 1930s the European powers, along with
Britain, the United States and Japan had commenced rearming in expectation of the outbreak of
another World War. In 1937, Japan commenced an eight year war with China. A year after the
outbreak of WWII in September 1939, Japan signed the Tripartite Pact, thereby allying itself with Nazi
Germany and Italy and potentially setting on a collision course with Britain, the United States and the
Dutch Government in exile (which still controlled the resource-rich Netherlands East Indies). In July
1941, 50,000 Japanese troops were moved into French Indo-China as a precursor to any attack on the
Dutch East Indies.
During the course of 1941, relations between Japan and the Allies deteriorated. In an attempt to curb
Japanese militarism, the Allies severely restricted the exportation of fuel and other resources vital to
the Japanese economy. As Japan imported most of her industrial raw materials such as oil, iron ore
and steel, this was seen by the Japanese as a direct attack on their economy. To the Japanese the
choice was simple: face immediate economic collapse or withdraw its troops from China and
Southeast Asia with its attendant loss of face. Such a withdrawal, in the face of a continued Allied
embargo or slowing of raw materials, would have the same effect in the long term. The Japanese
therefore commenced planning for a war in the Pacific against the British and Americans
(Figure 4.5.21).
On 7 December 1941, Japan attacked Pearl Harbour, thus bringing the United States into the war.
Hostilities between Japan on one hand, and Britain and the Dutch on the other, followed shortly
afterwards as the Japanese attacked Malaysia, Hong Kong, Thailand, the Dutch East Indies, New
Guinea, Burma and the Philippines. In February 1942, following the Malay campaign, Singapore fell.
By the middle of April, Japanese forces occupied much of Burma, Borneo and the Dutch East Indies
including western New Guinea. The Australian mainland came under regular air attack. In May 1942
the Philippines surrendered.
In effect, as a result of their rapid conquest of Southeast Asia, the Japanese had created a buffer zone
that not only provided the natural resources required by Japanese industry, but also a defence in
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depth. By attacking Pearl Harbour, the Japanese had intended to destroy the American Pacific fleet
and thereby allow the Japanese to over-run those countries which could supply it with the natural
resources it required. Rather than trying to defeat the Americans, initially Japan hoped to achieve a
negotiated peace. Knowing full well that there would be retaliation and that Australia would be the
most likely staging post for any counter-attack, Japan attempted to isolate the Australian mainland
from both Britain and the United States (Milner 1957:12). By occupying the Dutch East Indies and New
Guinea, the Japanese were well positioned to intercept any Allied troop and material build up in
Australia as a precursor to a counter-attack.
Figure 4.5.21 The Japanese objectives 1941-1942
(http://www.awm.gov.au/underattack/index.asp)
Having captured a number of important positions which provided harbours and airfields (such as
Rabaul, Lae and Salamaua) by March 1942, the Japanese ideally needed to occupy Port Moresby to
ensure the isolation of Australia. Port Moresby would also provide a valuable link between the
Japanese forces in the Dutch East Indies and the islands to the north and east of New Guinea. During
WWII, Port Moresby was the key port and administrative centre in Papua (Robertson 1984:135).
Already a major trade centre for local markets when Papua was annexed by the British, Port Moresby
slowly developed over the years as port and administrative facilities were established. Following the
outbreak of the Pacific War in December 1941, Port Moresby underwent a dramatic change as it
became the nerve centre for Allied operations in Papua. There was a significant build up of Allied
troops so that by early 1942 the city had become the base for thousands of troops and airmen. Air
attacks could be mounted against Japanese positions along the north coast of Papua. Port Moresby
therefore became a major target.
The first attempt to capture Port Moresby occurred in April/May 1942, when the Japanese despatched
a fleet including two aircraft carriers and troops transports, under the command of Admiral Takagi, to
attack both Port Moresby and the Solomon Islands (Figure 4.5.22). The Japanese fleet was
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intercepted in the Coral Sea and defeated on 7-8 May 1942. A month later at the Battle of Midway,
the Japanese suffered a major defeat which, as a result of losing a number of aircraft carriers,
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severely curtailed their ability to mount amphibious operations in the South Pacific. The lack of
airpower was to play a major role in the Japanese defeat in Papua New Guinea.
Figure 4.5.22 Extent of Japanese conquests in 1942 (Holmes 1988)
Despite the losses incurred at Midway, a second attempt to take Port Moresby occurred in July 1942
when Japanese forces were landed on the north coast of Papua at Buna, Gona and Sanananda. The
resulting campaign between July 1942 and January 1943 saw a series of savage battles over the
Owen Stanley Ranges. Initially the Japanese, under the command of Major General Horii, managed to
fight their way along the Kokoda Track to within sight of the lights of Port Moresby before being halted
by Australian troops. The Australians opposing them had originally consisted of militiamen, only partly
trained, inexperienced and with little in the way of heavy weapons. These Australian militiamen
mounted a slow fighting retreat. Eventually, reinforced by seasoned soldiers of the Australian Imperial
Force, the Japanese were halted. With the Japanese supply lines overstretched, disease-ridden,
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starving and with no hope of reinforcements due to the fighting on Guadalcanal, on the 26 September
1942, Horii had no choice but to obey an order to withdraw back along the Track (Steiberg 1978:51)
(Figure 4.5.23).
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Figure 4.5.23 The Kokoda Campaign 1942 (Steiberg 1978)
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Japanese problems were further compounded by a defeat at Milne Bay on the 15 August 1942. Over
the course of two weeks, the Japanese suffered their first defeat on land at the hands of the
Australians (Steiberg 1978:50). Milne Bay also marked the southernmost advance of Japanese forces
during the War.
In November 1942, the Allies attacked the Japanese beachheads at Buna, Gona and Sanananda in
what came to be known as the Battle of Buna-Gona. By January 1943, the Japanese forces in Papua
had been eliminated, thus removing the threat against Port Moresby. Fighting continued, however, in
New Guinea until 1945. In June 1943, having secured the northern Papuan coastline, the Allies
launched Operation Cartwheel. This strategy was designed to isolate pockets of major Japanese
resistance, to liberate Rabaul and to enable the island-hopping campaign of the later war-years.
The Importance of Port Moresby during the Pacific War (by Bob Marmion). Port Moresby had been
the civil administrative centre of the Territory of Papua prior to the Second World War. It provided a
direct link between Papua and Australia. By 1942, as General McArthur’s logistical base, Port Moresby
had become the most important Allied port in the southern Pacific region (Figure 4.5.24). Located on
the southern side of Papua along the main shipping channel between the Indian and Pacific Oceans, it
played a vital role as the communications, supply and operational base for Allied land and air
opposition to the Japanese thrust south. In addition to Allied command in Papua New Guinea, rear
echelon units such as military hospitals, ordnance depots, training wings, communication centres
providing links with Australia, transport and a host of other ancillary services were based in Port
Moresby. With the development of infrastructure such as electricity, running water, airfields and the
construction of a wharf on Tatana Island, the amount of supplies coming through the port had doubled
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by October 1942. This in turn dramatically improved the level of air support, reinforcements and supply
to forward troops.
The development of Port Moresby into a major supply base was a significant achievement. As Samuel
Milner noted:
The reinforcement of Port Moresby in 1942 was no easy matter. Its supply line from Australia across the
Gulf of Papua was exposed to enemy action. Its port facilities were inadequate; its two existing airfields
were small and poorly built; and, except for one field at Horn Island in Torres Strait, there were no
intermediate air bases between it and the concentration area in the Townsville-Cloncurry region, 700 miles
away.
After a thorough reconnaissance of Port Moresby, General Casey, General MacArthur's engineer
officer, began drawing plans for its conversion into a first-class operational base. The port and the two
existing airfields were to be improved, and three new airfields were to be built in the general Port
Moresby area.
Figure 4.5.24 Port Moresby in 1942 (McAulay 1991)
Coastal Batteries. During the outbreak of war in the Pacific in WWII, several coastal batteries were
established at and around Port Moresby, including at Paga Point, Gemo Island, Idler’s Bay and Boera
(Douglas 2007:57). Until 1944 several heavy Australian artillery ‘letter’ batteries (named after their
designation by letters of the alphabet) were located around the coast at Buna, Milne Bay, Oro Bay and
Gili Gili in attempts to repel the advancing Japanese invasion. However, after the fall of several of
these areas, the focus of defence shifted to the only remaining base still in allied hands after the
Japanese captured New Britain and the north coast of PNG. Port Moresby was a key target for any
future enemy operations, as it was an important shipping port for incoming supplies and was needed
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to complete the Japanese defence installation network to afford protection to their facilities around the
coast (Kidd and Neil 1998:51). Several battery emplacements were built around Port Moresby to
augment the Paga battery (built in 1939), including a new battery at Boera.
Aircraft Wrecks. Many aircraft crashed around PNG during WWII, either due to being shot down in
aerial engagements, through accidental collisions with strafing targets, becoming lost in adverse
weather, or running out of fuel. Some aircraft crash sites were relocated, and where deaths had
occurred bodies were collected. However, many planes which crashed into the sea or were reported
as missing in action were never relocated. Many of these wreck sites became graves for their crews.
Several military aircraft are known to have crashed in the Caution Bay area between Boera in the
south, Redscar Head in the north and Hidiha Island to the west. These wrecks have been documented
by several interest groups, including the Pacific Wreck Database, John Douglas Environmental
Consultants and the Department of Modern History of the PNG National Museum and Art Gallery.
The Pacific Wreck Database web site was established by a group of avocational (amateur) historians
and enthusiasts who have an interest in World War II plane and ship wrecks, and other military
installations. This group has documented the background histories of many defence installations and
historically known aircraft wrecks around PNG (www.Pacificwrecks.com).
Douglas Environmental Consultants have undertaken perhaps the most comprehensive historical
studies of the area as part of the environmental analyses for the Konebada Petroleum Park Authority
(Douglas 2007). During this time, John Douglas has photographed and documented some military
sites in the area (Boera battery), but did not undertake detailed archaeological surveys (see also
Pretty 1967).
Given the known high concentration of plane wrecks in this region, historical records were investigated
to ascertain whether any of these wrecks had occurred inside the Study Area. The identified plane
wrecks are listed in Table 4.5.6.
Boera Battery. This battery consisted of two 155 mm M1917 heavy artillery guns with associated
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range finding station, magazines and other supporting facilities, and was constructed by the 8 Army
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Troops Company, Royal Australian Engineers (RAE) (AWM #72247). Construction began on 20 May
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1943 and was completed by 6 July that year, after its guns were transferred from the ‘A’ Australian
heavy artillery battery (at Gili Gili, west of Alotau near Milne Bay). The field guns were mounted on a
carriage placed over Panama mounts (i.e. a central concrete turret where the tyres of the carriage sat
on the turret), and were moved around via the carriage trolley (Plate 4.5.20). The battery was spread
over several nearby hills (the southern hill also had a battery Observation Post), was equipped with a
range finding station, searchlight, a water well and other support facilities, and was linked to the Coast
Artillery Headquarters and Fire Command by telephone and backup High Frequency radio. The
battery was sited to cover an unmarked channel into Caution Bay that led through to Port Moresby,
which was previously regularly used by local traders (Kidd and Neil 1998:52, 127-29, 339, 341;
Douglas, n.d.).
Live firing exercises were first undertaken in July 1943. The guns had a firing range of 17 miles, and
on one occasion it was recorded that grass fires had been started to the north of the battery by infantry
mortar fire, indicating that other military units were also practicing in this area. A Bofors A.A. antith
aircraft gun was also installed on 18 July to defend against aerial attack, and was located at the rear
of the battery. The battery could be operational in 15 minutes, and the searchlights (with a range of at
least 8000 yards) were also intended for use to detect the presence of submarines trying to enter Port
Moresby harbour via Caution Bay. Regular practice firing of the guns was undertaken to ensure the
battery was ready and competent for any engagement with the Japanese. This included firing at
drifting and towed ‘Hong Kong’ targets between 4000 and 14,000 yards away, expending at least 20
(and as many as 40) rounds during each practice session, dependent on the number of officers
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present. Rounds were capable of reaching Hidiha/Bavo Islands, and ‘Man-o-war Island’ (to the east of
Daugo Island). Anti-aircraft guns also used target balloons for practice. Although an air raid occurred
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on 27 September and Japanese planes were heard overhead, no guns were fired by the battery
during the incident (Kidd and Neil 1998:129-33).
By March 1944, orders were given to prepare to demount ‘A’ unit out of the Boera battery, which was
subsequently taken over by ‘O’ unit personnel. When the Boera battery was decommissioned, the
guns were returned to Port Moresby and several outbuildings were demolished by Australian
contingents who also dismantled the guns from the battery. By July 1944, most of the letter batteries
around Port Moresby were removed, as the allied supremacy at that time ensured that the remaining
Paga battery was sufficient to repel any attack (Douglas n.d.; Kidd and Neil 1998:52, 134, 340).
From 1942-1944, the Hydrographic Branch of the Royal Australian Navy (R.A.N.) began an extensive
campaign to map inshore sea routes around New Guinea in a bid to ease the threat to Allied shipping
from Japanese submarines and warships in deeper offshore waters (Betty 1996:154-57). In
September 1943, the R.A.N. commenced a hydrographic survey of the sea area covered by the
battery (Kidd and Neil 1998:131). A chart of unknown date for this area, but probably based on the
1943 survey (Transport-PNG n.d., updated around 1969), shows extensive hydrographic information
for the area which is more detailed than modern charts.
Plate 4.5.20 #1 Gun, Boera battery in 1944 (photograph courtesy of AWM #072247)
Minefields. Captain Charles Kabilu (personal communication 2008), a Sea Pilot with PNG Ports,
recalled a submarine net once extending across the reef entrance near Basilisk Beacon on Nateara
Reef. Modern charts show that the area to the south of Caution Bay (south of Haidana Island) to
Padana Nahua Passage were once mined as part of the former Port Moresby submarine defences
(Aus Chart 621). Although these areas have been swept for mines and do not present hazards to
surface navigation, the chart notes that the areas are not considered safe for trawling, anchoring or
bottoming activities associated with submarines, suggesting that unexploded mines and/or ordinances
may still exist in these areas. It is therefore also possible that rogue mines whose positions were not
recorded when laid, or which may have become loose and floated away from the minefield and later
sunk, may be present in the southern regions of Caution Bay.
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Telegraph Cable. On 10 January 1943, a telegraph cable was laid from Cape York (Australia) to
Boera Head for the Signals Section (New Guinea Force) and the Post Master General’s Department to
link to Port Moresby (AWM photograph #057334). This cable was probably laid as part of the wartime
communications network along the PNG coast. The end of the cable was towed ashore via a barge
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boat from the steamship Mernoo. From pictures available at the Australian War Memorial web site
(AWM photographs #05733-057350 – Plates 4.5.21 and 4.5.22), it appears that the cable was placed
ashore in the vicinity of Apau Beach, just north of Boera Point. The cable seems to have been laid
directly to the west of the Boera battery.
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Plate 4.5.21 Boera Point, New Guinea. 1943-10-01. Drums with the marine cable attached being
towed from the SS Mernoo to the shore (photograph courtesy of AWM #057336)
Plate 4.5.22 Boera Point, New Guinea. 1943-10-01. Barge Towing Cable from the SS Mernoo to
the Shore (photograph courtesy of AWM #057350)
The cable appears to have come ashore just south of the current Telekom radio station which services
local communications purposes (Douglas 2007:54), and may explain the later installation of this facility
in this area. Although the exact path of the cable across the seabed is not evident from the
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photographs, sections of it may lie within the southern portion of the Study Area where the MOF facility
is to be situated. The cable was not shown on any charts of the area (Aus Chart 379; Transport PNG
around 1969), and no further information is known about this facility at this current time, including
whether the cable is still operational.
Kidd and Neil (1998:322) have documented that the Boera battery was visited on 2 May 1944 by a
Major Curtis to reconnoitre for a submarine cable, which could mean that two cables were installed in
the area.
New Guinea Forces maps from March 1944 (Galley Reach 3967) also shows that a telegraph cable
had been installed from Totoo Village to Redscar Head. This cable was located along the foreshore
edge and was submerged at several locations, especially where it crossed streams or rivers. It then
proceeded overland from Kido and along the beach to Lea Lea, crossing Lea Lea Inlet and
swampland to Papa, before proceeding inland across the Portion 152 area (Lea Lea Inlet 3968 –
Figure 4.5.25). Unfortunately, the adjoining map in this series was unavailable, so it is unclear where
the telegraph cable linked to at that time. The cable is not shown in later maps of the area (Sheet
5529-IV 1963; Sheet 5130-II, 1965), suggesting that the telegraph cable had either been removed or
was no longer used.
Although the UNESCO maritime convention (UNESCO, 2001) does not list submarine cables to be of
historic significance, the cable’s location would be of archaeological significance due to its
associations with PNG/Australian WWII defences. The location of where the cable came ashore would
be of historical significance due to its associations with the first telegraph cable between PNG and
Australia.
Figure 4.5.25 Map 3968: Lea Lea Inlet showing the location of the telegraph cable (shown as
dotted line) from Kido to Papa
4.5.9.5
Summary: the Study Area’s European Contact Period Cultural Sites as
Identified from Previous Archaeological Investigations
After analysing the available historical documentary evidence, oral histories and museum archives and
registers, eight types of sites were identified as occurring or likely to occur within or near the Study
Area. Many of these occur or are likely to occur underwater: wharves/jetties, underwater telegraph
cables, shipwrecks, anchors and anchorages, and some plane wrecks and UXO in particular; a list of
the European contact period cultural heritage sites identified from the literature review is presented in
section 4.5.10. The site types which we have identified as present, or likely to be present nearby, are:
•
Shipwrecks, including exploration period ships, coastal traders, and defence vessels.
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•
Plane wrecks (some of these may be war graves).
•
Former defence facilities (e.g. landing pontoons/wharves and/or associated pipe bridges over
swamp or mangrove areas; battery sites; airstrips).
•
Possible wharves/jetties associated with former LMS or Cattle Station sites.
•
Underwater telegraph cables.
•
Unexploded ordinances (e.g. artillery shells, submarine mines, bombs).
•
Lighthouses and beacons.
•
Anchors and anchorages.
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4.5.10 Survey Results: Site Details
This Section presents information on the location of cultural heritage sites within and near the Study
Area. Two research methods were followed to obtain this information:
•
Literature survey. Sites previously recorded by researchers and on record in the register of the
PNG National Museum and Art Gallery. This relates mainly to sites near the Study Area, rather
than within it, as no previous study of the Study Area has been undertaken.
•
Field surveys by which cultural heritage sites were directly recorded.
The kinds of sites reported include indigenous places (mainly of the pre-colonial period), WWII
locations (e.g., plane wrecks, defence installations), early missionary sites and other sites of the early
colonial period. For each of the literature surveys and field surveys, these sites are presented
separately in two Sections: those on land (Section 4.5.10.1) and those in the shallow marine
environment (Section 4.5.10.2). The cultural heritage sites found during the course of the literature
reviews (Land: Section 4.5.10.1.1; Shallow Marine: Section 4.5.10.2.1) and during the fieldwork within
the Study Area (Land: Section 4.5.10.1.2; Shallow Marine: Section 4.5.10.2.2) are discussed
separately. The significance of each site and site complex is addressed in Section 4.5.12, and
mitigation measures for managing them are presented in Section 4.5.14 following impact assessments
in Section 4.5.13.
No pre-European contact period cultural heritage sites have previously been registered by the PNG
National Museum and Art Gallery within the Study Area proper. However, based on the literature
reviewed in Section 4.5.10 above, a number of nearby sites – some of very high levels of significance
(see Section 4.5.12) – have been identified by the Museum and others in the immediate vicinity of the
proposed LNG Facilities site area. Ethnographic accounts identify numerous important cultural sites
nearby, such as Dirora, Konekaru, Davage and other ancestral villages and legendary places
associated with the first lagatoi and the commencement of hiri trade. Within this area can also be
found numerous sites dating to the 20th century (in particular WWII sites), along with previously
unrecorded marine sites. These previously documented sites have been discussed throughout Section
4.5.7 above. They are listed in Table 4.5.6 (including their Grid References, where known).
The archaeological field surveys in the land and shallow marine environments associated with the
proposed developments employed in this study have revealed archaeological evidence consistent with
the above patterns as revealed from the literature and PNG National Museum and Art Gallery site
register. Both pre-European contact and European contact period cultural heritage sites (such as
WWII sites) – have been shown to be abundant in the general vicinity of Portion 152.
Before presenting the results of the surveys and the individual cultural heritage site details, it is noted
that three UXOs were located during the land component of the field surveys, at WGS84 Grid
Reference 500991 E 8968212 N (artillery projectile, site CB2a), a UXO at 501934 E 8965139 N
(CB2b); and another at 507446 E 8966645 N (CB2c) (Plate 4.5.23). Sub-Lieutenant Mitmit (personal
communication 2008) has identified the first of these as a 75 mm (Japanese) artillery shell, which is
very similar in size and shape to the other 155 mm projectile heads discovered by Douglas in 2003.
Although Mitmit has identified the shell as a 75 mm Japanese artillery shell, it is more likely that it is a
155 mm fired from the Boera battery. The fuse mechanism works by delaying the explosion of the
shell until a preset time determined by the dial up mechanism on the head of the shell. Sometimes the
shells used a chemical or battery inside the fuse. This shell had an electrical fuse, with the propellent
charges still located inside the main body for the shell. Petty Officer Yamun (personal communication
2008) stated that as one shell had been found in the area, it was likely that there were many more.
The projectile was located about 5.5 km from the Boera battery, and is likely to have been fired from
that location.
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Plate 4.5.23
Left: Lt Tui Gaileko, Petty Officer Steven Yamun and Leading
Seaman Ausa Tau with unexploded artillery projectile discovered in
the LNG152 area during the terrestrial archaeological survey. Right:
Artillery projectile head discovered in LNG152 area. Note armour
piercing head and fuse are intact, indicating the projectile was live
Plate 4.5.24 WWII artillery projectiles held at Boera village (from Taylan, 2003)
Discussions were held with the PNG Bomb Squad to determine the extent of WWII unexploded
ordnance (UXO) material previously discovered in the Study Area. Lt Tui Gaileko and Petty Officer
Steven Yamun (personal communication 2008) reported that the squad had previously been called to
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remove or disarm unexploded ordnances in the southern parts of the LNG152 area, and in particular
large 500 lb bombs had been detonated by them close to Boera, an observation also reported by
Boera villagers (Mea Dobi, personal communication 2008).
Unexploded ordnances were previously discovered on-shore between Papa and Boera by women
searching for mud crabs who had seen artillery projectiles in the swamps (CB2b). Bombs and artillery
projectiles (CB2c) had also been found on the eastern side of the Papa road just below the ranges
(Gau Ario and Daro Avei, personal communication 2008). No ordnance was reported in the waters
adjacent to these areas by the bomb squad, although local villagers (Gau Ario, personal
communication 2008) maintained that they were aware of ‘shells’ which had been located underwater
and subsequently blown up by the bomb squad.
The presence of the sea minefield to the south of Caution Bay (see Section 4.5.9.4 for details) also
raises the possibility that rogue mines, whose positions were not recorded when laid or which may
have become loose and floated away from the minefield and later sunk, may be located in the
southern regions of Caution Bay, although none were found during our surveys.
UXOs are recorded here as they are technically archaeological sites relating to the region’s history, as
well as to report them for safety reasons. Several 155 mm artillery projectile heads with intact
detonators were discovered in Boera village in 2003, which had been collected by villagers possibly for
their scrap metal value (Douglas, no date) (see Plate 4.5.24). These UXO issues are mentioned from
the onset, but are not discussed further in this report.
4.5.10.1
Onshore LNG Facilities Component
A review of previous archaeological research on indigenous sites undertaken on land in the broader
Port Moresby region indicates ‘a small number of extensive sites, and a larger number of small sites’
along the coastal zone, as well as sites on the inland plains and on the ‘summits and upper slopes of
the range of inland hills lying between the [Laloki] river and the coast (Bulmer, 1978:71) (see Section
4.5.7). Many of these elevated inland sites, as well as some offshore sites, were located in such
landscape settings for defensive purposes (see also Orrell, 1977:15). Significantly, Bulmer (1978:72,
emphases added) concludes that:
There seems to be evidence for nucleated settlement in the presence of very large prehistoric sites at a
few places along the coast. Four have been located so far [in the Port Moresby region], but it is possible
that others will be found. This can be expected because there appears to have been discontinuity of
settlement at the large sites known, so the large settlements may have been periodically relocated. … It
also seems that settlement on the inland river plains was nucleated, with concentration of habitation sites
at only two centres and very little indication of occupation of any scale elsewhere. This may be obscured
by the erosion and sedimentation following forest clearance. It may also be expected that other centres of
occupation on the river plains may be found.
Bulmer (1978:72-73) also notes that ‘There appear to have been changes in the position of the
coastline during the period of human occupation’ caused by increasing alluvial and colluvial siltation
resulting from forest clearance with the onset of hinterland gardening. Changing coastlines in the past
have resulted in a seaward progradation of the coast. Earlier sites can thus be expected to be buried
beneath sediments in what is now the hinterland (but in the past would have been ancient shorelines).
Bulmer (1978:73) thus notes that ‘some of the sites now some distance inland were much closer to the
coast in the past. Thus a certain amount of settlement described … as “inland” may in the past have
been coastal’. These environmental changes ‘affected the position of coastal settlement. The most
substantial changes have probably occurred in the far western part of the survey area’ – that is,
including the Lea Lea-Boera area incorporating the Priority Area of the present report.
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4.5.10.1.1 Literature Survey
Indigenous Cultural Heritage Sites
Bulmer’s systematic study of a small sample of archaeological sites in the broader Port Moresby
region indicates an absence of large ceramic sites inland, but their presence in the coastal and nearcoastal zone. She further notes that ‘Not a single pre- or non-ceramic site has yet been found. The
earliest ceramic site so far dated is only about 2,000 years old, so it seems obvious that we have more
yet to find’ (Bulmer, 1978:62-64). That is, despite her study the earlier phases of human occupation in
the Port Moresby region have not yet been found, although such sites are expected to occur given that
we know that people have been in PNG for tens of thousands of years. Bulmer (1978:63) further notes
that ‘Allen and Swadling have both suggested … that the south coast of Papua was essentially
unoccupied prior to the earliest ceramic horizon that has so far been found’ – i.e., around 2000 years
ago – but we now know this was not the case due to the recent discovery of terminal Pleistocene (pre10,000 year old) and early Holocene archaeological materials at sites OJP and Wokoi Amoho
(respectively) in the Gulf Province lowlands (David et al., 2008).
Bulmer (1978:64) states that 47 of the 95 settlement sites recorded in the broader Port Moresby region
by 1972 were located on or near the coast, while the other 48 were inland (‘i.e., not on the beach or on
the hills above the beach or in small coastal valleys’). Apart for four very large sites interpreted as
nucleated village sites, all other reported coastal archaeological sites were small, indicating either
cultural places of limited spatial extent or once-larger places that have suffered considerable erosion.
These smaller coastal sites typically contain pottery sherds, stone artifacts, oven stones and/or shells
(Bulmer, 1978:66). In total 11 coastal settlement sites had been recorded to the west of Port Moresby
itself at the time of Bulmer’s writing: AAV at Cogland Head; AAN, AAS, AHQ, AHR and AGI at Idlers
Bay; AFD and AFR at Ranvetutu; AAO between Ranvetutu and Koderika; AAR at Porebada; AAP and
AAQ at Daugo Island; and ABH, ABI, AEQ, AFA, AFB, AMG, AMH near Boera (Bulmer, 1978:68; see
also Lampert, 1968). ‘All of these sites are thin scatters of midden, except the AFD-AFR sites at
Ranvetutu, and AFA and AMG-AMH at Boera. These are very large deposits covering acres of ground’
(Bulmer, 1978:68). Four smaller coastal sites on estuarine plains (ABZ, AHV, AHW and AHZ) were
recorded near Lea Lea village ‘on the only two islands of elevated land on this stretch of the coast’
(Bulmer, 1978:69). She concludes that ‘at some point in prehistoric times nearly every suitably
protected coastal site has been occupied, but only a few were repeatedly or continuously inhabited’
(Bulmer, 1978:64-65). That is, in many cases coastal settlements were relatively short-lived as some
villages and other site types were abandoned while others became established. One such major
archaeological site is AMH (Ava Garau, see Section 4.5.8.4 and Section 4.5.8.7) about 1 km westnorthwest of the present village of Boera, which Bulmer (1978:65), following Swadling (n.d.), notes is
‘much larger’ than 30,000 m2 and ‘perhaps 1,000 m long, with other very large sites also nearby’. This
represents one of the largest – and probably the largest – known archaeological site in the entire
greater Port Moresby coastal region, with only Taurama (30,000 m2), Motupore (20,000 m2) and
Ranvetutu (site AFD, about 3 km south of Porebada: 9,000 m2) of comparably impressive size
(Bulmer, 1978:65).
Of the 48 settlement sites identified by Bulmer from the hinterland, 28 come from the coastal hills
(AAE-AAJ, AAX, ABB, ABJ, ABN-ABO, ABU, ABY, ADD, AFJ, AFN, AFO, AHG, AIC-AIK and AKU).
Bulmer (1978:69) notes that these are ‘nearly all sites that could be interpreted as defensive’. ‘The
sites in the coastal hill zone consist almost entirely of midden deposits on the summits or high slopes
of the highest range of hills’, although some contain ‘large areas of pottery … and could reflect
settlements of substantial size’ (Bulmer, 1978:69).
Shortly to the northwest of Boera, and largely addressing the same sites that Bulmer discussed
(above), Swadling (1980:104) also identified a ‘huge archaeological complex which includes Davage,
the legendary village from which oral traditions relate the first hiri … was made’ and the home of Edai
Siabo (see also Swadling, 1977:40; see Chatterton, 1968:93 for discussion of Davage as an important
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origin village for the people of Boera) (Figure 4.5.26). This site complex includes Ava Garau (site
AMH), an ancient archaeological village site containing evidence of Bulmer’s Style I (Swadling’s Early
Period) ceramics and dated to 1220±95 BP (for details, see Section 4.5.8.4 and Section 4.5.7.10
above). Elsewhere she (Swadling, 1977:39, italics added) notes that ‘a huge village was founded at
Boera [Ava Garau] about 1,200 years ago. The broken pottery and shells there cover the largest area
of such village rubbish reported anywhere between ManuManu and Gabagaba. Many people must
have been living there 1,200 years ago. It was probably the most important village in the Port Moresby
area’. She writes (Swadling, 1976:8):
Ava Garau is the name given to one of the hills forming a sea cliff ridge which runs for more than a
kilometre from the west of the present Boera village. This cliff ridge is broken by two seasonal streams
which give easy coastal access. Apart from these cliffs the flat floor valley has no defensive features. Milne
Bay-like pottery is found along the entire inland side of this cliff ridge and small scatters are present on the
large Nemu ridge further inland. The entire complex is the largest area of comparable ceramics reported in
the Port Moresby area. All in all suggesting a considerable centralisation of settlement in the Port Moresby
region at Boera at this time.
Figure 4.5.26
Boera sites having sherds with designs similar to those on late Red Slip sites
(courtesy of the PNG National Museum and Art Gallery)
Swadling (1977:40) suggests that upon abandonment the people of Ava Garau may have founded
Motupore, Taurama and other major sites further to the east, significant ancestral village sites of oral
tradition. This further re-affirms the presence in the Lea Lea – Boera area of sites covering at least
1200 years – and possibly considerably more – of Motu/Koita history. As Swadling (1977:41) notes,
‘The Boera people have been shown … to have been in that area for a long time’.
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At some distance from Portion 152, but also of great cultural significance to the people of Lea Lea and
other local villages, is the ancestral settlement site of Buria. Buria is a hilltop village site located some
6 km north of Lea Lea (this hill is ‘incorrectly labeled “Darebo Hill” on the Redscar Head map – 5130II’, Johnston, 1973:1). While the hill itself is of cultural significance, little archaeological or
anthropological documentation of this site has been undertaken. Gabrielle Johnston (1973:1)
undertook rapid reconnaissance surveys of the hilltop and slopes, where she confirmed the presence
of ‘large deposits of pottery fragments, shell, and stone’ at site AHW. Here she recorded the presence
of ‘late’ Motu pottery, as well as more ancient red slip wares of a kind typical of the earliest ceramic
phase in the Port Moresby region, suggesting ‘a considerable antiquity for the site’ (Johnston, 1973:2).
A traditional dancing ground was recorded some 500 m away, and at site ANN nearby is found the
place where a surprise attack had forced the people of Buria to abandon their village (see below).
Sere (1975:81, 86) records a traditional story about a massacre at Buria village, identifying the event
as having taken place around 300 years ago by genealogical reckoning:
There was a relationship between Buria and Pari which resulted in a clan-leader’s son from Buria being
betrothed to a clan-leader’s daughter from Pari. However the Buria boy preferred to marry a girl from
Daeroto and the girl was therefore married to another Buria boy who was not a clan-leader’s son. The Pari
wife therefore lived at Buria feeling insulted, and when she went to Pari to visit her family she complained
about how she had been down-graded and added the information that the Buria were boasting that they
were the best dancers among the Motu-Koita. Also she described Koita customs in such a way that the
Pari people determined to attack Buria.
The Pari successfully surrounded and attacked Buria while the latter were dancing. The bows and arrows
of the Pari wrought devastation among the Buria and (according to legend) the only escapee was Goroa
who hid in one of the Buria caves. It was over the Daeroto land that war was to break out between the Lea
Lea and the Doura.
Further archaeological sites were found in the Buria area, including site ANO ‘which covered a similar
area to that of AHW’ (see Plate 4.5.25) (Johnston, 1973:3). Other nearby archaeological sites include
AHV and AHZ. Clearly this entire area is of great cultural significance and would need to be avoided
when planning future developments associated with the LNG processing facilities.
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Plate 4.5.25 View of Buria village hill from the sea south near Papa looking north beyond Rea
Rea (from Johnston, 1973:4)
Additional to the above settlement sites, clay sources are also known from the general vicinity of the
Study Area. Groves (1960:8-11) notes that the Manumanu villagers did not possess clay sources near
their own village, and therefore sent parties to extract clay for pottery-making from sources ‘at a site
near the beach between ReaRea [Lea Lea] and Papa’. He further notes that while for Manumanu
villagers ‘individuals may dig clay at any time of year’ and ‘no special rules govern access to the clay’,
this is not the case for clay obtained specifically for hiri pots whereby ‘custom prescribes that only
members of the [lagatoi’s] … crew may fetch clay’; generally the women dig the clay from pits around
1 m deep, except during these special hiri occasions when it is only men who obtain the clay and bring
it to the women for the manufacture of pots (Groves, 1960:11). However at Boera where other sources
of clay occur, ‘each woman fetches clay as she pleases’, irrespective of whether she intends to make
pots for domestic use, regional exchange or hiri trade, and here no ritual observations are followed
(Groves, 1960:14). Worthing (1980) has identified clay sources near Boera, and at Boki between Lea
Lea and Papa, in line with Groves’ own observations. The clays and sand tempers that were used in
archaeological ceramic sherds were identified and matched against modern source samples and
thereby used to track back in time the history of hiri trade ceramics. Boera clays were used to
manufacture pottery that has been found as far west as the Gulf Province, eastward to Motupore
Island (Worthing, 1980:87), while Boki clays were used in pottery found from the Gulf Province to the
Papa Salt Pan site (AWL). Worthing (1980:92-93, 98) notes that in 1980 the Boki clay pits were still
used by Lea Lea potters ‘who mix it with Lea Lea beach sand’. This Boki clay source has been
recorded as PNG National Museum and Art Gallery site AFC. The Boera clay source has been
recorded as site ABG (see Table 4.5.6 for summary details).
While traditional freshwater wells are known to occur near Boera, these have not yet been recorded.
The PNG LNG Project developers should nevertheless be alert as to their presence, as their exact
locations and significance cannot be addressed in this report due to their occurrence some distance
outside the Study Area (see Table 4.5.6 for summary details).
At the time of writing, and incorporating the sites listed above, the PNG National Museum and Art
Gallery register along with various historical documents as discussed in Section 7.0, contained the
following archaeological sites for the region shortly surrounding the Study Area (apart for the Buria
sites which lie further to the north, this list is bounded by the Port Moresby 1:50,000 topographic map
Grid References (in AGD66) (for GPS points see original study – David 2008) (thus covering a land
area >3 km on all sides of the Study Area; see Table 4.5.6 for locational and other details of each
site):
•
AADI, AAGM, ABG, ABH, ABI, AEZ, AFA, AFB, AHW, AHY, AMG, AMH, AMI, ANA, ANN, ANO,
ANU, AOG, AOH, AOI, AOJ, AOK, AOL, AOM, AOX, APC, APF, APG, ARD, ARE, ARF, ARG,
ARH, ARI, ARJ, ARK, ARL, ARM, ARQ, ASM, AWL (see Figure 4.5.27). We note that Graeme
Pretty found three sites on Stanley Hill (Uda Bada on the Port Moresby 1:50,000 topographic map)
in 1967; these sites appear to be represented by those listed in the PNG National Museum and Art
Gallery list presented here (as indicated by the Museum’s register map rather than its site survey
sheets), but it is not clear from these records which of the museum codes represent the Pretty
sites.
In addition, the following oral tradition sites mentioned in the historical records can be added, as
outlined in Section 4.5.7 (see Table 4.5.6 for further details):
•
Buria (includes ANN), Davage, Aemakara, Daeroto, Konekaru, Dirora, Taubarau, the site of Edai
st
Siabo’s 1 lagatoi anchor (ASM), the Boki clay source (AFC), the Boera clay source (ABG), the
Boera freshwater wells.
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Of these oral tradition places, only AFC, ABG, ANN and ASM have been located and given formal site
codes by the PNG National Museum and Art Gallery, although archaeological sites at Davage (ANU),
Buria (AHW, ANN, ANO) and Taubarua (AMG) have also been recorded.
Figure 4.5.27
Location of archaeological sites between Papa and Boera on the PNG National
Museum and Art Gallery site register and register map
The broader Lea Lea–Porebada area surrounding the Study Area undoubtedly contains a very large
number of archaeological and oral tradition sites that remain undocumented, and therefore cannot be
presented in this report, because they lie outside the cultural heritage study brief (thus, outside the
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Study Area that the cultural heritage survey team was asked to cover in this report). Some of these
sites are likely to be very important. While the sites listed here (see Table 4.5.6) thus document the
cultural heritage places uncovered during the literature review, they are only an opportunistic coverage
of the sites that lie outside the Study Area, and are therefore not meant to represent an exhaustive or
systematic review of sites that exist outside this area. Systematic field surveys would be needed for
such a task.
While some of the archaeological sites listed above correspond geographically with some of the oral
tradition sites, the two are not synonymous nor entirely overlapping, as individual archaeological sites
tend to be relatively small locations delimited by the spread of anthropogenic material objects on the
landscape, whereas the oral tradition sites tend to not be delimited simply by the spread of material
objects made or dropped on the ground by people in the past. A case in point is the oral tradition site
of Buria, which essentially consists of the hill of that name and its immediate surroundings rather than
the isolated archaeological sites AHW, ANN and ANO which occur there (despite some limited
opportunistic mapping of archaeological sites such as AHW, ANN and ANO, the Buria area has not yet
been systematically mapped for oral tradition or archaeological sites, although the oral tradition site
complex is summarily recorded below as site CB10 – see Section 4.5.10.1.2). Locational and
summary details are presented for each archaeological and oral tradition site in Table 4.5.6. These
sites are not discussed further here for they occur outside the Study Area, although they will be further
considered in Section 4.5.12, Section 4.5.13 and Section 4.5.14 when issues of significance, impacts
and management recommendations are made.
WWII Plane Wrecks
Two WWII plane wreck sites occur near the Study Area. One of these is a P-39 (P-400) Aerocobra
been recorded by members of the cultural heritage site surveying team in the field as site CB4. The
other is a P-38 Lockheed Lightning which crashed on the Lea Lea airstrip in 1944. A third plane, an
A-6M2 Model 21 Zero, crashed near Boera in 1942 (it is not known whether this plane crashed on land
or water). The whereabouts of this site is unknown. Details of these three sites are presented in
Table 4.5.6.
4.5.10.1.2 Field Surveys
The above details relate to cultural heritage sites revealed through a search of the literature. The
present Section now presents the results of the field surveys within the Study Area, and of limited
opportunistic visitation to sites outside but near the Study Area.
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Table 4.5.6
List of sites previously known from Study Area or its vicinity, based on literature sources discussed in Section 4.5.8 of this report
PNG National
Museum and Art
Gallery or Monash
University Site Code
Site Name
Site Location (Grid Reference,
1:100,000 Port Moresby Map
Sheet, AGD66 or WGS84) GPS
points removed to protect sites –
see original study (David 2008)
E
Comments*
N
Type of Cultural Heritage
Site
Archaeological
Oral
Tradition
Indigenous Cultural Heritage Sites
AADI
Boera Midden
AAGM
A beach site excavated by Les Groube in 1988 and analysed by Gillian
Cox. Contains pottery sherds, flaked stone artifacts, animal bones,
shells and worked shell bracelets. Excavation results have never been
published.
x
This site is where a stone club was found in a garden shortly to the east
of Papa village; the Grid References appear to have been incorrectly
entered as ‘706705’ on the PNG National Museum and Art Gallery
register (but appear to be correctly entered at 5015 E 89705 N on the
map). Correct GPS points available in original report – see David (2008)
(field checking required). A stone club was found in the gardens at this
site.
x
ABG
Boera Clay
Source
Grid References estimated from PNG National Museum and Art Gallery
register map only; site register form not seen. Bulmer (1978:44)
identifies this site as a clay source near Boera village (see Section
4.5.8.1.1).
x
x
ABH
Raroasi
This beach village site appears to have been incorrectly mapped as
‘001635’ N on the PNG National Museum and Art Gallery register; on
the register map it is at 5018 E 89636 N; it needs to be correctly remapped. Correct GPS points available in original report – see David
(2008). The PNG National Museum and Art Gallery site survey record
for this site states ‘Pre-war village around point to north of present
village. After war-time disposal, village re-assembled at present site’.
x
x
ABI
This large midden is a beach site. It has been incorrectly mapped as
‘033611’ N on the PNG National Museum and Art Gallery register; on
the register map it is at 5038 E 89611 N; it needs to be correctly remapped. Correct GPS points available in original report – see David
(2008). This is a large midden that includes ceramic sherds and stone
artifacts.
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Table 4.5.6
List of sites previously known from Study Area or its vicinity, based on literature sources discussed in Section 4.5.8 of this report (cont’d)
PNG National
Museum and Art
Gallery or Monash
University Site Code
Site Name
Site Location (Grid Reference,
1:100,000 Port Moresby Map
Sheet, AGD66 or WGS84) GPS
points removed to protect sites –
see original study (David 2008)
E
Comments*
N
Type of Cultural Heritage
Site
Archaeological
Indigenous Cultural Heritage Sites (cont’d)
Grid References estimated from PNG National Museum and Art Gallery
register map only; site register form not seen.
AEZ
AFA
Grid References estimated from PNG National Museum and Art Gallery
register map only; site register form not seen.
x
x
AFB
This hilltop site behind Boera Head has been incorrectly mapped as
‘007618’ on the PNG National Museum and Art Gallery register/map; it
needs to be correctly re-mapped. Correct GPS points available in
original report – see David (2008). The site contains pottery sherds and
stone artifacts.
AFC
Boki?
PNG National Museum and Art Gallery site register and map not seen;
the Grid References are therefore not known, although site consists of
two places located 100 m apart on the beach between Lea Lea and
Papa. This is almost certainly the Boki clay source (see Section 7.1.1).
AHW
Buria
Located to the north of Lea Lea village; site register details not
accessed. Site contains a scatter of pottery sherds and shell over an
area ~60’ x 100’.
x
AHY
This site is located in a creek bed; the Grid References appear to have
been incorrectly entered as ‘035639’ on the PNG National Museum and
Art Gallery register, but appear at 5040 E 89639 N on the map. Correct
GPS points available in original report – see David (2008) (field
checking required). A stone club-head and a stone axe blade were
collected from this site in 1972 and 1996 respectively.
x
AMG
This site is located on the inland side of Iduata or Taubarua hill; the Grid
References appear to have been incorrectly entered as ‘007623’ on the
PNG National Museum and Art Gallery register. Correct GPS points
available in original report – see David (2008) (field checking required).
This is an extensive deposit of midden pottery, shell and stone artifacts.
X
Taubarua
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x
Oral
Tradition
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Table 4.5.6
List of sites previously known from Study Area or its vicinity, based on literature sources discussed in Section 4.5.8 of this report (cont’d)
PNG National
Museum and Art
Gallery or Monash
University Site Code
Site Name
Site Location (Grid Reference,
1:100,000 Port Moresby Map
Sheet, AGD66 or WGS84) GPS
points removed to protect sites –
see original study (David 2008)
E
Comments*
N
Type of Cultural Heritage
Site
Archaeological
Oral
Tradition
Indigenous Cultural Heritage Sites (cont’d)
AMH
Ava Garau
This site is located on the inland side of Ubo and Ava Garau hills; the
Grid References appear to have been incorrectly entered as ‘004628’ on
the PNG National Museum and Art Gallery register, but appear to be
correct on the map. Correct GPS points available in original report – see
David (2008) (field checking required). This major archaeological site
contains an extensive deposit of midden pottery, shell and bone. This
site was excavated by Pamela Swadling, who obtained a radiocarbon
determination.
X
Lauara Koupana
This site is located on the inland slopes of Lauara Koupana; the Grid
References appear to have been incorrectly entered as ‘001634’ on the
PNG National Museum and Art Gallery register (but appear to be correct
on the map). Correct GPS points available in original report – see David
(2008) (field checking required). The site extends from the valley floor
rd
up the slopes of the hill (to about 1/3 up the slope). It contains a great
concentration of pottery sherds.
X
ANA
Nadibada
Grid References estimated from PNG National Museum and Art Gallery
mud-map, and corroborated with their site register map; estimate only.
The PNG National Museum and Art Gallery site survey record was not
accessed.
X
ANN
Buria
Located on the summit ridge of Buria to the north of Lea Lea village; site
register details not accessed. It is said to be a sing-sing area for the old
Buria village.
?
ANO
Buria
Located to the north of Lea Lea village; site register details not
accessed. It contains a sparse scattering of plain sherds (including a
near-complete cooking pot). A freshwater hole is close by.
X
AMI
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Table 4.5.6
List of sites previously known from Study Area or its vicinity, based on literature sources discussed in Section 4.5.8 of this report (cont’d)
PNG National
Museum and Art
Gallery or Monash
University Site Code
Site Name
Site Location (Grid Reference,
1:100,000 Port Moresby Map
Sheet, AGD66 or WGS84) GPS
points removed to protect sites –
see original study (David 2008)
Comments*
Type of Cultural Heritage
Site
Archaeological
Oral
Tradition
Grid References estimated from PNG National Museum and Art Gallery
mud-map, and corroborated with their site register map. The PNG
National Museum and Art Gallery site survey record was not accessed.
x
x
AOG
This site includes pottery sherds.
x
AOH
Site recorder is not certain of exact Grid References; estimate only. This
site is on a flat saddle between hill with prominent stone block formation
and Nemu. It includes pottery sherds.
x
AOI
Site recorder is not certain of exact Grid References; estimate only. This
site is on flat slight saddle area between the hill with prominent stone
black formation and Nemu. It contains pottery sherds.
x
E
N
Indigenous Cultural Heritage Sites (cont’d)
ANU
Davage
AOJ
Site recorder is not certain of exact Grid References; estimate only. This
site is on the lower slopes of the Nemu war-time fortified summit. It
contains pottery sherds.
x
AOK
Site recorder is not certain of exact Grid References; estimate only. This
site is on the mid-slopes of the Nemu war-time fortified summit. It
probably contains pottery sherds (uncertain from PNG National Museum
and Art Gallery site survey record form).
x
AOL
Site recorder is not certain of exact Grid References; estimate only. This
site is on the summit of Nemu, and has been greatly disturbed by the
construction of gun implacements. It’s contents include pottery sherds.
x
AOM
The PNG National Museum and Art Gallery site survey record for this
site does not specify site contents.
x
AOX
This site is on a hill. It contains unspecified archaeological materials.
x
The PNG National Museum and Art Gallery site survey record for this
site does not specify site contents but states ‘old settlement site Boera
area’.
x
APC
Vaiboda
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Table 4.5.6
List of sites previously known from Study Area or its vicinity, based on literature sources discussed in Section 4.5.8 of this report (cont’d)
PNG National
Museum and Art
Gallery or Monash
University Site Code
Site Name
Site Location (Grid Reference,
1:100,000 Port Moresby Map
Sheet, AGD66 or WGS84) GPS
points removed to protect sites –
see original study (David 2008)
E
Comments*
N
Type of Cultural Heritage
Site
Archaeological
Oral
Tradition
Indigenous Cultural Heritage Sites (cont’d)
APF
Iva
This site has an army trench on ridge up another summit. Its
archaeological contents are not apparent from the PNG National
Museum and Art Gallery site survey record.
x
APG
Ugava
This site is considered by Koderika people to be a garden camping
place. It includes shell midden material and glass.
x
Site recorder is not certain of exact Grid References; estimate only.
Based on pattern of errors on PNG National Museum and Art Gallery
register/map, and sketch map on site recording form, the correct Grid
References are probably approximately those presented here. This site
is a scatter of pottery sherds.
x
ARD
ARE
The site consists of two small scatters of pottery sherds on the eastern
side of the back mudflats of the Vaihua River inlet. Based on pattern of
errors on PNG National Museum and Art Gallery register/map, and
sketch map on site recording form, the correct Grid References are
probably approximately those presented here.
x
ARF
The site consists of two small scatters of pottery sherds on an old
sandspit of the Vaihua River inlet.
x
ARG
This site is a scatter of pottery located on an old sandspit along the
Vaihua River inlet; the Grid References appear to have been incorrectly
entered as ‘019656’ on the PNG National Museum and Art Gallery
register. Correct GPS points available in original report – see David
(2008) (field checking required). The site is a scatter of pottery sherds.
x
ARH
This site is a scatter of pottery located on an old sandspit; the Grid
References appear to have been incorrectly entered as ‘022657’ on the
PNG National Museum and Art Gallery register. Correct GPS points
available in original report – see David (2008) (field checking required).
The site is a scatter of pottery sherds.
x
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Table 4.5.6
List of sites previously known from Study Area or its vicinity, based on literature sources discussed in Section 4.5.8 of this report (cont’d)
PNG National
Museum and Art
Gallery or Monash
University Site Code
Site Name
Site Location (Grid Reference,
1:100,000 Port Moresby Map
Sheet, AGD66 or WGS84) GPS
points removed to protect sites –
see original study (David 2008)
E
Comments*
N
Type of Cultural Heritage
Site
Archaeological
Indigenous Cultural Heritage Sites (cont’d)
ARI
This site is a scatter of pottery located on a small remnant island; the
Grid References appear to have been incorrectly entered as ‘017663’ on
the PNG National Museum and Art Gallery register. Correct GPS points
available in original report – see David (2008) (field checking required).
The site is a scatter of pottery sherds.
x
ARJ
This site is a small scatter of pottery sherds on lower slopes above
mudflats of the Vaihua River inlet. Based on pattern of errors on PNG
National Museum and Art Gallery register/map, and sketch map on site
recording form, the correct Grid References are probably approximately
those presented here.
x
ARK
This is a small scatter of pottery sherds and shells on a large sandspit at
eastern mouth of Vaihua River inlet. Based on pattern of errors on PNG
National Museum and Art Gallery register/map, and sketch map on site
recording form, the correct Grid References are probably approximately
those presented here.
x
ARL
A small scatter of pottery and shells. Based on pattern of errors on PNG
National Museum and Art Gallery register/map, and sketch map on site
recording form, the correct Grid References are probably approximately
those presented here.
x
ARM
This site is on a sandspit in from the mangroves, along the western
mouth of Vaihua River inlet. It contains three small scatters of pottery.
Based on pattern of errors on PNG National Museum and Art Gallery
register/map, and sketch map on site recording form, the correct Grid
References are probably approximately those presented here.
x
B. David, B. Duncan, M. Leavesley
4-560
Oral
Tradition
Social Impact Assessment 2008
Papua New Guinea Liquefied Natural Gas Project
Table 4.5.6
List of sites previously known from Study Area or its vicinity, based on literature sources discussed in Section 4.5.8 of this report (cont’d)
PNG National
Museum and Art
Gallery or Monash
University Site Code
Site Name
Site Location (Grid Reference,
1:100,000 Port Moresby Map
Sheet, AGD66 or WGS84) GPS
points removed to protect sites –
see original study (David 2008)
E
Comments*
N
Type of Cultural Heritage
Site
Archaeological
Oral
Tradition
Indigenous Cultural Heritage Sites (cont’d)
ARQ
st
This site is located in a creek bank; the Grid References appear to have
been incorrectly entered as ‘048628’ on the PNG National Museum and
Art Gallery register, but appear at 5055 E 89629 N on the map. Correct
GPS points available in original report – see David (2008) (field
checking required). A few sherds were eroding out of the creek bank in
1979. A radiocarbon sample was undertaken for this site by Colin Pain.
The result does not appear to have been published.
x
According to the PNG National Museum and Art Gallery site survey
record, this site contains a fragment of granite boulder said to be a
portion of the anchor-stone of the first boat to reach what is now Boera.
The site also contains a round stone, stone tools and stone pottery.
x
This site is in the middle of a flood-prone flat area opposite the road
from Papa village. It contains ceramic sherds. An archaeological
excavation was undertaken here by Pamela Swadling, and a
radiocarbon date has been published.
x
ASM
Edai Siabo’s 1
lagatoi anchor
AWL
Papa Salt Pan
CB10
Buria
This is the ancestral village hill-site of oral tradition. It remains to be
systematically recorded.
x
Davage
This important cultural heritage site just north of Boera has not been
recorded (but see archaeological site ANU).
x
Aemakara
This extremely important cultural heritage site is an ancestral village to
the Koita. The site is very extensive in size, estimated to measure
approximately 1.0 x 0.7 km in area. The GPS reading given here is for
the site’s high point; Aemakara continues westward from the hill-top,
along the slopes to the mudflats. A rich archaeological assemblage can
be seen here, corresponding with the area of Aemakara as known from
oral traditions. At the foot of the hill whose GPS location is given here,
archaeological deposits include extensive pottery and chert artifacts.
Daeroto
This important cultural heritage site has not been recorded.
B. David, B. Duncan, M. Leavesley
4-561
x
x
x
x
Social Impact Assessment 2008
Papua New Guinea Liquefied Natural Gas Project
Table 4.5.6
List of sites previously known from Study Area or its vicinity, based on literature sources discussed in Section 4.5.8 of this report (cont’d)
PNG National
Museum and Art
Gallery or Monash
University Site Code
Site Name
Site Location (Grid Reference,
1:100,000 Port Moresby Map
Sheet, AGD66 or WGS84) GPS
points removed to protect sites –
see original study (David 2008)
E
Comments*
N
Type of Cultural Heritage
Site
Archaeological
Oral
Tradition
Indigenous Cultural Heritage Sites (cont’d)
Konekaru
This past village site consists of the area encompassing CB1, JD1, JD2,
JD3, JD5 and ML3, including Konekaru beach from its northern to its
southern ends. The present entry concerns the cultural place of
Konekaru village; it contains varied archaeological expressions which
have been recorded separately as a number of distinctive
archaeological sites.
x
Dirora
This is a very important ancestral Koita village site (also known as
Namura), located approximately 6 km NE of Boera. This important
cultural heritage site has not been recorded.
x
Taubarau
This important cultural heritage site just north of Boera has not been
recorded (but see archaeological site AMG).
x
Boera Freshwater
Wells
This important cultural heritage site near Boera has not been recorded.
x
European-contact period cultural heritage sites
CB30
Boera Battery
Sisal
Farm/Schimmer
Airstrip/Fairfax
Cattle Station
This is a major defence facility near Boera. It has not been
systematically recorded.
x
During biological surveys associated with Konebadu Petroleum Park
Venture, Douglas (2007:54) reported that little was left of the former
cattle station beyond a derelict windmill and remnants of a building, and
almost nothing was visible of the former airfield. Douglas hypothesised
that a gap in the mangroves just outside the former station (at Konekaru
beach) was the result of clearance for the construction of a (possible)
former wharf on this site used to ship sisal. While an individual
archaeological site relating to these European-contact period activities
has been recorded during the field surveys (site JD4), the Sisal
farm/Schimmer airstrip/Fairfax cattle station themselves have not been
recorded as historical sites.
x
B. David, B. Duncan, M. Leavesley
4-562
x
Social Impact Assessment 2008
Papua New Guinea Liquefied Natural Gas Project
Table 4.5.6
List of sites previously known from Study Area or its vicinity, based on literature sources discussed in Section 4.5.8 of this report (cont’d)
PNG National
Museum and Art
Gallery or Monash
University Site Code
Site Name
Site Location (Grid Reference,
1:100,000 Port Moresby Map Sheet,
AGD66 or WGS84) GPS points
removed to protect sites – see
original study (David 2008)
E
Comments*
N
Type of Cultural Heritage
Site
Archaeological
Aircraft wrecks and other WWII sites
P-38 Lockheed
Lightning –
Crashed Lea
Lea Airstrip
(Portion 152
Area)
P-38 Lockheed
aircraft wreck which
crashed at Lea Lea
Airstrip. Now
housed at the
DoMH Museum.
A Lockheed P-38 Lightning aircraft (piloted by Captain Wayne Rodherb
th
th
of the 39 Squadron, 35 Fighter Group) crash-landed on the Lea Lea
(or Schimmer) airstrip in 1944 during an emergency landing when it
ran out of fuel. Due to its low profile and proximity to local swamps, the
ground was soft and often waterlogged such that the airfield was
considered as an emergency landing strip only. These were the
conditions that led to the wreck of the P-38. To enable other aircraft to
use the facility, the P-38 was pushed to one side of the strip and left in
situ. The aircraft and all its parts were later recovered by PNG Defence
Force personnel in 1978. It is now stored at the DoMH Museum’s
premises in Boroko (Mark Katakumb, personal communication 2008;
DoMH display).
P-38 Lockheed
Lightning aircraft of
the type used in the
pacific war (from
Morse, 1984:1427).
B. David, B. Duncan, M. Leavesley
4-563
x
Oral
Tradition
Social Impact Assessment 2008
Papua New Guinea Liquefied Natural Gas Project
Table 4.5.6
List of sites previously known from Study Area or its vicinity, based on literature sources discussed in Section 4.5.8 of this report (cont’d)
PNG National
Museum and
Art Gallery or
Monash
University Site
Code
Site Name
Site Location (Grid Reference,
1:100,000 Port Moresby Map Sheet,
AGD66 or WGS84) GPS points
removed to protect sites – see
original study (David 2008)
E
Comments*
N
Type of Cultural Heritage
Site
Archaeological
Aircraft wrecks and other WWII sites (cont’d)
CB4
P-39 (P-400)
Airacobra
(Serial # AP378) near
Boera
(Vaihua/Nadi
Vasiga)
P-39 Airacobra aircraft of
the type used in the
pacific war (from Morse,
1984:1428)
A P-39 (P-400) Airacobra was shot down and either
crashed or forced to land on the coast near Boera on
th
4 July 1942 whilst intercepting a formation of
Japanese aircraft. The fighter-plane was piloted by
nd
2 Lt Frank Angier who belonged to the 39th Fighter
th
Squadron, 35 Fighter Group and who survived the
crash. The location was recorded as 30 miles from
Port Moresby
(http://www.pacificwrecks.com/aircraft/p400/AP378.html; Air Museum, no date:192).
John Lelai (personal communication 2008) of DoMH
(PNG National Museum and Art Gallery) has
inspected this site, although no report was available
from DoMH. At the time of inspection by the DoMH,
the fuselage and one engine and propeller were
relocated in the mud near the Vaihua River. The site
was accessible via a track on the southern side of the
river.
Douglas and Sawanga (2007:54) reported that this
aircraft crashed into the mangrove swamps just north
of Boera close to the second land road parallel to the
coast. In 2007 the Boera people showed Douglas
(personal communication 2008) a 0.5 calibre
machine gun with a wooden handle which had come
from the plane wreck.
B. David, B. Duncan, M. Leavesley
4-564
x
Oral
Tradition
Social Impact Assessment 2008
Papua New Guinea Liquefied Natural Gas Project
Table 4.5.6
List of sites previously known from Study Area or its vicinity, based on literature sources discussed in Section 4.5.8 of this report (cont’d)
PNG National
Museum and
Art Gallery or
Monash
University Site
Code
Site Name
Site Location (Grid Reference,
1:100,000 Port Moresby Map Sheet,
AGD66 or WGS84) GPS points
removed to protect sites – see
original study (David 2008)
E
Comments*
N
Archaeological
Aircraft wrecks and other WWII sites (cont’d)
CB4 (cont’d)
Type of Cultural Heritage
Site
During the oral history interviews, Papa and Boera
residents reported the remains of a plane in the
mangroves between these two villages. Although the
plane was regularly seen by women collecting mud
crabs, they avoided the site as they believed it was a
place where spirits dwelt and hence they were afraid
to go there (Daro Avei, Gau Ario and Moi Dobi,
personal communication 2008). Boera villagers
reported that in recent years large Section s of the
plane have been salvaged for its scrap metal value,
leaving only the engine and cockpit frame in situ (Moi
Dobi, personal communication 2008).
This site was not inspected due to landward access
restrictions imposed by the discovery of unexploded
ordnances in the LNG Facilities site area. There is
also some confusion as to the exact location of the
site. John Lelai and Dobi Avei (personal
communication 2008) place it near Viahua River
(location CB4a), whereas Moi Dobi (personal
communication 2008) stipulates that it is closer to
Nadi Vasiga (location CB4b) near the proposed
location for the Marine Offloading Facility. During the
surveys, Matthew Leavesley was taken closet to a
WWII plane crash site in the mangroves at location
CB4c by local villagers; this is likely to be the site of
the plane crash discussed here, and thus represents
a third alternative location. It is imperative that this
site be relocated to ascertain its exact location before
any works begin at the Marine Offloading Facility site.
B. David, B. Duncan, M. Leavesley
4-565
Oral
Tradition
Social Impact Assessment 2008
Papua New Guinea Liquefied Natural Gas Project
Table 4.5.6
List of sites previously known from Study Area or its vicinity, based on literature sources discussed in Section 4.5.8 of this report (cont’d)
PNG National
Museum and
Art Gallery or
Monash
University Site
Code
Site Name
Site Location (Grid Reference,
1:100,000 Port Moresby Map
Sheet, AGD66 or WGS84) GPS
points removed to protect sites –
see original study (David 2008)
E
Comments*
N
Type of Cultural Heritage
Site
Archaeological
Aircraft wrecks and other WWII sites (cont’d)
CB21
This Imperial Japanese Navy aircraft was built by
th
Mitsubishi on 14 January 1942, and crashed near
Boera. Although the crash site was surveyed by the
th
Allied Transport Investigation Unit (ATIU) on 11 July
1942 (referred to as site AD-10), no other information
was located as to the whereabouts of this site
(http://www.pacificwrecks.com/aircraft/a6m2/3537.ht
ml). It may be archaeological site CB21, estimated to
be located at the Grid References listed here (Grid
References are approximate only).
A-6M2 Model
21 Zero
(Manufacturer
# 3537) –
Boera
x
A-6M2 Nakojima
Seaplane (from Morse,
1984:2434)
th
B-24
Consolidated
Liberator
USAAF –
Boera
B-24 Consolidated
Liberator (from Morse
1984:155)
On 8 August 1943, a B-24 aircraft was reported to
have crashed in the mangroves near Caution Bay
after the crew bailed out. It was reported that the
aircraft had been circling Boera in heavy overcast
weather around 9 pm before crashing. The next day
USAAF personnel commenced a search to relocate
the plane, which was finally found (with a body
inside) by Fortress Signal Corps personnel attached
to the Boera battery. The find was reported to
USAAF (Kidd and Neil, 1998:130). There are no
reported specific site locational details for this site.
B. David, B. Duncan, M. Leavesley
4-566
x
Oral
Tradition
Social Impact Assessment 2008
Papua New Guinea Liquefied Natural Gas Project
Table 4.5.6
List of sites previously known from Study Area or its vicinity, based on literature sources discussed in Section 4.5.8 of this report (cont’d)
PNG National
Museum and
Art Gallery or
Monash
University Site
Code
Site Name
Site Location (Grid Reference,
1:100,000 Port Moresby Map
Sheet, AGD66 or WGS84) GPS
points removed to protect sites –
see original study (David 2008)
E
Comments*
N
Type of Cultural Heritage
Site
Archaeological
Aircraft wrecks and other WWII sites (cont’d)
CB28
B-25D
Mitchell
Bomber
(Serial # 4130496) –
Bava Island
A B-25 Mitchell Bomber
(from Morse, 1984: 829)
On 31 July 1943, a B-25 aircraft was reported to
have crashed into the sea about 8 miles at 190º from
the Boera battery (Kidd and Neil, 1998:130). The
st
Mitchell bomber (serial) was part of the 71 Bomb
th
Squadron, 38 Bomb Group, and departed Durrand
Airstrip to undertake a practice bombing run on the
wreck of the S.S. Puth on Manubada Island (south of
Port Moresby). However, during the low level
bombing practice in which the bombs were skipped
across the water surface, the bomb bounced higher
than expected and the resulting explosion damaged
the engines and tore off Section s of the wings. The
plane remained airborne but uncontrollable for eight
minutes, before crashing onto Bava (Bavo) Island
killing all on board. A small launch sent to retrieve
bodies the next day sank after exploding due to fuel
in the bilges, whereupon the crew was forced to seek
shelter on Bava Island. The plane wreck lies in 3 m of
water, approximately one mile due west of Bava
Island (Whiting, 1994:126-27). Grid References are
approximate only.
B. David, B. Duncan, M. Leavesley
4-567
x
Oral
Tradition
Social Impact Assessment 2008
Papua New Guinea Liquefied Natural Gas Project
Table 4.5.6
List of sites previously known from Study Area or its vicinity, based on literature sources discussed in Section 4.5.8 of this report (cont’d)
PNG National
Museum and
Art Gallery or
Monash
University Site
Code
Site Name
Site Location (Grid Reference,
1:100,000 Port Moresby Map
Sheet, AGD66 or WGS84) GPS
points removed to protect sites –
see original study (David 2008)
E
Type of Cultural Heritage
Site
Comments*
N
Archaeological
Aircraft wrecks and other WWII sites (cont’d)
CB22
B-25C
Mitchell
Bomber –
(named Draft
Dodger) –
Hidiha Island
Remains of B-25C
Mitchell Bomber Crash
Site on Hidiha Reef (from
Uhlig,
1943:pacificwrecks.com)
On 21 February 1943, this B-25C Mitchell Bomber
th
rd
(from the 90 Bomb Squadron, 3 Bomb Group
nd
piloted by 2 Lt Gordon McCoun) was undertaking
bombing practice, when the bomb exploded
prematurely just after being dropped. The explosion
seriously damaged the plane’s fuel lines and wings,
severely limiting its ability to fly. The pilots
successfully crash-landed the plane on the reef-top
near Hidiha (Idihi) Island, and the entire crew was
subsequently rescued. Although the aircraft landed
intact, it has since been severely disturbed by
oceanic swells which break over the reef platform.
The remains are spread over an area of 200 m along
the reef in shallow water less than 1 m deep at low
tide (Whiting, 1994:123-25).
An A-20 Havoc bomber
(from Morse, 1984:454)
On 4 February 1944, this aircraft piloted by 2 Lt
th
th
Chester Rimer (of the 386 Bomb Squadron, 312
Bomb Group) crashed into the sea between Bavo
and Hidiha Island, with the loss of all its crew
(Whiting, 1994:137). This plane has not been
relocated. It may be archaeological site CB25,
estimated to be located at the Grid References listed
here (Grid References are approximate only).
th
CB25
A-20G Havoc
(Serial # 439122) –
Between
Hidiha and
Bava Islands
B. David, B. Duncan, M. Leavesley
4-568
x
nd
x
Oral
Tradition
Social Impact Assessment 2008
Papua New Guinea Liquefied Natural Gas Project
Table 4.5.6
List of sites previously known from Study Area or its vicinity, based on literature sources discussed in Section 4.5.8 of this report (cont’d)
PNG National
Museum and
Art Gallery or
Monash
University Site
Code
Site Name
Site Location (Grid Reference,
1:100,000 Port Moresby Map
Sheet, AGD66 or WGS84) GPS
points removed to protect sites –
see original study (David 2008)
E
Type of Cultural Heritage
Site
Comments*
N
Archaeological
Aircraft wrecks and other WWII sites (cont’d)
th
th
P-39
Airacobra
(Serial # 41 –
6945) –
Redscar Bay
On 13 May 1942, a P-39 Airacobra piloted by Lt Carpenter of the 35 Fighter
th
Squadron, 8 Fighter Group was shot down after intercepting incoming Japanese
aircraft. Although several Zero aircraft were shot down, his aircraft was hit and
crashed near Redscar Bay, possibly on the mudflat 25 miles northwest of Port
th
Moresby. The pilot parachuted and later rejoined his unit on 14 May 1942 (Air
Museum, n.d:192; http://www.pacificwrecks.com/aircraft/p-39/41-6945.html).
There are no reported specific site locational details for this site.
P-39 F-1
Airacobra
(Serial # 417136) – Last
seen Redscar
Bay
On 16 June 1942, 2 Lt Stanley Rice (of the USAAF 5 Fighter Air Force, 35
th
Flight Group, 40 Fighter Squadron) was killed in action when his P-38F-1
Airacobra was shot down after being attacked by Tainan Kokutai A6M2 Zero
aircraft. The plane was last seen over Redscar Bay and Lt Rice was declared
Missing in Action (http://www.pacificwrecks.com/aircraft/p-39/41-7136.html). It
may be archaeological site CB24, estimated to be located at the Grid References
listed here (Grid References are approximate only).
B-25H-1
Mitchell
Bomber
(Serial # 434341) –
Redscar
Head-Lea Lea
On 2 September 1944, 2 Lt Robert Dreger of the USAAF 5 Air Force Combat
Replacement Training Center began a flight from the 7 Mile Drome airstrip (at Port
Moresby) and crashed into the sea near Redscar Head. Although another plane
observed an oil slick, a wrecked plane wheel and empty life rafts, there were no
survivors. Lea Lea villagers reported that the aircraft was flying low, when a wing
and propeller hit the water and the plane exploded
(http://www.pacificwrecks.com/aircraft/b-25/43-4341.html). It may be
archaeological site CB23, estimated to be located at the Grid References listed
here (Grid References are approximate only).
nd
CB24
nd
CB23
th
nd
B. David, B. Duncan, M. Leavesley
4-569
x
th
x
th
x
Oral
Tradition
Social Impact Assessment 2008
Papua New Guinea Liquefied Natural Gas Project
Table 4.5.6
List of sites previously known from Study Area or its vicinity, based on literature sources discussed in Section 4.5.8 of this report (cont’d)
PNG National
Museum and
Art Gallery or
Monash
University Site
Code
Site Name
Site Location (Grid Reference,
1:100,000 Port Moresby Map Sheet,
AGD66 or WGS84) GPS points
removed to protect sites – see
original study (David 2008)
E
Comments*
N
Type of Cultural Heritage
Site
Archaeological
Oral
Tradition
Aircraft wrecks and other WWII sites (cont’d)
CB5
Telegraph
Cable
Telegraph Cable – Australia to Boera Point (location
is unknown. Possibly comes ashore in the vicinity of
Davage at the Grid References listed here)
This site was not inspected, as it was only identified
from historical records after fieldwork had been
undertaken. Further research is required to identify
its exact location, and to ensure the facility is not still
being used.
x
* Entries in red highlight locational uncertainties. Where sites have subsequently been recorded by the cultural heritage site recording team during field surveys, site codes have been entered in the left-hand column (see
also Table 4.5.8 for details of sites recorded during field surveys).
B. David, B. Duncan, M. Leavesley
4-570
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Table 4.5.7
Site #
Mean ground surface visibility by recorded indigenous archaeological site.
Mean Ground visibility
0%
1-25 %
26-50 %
AAHL
x
AAHM
x
AAHN
76-100 %
x
AAHO
x
AAHP
x
AAHQ
x
AAHR
x
AAHS
x
AAHT
x
AAHU
x
AAHV
x
AAHW
x
AAHX
x
AAHY
x
AAHZ
x
AAIB
x
AAIC
x
AAID
x
AAIE
x
AAIF
x
AAIG
x
AAIH
x
AAII
x
AAIJ
x
AAIK
x
AAIL
x
AAIM
x
AAIN
AAIO
51-75 %
x
x
AAIP
x
AAIQ
x
AAIR
x
AAIS
x
AAIT
x
AAIU
x
AAIV
x
LNG1
x
LNG2
x
LNG3
x
B. David, B. Duncan, M. Leavesley
4-571
Social Impact Assessment 2008
Papua New Guinea Liquefied Natural Gas Project
Table 4.5.7
Site #
LNG4
Mean ground surface visibility by recorded indigenous archaeological site
(cont’d).
Mean Ground visibility
0%
1-25 %
ML1
ML2
26-50 %
51-75 %
76-100 %
x
x
x
ML3
x
ML4
x
ML5
x
ML6
x
ML7
x
ML8
x
ML9
x
ML10
x
ML11
x
ML12
x
ML13
x
ML14
x
ML15
x
ML16
x
ML17
x
ML18a
x
ML18b
x
ML19
x
ML20
x
ML21
x
JD1
x
JD2
x
JD3
x
JD5
JD6
x
JD7
x
JD8
x
JD9
x
JD10
x
JD11
x
JD12
x
JD13
JD14
x
x
JD15
x
JD16
JD17
x
x
x = predominant degree of ground visibility. Site # refers to PNG National Museum and Art Gallery site register (site codes
beginning with ‘A’) or, where these are not available, Monash University site codes (all other site codes)
B. David, B. Duncan, M. Leavesley
4-572
Social Impact Assessment 2008
Papua New Guinea Liquefied Natural Gas Project
Effects of Ground Visibility on Site Recovery. Most of Portion 152 is covered with open lowland
forest vegetation, including a complete ground cover of tall grasses and/or occasional herbaceous
plants where surface visibility is minimal. Although systematic ground-walking surveys were
implemented, ground visibility was considerably reduced as a result of the dense grass cover. It is
significant that even where sites were found, mean ground surface visibility remained very low
(<51%) in 70 (90%) of the 78 field-surveyed archaeological sites (Table 4.5.7).
Of the 11 archaeological sites recorded with mean ground visibility greater than 50%, nine (82%)
are beach, mangrove, river-bed or erosion-exposed deposits where the area is largely free of
vegetation (sites AAIP, AAIQ, ML3, JD1, JD2, JD3, JD7, JD11 and JD13); one site (JD5) was not
allocated a rating. In short, thick grass cover has meant the virtually complete covering of
archaeological sites by vegetation within much of the Priority Area. This factor will need to be taken
into account when recommending cultural heritage site management procedures during the
construction stage of the LNG Facility.
Survey Results. A total of 78 indigenous cultural heritage sites were recorded during the field
surveys (42 during the 100 % surveys of January 2008, 36 during the transect surveys of AprilMay). The January sites were recorded firstly during surveys within the originally-defined kidneyshaped area, and subsequently in the updated Study Area. In all cases sites were thus located
either within the Study Area or very close to it. We discuss the sites by site type, taking into
account their environmental contexts. Locational and other details of each site are presented in
Table 4.5.8. We point out that no sub-surface testing of any site has been attempted (as this was
also beyond our brief); the following site descriptions are therefore based only on what could be
seen on the site surfaces and within their exposed erosional features (giving insight into subsurface
deposits). We shall return to assessments of significance, potential impacts from proposed
developments, and management recommendations in Section 4.5.12, Section 4.5.13 and Section
4.5.14 below.
Ethnographically-Known Villages. Four villages known from oral traditions and historical records
were recorded during the present surveys (many others occur in the region, but have not been
recorded as they are located some distance outside the Study Area): Konekaru (JD1+2), Darebo
(CB11), Buria (CB10) and a site at Dori Hill (CB12). Archaeological site JD1+2 was identified in the
field by Boera and Papa clan members as the old, historical village of Konekaru, which means in
Motu ‘Coconut Beach’. Konekaru has previously been discussed from historical records in Section
4.5.6.1 of this report. Consistent with its name, Konekaru is located on the only stretch of beach in
the northwestern corner of Portion 152; it currently has no evidence of coconut trees, probably
indicating some antiquity (decades or more) since village abandonment. The site is an ancestral
village for current Papa villagers in particular.
Site CB10 is the ethnographically-known village and cultural complex at Buria Hill (see Plate
4.5.26), which was once the site of a village near Lea Lea populated by the Namura and Arauwa
groups. Several versions of the destruction of the village exist, and comment on this village has
already been made in relation to the literature review in Section 4.5.10.1.1 above. One version
recounts how, after a Buria chief mistreated his wife from Badihgwa and robbed her family’s lagatoi
as it passed his village, his wife schemed to bring about his downfall. One night when the villagers
were unarmed during a dancing performance, the wife’s relatives attacked and slaughtered all but
one person in the village. An alternative version recounts how the Buria chief rejected a Pari
woman betrothed to him. In retaliation for the insult, the Pari people destroyed the village during a
dance ceremony, leaving only one woman alive. The incident was supposed to have occurred ten
generations ago (Kanasa, 2006:13) (see Section 4.5.10.1.1 for further details of oral traditions).
Lea Lea villagers spoke in reverential terms of Buria as a traditional place. All of those we have
spoken with indicated that this is a site where today people show deep respect and speak in
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hushed tones. Councillor Hene Totana (personal communication 2008) indicated that there were
ceramic sherds ‘everywhere’ at this traditional site, along with wooden tools (for digging gardens)
which still stand exactly where the people had left them. Some of these tools have been burnt
during recent fires.
The Lea Lea people are very keen to have this site documented, as they are adamant that that it
must be protected.
Plate 4.5.26 Buria Hill (viewed from the south)
The traditional ancient village site of Darebo (CB11) is located on Darebo Hill to the northeast of
Buria, and is shown on the map of traditional names by Auda Delena. It was identified as a
significant cultural site by community representatives, but its specific locational and cultural
characteristics and significance remain to be recorded. Because it lies some distance from the
proposed developments, we mention this site here without further details.
There is an ancient village site on Dori Hill (CB12); although it is not shown on the traditional
names map by Auda Delena, it is the hill located to the adjacent east of Buria. No further
information was supplied by community representatives for this site.
Local villagers also mentioned another ancestral village on a hilltop in the southeastern corner of
Portion 152. However, as it lay outside the Study Area of the brief and due to time constraints, this
site was not able to be recorded for the present report.
Human Burials/Cemeteries. No evidence of human burials or cemeteries has been identified in
Portion 152. However, PNG ethnography suggests that in previous generations the custom of
burying the dead under existing houses was prevalent. As one ethnographically known village site
(Konekaru) has been identified within Portion 152, and as every archaeologically excavated village
site whose cultural materials have been reported in the Port Moresby region has revealed human
remains, the likelihood of future discoveries of human burials or human remains in Portion 152 is
high. Indeed it is likely that close relatives of present-day villagers, such as grandparents and great
grandparents, are buried at Konekaru and/or other nearby sites. Furthermore, in addition to the
ethnographic village of Konekaru, other large sites and site complexes recorded during our field
surveys (see below and Table 4.5.8 for details) are interpreted by us as archaeological evidence of
old villages not identified as such in the oral traditions we have recorded (possibly because those
archaeological villages are too old to have been remembered by present-day communities). As
ancient village sites, each is likely to contain human remains. This issue will be considered in
Section 4.5.14 when discussing the management of the area’s cultural heritage places.
Sacred Sites and Traditional Story Sites. Community representatives from Lea Lea and Papa
told members of the cultural heritage site survey team that, additional to the ancestral village sites
discussed above, there are a number of sacred sites in the hills to the east of Portion 152. Sacred
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sites can occur in any environment, including trees, rock outcrops, waterways, hills and plains.
These sites involve various kinds of spirits and ancestors associated with local villagers. As this
area is outside Portion 152 (and outside our brief), we have not visited nor recorded these sites.
However, given the anticipated population increases and cumulative demographic impacts to result
from the planned LNG152 Facility developments, such nearby cultural heritage sites will almost
certainly be impacted through visitation and the like (e.g., local people opportunistically expanding
their own ventures, e.g., gardening, shifts in camping or housing locations). This point will be
revisited in Section 4.5.14 below.
Some of the villages documented through oral traditions – such as Buria, discussed above – can
also be thought of as sacred sites, due to the ancestral spirits that reside there. Such information
has not been recorded for the present report, as these sites lie outside the Study Area and will
require specialist attention in the future.
Another kind of oral tradition site of great cultural significance that has been recorded are places
associated with the Edai Siabo first lagatoi ancestral story. Two such sites have been recorded on
land during our surveys: CB7 and CB8. Two other story sites (CB6 and ASM) also relating to the
Edai Siabo story occur in the shallow marine environment and are thus presented separately in
Section 4.5.10.2.2 below.
CB7 was identified by Daro Avei, a fisherman from Boera village. It is located between Boera and
Vaihua Creek. Avei (personal communication 2008) maintains that stone flakes produced when
making the stone axes to carve the first canoe are evident during the dry season in this area. This
is a traditional cultural site where the wood was felled and roughly shaped before the canoe was
transported through the mangroves to the ancient village where Edai Siabo lived near Davage. This
was the only instance during our surveys that we heard the story of this site being told. As far as
we know, this is the first time that this story place has been recorded.
It is probable that this site falls within the bounds of the Portion 152 area (but it lies outside the
Study Area), but its exact location could not be visited as the informant had other commitments and
the area was off-limits to survey staff due to the UXO discovery. Further work is required to
determine the exact location and significance of this site.
Plate 4.5.27 Left: Stream outlet at Davage, where Edai Siabo’s first lagatoi was built.
Plate 4.5.28 Right: Dugout canoe under construction at Davage.
CB8 was identified as the location where the first lagatoi was built, and is situated in the first small
bay to the north of Boera Head (to the south of the Marine Offloading Facility area). It was located
close to a stream outlet which collects into a small pool just above the high tide mark on the
northern extremity of the bay (known locally as Davage), where fishermen were said to have
washed after they returned from their day at sea fishing (Plate 4.5.27). The site is currently being
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used to build a dugout canoe (Plate 4.5.28), evident in the scatters of woodchips relating to its
construction. There is also a modern timber platform which has been built just above the beach
under a large tree to be used as a place to rest in the shade.
The ancient village of Apau, which predates the current village of Boera, was located close-by
approximately 70 m away on the southern edge of this bay, but was not relocated during our brief
visit due to high vegetation cover. Wooden posts and ceramics from this former stilt village were
reported to still be evident during the dry season (Moi Dobi, personal communication 2008).
Archaeological Scatters of Pottery, Stone Artifacts and Midden Shell. The most prevalent
archaeological site type in the surveyed area contained pottery, stone artifacts and midden shell
material. A total of 22 such sites were recorded during the January surveys. There is a
concentration along a strip of land that follows a broad north-south trajectory between the eastern
shoreline of the mudflats that is the southern arm of the tidal inlet and the Ruisasi Creek. These
sites consist of: AAHM, AAIT, ML1, ML2, ML3, ML4, ML8, ML10, ML15, ML16, ML18, ML19, ML20,
JD5, JD6, JD10, JD11, JD12, JD13, JD15, JD16, and JD17. The largest of these are in the vicinity
of the ethnographic village of Konekaru (JD1+2) to the north and JD8 to the south. Most of the
other, smaller sites of this type are scattered in-between. One site (JD13) stands out from the
others because obsidian flakes were identified within the stone artifact assemblage (see 4.5.12 for
the significance of obsidian artifacts; see 4.5.8.3 and 4.5.8.7 above for discussions of obsidian in
southern PNG coastline archaeological sites).
Archaeological Scatters of Pottery Only. Five such sites were recorded: AAIG, LNG1, LNG2,
ML6 and JD9. One site (ML6) is located at the northern end of a low ridge adjacent to the mudflats
that parallel the southern arm of the tidal inlet. Three sites (AAIG, LNG1 and LNG2) are located on
grassy low-gradient hill-slopes immediately west of the Boera-Papa Road. The remaining site (JD9)
is located north of and in-between the southern arm of the tidal inlet and Ruisasi Creek.
Archaeological Scatters of Pottery and Stone Artifacts Only. Eight sites of this type were
recorded: AAHU, AAIR, LNG3, LNG4, ML5, ML9, ML12 and ML14. Four of these (LNG3, LNG4,
ML5 and ML9) are located on the grassy low-gradient hill-slopes immediately west of the BoeraPapa Road; AAHU is located in a similar setting, to the east of that road. The remaining sites
(AAIR, ML12 and ML14) are located between the southern arm of the tidal inlet and Ruisasi Creek.
Archaeological Scatters of Pottery and Midden Shell Only. Eleven such sites were recorded:
AAIB, AAIC, AAIN, AAIO, AAIU, ML11, ML13, ML17, ML21, JD1+2 and JD7. Two sites (ML11 and
JD7) are located along the low ridge adjacent to the mudflats at the southern arm of the tidal inlet.
AAIO is also found on the edge of mudflats just to the west of the Boera-Papa road. AAIN is
located among mangroves. One site (JD1+2) is spatially close and in line with the old village site at
Konekaru. AAIB is found on grassland towards the top of a hillslope to the west of the Boera-Papa
road, AAIC and AAIU to the east. The remaining sites (ML13, ML17 and ML21) are located along
the western bank of Ruisasi Creek.
Archaeological Scatters of Stone Artifact Only. Seven such sites were identified: AAHL, AAHX,
AAIM, AAIP, AAIQ, ML1 and ML7. AAHL and AAHX are both located >1.5km from the coast on
low, grassy ridge-slopes. AAIM is found on the edge of flood plains, where grasslands meet the
clay pan; AAIQ near the edge of mudflats and grassland; and AAIP on mudflats. ML1 and ML7 are
located in relatively close proximity to Konekaru beach.
Archaeological Scatters of Midden Shell Only. Seven such sites were recorded. They are:
AAHP, AAHR, AAHV, AAID, AAII, JD3 and JD14. AAHP, AAHR, AAHV, AAID and AAII are small,
low-density shell scatters mostly located >1 km inland on low grassy hill-slopes or, in the case of
AAID, in similar settings on grassy plains near a small ephemeral creek. JD3 is extensive; it is
located near and along the same sand dune that connects with Konekaru beach. This dune
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extends northwards behind the fringing mangroves. JD3 is located very near the boundary of
Portion 152. The remaining site (JD14) is located on the grassy low ridge that runs parallel to the
mudflats at the southern tidal outlet draining towards Konekaru beach.
Archaeological Scatters of Pottery, Stone Artifacts, Midden Shell and Animal Bones. Only
two such sites, AAHN and JD8, were recorded. The absence of vertebrate faunal remains has
been a feature of most recorded sites, indicating a focus on the marine environment (evidenced in
the shell remains), as typical of ethnographically documented Motu coastal sites. AAHN is an
extremely rich archaeological site, ~1.0 to 1.5 km inland at the base of a low ridge, at an ecotone
between the grassland and clayey floodplain. It probably represents a past settlement. JD8 is
located along the back dune towards the northwestern end of the Priority Area. It is near Konekaru
beach, and may have been functionally related to the old settlement of Konekaru.
Archaeological Scatters of Stone Artifacts and Midden Shell Only. Three such sites have been
recorded: AAHO, AAHS and AAIJ. These are each located >1 km from the coast, and are
predominantly small shell middens with a few stone artifacts.
Archaeological Sites Containing Isolated Stone Artifacts Only. Two sites (AAHT, AAHW)
consist of isolated stone artifacts exposed on the ground surface. They are each located on low
grassy ridgeslopes >1.5 km inland.
Archaeological Sites Containing Isolated Pottery Sherds Only. Two sites (AAHY and AAIS)
consist of isolated pottery sherds exposed on the ground surface. They were both found on low,
grassy rigde-slopes.
Archaeological Sites Containing Isolated Shells Only. Eight sites (AAHQ, AAHZ, AAIE, AAIF,
AAIH, AAIK, AAIL, AAIV) consist of isolated shells exposed on the ground surface. They were each
found on low, grassy rigde-slopes, at the base of a ridge or on plains >1.5 km inland.
Early Missionary Sites. A memorial commemorating the first landing of Reverend William Lawes
at Boera is located on the spot where he came ashore and the first church was subsequently
constructed in the village (Douglas, 2007) (see Plate 4.5.29). This site has been recorded as CB19.
The London Missionary Society (LMS) has played a large role in village life at Boera, Papa and Lea
Lea, all of which include significant LMS churches.
A large tree on the banks of Lea Lea Creek inside Lea Lea village is considered locally significant
for its associations with the London Missionary Society (see Plate 4.5.30). It was planted by the
first missionary as a gesture to the community when he arrived at the village (Igo Meauri, personal
communication 2008). The tree is in danger of being washed away or being affected by saltwater
inundation if coastal erosion in this area continues. It is recorded recorded as cultural heritage site
CB20.
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Site Must Not Be Damaged
Recommend Stage 2 Archaeological Salvage
WWII Plane Crash
WWII Defence Facility
WWII Shipwreck
Lagatoi Wreck
Tree
Spirit/Sacred/Story Place
Early Missionary Site
Old Village (from Oral Traditions)
Metal (Includes Bullets)
Glass
Animal Bones
Stone Artifacts
Shell
Pottery
Grid Reference (deleted to protect site location –
see original report, David 2008)
UTM
Date of Site Recording
Site Name
Details of cultural heritage sites recorded during the Onshore and Offshore LNG Facilities component field surveys
PNG Museum and Art Gallery Site Code
Monash University Site Code
Table 4.5.8
Comments
LNG1
N/A
Konekaru
(East)
17-Jan-08
55S
x
x
This is an area (16 x 1 m) of low-density archaeological material including pottery (<10 sherds) only. Site is
located on the west side of the Boera/Papa Rd. Situated on a low-gradient grassy hill-slope. Associated
story: approximately 300 m north is a ‘nose-piercing place’. From this place a man could see through the
hole in another man’s nose and see another person working in a garden – ‘Urivaka’. It is considered part of
the Konekaru region, although the central Konekaru location is ~1 km to the west.
LNG2
N/A
Konekaru
(East)
17-Jan-08
55S
x
x
This is an area (12 x 6 m) of low-density archaeological material including pottery (4 sherds) only. Site is
located on the west side of the Boera/Papa Rd (west of LNG1). Situated on a low-gradient grassy hill-slope.
LNG3
N/A
Konekaru
(East)
17-Jan-08
55S
x
x
x
This is an area (8 x 19 m) of low-density archaeological material including pottery (8 sherds) and a single
stone artifact (chert core). Site is located west of Boera/Papa Rd (west of LNG2). Situated on a low-gradient
grassy hill-slope.
LNG4
N/A
N/A
17-Jan-08
55S
x
x
x
This is an area (4 x 5 m) of low-density archaeological material including pottery (1 sherd) and 3 stone
artifacts (silcrete/chert). Site is located on the west side of the Boera-Papa Rd (west of LNG3). Situated on a
low-gradient grassy hill-slope.
ML1
N/A
N/A
18-Jan-08
55S
x
x
This is an area (15 x 7 m) of low-density archaeological material including 3 angular fragments of red chert.
Site is located on the west side of the Boera-Papa Rd (west of LNG4). Situated on a very low-gradient
grassy floodplain that drains west to the tidal inlet of which Konekaru is adjacent.
ML2
N/A
N/A
18-Jan-08
55S
x
x
This is an area (35 x 10 m) of low-density archaeological material including pottery (11-50 sherds), stone
artifacts (N = 11-50) and midden shell. Site is located on the eastern edge of the tidal inlet associated with
Konekaru. Situated on a very low-gradient floodplain grassland.
x
This is an area (20 x 1 m) of high-density archaeological material including pottery (11-50 frags), stone
artifacts (N = 1-10) and midden shell (N = 150+). Site is located on the northern margin of the tidal inlet
associated with Konekaru and is probably part of the main Konekaru site complex. Situated on the eroding
Section of the northern bank of the tidal inlet.
x
x
This is an area (4 x 5 m) of low-density archaeological material including pottery (1-10 sherds), stone
artifacts (N = 1-10), and marine shell (N = 1-10). Site is located west of the Boera-Papa Rd (south of ML1). It
is probably the southern extension of ML1. Situated on a low-gradient grassy hill-slope.
x
x
This is an area (50 x 40 m) of low-density archaeological material including pottery (1-10 sherds) and stone
artifacts (N = 1-10). Site is located west of the Boera-Papa Rd (south of ML4). It is probably the southern
extension of ML4. Situated on a low-gradient grassy hill-slope.
x
This is an area (15 x 10 m) of low-density archaeological material including pottery (1-10 sherds). Site is
located on the eastern bank of the southern tidal inlet extending south from Konekaru. It is situated on the
northern end of a low ridge that runs south parallel to the tidal inlet and ultimately the coast.
x
This is an area (70 x 25 m) of low-density archaeological material including pottery (1-10 sherds), stone
artifacts (N = 1-10) and midden shell (N = 1-10). Site is located west of the Boera-Papa Rd (south of ML5). It
is probably the southern extension of ML5. Situated on a low-gradient grassy hill-slope.
x
x
ML3
N/A
Konekaru
18-Jan-08
55S
x
x
ML4
N/A
Konekaru
18-Jan-08
55S
x
x
ML5
N/A
N/A
18-Jan-08
55S
x
ML6
N/A
N/A
18-Jan-08
55S
x
ML7
N/A
N/A
18-Jan-08
55S
x
x
x
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ML8
N/A
N/A
18-Jan-08
55S
x
ML9
N/A
N/A
18-Jan-08
55S
x
ML10
ML11
N/A
N/A
N/A
N/A
19-Jan-08
19-Jan-08
55S
x
55S
N/A
N/A
19-Jan-08
55S
x
ML13
N/A
N/A
19-Jan-08
55S
x
ML15
ML16
N/A
N/A
N/A
N/A
N/A
N/A
19-Jan-08
19-Jan-08
19-Jan-08
55S
55S
55S
x
x
x
x
x
x
This is an area (30 x 20 m) of low-density archaeological material including pottery (10 sherds) and stone
artifacts (N = 1-10). Site is located west of the Boera-Papa Rd (south of ML5). It is probably the southern
extension of ML4, ML5 and ML7. Situated on a low-gradient grassy hill-slope.
x
This is an area (100 x 20 m) of low-density archaeological material including pottery (11-50 sherds), stone
artifacts (N = 11-50) and midden shell (N = 1-10). Site is located on the eastern bank of the southern arm of
the tidal inlet and is probably the southern extension of ML6 and ML8. It is situated on a low ridge that runs
south parallel to the tidal inlet and ultimately the coast.
x
This is an area (5 x 5 m) of low-density archaeological material including pottery (25 sherds) and midden
shell (N = 1-10). Site is located on the eastern bank of the southern tidal inlet and is probably the southern
extension of ML6, ML8 and ML10. It is situated on a low ridge that runs south parallel to the tidal inlet and
ultimately the coast.
x
This is an area (20 x 20 m) of low-density archaeological material including pottery (~10 sherds, including 1
decorated rim sherd) and stone artifacts (N = 1-10 quartz). Site is located on the western bank of the Ruisasi
Ck. It is southwest of ML13. The site is situated at the base of a lunette that marks the western edge of the
floodplain associated with Ruisasi Ck.
x
This is an area (5 x 25 m) of low-density archaeological material including pottery (1 sherd) and midden shell
(N = 11-50). Site is located in the Ruisasi Ck bed and is most likely to be a secondary deposit. There is no
evidence of nearby in situ deposits. The site is northwest (upstream) of ML14.
x
x
x
x
Site Must Not Be Damaged
Recommend Stage 2 Archaeological Salvage
WWII Plane Crash
WWII Defence Facility
WWII Shipwreck
Lagatoi Wreck
Tree
Spirit/Sacred/Story Place
Early Missionary Site
Old Village (from Oral Traditions)
Metal (Includes Bullets)
Glass
Animal Bones
Stone Artifacts
x
x
x
Comments
This is an area (30 x 10 m) of low-density archaeological material including pottery (1-10 sherds), stone
artifacts (N = 1-10) and midden shell (N = 1-10). Site is located on the eastern bank of the southern tidal
inlet extending south from Konekaru and is probably the southern extension of ML6. It is situated on a low
ridge that runs south parallel to the tidal inlet and ultimately the coast.
x
x
ML12
ML14
Shell
Pottery
Grid Reference (deleted to protect site location –
see original report, David 2008)
UTM
Date of Site Recording
Site Name
Details of cultural heritage sites recorded during the Onshore and Offshore LNG Facilities component field surveys (cont’d)
PNG Museum and Art Gallery Site Code
Monash University Site Code
Table 4.5.8
x
x
B. David, B. Duncan, M. Leavesley
4-579
x
This is an area (20 x 5 m) of medium-density archaeological material including pottery (11-50 sherds) and
stone artifacts (N = 1-10). Site located on a lunette east of ML13 where the creek changes its course from
west to south. The lunette appears to be a remnant from the periodic flooding of the Ruisasi Ck. The site has
potential for sub-surface deposit.
x
This is an area (40 x 15 m) of low-density archaeological material including pottery (1-10 sherds), stone
artifacts (N = 1-10) and midden shell (N = 1-10). Site located on the grassy higher ground that runs N-S on
the eastern side of the mudflat that is the southern arm of the tidal inlet that drains to Konekaru. The site is
south of ML11 and north of ML16. Evidence from other parts of the ridge suggests that this site may have
sub-surface deposits.
x
This is an area of low-density archaeological material including pottery (1-10 sherds), stone artifacts (N = 110, including a stone club-head) and midden shell (N = 1-10). Site located on the grassy higher ground that
runs N-S on the eastern side of the mudflat that is the southern arm of the tidal inlet that drains north to
Konekaru. The site is south of ML15 and north of ML19. Evidence from other parts of the ridge suggests that
this site may have sub-surface deposits.
Social Impact Assessment 2008
Papua New Guinea Liquefied Natural Gas Project
ML18
ML19
N/A
N/A
N/A
N/A
19-Jan-08
19-Jan-08
55S
55S
x
x
x
x
ML20
N/A
N/A
20-Jan-08
55S
x
x
ML21
N/A
N/A
20-Jan-08
55S
x
x
JD1+2
N/A
Konekaru
18-Jan-08
55S
JD3
N/A
Konekaru
18-Jan-08
55S
JD5
N/A
North
Konekaru
18-Jan-08
55S
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
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Site Must Not Be Damaged
Recommend Stage 2 Archaeological Salvage
WWII Plane Crash
WWII Defence Facility
WWII Shipwreck
Lagatoi Wreck
Tree
Spirit/Sacred/Story Place
Early Missionary Site
Old Village (from Oral Traditions)
x
Metal (Includes Bullets)
x
Glass
55S
Animal Bones
19-Jan-08
Stone Artifacts
UTM
N/A
Shell
Date of Site Recording
N/A
Pottery
Site Name
ML17
Grid Reference (deleted to protect site location –
see original report, David 2008)
PNG Museum and Art Gallery Site Code
Details of cultural heritage sites recorded during the Onshore and Offshore LNG Facilities component field surveys (cont’d)
Monash University Site Code
Table 4.5.8
Comments
x
This is an area (7 x 7 m) of low-density archaeological material including pottery (1-10 sherds) and midden
shell (N = 1-10). Site located on a lunette that marks the western extent of the periodic flooding of the
Ruisasi Ck. The site is south of ML14 and north of ML20. Site has little evidence of sub-surface deposits.
x
ML18a is an area (20 x 20 m) and ML18b (7 x 7m) of low-density archaeological material including pottery
(11-50 sherds), stone artifacts (N = 1-10, including obsidian) and midden shell (N = 11-50). Sites are located
on the floodplain on the western bank of the Ruisasi Ck, south of ML17 and north of ML20. Sites have little
evidence of sub-surface deposit. These sites were recorded together because of their spatial proximity –
they are potentially part of a single site.
x
This is an area (35 x 20 m) of low-density archaeological material including pottery (1-10 sherds), stone
artifacts (N = 1-10) and midden shell (N = 1-10). Site located on the grassy higher ground that runs N-S on
the eastern side of the mudflat that is the southern arm of the tidal inlet that drains north to Konekaru. The
site is south of ML16. Evidence from other parts of the ridge suggests that this site may have sub-surface
deposits.
x
This is an area (25 x 15 m) of low-density archaeological material including pottery (1-10 sherds), stone
artifacts (N = 1-10) and midden shell (N = 1-10). ). Site located on the southern (of two) lunette(s) that marks
the western extent of the periodic flooding of the Ruisasi Ck. The site is south of ML17 and immediately
north of ML21. Site has little evidence of sub-surface deposits.
x
This is an area (35 x 20 m) of medium-density archaeological material including pottery (11-50 sherds) and
midden shell (N = 1-10). Site is located clearly in the floodplain that is the western bank of the Ruisasi Ck. It
is south of ML20. Irrespective of the geographical context it has potential for sub-surface deposits.
x
This is an area (148 x 15 m) of high-density archaeological material including pottery (50+ sherds) and
midden shell. Site is located on the Konekaru beach. Currently the only beach within Portion 152. The
associated story describes how Konekaru was a former village site before the inhabitants moved to Papa.
The story places the site well within living memory. The site also contains evidence of more recent use
including fencing and used rifle cartridges. From an archaeological perspective the site may be connected
with JD3 and JD5. Surface indications suggest that this site is highly likely to have a sub-surface
component.
x
x
This is an area (4 x 1.5 m) of medium-density archaeological material including midden shell (N = 50+). Site
is located on the beach sand behind the mangroves north of Konekaru at the northern extension of Portion
152. Surface indications suggest that this site is highly likely to have a sub-surface component.
x
This is an area (200 x 40 m) of high-density archaeological material including pottery (50+ sherds), stone
artifacts (N = 11-50) and midden shell (N = 50+). Site is located 100 m east of Konekaru beach. It is eroding
out of the higher ground that forms a peninsula between the southern arm of the tidal inlet and the eastern
arm. From an archaeological perspective it is highly likely that it is associated with the Konekaru beach site
(JD1+2).
Social Impact Assessment 2008
Papua New Guinea Liquefied Natural Gas Project
JD7
N/A
N/A
19-Jan-08
55S
x
JD8
N/A
N/A
19-Jan-08
55S
x
JD9
N/A
N/A
19-Jan-08
55S
x
JD10
N/A
N/A
19-Jan-08
55S
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
Site Must Not Be Damaged
Recommend Stage 2 Archaeological Salvage
WWII Plane Crash
WWII Defence Facility
WWII Shipwreck
Lagatoi Wreck
Tree
Spirit/Sacred/Story Place
Early Missionary Site
Old Village (from Oral Traditions)
x
Metal (Includes Bullets)
x
Glass
x
Animal Bones
55S
Stone Artifacts
19-Jan-08
Shell
UTM
N/A
Pottery
Date of Site Recording
N/A
Grid Reference (deleted to protect site location –
see original report, David 2008)
Site Name
JD6
Details of cultural heritage sites recorded during the Onshore and Offshore LNG Facilities component field surveys (cont’d)
PNG Museum and Art Gallery Site Code
Monash University Site Code
Table 4.5.8
Comments
x
This is an area (20 x 13 m) of low-density archaeological material including pottery (1-10 sherds), stone
artifacts (N = 1-10) and midden shell (N = 50+). Site located on the higher ground east of the southern arm
of the tidal inlet. Surface indications suggest that this site is highly likely to have a sub-surface component.
x
This is an area (50 x 35 m) of low-density archaeological material including pottery (1-10 sherds) and
midden shell (N = 50+). Site is located in the transitional zone between the mudflats of the tidal inlet and the
grassland on the higher ground. Surface indications suggest that this site is highly likely to have a subsurface component. This site is likely to be an extension of JD6.
x
This is an area (50 x 20 m) of high-density archaeological material including pottery (11-50 sherds), stone
artifacts (N = 1-10), midden shell (N = 50+) and animal bone (N = 1-10). Site located at the confluence of the
Ruisasi Ck and the mudflats that are the tidal inlet. Surface indications suggest that this site is highly likely to
have a sub-surface component. This site is likely to be an extension of JD5 and JD7.
x
This is a small area (1 x 1 m) of high-density archaeological material including pottery (1-10 sherds). Site is
located on the raised grassy ground that is the west bank of the Ruisasi Ck between JD10 to the north and
JD8 to the south. Surface indications suggest that this site is highly likely to have a sub-surface component.
x
This is an area (50 x 50 m) of low-density archaeological material including pottery (1-10 sherds), stone
artifacts (N = 1-10) and midden shell (N = 1-10). Site is located on the raised grassy ground that is the west
bank of the Ruisasi Ck between JD9 and JD11. Surface indications suggest that this site is highly likely to
have a sub-surface component. The site is close to JD9 and may be and extension of it.
JD11
N/A
N/A
19-Jan-08
55S
x
x
x
x
This is an area (5 x 65 m) of high-density archaeological material including pottery (1-10 sherds), stone
artifacts (N = 1-10) and midden shell (N = 11-50). Site is located on the raised grassy ground that is the
north (nominal western side), bank of the Ruisasi Ck between JD10 to the south and JD13 to the north.
Surface indications suggest that this site is highly likely to have a sub-surface component.
JD12
N/A
N/A
19-Jan-08
55S
x
x
x
x
This is an area (5 x 21 m) of high-density archaeological material including pottery (1-10 sherds), stone
artifacts (N = 1-10) and midden shell (N = 50+). Site is located ~70 m north of JD11 on a lunette adjacent to
the Ruisasi Ck. Surface indications suggest that this site is highly likely to have a sub-surface component.
x
This is an area (40 x 102 m) of high-density archaeological material including pottery (11-50 sherds), stone
artifacts (N = 1-10) including obsidian and midden shell (N = 50+). Site located in the bed of the Ruisasi Ck.
Origin of the archaeological material is thought to be the nearby northwest creek bank. The site is located
between JD12 to the south and JD14 to the north. Visual inspection of creek bank suggests high potential
for sub-surface deposits.
x
This is an area (40 x 60 m) of medium-density archaeological material including shell (N = 50+). Site located
in the bed of the Ruisasi Ck. Origin of the archaeological material is thought to be the nearby northwest
creek bank, although there is no evidence of associated sub-surface deposits. The site is located between
JD13 to the south and JD15 to the north.
JD13
JD14
N/A
N/A
N/A
N/A
19-Jan-08
19-Jan-08
55S
55S
x
x
x
x
B. David, B. Duncan, M. Leavesley
4-581
Social Impact Assessment 2008
Papua New Guinea Liquefied Natural Gas Project
JD15
JD16
N/A
N/A
N/A
N/A
N/A
19-Jan-08
20-Jan-08
20-Jan-08
55S
55S
55S
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
JD17
N/A
x
JDA1
AAHL
29-Apr-08
JDA2
AAHM
29-Apr-08
55S
x
x
x
JDA3
AAHN
29-Apr-08
55S
x
x
x
JDA5
AAHO
29-Apr-08
55S
x
x
JDA6
AAHP
30-Apr-08
55S
x
JDA7
AAHQ
30-Apr-08
55S
x
JDA8
AAHR
30-Apr-08
55S
x
JDA9
AAHS
30-Apr-08
55S
x
JDA10
AAHT
30-Apr-08
55l
JDA11
AAHU
30-Apr-08
55S
JDA12
AAHV
30-Apr-08
55S
JDA13
AAHW
30-Apr-08
55S
x
JDA14
AAHX
30-Apr-08
55S
x
Comments
x
This is an area (19 x 4 m) of high-density archaeological material including pottery (50+ sherds), stone
artifacts (N = 11-50) and midden shell (N = 50+). Site is located on the high grassy ground that is the west
bank of the Ruisasi Ck, between JD14 to the south and JD16 to the north. Surface indications suggest that
this site is highly likely to have a sub-surface component. This is an extremely rich archaeological deposit.
x
This is an area (160 x 40 m) of medium-density archaeological material including pottery (11-50 sherds),
stone artifacts (N = 1-10) and midden shell (N = 50+). Site is located in the bed of the Ruisasi Ck north of
JD15. Archaeological material is thought to have eroded from the nearby northwest creek bank; no in situ
material was identified. There is some suggestion that the material may be eroding from the bed of the creek
itself. A drilled disk was collected from the site under a permit to Mr John Dop from the PNG National
Museum and Art Gallery.
x
This is an area (13 x 14 m) of low-density archaeological material including pottery (1-10 sherds), stone
artifacts (N = 1-10) and midden shell (N = 11-50). Site is located ~30 m east of the mudflat of the tidal inlet
on the grassy higher ground between JD6 to the south and JD7 to the north. Evidence associated with
nearby sites suggests that this site also has potential for sub-surface deposits.
A 12 x 7 m scatter of <10 stone artifacts, with a small number of shells located approximately 3 m from the
stone artifacts.
x
x
x
An archaeological site extending 300 x 10 m along low-lying area near Ruisasi Ck. Consists of a light scatter
of midden shell (N = 11-50), stone artifacts (N = 1-10) a pottery (1-10 sherds).
x
A site 70 x 15 m in area, located at ecotone of grassland and Ruisasi Ck clayey flood-plain. Very rich cultural
heritage site containing 1-10 stone artifacts, 50+ shells, 50+ pottery sherds and 1-10 animal bones.
x
This is an area some 11 m long containing 1 stone artifact and 11-50 midden shells, among grassland.
x
This 8 x 6 m archaeological site is located in low undulating grassland, towards the top of a gentle slope.
This scatter of cultural materials is of low density, and contains 1-10 midden shells.
This site consists of a single shell on the top of a low grassland slope.
x
x
This site is 25 m long and consists of low density midden shell (N = 1-10 shells) on low undulating
grassland.
x
This site is 25 m long and consists of low density midden shell (N = 11-50) and stone artifacts (N = 1-10) on
a gentle slope among grassland.
x
x
Site Must Not Be Damaged
Recommend Stage 2 Archaeological Salvage
WWII Plane Crash
WWII Defence Facility
WWII Shipwreck
Lagatoi Wreck
Tree
Spirit/Sacred/Story Place
Early Missionary Site
Old Village (from Oral Traditions)
Metal (Includes Bullets)
Glass
Animal Bones
Stone Artifacts
Shell
Pottery
Grid Reference (deleted to protect site location –
see original report, David 2008)
UTM
Date of Site Recording
Site Name
Details of cultural heritage sites recorded during the Onshore and Offshore LNG Facilities component field surveys (cont’d)
PNG Museum and Art Gallery Site Code
Monash University Site Code
Table 4.5.8
This site consists of a single chert core on a gentle grassy slope.
x
x
x
Scatter of 2 pottery sherds and 1 chert flake spread over an area 1 x 1 m in grassland.
x
2 shells spread over an area 5 x 1 m in grassland.
A single chert core located near the base of a gentle grassy slope.
x
B. David, B. Duncan, M. Leavesley
4-582
2 flakes and 1 pottery sherd on a gentle grassy slope. Scatter spread over an area 4 x 4 m.
Social Impact Assessment 2008
Papua New Guinea Liquefied Natural Gas Project
JDA17
Site Must Not Be Damaged
Recommend Stage 2 Archaeological Salvage
WWII Plane Crash
WWII Defence Facility
WWII Shipwreck
Lagatoi Wreck
Tree
Spirit/Sacred/Story Place
Early Missionary Site
Old Village (from Oral Traditions)
55S
Metal (Includes Bullets)
1-May-08
Glass
AAHZ
Animal Bones
JDA16
Stone Artifacts
55S
Shell
UTM
1-May-08
Pottery
Date of Site Recording
AAHY
Site Name
JDA15
Grid Reference (deleted to protect site location –
see original report, David 2008)
Details of cultural heritage sites recorded during the Onshore and Offshore LNG Facilities component field surveys (cont’d)
PNG Museum and Art Gallery Site Code
Monash University Site Code
Table 4.5.8
x
Comments
1 pottery sherd on gentle grassy slope.
x
1 shell on gentle grassy slope.
x
x
x
Site of a probably WWII plane crash. A local Boera man showed the surveying team this site. Local villagers
recount this as the site of a WWII plane crash. Scattered remains of fuselage still present. However, much of
the wreck has already been recovered by local villagers for scrap metal. A sweep of the metal detector
reveals concentrations of aluminium sheeting in this area. Site spread over area of 30 x 30 m on gentle
grassy slope.
1-May-08
55S
3-May-08
55S
x
x
x
1 shell and 1 pottery sherd on gentle grassy slope.
55S
x
x
x
1 shell and 1 pottery sherd on gentle grassy slope.
JDA18
AAIB
JDA19
AAIC
JDA20
AAID
JDA21
JDA22
MLA1
AAIG
29-Apr-08
55S
MLA2
AAIH
29-Apr-08
55S
x
1 shell on gentle grassy slope.
MLA3
AAII
29-Apr-08
55S
x
2 shells on gentle grassy slope spread over 5 m radius on gentle grassy slope.
MLA4
AAIJ
30-Apr-08
55S
x
MLA5
AAIK
30-Apr-08
55S
x
1 shell on gentle grassy slope.
MLA6
AAIL
30-Apr-08
55S
x
1 shell on gentle grassy plain.
MLA7
AAIM
1-May-08
55S
MLA8
AAIN
1-May-08
55S
x
MLA9
AAIO
2-May-08
55S
x
MLA10
AAIP
2-May-08
55S
MLA11
AAIQ
3-May-08
55S
MLA12
AAIR
3-May-08
55S
x
MLA13
AAIS
5-May-08
55S
x
MLA14
AAIT
8-May-08
55S
x
8-May-08
55S
x
2 shells on grassy plain near a small ephemeral creek, spread over 15 m.
AAIE
55S
x
1 shell in grassland 10 m to south of creek.
AAIF
55S
x
1 shell at base of gentle grassy slope.
x
x
x
x
2 conjoining pottery rim sherds spread over 5 x 5 m on gentle grassy slope.
Small scatter of midden shell and a chert flake exposed through erosion among brackish swamp with
2
grassland. Patches of mangrove and Pandanus present nearby. Site spread over an area 5 m .
x
Small stone artifact scatter (chert) eroding from ground at ecotone between grassland and clay pan. Site
2
spread over an area 10 m .
x
x
Scatter of shells and pottery sherds spread over 20 x 10 m on sandy substrate in mangroves. Site subject to
inundation at high tide.
x
x
Scatter of shell and pottery sherds spread over 15 x 15 m on edge of mudflats and grassland. Cultural
materials are eroding out into the mudflats. Rim sherds are present.
x
x
Scatter of 50+ chert artifacts spread over 70 x 70 m among mangroves.
x
x
Scatter of 1000+ chert artifacts spread over 300 x 10 m among mangroves and grassland.
x
x
Concentration of pottery sherds (N = <100) and chert flakes spread over 2 x 2 m among gentle grassy slope
along the southern side of Ruisasi Ck.
x
1 pottery sherd on gentle grassy slope.
x
x
x
B. David, B. Duncan, M. Leavesley
4-583
Scatter of midden shell, pottery sherds, chert flakes and a probably earth oven cobble on gentle grassy
slope on side of a small knoll. Site spread over 45 x 3 m.
Social Impact Assessment 2008
Papua New Guinea Liquefied Natural Gas Project
Site Must Not Be Damaged
Recommend Stage 2 Archaeological Salvage
WWII Plane Crash
WWII Defence Facility
WWII Shipwreck
Lagatoi Wreck
Tree
Spirit/Sacred/Story Place
Early Missionary Site
Old Village (from Oral Traditions)
Metal (Includes Bullets)
Glass
x
Animal Bones
55S
x
Stone Artifacts
8-May-08
Shell
55S
Pottery
AAIV
8-May-08
Grid Reference (deleted to protect site location –
see original report, David 2008)
MLA16
UTM
AAIU
Date of Site Recording
MLA15
Site Name
PNG Museum and Art Gallery Site Code
Details of cultural heritage sites recorded during the Onshore and Offshore LNG Facilities component field surveys (cont’d)
Monash University Site Code
Table 4.5.8
x
Comments
Low concentration of pottery sherds and midden shells spread over 7 x 3 m on gentle grassy slope.
x
1 shell on gentle grassy slope.
CB10
Buria Hill
55S
x
x
x
This is a sacred site and ancestral village of oral tradition. It needs to be systematically recorded in the field.
CB11
Darebo
Hill
55S
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
x
?
?
?
?
?
x
This important oral tradition site occurs some distance from the proposed LNG Facilities site. Approximate
WGS84 location only.
CB12
Dori Hill
55S
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
x
?
?
?
?
?
x
This important oral tradition site occurs some distance from the proposed LNG Facilities site. Approximate
WGS84 location only.
CB7
First
Lagatoi
Hull Tree
Felling site
55S
x
x
This is an important site of oral tradition just north of Boera.
CB8
First
Lagatoi
Building
site
(Davage)
55S
x
x
This is an important site of oral tradition at Davage just north of Boera.
CB19
Boera First
Church
Memorial
55S
x
x
This is the site of the first missionary landing. It is an important historical site.
CB20
Lea Lea
Missionary
Tree
55S
x
x
This is an important historical site relating to the early missionary period.
Apau
village
55S
CB30
Boera
Battery
55S
CB6
First
Lagatoi
Story Sea
Cave
55S
x
This is an ancestral village site near Boera. Approximate WGS84 location. Site needs to be systematically
recorded in the field.
x
x
x
B. David, B. Duncan, M. Leavesley
4-584
x
This is an important WWII facility site. It needs to be systematically recorded in the field.
x
This is an important site of oral tradition near Hidiha Island. Approximate WGS84 location. Site needs to be
systematically recorded in the field.
Social Impact Assessment 2008
Papua New Guinea Liquefied Natural Gas Project
Recommend Stage 2 Archaeological Salvage
CB1
Konekaru
Beach
55S
x
CB3
Pipe
Bridge
55S
CB16
Sunken
Lagatoi 1
55S
x
x
Sunken lagatoi off Lea Lea beach (near Atuha Iduka) (approximate WGS84 Location). Site needs to be
systematically recorded in the field.
CB17
Sunken
Lagatoi 2
55S
x
x
Sunken lagatoi southwest of Papa (exact location unknown). Site needs to be systematically recorded in the
field.
CB18
Sunken
Lagatoi 3
55S
x
x
Sunken lagatoi at Kerama (exact location unknown). Site needs to be systematically recorded in the field.
CB21
Japanese
Zero Plane
Crash Site
55S
x
x
Aircraft wreck site near Lea Lea (Kirima Iduka) (approximate WGS84 location). Site needs to be
systematically recorded in the field.
CB22
Draft
Dodger
B25C
Mitchell
Bomber
Crash Site
55S
x
x
Aircraft wreck site at Hidiha Island.
CB23
55S
x
x
Aircraft wreck site between Redscar Head and Lea Lea (Lagava Iduka area) (approximate WGS84 location).
Site needs to be systematically recorded in the field.
CB29
55S
x
Ship wreckage west of Bavo Island (Dua Tanona) (approximate WGS84 location). Site needs to be
systematically recorded in the field.
x
Site Must Not Be Damaged
Submerged area of village. Site needs to be systematically recorded in the field.
WWII Plane Crash
x
WWII Defence Facility
55S
WWII Shipwreck
Boera
Lagatoi Wreck
CB15
Tree
Submerged area of village. Approximate WGS84 location. Site needs to be systematically recorded in the
field.
Spirit/Sacred/Story Place
x
x
Early Missionary Site
55S
Old Village (from Oral Traditions)
Papa
Metal (Includes Bullets)
CB14
Glass
Village (Submerged Area of village). Approximate WGS84 location. Site needs to be systematically recorded
in the field.
Animal Bones
x
Stone Artifacts
55S
Shell
Lea Lea
Pottery
CB13
UTM
55S
CB9
Date of Site Recording
ASM
First
Lagatoi
Landing/
Stone
Anchor
Site
Monash University Site Code
Site Name
Grid Reference (deleted to protect site location –
see original report, David 2008)
Details of cultural heritage sites recorded during the Onshore and Offshore LNG Facilities component field surveys (cont’d)
PNG Museum and Art Gallery Site Code
Table 4.5.8
x
x
Comments
This is an important site of oral tradition.
This is part of the ancestral village site of Konekaru, abandoned during the early colonial period. It is the
shallow marine component now visible archaeologically.
WWII pipe bridge through mangroves – (Vaihua River Region) (approximate WGS84 Location). This site
needs to be systematically recorded in the field.
x
x
B. David, B. Duncan, M. Leavesley
4-585
Social Impact Assessment 2008
Papua New Guinea Liquefied Natural Gas Project
B-25D
Mitchell
Bomber
Crash Site
Site Must Not Be Damaged
Recommend Stage 2 Archaeological Salvage
WWII Plane Crash
WWII Defence Facility
WWII Shipwreck
Lagatoi Wreck
Tree
Spirit/Sacred/Story Place
Early Missionary Site
Old Village (from Oral Traditions)
Metal (Includes Bullets)
Glass
Animal Bones
Stone Artifacts
Shell
Pottery
Grid Reference (deleted to protect site location –
see original report, David 2008)
UTM
Date of Site Recording
Site Name
Details of cultural heritage sites recorded during the Onshore and Offshore LNG Facilities component field surveys (cont’d)
PNG Museum and Art Gallery Site Code
Monash University Site Code
Table 4.5.8
Comments
55S
x
x
B-25D Mitchell Bomber (Serial # 41-30496) crash site on Bavo (Bava) Island (approximate WGS84
location). Site needs to be systematically recorded in the field.
CB27
55S
x
x
Aircraft wreck site on Piri Patch near Boera (approximate WGS84 location). Site needs to be systematically
recorded in the field.
CB25
55S
x
x
Aircraft wreck site on Pullen Shoals (Hatoro Reef Group 2) (approximate WGS84 location). Site needs to be
systematically recorded in the field.
CB24
55S
x
x
Aircraft wreck site between Redscar Head and Lea Lea (Lagava Iduka area) (approximate WGS84 location).
Site needs to be systematically recorded in the field.
CB26
55S
x
x
A P-38 plane crash site off Boera Head (approximate WGS84 location). Site needs to be systematically
recorded in the field.
CB28
JD4
CB31
18-Jan-08
Lea Lea
Fuel Dump
55S
55S
x
This is a colonial-period site consisting of a barb-wire fenceline. (GPS points deleted to protect site location).
x
B. David, B. Duncan, M. Leavesley
4-586
Probably the site of a WWII fuel dump north of Lea Lea (approximate WGS84 location). Further historical
research required to determine exact nature of this site; site needs to be systematically recorded in the field.
Social Impact Assessment 2008
Papua New Guinea Liquefied Natural Gas Project
B. David, B. Duncan, M. Leavesley
4-587
Social Impact Assessment 2008
Papua New Guinea Liquefield Natural Gas Project
WWII Plane Wreck. One site, JDA17, appears to be the site of a plane crash. We were directed to
this location by a Boera man, Kove Pame. Local oral tradition recounts that this is the site of a
WWII plane crash. Scattered remains of the fuselage and other metal parts occur over an area
some 30 x 30 m. However, much of the wreck has been taken away by local people for scrap
metal. A sweep by the metal detector reveals a concentration of aluminium sheeting in grass
and/or below the surface.
Plate 4.5.29 Reverend Lawes and the First Church Memorial, Boera
4.5.10.1.3 Predictive Site Modelling for LNG152 Land
The archaeological sites recorded during the January and April-May 2008 fieldwork include small
sites consisting of isolated artifacts indicative of fleeting past human activity, to dense and
extensive deposits of varied cultural materials representing permanent settlements (hamlets and
villages, in particular site complexes CB1-JD1-JD2-JD3-JD5-ML3 [representing archaeologically
part of Konekaru village]; and JD8-JD9-JD10-JD11-JD12-JD13-JD14 [representing
archaeologically a previously undocumented ancient village] with smaller neighbouring
archaeological sites undoubtedly also being closely related to these settlements). While these sites
can each be treated as isolated locales of past cultural activity, many site complexes also represent
functionally linked networks of sites (see Section 4.5.12.6.3 for discussion of site complexes within
and near the Study Area and assessments of their significance). The difficulty is to determine which
sites are contemporaneous, and how, through the course of history, they have accumulated to give
the present-day archaeological record. Such an endeavour is not possible without systematic
archaeological excavation and analysis, and will not therefore be attempted here.
A clear pattern that has emerged from the distribution of sites is the presence of dense
archaeological deposits near the present-day coastline, with numerous but significantly smaller
sites further inland. Figure 4.5.29 and Table 4.5.9 show the distribution of sites by size. As Table
4.5.9 demonstrates, the blue-coded sites on the table are the sites that occur within 1 km of the
coast. The green sites are those that lie between 1-1.5 km from the coast; and the brown sites are
2
those that lie more than 1.5 km from the coast. The largest archaeological sites (>1000 m ) occur
on the right-hand side of the table, and the smallest on the left. There is a clear pattern of blue
(close to the coast) sites on the right (large sites), and brown (inland) sites on the left (small sites).
2
Statistically, 69% (11 out of 16) of the largest sites (>1000 m ) occur within 1.0 km of the coast; all
2
of the sites greater than >1000 m in area occur within 1.5 km of the coast (i.e., none of these
largest sites occur further from the coast) (Table 4.5.10). Putting the two largest site categories
B. David, B. Duncan, M. Leavesley
4-588
Social Impact Assessment 2008
Papua New Guinea Liquefield Natural Gas Project
together, more than three-quarters (77%), or 27 of the 35 largest sites, are found within 1.0 km of
the coast, but only one (3 %) occurs more than 1.5 km of the coast. However, the inverse pattern is
2
apparent for the very small sites consisting of single artifacts, or sites less than 25 m in size. Thus
only 11 % of the sites with single artifacts (e.g., a shell, pottery sherd or stone artifact) are found
within 1.0 km of the coast, while 67 % of these are found more than 1.5 km from the coast.
Plate 4.5.30 Missionary Tree, Lea Lea village
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Table 4.5.9
Site #
Size of indigenous archaeological sites containing pottery-shell-stone artifactbone remains.
Site Size
<1 m
2
1-25 m
2
26-100 m
2
101-1000 m
2
>1000 m
JD5
x
JD1
x
JD2
x
JD7
x
JD8
x
JD10
x
JD13
x
JD14
x
JD16
x
ML5
x
ML10
x
AAHM
x
AAHN
x
AAIP
x
AAIQ
x
ML7
x
ML21
x
JD6
x
JD11
x
JD12
x
JD17
x
AAIN
x
AAIO
x
ML1
x
ML2
x
ML6
x
ML8
x
ML12
x
ML15
x
ML18a
x
ML19
x
ML20
x
LNG3
x
ML9
x
AAIT
JD15
x
x
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Table 4.5.9
Site #
Size of indigenous archaeological sites containing pottery-shell-stone artifactbone remains. (cont’d)
Site Size
<1 m
2
1-25 m
2
26-100 m
AAHO
x
ML13
x
ML14
x
ML16
x
ML17
x
ML18b
x
LNG2
x
AAHL
x
AAHP
x
AAHR
x
AAHS
2
x
JD3
x
AAIJ
x
AAIM
x
ML3
x
ML11
x
AAIG
x
LNG1
x
LNG4
x
ML4
x
AAHV
x
AAHX
x
AAID
x
AAII
x
AAIU
x
JD9
x
AAIR
x
AAHY
x
AAIB
x
AAIS
x
AAHQ
x
AAHT
x
AAHU
x
AAHW
x
AAHZ
x
AAIC
x
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Table 4.5.9
Size of indigenous archaeological sites containing pottery-shell-stone artifactbone remains. (cont’d)
Site Size
Site #
<1 m
AAIE
x
AAIF
x
AAIH
x
AAIK
x
AAIL
x
AAIV
x
2
1-25 m
2
26-100 m
2
101-1000 m
2
>1000 m
2
Blue = 0-1.0 km from present-day coastline; Green = 1.0-1.5 km from coastline; Brown = >1.5 km from coastline. World War
II and other recent sites with European-contact materials (such as the plane wreck site JDA17 and the historical fenceline
site JD4) are not included.
Table 4.5.10 Number and percentage of sites, by site size
Distance from the coast
2
Site (m )
0-1.0 km (‘blue’ sites)
1.0-1.5 km (‘green’ sites)
>1.5 km (‘brown’ sites)
#
%
#
%
#
%
<1
2
11
3
17
12
67
1-25
5
36
4
29
5
36
26-100
7
58
1
8
4
33
101-1000
16
84
2
11
1
5
>1000
11
69
5
31
0
0
Looking the data in another way, in total 41 cultural heritage sites were found within 1.0 km of the
coast, and 22 sites more than 1.5 km away (the other 15 being found in-between). Two-thirds
2
(27 sites, or 66 %) of the sites near the coast are larger than 100 m . In contrast, of the 22 sites
found more than 1.5 km from the coast, only one is of this size, while 55 % consist of single
2
artifacts only and another 23 % are less than 25 m . The pattern is very clear: large sites occur
near the present coastline, while further inland (more than 1.5 km from the coast), the vast majority
of sites are very small. This is consistent with a predominant coastal settlement pattern, in
particular stilt villages over the shallow marine environment or on the beach-front. These large
coastal sites largely correspond with the presence of sandy substrates.
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90
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
<1
1-25
26-100
101-1000
>1000
<
1-
2 6-
1 0 1-
>1 0 0
1
25
100
100 0
0
<
1-
2 6-
1 0 1-
>1 0 0
1
25
100
100 0
0
3
5
3
0
2
5
2
0
1
5
1
0
5
0
7
0
6
0
5
0
4
0
3
0
2
0
1
0
0
Figure 4.5.28 Percentage of indigenous archaeological sites by size. Top (blue) = 0-1.0 km
from present-day coastline; Middle (green) = 1.0-1.5 km from coastline; Bottom
2
(brown) = >1.5 km from coastline. X-axis is site size in m ; Y-axis is % of
archaeological sites
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Figure 4.5.29
Known cultural heritage sites within and near the site security fence area, relative to distance from the coast.
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WWII Defence Sites. Two WWII defence sites have been recorded during our field surveys: CB30
and CB31. CB30 is the Boera battery previously discussed from the literature in Section 7.3.4.
Douglas (2007) has conducted a previous inspection of the Boera battery, which consisted of a
photographic recording of the site. An archaeological survey or site plan has yet to be completed
for this site. The direction range-finding station, gun pits, magazines, and several ammunition
cupboards are still intact at the site, as are the rear Section s of the cast iron gun carriages.
Plate 4.5.31
Boera battery gun pit #2
Plate 4.5.32
Boera battery from north. Note range finding station (raised) and
ammunition cupboards (left) and raised mound of #2 gun pit on right
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Plate 4.5.33 Partially demolished magazine or accommodation quarters, Boera battery
Plate 4.5.34 Electrical generator shed remains, Boera battery
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Plate 4.5.35 Observation post bunker, Boera battery
Plate 4.5.36 Boera battery magazine (view from south)
The Boera battery is still remarkably intact, although its condition varies from when Douglas
inspected the site in 2003. Two reinforced concrete gun pits with panama mounts sit atop the two
highest hill crests and command an extensive view of the surrounding bay and countryside. An
open range-finding tower with intact pedestal (for mounting an alidade) stands directly behind the
#2 gun emplacement. Several intact concrete ammunition cupboards are located beside both gun
pits and leading down the northern slope to the (ammunition) magazine which is located on an
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adjacent lower ridge. The remains of a concrete pad for a generator shed are located above the
magazine to the east, with another magazine or accommodation block recessed into the eastern
side of this ridge. A small concrete-lined well or observation post has been dug into the northern
aspect of the slope. Other structural features overgrown with vegetation were observed on two
smaller hills on the seaward side of the battery (see Plates 4.5.31 to 4.5.36).
It is clear from the positioning of the gun pits that they were placed to defend the northern and
western entrances to Caution Bay and to repel any land attack. The 155 mm field guns mounted
here were capable of launching artillery rounds up to 14 km away, and as outlined previously in
Section 4.5.9.4, during regular artillery practice up to 40 rounds were fired at a time. An ack-ack
(anti-aircraft gun) emplacement located at the rear of the battery (eastern side) also engaged in
target practice. This would suggest that there is a strong possibility that expended and unexploded
ordnances may be found within a radius of 14 km around the battery. Given that Boera village is
located within 500 m of the south of the battery, it is unlikely that practice took place in that
direction.
Large scatters of slipped, incised and plain pottery, silcrete stone artifacts and shell middens were
also encountered in the area of the northern slope of Boera Hill between the battery and the
magazine, suggesting that the locality was possibly previously used for pottery production and
habitation (see Plate 4.5.37). These sites were not recorded by us due to time constraints and the
fact that this area lay well beyond our brief. Some of these sites are likely to have already been
recorded by the PNG National Museum and Art Gallery.
Plate 4.5.37
Left: Pottery rims found near Boera battery Magazine. Right: Pottery, stone
artifact and shell midden scatter, Boera battery
The second WWII defence site recorded during the field surveys is the fuel dump north of Lea Lea
village. A telephone cable and ‘fuel hideout’ (fuel dump) were reported to the northwest of Lea Lea
by Daure Veri (personal communication 2008), who also stated that ‘there is a concrete base still
there, and there are posts that lead through the bush to the concrete base’. This is probably an
allied fuel supply dump associated with the telegraph line shown on the 1944 military engineer’s
1
map (Lea Lea Inlet map 3968 ). This site was recorded as CB31 (see Table 4.5.8).
1 Leal Lea Inlet, 3968: 1944, Lea Lea Inlet, New Guinea. 1 inch Series, Second Edition. Netherlands East Indies Grid,
Southern New Guinea Zone. NGF/010/3968 compiled by 2/1 Australian Army Topographic Survey Company from aerial
photos and field observations. Reproduced by 2/1 Aust Army Topographic Survey Company. Officers using this map are
requested to forward any necessary additions or amendments on the map itself and forward to A.D. Survey H.Q.N.G.F.
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4.5.10.2
Offshore LNG152 Facilities Component
In this section the cultural heritage sites recorded from the shallow marine environment during a
review of the literature (Section 4.5.10.1) and during fieldwork (Section 4.5.10.1.2). The sites
identified from the literature are listed in Table 4.5.6, and those from fieldwork in Table 4.5.8.
4.5.10.2.1 Literature Survey and Background Research
Stilt Villages. No stilt village site has previously been reported from the Study Area’s shallow
marine environment itself, although the ethnographically documented (presumably stilt) beach-side
village of Konekaru has already been identified in the LNG152 Land survey results presented in
Section 4.5.10.1 and Section 4.5.10.2 above. However, David et al. (2007:144-45) have
documented the archaeological remains of stilted/raised longhouses in the inter-tidal zone in the
Gulf Province to the west of the Study Area, confirming the archaeological preservability and thus
possible presence of wooden settlement structures in southern PNG shallow marine environments.
The extensive state of preservation of the Gulf Province sites, especially in the highly dynamic
littoral zone, provides strong evidence that wooden settlement sites might exist underwater where
they would be better preserved.
Given what is known of ethnographic Koita and Motu cultural practices in and near the Study Area,
there is a reasonable probability that fieldwork may discover the remains of submerged village sites
or their associated relics, or canoe wrecks. In order for the maritime archaeological team to be able
to identify such types of remains underwater, a brief visual inspection of present-day Lea Lea,
Papa and Boera villages was undertaken to enable the archaeological characterisation of village
constructions and their associated items of material culture. A limited photographic record was thus
made of potential site components and structures, with the above aim in mind of being able to
recognize archaeologically the remnants of wooden village structures (Plates 4.5.38 to 4.5.48).
Particular attention was given to stilt houses and other structures such as pig pens, bridges and
boat racks, for submerged wooden remains would most likely relate to such structures. Villagers
accompanied the survey crew during these visits, explaining the processes of daily activities which
took place at each site. This enabled the application of an ethno-archaeological approach by which
to identify any new sites types that might later be discovered underwater during the surveys.
Many villages around Port Moresby are still built on stilts over the sea or shallow marine
environment (e.g., Boera, Hanuabada, Porebada), and although the upper superstructure of the
housing is of more modern construction, based on comparisons with a limited number of historical
photographs the substructure of the stilts appears in many cases to have embraced technologies
also used in ancestral stilt village constructions.
Shipwrecks/Navigational Beacons/Anchorages. No shipwreck surveys had been undertaken in
the Study Area prior to this report. Descriptions contained in local sailing directions (Darby,
1945:234-35) discouraged shipping through the western entrance via Liljeblad passage to Port
Moresby, and intensive surveys were not undertaken of this area until at least 1945. It has been
noted, however, that the area was used by local coastal trader traffic to access an unmarked
channel into Caution Bay that led to Port Moresby (Kidd and Neil, 1998:339). It therefore appears
that any shipping through Caution Bay was probably restricted to small local traders who had
intimate knowledge of the area. Although it is unlikely that any major shipwrecks would have
occurred in this region, as it was not frequented by passing traffic, the possibility exists that a
vessel may have tried to take shelter in the region in adverse weather (and was subsequently
wrecked).
No navigational charts located showed any evidence of in-water navigational beacons or
anchorages for this area, which is not surprising given the shoal nature of the Bay. No references
to recommended anchorages or sailing routes were found for the Caution Bay area. By implication,
it is therefore unlikely that navigational beacons had been installed in the area. The possibility does
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exist, however, that isolated anchors (associated with vessels seeking shelter in adverse
conditions) may have been lost in this area.
Plate 4.5.38 Boera stilt village, February 2008
Plate 4.5.39 Traditional stilt house, Lea Lea village south. Note canoe platform at front
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Plate 4.5.40 Close up of the underside of a stilt house at Lea Lea village
Plate 4.5.41 Canoe skids, Papa village
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Plate 4.5.42 Net drying rack, Boera village
Plate 4.5.43 Pig pen on stilts, Lea Lea village
Plate 4.5.44 Chicken coup under stilt house, Lea Lea village south
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Plate 4.5.45 Outrigger canoe, Papa village
Plate 4.5.46 Canoe rack, Papa village
Plate 4.5.47 Fisherman repairing nets, Lea
Lea village
Plate 4.5.48 Dugout canoe, Lea Lea village
south
Plane Wrecks. Based on the literature review presented in Section 4.5.10.1.1, 10 plane wreck
sites are known from vicinity of the Study Area, although none have been recorded to occur within
the Study Area itself. Seven of these sites crashed in the sea or mangroves, or are missing and
believed to have crashed in or close to the sea. They include a B-24 Consolidated Liberator which
crashed in the mangroves near Caution Bay; a B-25 Mitchell Bomber which crashed 1 mile west of
Bava Island; a B-25c Mitchell Bomber crashed at Hidiha reef; an A-20 Havoc Bomber, believed to
have crashed in the sea between Bavo and Hidiha Islands; a P-39 Airacobra, which is thought to
have crashed in the mudflats 25 miles northwest of Port Moresby; a P-39 F-1 Airocobra last seen
at Redscar Bay; and a B-25 H-1 Mitchell Bomber which crashed in the sea near Redscar Head. A
number of these plane crashes involved the death of pilots or other personnel (e.g., the B-24
Consolidated Liberator; the A-20 Havoc Bomber; the P-39 F-1 Airacobra; the B-25 H-1 Mitchell
Bomber); they may therefore be war graves. These sites have been listed in Table 4.5.6.
Telegraph Cable. Site CB5 consists of a telegraph cable line. It was not inspected, as it was only
identified from historical records after fieldwork had been undertaken. Further research is required
to identify its exact location, and to ensure the facility is not still being used. It is included in
Table 4.5.6.
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4.5.10.2.2 Field Survey
Side-Scan Sonar. Several anomalies were recorded during the side-scan sonar survey, but none
resembled expected signatures for aircraft or shipwrecks.
In all cases where the water was less than 5 m deep, the anomalies proved to be coral reefs. An
example of a typical coral outcrop detected by side-scan sonar is shown in Plate 4.5.49.
Plate 4.5.49 Example of side-scan sonar image of a coral heads (‘bommies’). Note the large
shadow behind the coral patch.
The side-scan recorded a predominantly flat and featureless bottom for the deeper seabed areas
(5-15 m). The potential ‘sites’ identified in deeper water were investigated using a drop camera
(due to problems with constantly deteriorating weather during planned diving days). Although no
cultural material was located using this method, it is possible that underwater surveys using divers
would have yielded more detailed inspection results for those locations.
A table of detected underwater anomalies is presented below (Table 4.5.11). As noted, none of the
anomalies detected here resembled the anticipated readings expected for ship or plane wrecks.
Location ID10 was not inspected as it occurred in Option Area 2 and adverse weather restricted
access. This location should be inspected by divers prior to developments to determine if it is
archaeological in nature (see recommendation in Section 4.5.14).
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Table 4.5.11 Possible side-scan sonar anomalies identified during the survey.
ID site #
1
2
Run
1
1
Easting
(has been deleted to protect site)
Northing
(has been deleted to protect
site location)
Date (March
2008)
Comments
Observations
9
th
Possible coral bommie
coral reef
9
th
Possible coral bommie – high profile
coral reef
Possible coral bommie – high profile extent with 3b
coral reef
3
3
9
th
4
3
9
th
Possible coral bommie – long thin pile or canoe
float?
coral reef
5
3
9
th
Faint trace – possible buried mound?
nothing located
9
th
Possibble coral bommie – check
coral reef
6
7
8
3
1
2
10
th
Possible hit
10
th
Small solid hit
not located
Small solid hit
not located
9
3
10
th
10
4
10
th
Large shadow
not checked – in Option 2
area
11
10
10
th
Small hit
nothing located
10
th
Long straight hit
nothing located
Small shadow
coral
High shadow
coral
12
10
13
5
12
th
14
7
12
th
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Magnetometer: Effects of Local Magnetic Anomalies on Maritime Remote Sensing Survey.
Upon commencement of the survey, it was discovered that there was an extremely high localised
background magnetic clutter reading across most of the Study Area. This was probably associated
with either an igneous rock substrate under the seabed; materials derived from the breakdown of
fine-grained (but highly magnetic) volcanic/igneous rock (e.g., basalt) transported to the region by
rivers as erosion products (in the form of fine silt or clays); or materials from volcanic ash/particles
falling through water. These sediments may subsequently form a depositional lens of highly
thermo-remnant material on the seabed in the form of fine silt or clay layers (Gibson and George,
2003: 91-97). All of these materials can produce high magnetic readings.
Despite adjustment of the equipment to try to tune out these anomalies, the background readings
were so high that they were effectively peaking out the sensitivity range needed to detect
archaeological sites. The magnetometer survey of this area was severely hampered by high
localised magnetic background readings which would effectively mask the readings of smaller
magnetic anomalies (including cultural materials such as bombs or other smaller items such as
concentrations of ceramic sherds). Similar circumstances have been experienced by Brad Duncan
during other magnetometer surveys at archaeological sites around Australia. Despite the
background magnetic clutter, we persisted with the magnetometer survey for the entire period
under the premise that a larger object may give a readable signal.
As a result of these geological interference and magnetic susceptibility, no small archaeological
sites could be identified in the area using the magnetometer. However, a test of the magnetometer
equipment to detect a large iron shipwreck (the SS Mac Dui) in Port Moresby harbour showed that
the equipment would still detect large metallic anomalies. It is therefore likely that no large
anomalies such as shipwrecks exist in the surveyed area.
No sites were identified using remote sensing equipment inside the Study Area. This was
consistent with oral and social knowledge of this area collected from local fishermen and divers,
who did not indicate any knowledge of any submerged sites in this area. However, it is possible
that sites may be buried below the seabed, but are currently not visible.
Traditional Story Sites. Four traditional sites associated with the story of the ancestral hero Edai
Siabo and his first lagatoi (see Section 4.5.7.9 for details) were located in the Caution Bay area.
Two of these sites (CB7 and CB8) have already been presented under the LNG152 Land
component in Section 4.5.10.1.2 above; the other two sites (CB6 and ASM) occur in the shallow
marine environment and are therefore presented here. Each of these four sites is an integral
component of the first lagatoi story. They were each inspected during the course of our fieldwork,
even though they lay outside the Study Area. Each of these sites is of the utmost cultural
significance, relating to what is arguably the most important customary oral tradition of the Western
Motu.
Moi and Mea Dobi (personal communication 2008) related the following story:
This beach is associated with the [story of the] first lagatoi canoe. That anchor is where Edai Siabo
from Boera first came ashore. There are underwater caves at Hidiha [Idihi] Island. He was pulled into
an underwater cave by sea spirits (or ancestors) and they taught him how to build the first lagatoi
canoe. His mates saw his legs sticking out from the sea, and pulled him out of the cave. He later made
a model of a lagatoi, but his mates laughed at him. He then made a full scale model of it, which was the
first large lagatoi canoe. They were hard times then, so he went to Kerema and established the hiri
trade. He built the first lagatoi on the beach at Apau, which was the village before Boera. He sailed in
around to here [First Lagatoi Landing/Stone Anchor site ASM], and threw in the anchor here. The
anchor was left where he came ashore. This is the location of the sacred stone anchor from the first
lagatoi boat [Moi pointed to a round, light grey circular stone approximately 60 cm thick and 45 cm in
diameter).
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This is a traditional place for us, and we do not disturb the anchor. One time a researcher (name not
recorded) came and tried to take a piece of the anchor, you know to see what rock type it was, but the
bees came and stung him and scared him off.
Site CB6 is the site of the sea cave in which Edai Siabo was instructed about the making of the first
lagatoi by the spirit-being. It lies approximately 50 m offshore to the southeast of Hidiha Island. Moi
Dobi (Boera fisherman) pointed out its location. The cave mouth is set in a shallow reeftop in water
less than 1 m deep. No features of the cave could be discerned during an inspection of the site,
due to it being currently silted up with sand.
ASM was traditionally the location where the first lagatoi came ashore and threw over its stone
anchor. The basalt anchor remained in this location, and is still visible at low tide (see Plates 4.5.50
to 4.5.52). The anchor is roughly circular in shape, approximately 60 x 45 cm in thickness and
diameter. The anchor is possibly of a type designed to fit in a cane basket, which was then
attached via ropes to the vessel. Similar stone anchors were observed by missionaries in 1883 and
were often attached to boats by 100 fathoms of line (e.g., Lennox, 1903:1). One of the
archaeologists on our team (Lyall Mills, personal communication 2008) has observed similar
designs in use on canoes in Fiji.
The beach in this area has high concentrations of ceramic sherds scattered over a very large area.
High concentrations of brown silcrete stone artifacts (cores and flakes) along this beach were also
identified by Mea Dobi (personal communication 2008) as ‘Kavari’ which were used to make shell
bands, a practice which ended in the 1960s.
Plate 4.5.50 Location of First Lagatoi Landing/Stone Anchor site, Boera (marked by arrow)
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Plate 4.5.51 Stone artifact on the beach of the First Lagatoi Landing/Stone Anchor site.
‘Kavari’ artifact purportedly used to make shell armbands
Plate 4.5.52 First Lagatoi Landing/Stone Anchor site, stone anchor at low tide near Boera
village (exposed stone = 40 x 60 cm)
Lagatoi Wrecks. There were three reports of possible lagatoi wrecks in Caution Bay.
Lea Lea Councillor Hene Totana (personal communication 2008) indicated that he knew the
location of a lagatoi stone anchor. It was two miles north of Lea Lea village. The lagatoi was
undertaking a voyage from Lea Lea to Port Moresby when it sank. The anchor from the wreck was
found and dragged ashore onto the beach. The locals reported that there was nothing left of the
wreck as it was likely that the hull had floated off. The lagatoi was carrying sago, mats and possibly
pots for barter, although the latter were probably smashed up during the wreck. He could not
arrange to take us to the site as the bad weather prevented access, but was happy to arrange this
at a later date. Auda Delena (personal communication 2008) has marked the location of the stone
anchor at Gabi to the north of Lea Lea on the traditional names map. This site was recorded as
CB16 (see Table 4.5.8 for details).
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Gau Ario (personal communication 2008) noted that local fishermen had reported the possible finding
of a lagatoi wreck site to the southwest of Papa. Although further information about this site was being
sought by Ario, it was not available when this report was being finalised. This site was recorded as
CB17 in Table 4.5.8.
Gau Ario (personal communication 2008) also reported that fishermen knew the location of another
lagatoi which sank on a voyage from Koiruru to Kido Point in either the late 1800s or early 1900s
with a cargo of sago and pots. It sank and was pulled ashore at Kerama. This site was recorded as
CB18 (Table 4.5.8).
Given that Boera was a major centre of hiri trade, it is possible that other lagatoi wrecks may exist
in the Caution Bay area. As it is unlikely that the timbers from these vessels would have survived
intact above the seabed (due to the presence of teredo worms and other marine borers), the only
probable remains of such sites above the seabed would be as pots or ceramic sherds. Given the
high background magnetic readings for this area, it may be unlikely that their locations can be
discovered using a magnetometer.
Such sites would be of very high cultural significance if ever discovered.
Former Over-Water Stilt Village Sites. Villagers from Lea Lea, Papa and Boera each reported the
loss of coastline in modern times. This would suggest that the coastline in this area is highly mobile
and subject to long-shore drift. This has a number of implications for potential archaeological sites
across this region. It is highly probable that former village Section s may now exist underwater and
are possibly covered with sand/sediment/mud on the seabed. The high mobility of sediments in this
area may also cause other archaeological sites to be periodically covered and uncovered. Such
sites would not be evident when using the remote sensing techniques employed in this study if they
were covered at the time of the survey and if they did not contain very high concentrations (rather
than just spread) of ceramics detectable through magnetometer surveys. Furthermore, it is
probable that other sites along the foreshore may now be buried under prograding shorelines
where sediments scoured from other areas have now been deposited.
Nevertheless, it is apparent from visiting current villages that older Section s of these villages
evidence archaeological deposits and/or oral traditions which testify to their prior location (see
Table 4.5.8). Site CB13 is a submerged, past Section of Lea Lea village. Lea Lea villagers reported
that the former location of their village was up to 200 m further to sea than the present shoreline,
and that several houses had collapsed or been washed away due to coastal change in recent
years. Auda Delena (personal communication 2008) indicated that this former village site was
located on the northern bank of Lea Lea Creek to the west of the current village.
CB14 is an old, historical part of Papa village. At Papa, the villagers reported similar effects on
former stilt villages located over water. A photograph from WWII shows that the southern parts of
the village were formerly mounted on stilts over the water (AWM Photos #060903 and 060904 –
see Plate 4.5.53).
As was the case at Lea Lea and Papa, at Boera residents also reported that the coastline is being
washed away and that those houses on low ground are being threatened with inundation. The
inter-tidal areas to seaward of the current stilt houses built over the sea at Boera were inspected at
low spring tides. An extremely dense deposit of compacted pottery sherds was evident along the
entire Boera village coastline up to 50 m beyond the current housing; we have recorded this
archaeological site as CB15 (see Plate 4.5.54). This would suggest that these remains may be of
an earlier phase of the village which extended further out across the water, as pottery manufacture
has largely (but not entirely) ceased at Boera. It should also be reiterated that Boera was
ethnographically a renowned centre of pottery-making for hiri (as well as local and regional) trade,
and the site could therefore be of some antiquity.
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Closer to the Priority Area, a search of the offshore areas immediately adjacent to Konekaru beach
did not reveal any indications of a former pier or jetty structure. Although the author hypothesised
that any former pier may have been built of galvanised pipes (as suggested by the initial discovery
of a single iron pipe in the inter-tidal zone during the terrestrial survey), a later closer inspection of
the underwater seabed discounted this possibility as no other similar relics were located and there
were no indications of any depressions in the coralline seabed which might be caused by such
structures. However, a marked increase in coastal erosion noted by many clans in the area may
explain this, as the area may have formerly been covered with sand/silt sufficient to bed a structure
but which is now removed. A number of WWII bullet casings (22, 303 and 50 mm calibres) and
other domestic equipment (spoons and batteries) were also discovered on depressions in the coral
seabed approximately 2-5 m from the high tide mark, indicating the presence of a colonial-period
site here (see Plate 4.5.55).
Plate 4.5.53 Stilt houses at Papa village, 1943. Left: AWM photo 060903. Right: AWM photo
060904
Plate 4.5.54 Dense pottery scatter over the entire intertidal zone to seaward of Boera village
at extremely low tide (note that the site extent covers all areas seen in this
photograph). Dense scatter of pottery sherds evident in foreground
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Plate 4.5.55 Historic artifacts discovered underwater at Konekaru beach (303 bullet casings
and spoon)
Despite the absence of structures, the existence of this beach amongst such dense stands of
mangrove, along with the presence of new mangrove shoots (even on coral substrate), suggests
that this area was deliberately cleared and maintained, possibly as a beach area. The presence of
the dense clusters of pottery, shell middens and other historic artifacts onshore associated with
sites JD1, JD2 and JD3 (directly to the east of the beach, which were discovered during the
terrestrial survey; see Section 4.5.10.1.2 above) suggest that the area is probably associated with
a historic former village site at this location, and this is confirmed by oral traditions of the presence
of Konekaru village in this area. Stuart (1973:277) has previously documented similar cleared and
maintained areas used to launch/land canoes in other nearby areas closer to Port Moresby.
The archaeological materials in the shallow marine environment in this area have been recorded as
site CB1. A search of this area at low spring tides when the area was dry revealed a light
concentration of unslipped plain pottery (approximately 50 pieces; many pot rims) scattered on a
hard coral and sand substrate around the edges of the mangroves lining Konekaru beach,
particularly on the northern side (Plate 4.5.56). Stone artifacts are also present (e.g., Plate 4.5.57).
This scatter was concentrated predominantly on the northern seaward edge of the mangroves
lining the beach up to 150 m offshore, and as far as 80 m to the north and 150 m to the south,
where the substrate turned to mud. It is possible that other artifacts lie buried in the softer seabed
further along from these locations. Closer inspection of the interior edges of the mangrove swamps
surrounding Konekaru Beach also revealed a number of historic period bottles which have been
th
th
dated to around the late 19 or early 20 century (see Plate 4.5.58).
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Plate 4.5.56 Pottery rim from the north side of the inter-tidal zone at Konekaru beach
Plate 4.5.57 Stone core artifact from the inter-tidal zone at Konekaru beach
th
Plate 4.5.58 20 century medicine bottle found among the mangroves on from the north
side of the inter-tidal zone at Konekaru beach
Along the beach front approximately 3 m from the high tide mark, the sandy shore gave way to a
substrate of compacted coral, in which was embedded a single pottery sherd. Although it could not
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be positively determined if the coral had grown over the sherd, or if the sherd had been simply
wedged into the coral, the former possibility would suggest that the site was of some antiquity.
Gau Ario (personal communication 2008), a Papa resident and member of the LNG152 Land
survey team, recalled that the area had once been used by paratroopers during the war. This
observation is consistent with the discovery of several 303 rifle and 50 mm bullet shells in shallow
water on the edge of Konekaru beach.
The concentration of artifacts both on and offshore may suggest that either a stilt village site which
extended over the water was formerly situated in this locality, or that the site was used in
association with shipping produce from the sisal plantation documented in Section 4.5.9.3. In the
case of the latter scenario, given that there appears to be no evidence of a pier at this site, produce
may have been loaded in canoes for transport to market or lighterage to larger vessels offshore.
However, the site is in the area of the ethnographically-documented Konekaru village, and
geographically adjacent to archaeological site JD1+2 which has been documented to represent
part of the archaeological remains of this village (e.g., Section 4.5.10.1.2). This shallow marine site
is almost certainly also part of Konekaru village.
WWII Sites: Pipe Bridge through Mangroves. The remains of an allied army pipe bridge were
reported in the mangroves between Boera and Papa near the Vaihua River (site CB3). Mea Dobi
(personal communication 2008) indicated that this facility was used to transport munitions through
the mangroves, and the remains had been seen by women who were collecting mud crabs. This
site was not inspected due to landward access restrictions imposed by the discovery of unexploded
ordnances in the LNG152 area (see Table 4.5.8 for details).
Plane and Ship Wreck Sites. Two plane crash sites were recorded from the shallow marine
environment during our field surveys. Site CB21 is a Japanese Zero crash site. A number of
fishermen at Lea Lea village told us that a single engine Japanese aircraft had crashed on the mud
bank at the southern extremity of Lea Lea village (south of Lea Lea Inlet). They maintained that the
pilot escaped the wreckage and was held by local villagers until the Allied Officer arrived to collect
him (Gaudi Tua and Joe Delena, personal communication 2008).
A family living close to the wreck site held parts of a wing strut and instrument panel from this plane
wreck, collected when the plane crashed on the southern bar entrance to Lea Lea village (see
Plate 4.5.59). They explained that after the plane had crashed it had sunk ‘underground’ into the
mud, although the engine and wing were supposedly still visible at the site. The family then led
Brad Duncan offshore at low tide onto the black sands of the bar. Although they indicated the
approximate position of the plane wreck (which was approximately 100 m offshore in a direct line
from their house), the falling tide meant the wreckage was under breaking waves and could not be
reached. Brad Duncan was assured that the remains were still visible on the falling tide and he
could be guided exactly to them by other fishermen if he returned later (Robert and Tauri Auri,
personal communication 2008). The site is marked on the traditional names map at a place called
Kirima Iduka (Auda Delena, personal communication 2008).
The site is probably the Japanese Zero (A6M2 Model 21 Zero – Manufacturer # 3537) which is
described historically (see Section 4.5.10.1.1 above; Table 4.5.6) as having crashed at Boera. The
location of this site has yet to be verified, but there seems little doubt that an aircraft wreck does
exist in this immediate vicinity.
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Plate 4.5.59 Instrument panel and aluminium skin from Japanese Zero fighter at Lea Lea
Site CB22 was shown to the field survey team by Moi Dobi (Boera village) during the inspection of
the First Lagatoi Story Sea Cave site (CB6). It is the wreck of a B-25C Mitchell Bomber (see Table
4.5.6 for details). The plane lies in less than half a metre of water at low tide and is spread over an
area of at least 30 x 200 m. A 16 x 2 m Section of the main fuselage lies intact (but upside down)
on the shallow reeftop approximately 300 m east of Hidiha Island. The retracted wheel struts and
landing gear are still intact and in remarkably good preservation, with the chrome wheel rams still
shining. This would indicate that the aluminium Section s of the plane are acting as an anode and
corroding in preference to the more inert metals. Approximately 10 m to the northeast are remains
of the cockpit flying controls. A 14 cylinder aluminium rotary engine lies approximately 200 m to the
east and is awash at high tide. Other Section s were evident above water but could not be easily
reached because of the low tide. Although the site was intact when the plane landed, it has
obviously been broken apart by large oceanic swells which break across the reef at high tide.
Seven other aircraft crash sites were reported during oral histories, but their actual locations have
not been positively identified:
•
CB23: Aircraft Wreck – Between Redscar Head and Lea Lea (Lagava Iduka area) (approximate
WGS84 location: GPS points deleted to protect site, see original report – David 2008).
Lea Lea fishermen (Daure Veri, Nou Henau, and Morea Mapore, personal communication 2008)
reported that pieces of an aeroplane wing had been pulled up in a net by fishermen close to the
southeastern side of Redscar Head. Fishermen knew the location of the wreck, which was
considered a good fishing spot. Nou’s brother-in-law (Heni) has a bearing for the plane, which uses
the transit marks of a coconut tree and mountain, plus the colour of the reef, and has given an
undertaking to help relocate the wreck (Nou Henau, personal communication 2008). Mea Dobi
(personal communication 2008), a Boera fisherman, also placed the aircraft wreck in this area in
the vicinity of Kohua.
This site location has been marked on Figure 4.5.31 at the Lagava Iduka area. Elders of Lea Lea
village recalled seeing a plane crash into the sea followed by a loud explosion as it burst into
flames when it hit the water during WWII (Auda Delena, personal communication 2008). The wreck
is probably the B-25 H-1 Mitchell Bomber (Serial # 43-4341) which was reported to have crashed
into the sea near Redscar Head in 1944 (see Section 4.5.7.9, Table 4.5.6 above).
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As airmen were possibly killed when the aircraft crashed, this site should be treated as a war
grave.
•
CB24: Aircraft Wreck – Between Redscar Head and Lea Lea (Lagava Iduka area) (approximate
WGS84 location: GPS points deleted to protect site, see original report – David 2008).
Another aircraft crash site reported by a local diver as being situated in 18 m of water has been
identified as a P-38 (John Miller, personal communication 2008). This may be the P-39 F-1
Airacobra (Serial # 41-7136) which was last seen over seen Redscar Bay in 1942 (see Section
4.5.10.1.1, Table 4.5.6 above).
If Miller’s location for the site is correct, it will lie in the path of the proposed shipping channel.
As airmen were killed when the aircraft crashed, this site should be treated as a war grave.
•
CB25: Aircraft Wreck – Pullen Shoals (Hatoro Reef Group 2) (approximate WGS84 location:
492025 E 8968388 N).
Lea Lea fishermen have reported the remains of a metal frame and wings discovered in the middle
of Hatoro Reef Group 2 on the edge of the deep side (Auda Delena, personal communication
2008). The reef is marked on Aus Chart 379 as part of the Pullen Shoals. This wreck may be the
remains of the A-20G Havoc (Serial # 43-9122) which crashed between Hidiha and Bava Islands in
1944 (see Whiting, 1994:137) (see Section 4.5.10.1.1, Table 4.5.6). Further work is required to
verify the location of this site.
As airmen were probably killed when the aircraft crashed, this site should be treated as a likely war
grave.
•
CB26: P-38 – Off Boera Head (approximate WGS84 location: GPS points deleted to protect
site, see original report – David 2008).
A P-38 aircraft wreck was reported to John Miller (personal communication 2008) in the vicinity of
the southwest of Boera Head in approximately 1-4 m of water, although he has not seen the site
himself. Its existence is yet to be verified.
•
CB27: Aircraft Wreck – Piri Patch – Near Boera (approximate WGS84 location: GPS points
deleted to protect site, see original report – David 2008).
Daro Avei (personal communication 2008), a Boera fisherman, has reported plane wreckage on the
Piri Patch reef in about 5 m of water. This may be the same aircraft (P-38) reported by John Miller
off Boera Head (site CB26 above). Its existence is yet to be verified.
•
CB28: B-25D Mitchell Bomber (Serial # 41-30496) – Bavo Island (Bava Island) (approximate
WGS84 location: GPS points deleted to protect site, see original report – David 2008).
This site was reported by a number of divers and fishermen (Moi Dobi, Neil Whiting and John
Miller, personal communication 2008). The wreck lies in 3 m of water approximately one mile due
west of Bavo Island (traditional name Bava island), with parts of the fuselage, cockpit and propeller
intact. The propeller is visible at low tide. The site was not inspected during fieldwork.
As airmen were killed when the aircraft crashed, this site should be treated as a war grave (see
Section 4.5.10.1.1, Table 4.5.6).
•
CB29: Ship Wreckage – West of Bavo Island (Dua Tanona) (approximate WGS84 location:
GPS points deleted to protect site, see original report – David 2008).
Large Section s of a wrecked ship lie in deep water about three miles west of Bava Island at Dua
Tanona (Moi Dobi, personal communication 2008). It is probable that this site is the remains of the
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motor launch sent to rescue the crew of the B-25D Mitchell Bomber (Serial # 41-30496) which
crashed near Bava Island (see Whiting, 1994:126-27) (see Section 4.5.10.1.1).
Although a small recreational fishing boat was supposed to have wrecked close to the LNG152
area (Maurice Brownjohn, personal communication 2008), no further information was available to
indicate the precise location of this vessel.
4.5.11 Modelling the Distribution of Cultural Heritage Sites in the Study Area
and Site Perimeter Fence Area
In sum, 162 cultural heritage sites were recorded in the field and from the literature within and near
the Study Area. The list of all the recorded cultural heritage sites is the combination of Tables 4.5.6
and 4.5.8. The total list of sites includes 10 site types (three individual sites in that list are
duplicated as they belong to more than 1 category: two clay sources that are both traditional
resource sites and indigenous archaeological sites; and the 1st lagatoi anchor site, that is both a
traditional story/sacred site and an indigenous archaeological site):
•
Indigenous archaeological sites (N = 120).
•
Traditional resource sites (N = 3).
•
Traditional story/sacred sites known from oral traditions (N = 5, excluding the traditional village
sites below that are also story and/or sacred sites).
•
Traditional village sites known from oral traditions (N = 12).
•
Lagatoi wrecks (N = 3).
•
Early missionary sites (N = 2).
•
WWII defence facilities (N = 3).
•
WWII aircraft crash sites (N = 11).
•
WWII shipwrecks (N = 1).
•
Other colonial period infrastructure sites (N = 2, one of which contains distinctive components).
Within the Site Perimeter Fence Area as defined in Section 4.5.5.1 above, to date 63
archaeological sites (and no oral tradition sites) have been recorded. This consists of both small
and large sites, the latter including the archaeological village site represented by the very large
SC5. These sites will be further discussed in Section 4.5.12 (Significance Assessments). What we
do not yet know from these sites is the quantity and distribution of sites within the Site Perimeter
Fence Area as a whole.
In this Section, extrapolations are made from the data presented above to estimate the number of
cultural heritage sites present within the entire site security fence area. To do so, the data obtained
from the 100 % archaeological surveys undertaken in January 2008 and those from the transect
surveys of April and May are used, rather than all of the known sites recorded from the literature
and field surveys. The reason for using the field data only is that it is contiguous (and largely
overlaps) with the site security fence area, and it represents the only data obtained systematically
from ground surveys. The distribution of sites within this area relative to the coastline can thus be
modeled as a way of predicting the overall distribution of sites within the site security fence area.
However, it is stressed that this will only give a general indication of the types and quantities of
sites likely to occur within the site security fence area. This approach cannot reveal the specific
location of individual sites; nor is it likely to reveal the occurrence of rare site types that remain
unrepresented in the Study Area upon which the modelling is founded. Furthermore, we refrain
from breaking-down the estimate of overall site numbers into smaller constituent components (e.g.,
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number of sites on sandy sediments; number of sites at given distances from the coast or from
creeks) because of the generally small area at stake (especially for inland Section s where ground
surveys were largely based on 3 m-wide transects), whereby extrapolated calculations would
exaggerate non-representative sample areas (this is often a significant limitation in surveys that do
not survey all component parts in comparable degrees of intensity – in this case a product of
limited surveys covering the inland areas as a result of restricted access due to the discovery of
UXOs). Complete (100 %) field surveys will thus be needed within the entire area of the site
security fence prior to commencement of developments (see Section 4.5.14 recommendations).
2
During the January and April-May field surveys, a total of 1.70 km of the Onshore LNG Facilities
component was systematically surveyed (equal to 21.4 % of the area within the site security fence).
Within this area, 78 archaeological sites were found (plus the oral tradition site of Konekaru, which
is represented archaeologically in the 78 archaeological sites and will not therefore be further
considered in the following extrapolations). These include 20 small sites consisting of isolated or
small sets of four or less unstratified cultural items lying on the ground surface; 11 small stratified
2
2
sites 25 m or less in area; 12 medium-sized sites between 26 and 100 m in area; 19 large sites
2
2
between 101 and 1000 m in area; and 16 very large sites over 1000 m .
As shown in Section 4.5.10.1.3 above, archaeological sites in this area can be divided into three
distinctive geographical groups: those within 1.0 km of the coastline (which tend to be most
numerous and the largest); those between 1.0 and 1.5 km of the coast; and those more than 1.5
km from the coast, which tend to be more sparsely distributed, less dense in cultural items and
small in size. While all the very large sites occur within 1.5 km from the coast (and most – 77 % –
large and very large sites recorded come from within 1.0 km of the coast), inland areas contain a
very large number of very small sites consisting of a handful of artifacts (often only one or two); the
larger of the inland sites also always contain very sparse distributions of cultural materials (typically
2
<1-3 m ) whereas closer to the coast sites usually have very high densities of artifacts (often
2
measured in the hundreds or more per m ). This is taken to indicate that people often used the
hinterland for travel, gardening, hunting, short-term camps and the like, but within the LNG
Facilities site area generally settlements were almost exclusively established along the coast
(consistent with the ethnographic evidence; see Section 4.5.7).
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Figure 4.5.30
Known cultural heritage sites within and near the site security fence area
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2
Table 4.5.12 shows the areas (in km ) covered for each of the three zones during the January and
April-May field surveys. Table 4.5.13 shows the number of sites recorded during these field
surveys, by distance from the sea and site size. We do not extrapolate from these data for the Site
Perimeter Fence Area as a whole here, largely because the narrow, 3 m-wide transects upon
which many of the >1.5 km areas in particular were surveyed are not well amenable to this kind
sub-divisional extrapolation. This analytical limitation was a product of the unexpected discovery of
UXOs which impeded our initial 100 % surveys (in January), and subsequently further
unexpectedly impeded our April-May surveys when we had planned to complete the 100 % surveys
but once we arrived in the field were unexpectedly told we could not as the area had not yet been
cleared of UXOs (and therefore were required to survey along transect lines only). Because of this,
here we simply extrapolate the total number of sites for the Site Perimeter Fence Area based on
the total number of sites found within the surveyed areas. We stress the general point that the
largest and densest sites found are invariably located on sandy substrate sediments (typical of
coastal and river-bordering environments) rather than on hard, clayey sediments (typical of
hinterland environments).
Table 4.5.12 Size of areas covered during the January and April-May 2008 field surveys, by
distance from the coast
Distance from the coast
0-1.0 km
1.0-1.5 km
>1.5 km
Area surveyed (in km )
1.37
0.31
0.02
Area surveyed (in ha)
137.3
31.0
2.0
2
Table 4.5.13 Number of archaeological sites within the January and April-May 2008 survey
area, by distance from the sea and site size
Small,
unstratified
surface sites
1-25 m
0-1.0 km from coast
2
5
7
16
11
1.0-1.5 km from
coast
4
3
1
2
5
>1.5 km from coast
14
3
4
1
0
Distance from
coast
Stratified or Likely Stratified Sites
2
26-100 m
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2
101-1000 m
2
>1000 m
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Figure 4.5.31
Known cultural heritage sites within and near the study area
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2
The area within the site security fence consists of a land area 7.93 km in size. This consists of 2.04
2
2
2
km of land within 1.0 km of the coast; 1.64 km from 1.0 to 1.5 km; and 4.25 km more than 1.5 km.
2
Based on the site recovery rate from the January and April-May survey area (78 sites from 1.70km ),
this means that 364 sites can be estimated to occur within the site security fence area as a whole.
Based on the survey data, a significant proportion (~40 %, or 146 of these sites) of these are
extrapolated to be very small hinterland sites (single artifacts or small groups of artifacts). Most of the
very large sites are likely to have been found already, as their considerable spatial extent means that
they are likely to have been found across much of the 100 % area as well as the transect surveys,
although complete surveys of the entire site security fence area will need to be undertaken to
determine the exact location of all sites across the landscape prior to any developments proceeding
(see Section 4.5.14). These figures will help inform the management recommendations for the
proposed LNG Facilities developments presented in Section 4.5.14.
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4.5.12 Significance Assessments
Assessing the significance of cultural heritage sites is fundamental to cultural heritage site
management planning (see Moratto and Kelly, 1978; Pearson and Sullivan, 1995; Smith 1996).
Statements of significance can be made in respect to specific sites or places, or to a grouping of
sites/places within a circumscribed area. In the case of the latter, the importance of a site complex,
cultural heritage area or precinct may be greater than the sum of its individual sites. This is addressed
explicitly in section 4.5.12.6.3 below.
Cultural heritage significance is the value of cultural heritage sites or places to society (Kerr, 1990:3).
The major criteria by which the significance of cultural heritage places is usually assessed can be
divided into five types:
1. Social and Political
2. Scientific
3. Historical
4. Educational and Economic
5. Aesthetic
Each of these significance criteria can be assigned a relative value from low to very high at the Local,
Provincial or National level. For each assessment criterion, any given site or site complex can thus be
allocated a relative significance value for each level. Such a process of significance assessment forms
the basis of the Burra Charter (Australian ICOMOS charter for the conservation of places of cultural
significance), which is widely employed by heritage consultants across the Pacific region (MarquisKyle and Walker, 1992).
4.5.12.1
Social and Political Significance
If a place has importance for a particular cultural or ethnic group – either a majority or minority group
(Lennon, 1992:4) – for religious, spiritual, or other symbolic reasons it has social significance
(Johnson, 1992; Moratto and Kelly, 1978:10). Places of social significance are usually important in
maintaining a community’s integrity and sense of place; that is, a sense of belonging to a particular
area as a distinctive cultural group with a distinctive spiritual connection (Hall and McArthur, 1993a:8;
Hodges, 1993; King et al., 1977:96). For many peoples, indigenous archaeological sites (e.g. burials)
and European-indigenous contact sites (e.g. missions, plantations) have strong social significance. In
recent years and in many places across the Pacific, such associations have become increasingly
political as indigenous peoples regain control of their ancestral lands and re-establish senses of place
following the period of European colonial rule (see Boyd and Ward, 1993:112).
An example of a cultural heritage site with very high social and political significance is the Iatmul haus
tambaran at Kanganamun village, East Sepik Province. This site is listed on the PNG National
Museum and Art Gallery register as a National Cultural Property because of its great social, political
and symbolic significance at Local, Provincial and National levels. Other PNG examples of cultural
heritage sites with very high social and political significance include Kuk in the Wahgi valley (Western
Highlands Province), the Kokoda Trail (Northern Province) and Samarai Island (Milne Bay Province)
(these sites are also renowned for other significance criteria – see below).
4.5.12.2
Scientific Significance
The scientific significance of cultural heritage places represents their ability to furnish data on, and
insights into, either the history of cultural activities (social, technological and ecological) and/or the
history of natural/environmental conditions (see Bickford and Sullivan, 1984; Moratto and Kelly, 1978;
Pearson, 1984). For example, archaeological sites provide information on past activities, particularly
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everyday lifeways, which are often not always available in documentary sources or oral traditions.
Such insights apply equally to societies with and those without writing. Similarly, such insights may
concern questions of local culture history, span tens or even hundreds or thousands of years, or
reflect more general and theoretical questions relating to the evolution of cultural systems.
Archaeological sites can also supply information on past climates and vegetation patterns (e.g.
through pollen grains), past fauna (e.g. through shell and bone remains) or inter-regional interaction
through the geographical spread of ceramic traditions (e.g. through pottery sherds). In general, the
scientific significance of sites increases as their potential information content increases.
The archaeological significance of sites can be determined ‘according to timely and specific research
questions on the one hand, and representativeness on the other’ (Bowdler, 1984:1). In terms of the
former, detailed knowledge is required on the current state of play in academic archaeology – both in
terms of local culture history and more general substantive, methodological and theoretical issues at
the national and even international scales. Representativeness relates to the ability of a sample of
sites from a particular area to represent as accurately as possible the range (and often frequency) of
site types from a particular area (McMillan et al., 1977:32). As Lipe (1977:30) notes, ‘a representative
sample is designed to represent a large population of items in terms of a small selection of such items
with a minimum bias in the selection’.
As a general rule the more rare a site, the greater its significance. It is in this sense that older sites
tend to have greater significance given that older sites tend to be more rare due to the vagaries of time
and decay (Coutts and Fullagar, 1982:61). However, an area exhibiting numerous similar (read
common) sites can have considerable significance as it may provide a rare opportunity to investigate
past land-use patterns. In this instance, the significance of the area is greater than the sum of its
constituent sites (see also Bowdler, 1983:40). Furthermore, while a site type containing particular
kinds of artefacts (e.g. a particular ceramic type) may be common in one, circumscribed area, at a
groader geographical scale it may be rare (e.g. it may be largely restricted to this area). Such sites as
a group may be assessed for significance, e.g. for its ability to reveal information about that area in
relation to the broader region’s history.
From a different perspective, representativeness also relates to maintaining the diversity of
archaeological sites for future generations. This notion helps compensate for the biases inherent in
academic research agendas that may ignore certain site types today but focus on these in the future
(King et al., 1977:99).
Examples of cultural heritage sites with very high scientific significance are Kuk (Western Highlands
Province), one of the earliest known agricultural sites in the world; Kikiniu near Kopi (Gulf Province),
an early village site with large quantities of traded ceramics; and OJP (Gulf Province), the only known
Pleistocene site from the PNG southern lowlands.
4.5.12.3
Historical Significance
A place has historical significance if it is associated either with significant person(s), event(s) or
themes. As Kerr (1990:10) notes, the first two ‘may include incidents relating to exploration, settlement
foundation, Aboriginal-European contact, disaster, religious experience, literary fame, technological
innovation and notable discovery’. Historical significance may also include the ability of a place to be
representative of major historical themes or cultural patterns from a particular historical period
(Moratto and Kelly, 1978:4). As a general rule, the greater the degree of physical intactness of a site
and its setting the greater its significance (Lennon, 1992:4).
Examples of cultural heritage sites with very high historical significance are Samarai Island (Milne Bay
Province), one of the first towns established by Europeans in PNG, and Dopima on the island of
Goaribari (Gulf Province), where the early missionary James Chalmers was killed in 1901.
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4.5.12.4
Educational and Economic Significance
Cultural heritage sites may have important educational significance by providing opportunities for
people (including community youths in indigenous learning contexts) to visit, examine and better
appreciate the nature of these sites for themselves. Such opportunities not only have important or
indeed profound social consequences in terms of maintaining a community’s identity, authenticity and
sense of place (Lipe, 1984:6), but also can have significant economic consequences in terms of
cultural tourism and a group’s ability to maintain itself economically (Hall and McArthur, 1993b).
Cultural heritage sites also provide opportunities for the formal education sector. For example, the
proximity of cultural heritage sites to teaching institutions is an important dimension of a site’s potential
educational significance. In PNG, perhaps the very best examples of this has come from the
involvement since the 1970s of University of PNG archaeology students in research-oriented
excavations both on Motupore Island, to the south of Port Moresby, and at Boera, both of which are
located within close proximity to the university’s Waigani campus. From another perspective,
economic significance of sites is increasingly becoming an issue competing with alternative land-use
activities (e.g. development). Although traditionally seen as mutually exclusive pursuits, cultural
heritage preservation and economic development may work together. Best results occur where
heritage issues are considered and accommodated for in the early stages of development planning
(Rickard and Spearritt, 1991).
An example of a cultural site with very high educational and economic significance is the Kokoda Trail
(Northern Province).
4.5.12.5
Aesthetic Significance
The aesthetic qualities of a cultural heritage place relate to the visual appeal, however subjective, of
sites and their settings (Kerr, 1990:10). Despite the poorly defined nature of aesthetic significance, it
remains one of the most important criteria for official registration of heritage sites in many parts of the
world (e.g. Schapper, 1993).
A famous example of a cultural site with very high aesthetic significance are the impressive terraces at
Bobongara on the Huon Peninsula (Morobe Province), where cultural materials dating back to about
40,000 years ago have been found.
4.5.12.6
Significance of Recorded Cultural Heritage Sites
First and foremost, it is important to point out that the general Boera-Manumanu area is a cultural
heritage hot-spot in PNG. As the historically documented centre of the hiri trade, it was until very
recently one of PNG’s foremost pottery-producing localities, each ethnographic and ancestral Motu
village in particular representing a centre of craft industry and specialization. This has ensured a rich
assemblage of archaeological sites in many locations within this broader area, the shallow marine and
landscape immediately surrounding Boera in particular being of immense social, historical, scientific
and educational significance and archaeological potential. The following discussions of significance
are all founded on this clear and unambiguous understanding.
Measures of significance for each of the cultural heritage sites recorded during the surveys are listed
in Table 4.5.22. For each site, we make a separate assessment of significance for each of the five
significance criteria outlined above. Our subsequent discussions of impacts on cultural heritage sites
(section 4.5.13), and our recommendations based on those anticipated impacts (section 4.5.14),
revolve around these measures of significance.
4.5.12.6.1 Levels of Significance
Sites of Local Significance. All of the recorded cultural heritage sites are of at least low levels of
significance at a local level, in the sense that all of the sites we recorded are important to local
communities (social significance), and in one way or another contribute to our historical and scientific
understanding of local culture (i.e., no site can be said to have no cultural heritage value at all). With
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this proviso in mind, because all sites possess this minimal level of significance, we concentrate here
on discussing higher (Provincial and National) levels of significance.
Sites of Provincial Significance. 116 individual cultural heritage sites are of medium, high or very
high Provincial significance. Most of these are of Provincial significance because of their social,
scientific or historical and educational values. In all cases, old villages are Provincially important social
sites because they enable the history (including occupation) of the broader region (and sometimes of
entire clans) to be tracked back in time within the Central Province and beyond. For similar reasons,
these same sites are often of Provincial scientific, historical and educational significance. Any site with
good potential to reveal information of regional ceramic sequences will hold Provincial or greater
significance. Furthermore, many WWII sites are Provincially important due to their historical, social
and educational associations with those who served at the sites, and their associations with the
defence of other regional centres around PNG.
Sites of National Significance. 135 sites are identified as, or likely to be once more detailed
assessment research is undertaken, of medium, high or very high National significance. The reasons
why more sites are ranked of National rather than Provincial significance is, firstly, that a number of
sites offer excellent, practical opportunities for University of PNG education and training (as has
previously been the case for archaeological sites near Boera in the form of UPNG archaeology
training programmes) (i.e. educational significance); and, secondly, that some WWII sites (such as
crashed planes) hold greater prominence as national war graves than as provincially important sites.
Some of these sites (e.g. AMG, AMH, JD2, CB10, CB11, CB12) are rated very highly because of their
proven or likely archaeological worth as evidenced by eroding ceramics and dense cultural deposits
capable of revealing historical information on southern PNG’s ancient history and broader trade
relations prior to the coming of Europeans, but more research is needed at some of these sites before
their significance can be properly assessed. Although highly and very highly significant sites appear to
be clustered in this Boera-Lea Lea area (this is because this was a focal area for pottery manufacture
and the centre of hiri trade), such sites with stratified deposits represent generally rare and at times
unique opportunities to investigate various dimensions of a nation’s cultural heritage. Buria (CB10) is
of further National significance because of its very high archaeological potential to reveal a unique
snapshot of village life given that the site has remained virtually undisturbed since the village’s
dramatic downfall and abandonment. Other village sites known from oral tradition (e.g. Aemakara,
Daeroto, Dirora, Davage) are of great significance because they represent ancestral and origin
villages for Western Motu and Koita generally, who now live so close to the nation’s capital Port
Moresby and in so-doing have borne the brunt of colonial-period uran expansion (at the expense of
many of their cultural sites). Sites CB6, CB7, CB8, ASM, Davage and Taubarau (among other, yetunrecorded sites) are of very high National historical, social and educational significance because they
are directly associated with the first lagatoi story of Edai Siabo. Individually and together, these are
major sites from which many Motu and Koita trace their ancestral roots, and because of their great
significance as origin sites to one of PNG’s iconic indigenous social institutions (the hiri). These sites
are a significant part of PNG’s National heritage (as evidenced by the use of the lagatoi symbol in
many of Port Moresby’s and PNG’s public and private businesses and institutions). Similarly, the three
sunken lagatoi sites are likely to be of National significance once their exact locations are found, for
similar reasons concerning the iconic status of the hiri. Sites CB13, CB14 and CB15 are of potential
National significance because they hold promise to contain submerged village remains (including
wooden objects and structures). The Boera battery site is of National significance for its historical,
social and political, and educational values because it is a location whereby Port Moresby was
protected from invading forces during WWII, a defining episode in the history of the nation. Many of
the plane crash and shipwreck sites (CB21-CB29) are of National significance because of their
historical, social and political, and educational values and associations with WWII, and because of
their significance as international war graves.
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It is noted that while individual sites may each be assessed for their social and political, scientific,
historical, educational and economic, and aesthetic significance at Local, Provincial and National
levels of significance, sites may also attain various levels of significance because of the way they
operate as a group. Therefore, while we discuss our reasonings for attributing certain levels of
significance to individual sites below, we also in some cases identify groups of sites that together
attain particular levels of significance (see section 4.5.12.6.3).
It is important to point out at this stage that in some cases individual sites or groups of sites may
potentially be of very high National scientific significance, without their actual level of significance
being able to be properly determined until archaeological excavations have been undertaken (for it is
only then that we would know their contents, which may or may not include unique, localized ceramic
traditions that were traded broadly across southern PNG, or that could include archaeological
materials from early phases of long-distance maritime trade preceding the kinds of pottery used in the
ethnographic hiri trade). In all such cases, cultural heritage sites show good promise to contain cultural
sequences capable of revealing considerable dimensions of cultural history for this part of PNG.
Where a site has good potential to contain a particular significance value, it has been given such
rating. Such sites must not be damaged in any way until appropriate archaeological sampling has
been undertaken. The recommendations take these factors into account.
4.5.12.6.2 Individual Sites
The individual sites of greatest importance are those ranked as having very high significance at the
National level. These sites include: JD1-JD3, JD5, JD8-JD13, JD15, JDA17, ASM, CB6-CB8, CB10CB18, CB30, AADI, ABG, AMG, AMH, AMI, ANA, ANU, AOG, AOH, AOI, AOJ, AWL, Aemakara,
Daeroto, Davage, Dirora and Taubarau. These sites are rated very highly because they represent
places with the ability to furnish data reflecting cultural activity not otherwise available from other data
sets, and/or because of their great significance as cultural ancestral places, or as WWII sites. This
includes their potential to provide data that will contribute to archaeological research questions of both
national and international interest. One particular group of these sites (JD1-JD3, JD5) also has
extremely significant social value as they represent part of the location of the ethnographically
documented village of Konekaru. This ancestral village has direct and immediate importance for the
people of Papa today. These sites also have great potential to provide important educational
opportunities for University of PNG archaeology, anthropology and cultural heritage management
students.
Section 4.5.12.6.1 already discusses the great significance of the sites associated with the legendary
Edai Siabo (CB6, CB7, CB8, ASM, Davage, Taubarau), the Boera battery and the WWII plane and
ship wreck sites (CB21-CB29).
Forty-four cultural heritage sites are rated as of medium significance, and 24 of high significance. This
is derived from the fact that although not all are dense sites, some are rich cultural deposits while
others are unusually situated in the landscape in that they are located >1.0 km from the coast, an area
in which pre-colonial period cultural activity has a generally relatively low archaeological signal (and an
area through which the Koita came during the coast-ward migrations). For example, three of these
sites – LNG 3, ML7 and ML9 – are large to very large in size and show very good archaeological
promise, while JD17, ML1 and ML5 are identified as of medium significance because while they are
located slightly more towards the coast than the other sites in this group, they possess stratified or
probably stratified cultural deposits capable of revealing important information on the area’s cultural
history.
The sites rated as of relatively low significance were rated such either because they are located in a
secondary context (i.e. they are disturbed cultural deposits), or they have a relatively small quantity
and range of archaeological material with low potential for revealing information on the cultural past.
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4.5.12.6.3 Site Complexes
A site complex (listed as ‘SC’ in Table 4.5.22 and from here-on) is a group of discrete sites, usually
located within a finite area that for archaeological purposes may be considered to represent interrelated activity areas. Within and near the Study Area, seven mutually exclusive site complexes have
been identified.
Site Complex 1. SC1 consists of sites LNG1, LNG2, LNG3, LNG4, ML1, ML4, ML5, ML7 and ML9. It
is a series of low-density pottery scatters on a strip of land running N-S, located mostly >1 km inland
broadly parallel to and on the seaward side of the Boera-Papa Road at the northern end of the Study
Area. While individually the sites have limited National significance values, together they promise to
reveal significant insights as to past use of the coastal hinterland where large archaeological sites and
site complexes are seldom found. The low-gradient hillslope where SC1 is found evidences
pronounced use sometime in the past, a geographical zone for which the archaeological signature is
relatively weak. Therefore, this site complex is rated of moderate National but very high Local
significance on the basis of the fact that collectively the sites have the potential to provide important
information about cultural activity in an area removed from the immediate coastal strip (an area
through which in ancient times the Koita migrated to the coast and through which more hinterland
hamlets subsequently maintained contacts with coastal settlements; see section 4.5.7.1).
Site Complex 2. SC2 consists of sites ML6, ML8, ML10, ML11, ML15, ML16, ML19 and JD7. It is a
series of relatively small, low-density sites located along a low ridge that is the eastern bank of the
mudflats south of Konekaru. While individually the sites are considered to have limited National
significance, together they are of greater importance because they reflect apparently locally unique
cultural activities (as evident by their spatially discrete location).
Site Complex 3. SC3 consists of sites ML12, ML14, ML17, ML18, ML20 and ML21. It is a series of
relatively smaller sites situated on the western flood-plain of Ruisasi Creek. While individually the sites
are of limited National significance, together they are of greater importance because they reflect
cultural activities on the periphery of an important archaeological village site (SC5) to the south.
Indeed, it is yet to be determined whether SC3 is the northern extension of SC5. Sites and site
complexes of this nature are significant because often they reflect cultural activities that for one reason
or another were not undertaken at the centre of a settlement; that is, sites at the peripheries of villages
can reveal significant and unique information about aspects of life not carried out in public spaces (e.g.
sacred-secret events).
Site Complex 4. SC4 consists of sites CB1, JD1, JD2, JD3, JD5 and ML3. It is a series of Nationally
significant sites that together represent part of the former ethnographic village of Konekaru. While the
JD1 is of very high significance in its own right, the associated sites only serve to increase Konekaru’s
archaeological heritage value.
Site Complex 5. SC5 consists of sites JD8, JD9, JD10, JD11, JD12, JD13, JD14, JD15 and JD16. It
is a series of Nationally significant sites that make-up a former, previously undocumented
archaeological village site to the south of the Study Area. While many of these sites are individually of
very high significance in their own right, the close geographical association of the sites in a relatively
small cluster only serves to increase the site complex’s heritage value. Additionally, it is yet to be
determined whether this site complex is to be associated with SC3. Only excavation will ultimately
determine this potential historical connection.
Site Complex 6. Sites CB6, CB7, CB8 and ASM should be treated as part of an integrated story-line,
associated with the traditional story of Edai Siabo, the first lagatoi and the origins of the ethnographic
hiri journeys and trade. There will certainly be other sites relating to this story that should also be part
of SC6 (e.g. Taubarua, Davage), but these have not yet been systematically recorded. These sites as
a group are of National significance for their social, historical and educational values, as well as for
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their scientific significance capable of informing us on the history and evolution of the hiri trade. As a
unified set of sites they are an important example of an active traditional belief system.
Site Complex 7. This consists of sites AHW, ANN, ANO and CB10 at Buria generally. This is an
immensely important cultural heritage site to people at Papa and Lea Lea in particular, an ancestral
village site that is the source of important oral traditions. The Buria area undoubtedly contains many
other cultural heritage sites that have not yet been recorded (because this area lies a significant
distance beyond our brief), but we list it here to alert the developers of its very high significance with
cumulative impacts and potential future expansions in mind.
Figure 4.5.32 highlights the locations of the five very highly significant site complexes within and
adjacent to the site security fence area.
Figure 4.5.32 Location of highly significant site complexes SC1 to SC5. SC6 is not shown
because it consists of a series of non-contiguous cultural heritage sites, and SC7
because it is located a considerable distance to the north of the site security
fence area.
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Table 4.5.22 Level of significance for the individual cultural heritage sites and site complexes recorded during the present surveys.
Level of Significance
Site #
Social and Political
Local
Provincial
National
Scientific
Local
Provincial
Historical
National
Educational and Economic
Local
Provincial
National
Local
Provincial
National
Aesthetic
Local
Provincial
National
LNG1
L
L
L
M
M
M
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
LNG2
L
L
L
M
M
M
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
LNG3
L
L
L
M
M
M
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
LNG4
L
L
L
M
M
M
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
ML1
L
L
L
M
M
M
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
ML2
L
L
L
M
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
ML3
VH
M
L
VH
H
H
L
L
L
VH
H
H
L
L
L
ML4
L
L
L
H
M
M
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
ML5
L
L
L
H
M
M
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
ML6
L
L
L
M
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
ML7
L
L
L
H
M
M
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
ML8
L
L
L
M
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
ML9
L
L
L
H
M
M
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
ML10
L
L
L
M
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
ML11
L
L
L
M
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
ML12
L
L
L
H
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
ML13
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
ML14
L
L
L
H
M
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
ML15
L
L
L
M
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
ML16
L
L
L
M
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
ML17
L
L
L
H
M
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
ML18
L
L
L
H
M
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
ML19
L
L
L
M
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
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Table 4.5.22 Level of significance for the individual cultural heritage sites and site complexes recorded during the present surveys. (cont’d)
Level of Significance
Site #
Social and Political
Local
Provincial
National
Scientific
Local
Provincial
Historical
National
Educational and Economic
Local
Provincial
National
Local
Provincial
National
Aesthetic
Local
Provincial
National
ML20
L
L
L
M
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
ML21
L
L
L
M
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
JD1
VH
M
L
VH
VH
VH
H
M
L
VH
H
H
L
L
L
JD2
VH
M
L
VH
VH
VH
L
L
L
VH
H
H
L
L
L
JD3
VH
M
L
VH
VH
VH
L
L
L
VH
H
H
L
L
L
JD5
VH
M
L
VH
VH
VH
L
L
L
VH
H
H
L
L
L
JD6
L
L
L
M
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
JD7
L
L
L
M
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
JD8
L
L
L
VH
VH
VH
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
JD9
L
L
L
VH
VH
VH
L
L
L
VH
H
H
L
L
L
JD10
L
L
L
VH
VH
VH
L
L
L
VH
H
H
L
L
L
JD11
L
L
L
VH
VH
VH
L
L
L
VH
H
H
L
L
L
JD12
L
L
L
VH
VH
VH
L
L
L
VH
H
H
L
L
L
JD13
L
L
L
VH
VH
VH
L
L
L
VH
H
H
L
L
L
JD14
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
JD15
L
L
L
VH
VH
VH
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
JD16
L
L
L
M
M
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
JD17
L
L
L
M
M
M
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
AAHL
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
AAHM
L
L
L
H
H
M
L
L
L
H
M
M
L
L
L
AAHN
L
L
L
H
H
M
L
L
L
H
M
M
L
L
L
AAHO
L
L
L
M
L
L
L
L
L
M
M
M
L
L
L
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Table 4.5.22 Level of significance for the individual cultural heritage sites and site complexes recorded during the present surveys. (cont’d)
Level of Significance
Site #
Social and Political
Local
Provincial
National
Scientific
Local
Provincial
Historical
National
Educational and Economic
Local
Provincial
National
Local
Provincial
National
Aesthetic
Local
Provincial
National
AAHP
L
L
L
M
L
L
L
L
L
M
M
M
L
L
L
AAHQ
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
AAHR
M
L
L
M
M
L
L
L
L
M
M
M
L
L
L
AAHS
M
L
L
M
M
L
L
L
L
M
M
M
L
L
L
AAHT
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
AAHU
L
L
L
M
L
L
L
L
L
M
M
M
L
L
L
AAHV
L
L
L
M
L
L
L
L
L
M
M
M
L
L
L
AAHW
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
AAHX
L
L
L
M
M
L
L
L
L
M
M
M
L
L
L
AAHY
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
AAHZ
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
AAIB
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
AAIC
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
AAID
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
AAIE
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
AAIF
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
AAIG
L
L
L
M
M
L
L
L
L
M
M
M
L
L
L
AAIH
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
AAII
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
AAIJ
L
L
L
M
M
L
L
L
L
M
M
M
L
L
L
AAIK
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
AAIL
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
B. David, B. Duncan, M. Leavesley
4-635
Social Impact Assessment 2008
Papua New Guinea Liquefied Natural Gas Project
Table 4.5.22 Level of significance for the individual cultural heritage sites and site complexes recorded during the present surveys. (cont’d)
Level of Significance
Site #
Social and Political
Local
Provincial
National
Scientific
Local
Provincial
Historical
National
Educational and Economic
Local
Provincial
National
Local
Provincial
National
Aesthetic
Local
Provincial
National
AAIM
L
L
L
M
M
L
L
L
L
M
M
M
L
L
L
AAIN
L
L
L
M
M
M
L
L
L
M
M
M
L
L
L
AAIO
L
L
L
M
M
M
L
L
L
M
M
M
L
L
L
AAIP
L
L
L
H
H
M
L
L
L
H
M
M
L
L
L
AAIQ
M
L
L
H
M
M
L
L
L
H
M
M
L
L
L
AAIR
L
L
L
M
M
M
L
L
L
M
M
M
L
L
L
AAIS
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
AAIT
M
L
L
M
M
M
L
L
L
M
M
M
L
L
L
AAIU
L
L
L
M
M
M
L
L
L
M
M
M
L
L
L
AAIV
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
JDA17
H
H
VH
L
L
L
H
H
H
M
M
M
L
L
L
CB1
VH
H
H
VH
H
H
M
M
M
H
H
H
M
L
L
CB3
L
L
L
L
L
L
M
M
L
M
M
L
L
L
L
CB4
H
M
M
L
L
L
H
M
H
H
H
H
L
L
L
CB5
L
L
L
L
L
L
M
M
M
L
L
L
L
L
L
CB6
VH
VH
VH
L
L
L
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
CB7
VH
VH
VH
M
M
M
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
CB8
VH
VH
VH
M
M
M
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
M
M
M
ASM
VH
VH
VH
M
M
M
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
M
M
M
CB10
VH
VH
H
VH
VH
H
VH
VH
H
VH
VH
VH
CB11
VH
VH
H
VH
VH
H
VH
VH
H
VH
VH
VH
CB12
VH
VH
H
VH
VH
H
VH
VH
H
VH
VH
VH
CB13
VH
H
H
VH
VH
H
VH
VH
M
VH
VH
VH
M
M
M
B. David, B. Duncan, M. Leavesley
4-636
Social Impact Assessment 2008
Papua New Guinea Liquefied Natural Gas Project
Table 4.5.22 Level of significance for the individual cultural heritage sites and site complexes recorded during the present surveys. (cont’d)
Level of Significance
Site #
Social and Political
Local
Provincial
National
Scientific
Local
Provincial
Historical
National
Educational and Economic
Local
Provincial
National
Local
Provincial
National
Aesthetic
Local
Provincial
National
CB14
VH
H
H
VH
VH
H
VH
VH
M
VH
VH
VH
M
M
M
CB15
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
H
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
M
M
M
CB16
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
CB17
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
CB18
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
CB19
VH
VH
H
L
L
L
VH
VH
H
VH
H
H
L
L
L
CB20
VH
VH
M
L
L
L
H
M
L
VH
M
M
L
L
L
CB21
M
M
M
L
L
L
H
M
H
H
H
H
L
L
L
CB22
H
M
M
L
L
L
H
M
H
H
H
H
M
M
M
CB23
M
M
M
L
L
L
H
M
H
H
H
H
L
L
L
CB24
M
M
M
L
L
L
H
M
H
H
H
H
L
L
L
CB25
H
M
M
L
L
L
H
M
H
H
H
H
L
L
L
CB26
M
M
M
L
L
L
H
M
M
M
L
L
L
L
L
CB27
M
M
M
L
L
L
H
M
M
M
L
L
L
L
L
CB28
H
M
M
L
L
L
H
M
H
H
H
H
L
L
L
CB29
M
L
M
L
L
L
H
M
M
M
L
L
L
L
L
CB30
VH
VH
VH
H
H
H
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
H
H
H
CB31
M
L
L
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
JD4
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
M
L
L
M
L
L
AADI
VH
H
H
M
L
L
VH
VH
VH
AAGM
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
ABG
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
ABH
H
M
L
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
B. David, B. Duncan, M. Leavesley
4-637
Social Impact Assessment 2008
Papua New Guinea Liquefied Natural Gas Project
Table 4.5.22 Level of significance for the individual cultural heritage sites and site complexes recorded during the present surveys. (cont’d)
Level of Significance
Site #
Social and Political
Local
Provincial
National
ABI
Scientific
Local
Provincial
Historical
National
VH
VH
H
H
H
M
Educational and Economic
Local
Provincial
National
L
L
L
Local
Provincial
National
H
H
H
H
H
H
AEZ
AFA
AFB
AFC
VH
VH
H
VH
VH
H
H
H
M
VH
VH
H
AHW
VH
VH
H
VH
VH
H
VH
VH
H
VH
VH
M
AHY
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
AMG
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
H
VH
VH
VH
AMH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
H
VH
VH
VH
AMI
VH
VH
H
VH
VH
H
VH
VH
H
VH
VH
VH
ANA
H
H
M
VH
VH
VH
H
H
M
VH
VH
VH
ANN
VH
VH
H
VH
VH
H
VH
VH
H
VH
VH
M
ANO
VH
VH
H
VH
VH
H
VH
VH
H
VH
VH
M
ANU
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
H
VH
VH
VH
AOG
H
H
M
VH
VH
VH
H
H
M
VH
VH
VH
AOH
H
H
M
VH
VH
VH
M
M
M
VH
VH
VH
AOI
H
H
M
VH
VH
VH
M
M
M
VH
VH
VH
AOJ
H
H
M
VH
VH
VH
M
M
M
VH
VH
VH
AOK
H
H
M
M
M
M
H
H
H
AOL
M
M
M
L
L
L
M
M
M
AOM
AOX
APC
B. David, B. Duncan, M. Leavesley
4-638
Aesthetic
Local
Provincial
National
Social Impact Assessment 2008
Papua New Guinea Liquefied Natural Gas Project
Table 4.5.22 Level of significance for the individual cultural heritage sites and site complexes recorded during the present surveys. (cont’d)
Level of Significance
Site #
Social and Political
Local
Provincial
National
Scientific
Local
Provincial
Historical
National
Educational and Economic
Local
Provincial
National
Local
Provincial
National
Aesthetic
Local
Provincial
VH
M
National
APF
APG
L
L
M
L
L
L
L
L
H
L
L
ARD
M
L
L
H
H
M
L
L
L
H
H
H
ARE
M
L
L
M
M
M
L
L
L
H
M
M
ARF
M
L
L
M
M
M
L
L
L
H
M
M
ARG
M
L
L
H
M
M
L
L
L
H
M
M
ARH
M
L
L
H
M
M
L
L
L
H
M
M
ARI
M
L
L
H
H
M
L
L
L
H
M
M
ARJ
M
L
L
H
H
M
L
L
L
H
H
H
ARK
M
L
L
H
H
M
L
L
L
H
H
H
ARL
M
L
L
H
H
M
L
L
L
H
H
H
ARM
M
L
L
H
H
M
L
L
L
H
H
H
ARQ
L
L
L
H
H
M
L
L
L
H
H
H
M
L
VH
VH
H
L
L
L
VH
VH
VH
AWL
Aema
kara
(oral
traditio
n site)
VH
VH
H
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
H
VH
VH
H
Daerot
o (oral
traditio
n site)
VH
VH
H
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
H
VH
VH
H
B. David, B. Duncan, M. Leavesley
4-639
L
Social Impact Assessment 2008
Papua New Guinea Liquefied Natural Gas Project
Table 4.5.22 Level of significance for the individual cultural heritage sites and site complexes recorded during the present surveys. (cont’d)
Level of Significance
Site #
Social and Political
Local
Provincial
National
Scientific
Local
Provincial
Historical
National
Educational and Economic
Local
Provincial
National
Local
Provincial
National
vDiror
a (oral
traditio
n site)
VH
VH
H
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
H
VH
VH
H
Davag
e (oral
traditio
n site)
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
Konek
aru
village
(oral
traditio
n site)
VH
M
M
H
M
M
H
H
M
VH
H
M
Apau
village
(oral
traditio
n site)
VH
M
M
H
M
M
H
H
M
VH
H
M
Tauba
rau
(oral
traditio
n site)
VH
VH
VH
H
H
H
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
Boera
freshw
ater
wells
VH
L
L
M
M
M
H
L
L
H
M
M
B. David, B. Duncan, M. Leavesley
4-640
Aesthetic
Local
Provincial
M
M
National
M
Social Impact Assessment 2008
Papua New Guinea Liquefied Natural Gas Project
Table 4.5.22 Level of significance for the individual cultural heritage sites and site complexes recorded during the present surveys. (cont’d)
Level of Significance
Site #
Social and Political
Local
Provincial
National
Scientific
Local
Provincial
Historical
National
Educational and Economic
Local
Provincial
National
Local
Provincial
National
Aesthetic
Local
Provincial
National
Sisal
Farm/
Schim
mer
airstrip
/Fairfa
x
Cattle
Statio
n
M
L
L
L
L
L
M
M
M
M
M
L
L
L
L
P-39
Airaco
bra
(Serial
# 416945)
plane
crash
site
M
M
M
L
L
L
H
M
H
M
M
M
L
L
L
P-38
Lockh
eed
Lightni
ng
plane
crash
site,
Lea
Lea
airstrip
M
L
L
L
L
L
M
M
M
M
M
M
L
L
L
B. David, B. Duncan, M. Leavesley
4-641
Social Impact Assessment 2008
Papua New Guinea Liquefied Natural Gas Project
Table 4.5.22 Level of significance for the individual cultural heritage sites and site complexes recorded during the present surveys. (cont’d)
Level of Significance
Site #
Social and Political
Local
Provincial
National
Scientific
Local
Provincial
Historical
National
Educational and Economic
Local
Provincial
National
Local
Provincial
National
Aesthetic
Local
Provincial
National
B-24
Conso
lidated
Libera
tor
plane
crash
site
M
M
M
L
L
L
H
M
H
H
H
H
L
L
L
SC1
L
L
L
VH
H
M
L
L
L
VH
H
M
L
L
L
SC2
L
L
L
H
M
M
L
L
L
H
M
M
L
L
L
SC3
L
L
L
H
M
M
L
L
L
H
M
M
L
L
L
SC4
H
M
L
VH
VH
VH
L
L
L
VH
VH
VH
L
L
L
SC5
L
L
L
VH
VH
VH
L
L
L
VH
VH
VH
L
L
L
SC6
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
L
L
L
SC7
VH
VH
H
VH
VH
VH
VH
VH
H
VH
VH
VH
L=Low, M=Medium, H=High and VH=Very High. SC= Site Complex. Significance levels are either actual (where sites have been assessed in the field), or likely or potential (where sites have been
assessed from archives or oral traditions). In many cases where sites identified from the literature have not been relocated, it is not possible to assess aesthetic significance. In some cases of
archaeological sites located at some distance from the proposed LNG Facilities site area, and where these sites are known from PNG National Museum and Art Gallery register records only, levels
of significance cannot be determined where the details of site cultural contents are not presented in register records (in such cases, only the location of an archaeological site is known).
B. David, B. Duncan, M. Leavesley
4-642
Social Impact Assessment 2008
Papua New Guinea Liquefied Natural Gas Project
4.5.13
Impact Assessments
This section discusses anticipated impacts of the proposed developments on the cultural heritage sites
documented in the previous sections.
From the onset, it is stressed that the territorial lands and waters of the Western Motu – and in
particular the broader Boera region – are a cultural heritage hotspot, largely because this was a major
centre of pottery manufacture; a major centre for both Motu and Koita settlement; and, according to
legend, the origin location of the hiri trade. However, the area’s cultural heritage sites do not only
consist of places known through oral history. They also include ancestral Motu and Koita sites that
have been lost to social memory but that are still present as archaeological sites. These
archaeological sites contain unique evidence on the history of Koita and Motu cultural practices: how
Koita and Motu culture changed through time, including settlement locations, ceramic conventions,
patterns of inter-regional interaction, inter-tribal alliances and conflicts, and trade relations. Such
cultural dynamics have taken place in shifting locations of cultural activity, which today is evident in a
large number of cultural heritage sites both within and neighbouring the proposed LNG Facilities site.
Some of these cultural heritage sites are small, and some are very large and very rich in cultural
deposits.
Before anticipated impacts on these cultural sites are addressed, it is stressed that Motu and Koita
(and, further to the east, Koairi as well) cultural sites have arguably suffered more damage than those
of any other group in PNG, due to the footprint of Port Moresby and associated urban growth: the
Motu and Koita live in the area of the nation’s capital, and as such their cultural heritage sites have
been subject to ongoing damage and destruction through urban and associated developmental
encroachments. The Boera-Papa area lies at the margins of such encroachments, and while to-date
has remained largely unaffected by major developments, requires careful management in light of its
proximity to the nation’s capital and its compounding development encroachments. It is worth
emphasizing that cultural heritage sites are non-renewable cultural resources: once destroyed, they
are gone forever. The Motu and Koita have already lost many sites over the years through urban
developments, and it is critical that significant cultural heritage places remain for future generations to
be able to access and engage with. The Boera area has a critical part to play in this, as shown by the
presence of very significant cultural heritage sites as discussed in earlier sections of this report. In this
section, anticipated impacts of the proposed LNG Facilities site developments are addressed, and
recommendations by which to mitigate such impacts are made in section 4.5.14 to follow, with these
concerns in mind.
The proposed developments are likely to have impacts (in many cases of high magnitude) on
numerous cultural heritage sites and materials within the Study Area and beyond. All the cultural
heritage sites within the site security fence area will be subject to high impacts by the proposed
developments, and associated infrastructures (e.g. access roads, accommodation blocks) as well as
regional population growth caused by the proposed developments will also result in major impacts on
cultural heritage sites in surrounding areas. The development of a management plan for the cultural
heritage sites both within and near the site security fence area is thus of utmost importance (see
section 4.5.14.3.1, Recommendation 4). Many of the archaeological sites within the site security fence
area, and other sites nearby, contain sub-surface cultural materials. Unless adequately managed, for
example by GIS plotting and mapping, the identification of buffer zones, and in some cases fencing off
or systematic archaeological salvaging, some of the more significant cultural heritage materials and
sites could be unacceptably destroyed or otherwise damaged through activities such as ground
leveling, digging foundations for support facilities or fence posts, or through trench excavations, or
through crushing in the passage of heavy vehicles or the positioning of containers, increased visitor
traffic and the like. For this reason, and with due concern for the various values, levels and criteria of
significance of the region’s cultural resources, it is imperative that an informed and systematic
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management (including salvage) programme be instigated prior to commencement of the proposed
LNG Facilities developments (see section 4.5.14 for recommendations).
Likely impacts on each of the cultural heritage sites documented in this report are discussed so as to
enable management recommendations to be made in section 4.5.14. As advised by Coffey Natural
Systems, issues of impact are addressed through site-specific impact matrices aimed at assessing the
valency, nature, duration, extent, magnitude and likelihood of impacts on cultural heritage sites (Table
4.5.23). These impact matrices are the same as those used in the PNG Gas Project, and are being
adopted by all related archaeological projects (as advised by Coffey Natural Systems). The impact
matrix is in each case presented as a set of choices identifying general impact concerns, as informed
by the planned developments presented in this report and without consideration of the management
recommendations made in section 4.5.14 (which are made as solutions to these anticipated impacts).
The section 4.5.14 management recommendations are themselves designed to minimize the negative
impacts presented in the section 4.5.13 impact matrices. The impact matrix cells have been infilled in
orange to identify impact concerns for individual sites and site complexes. Because the field surveys
have focused on areas within and adjacent to the site security fence area, and because also of the
sensitivity of cultural sites to disturbance, generally the cultural heritage sites documented here are
predicted to be negatively impacted in one way or another by the proposed LNG Facilities
developments. However, and as will be discussed in the recommendations section 4.5.14 below,
specific measures can be recommended to mitigate against developmental impacts by 1) maximizing
information retrieval (salvaging; detailed recording) at some sites; and 2) avoiding damage (protection)
to the most significant cultural sites where damage would be unacceptable. It is pointed out from the
onset that the surveys by which such impact statements are made do not consist of a systematic 100
% survey coverage of the entire area of the proposed development (due to reasons outlined
elsewhere in this report, largely to do with the discovery of UXOs and the ensuing restrictions made to
the brief and methodology by Coffey Natural Systems). Furthermore, due to taphonomic processes of
burial through time, some sites without surface exposure may occur under the ground and may thus
not be detectable through archaeological surveys. The following statements are therefore based on
the sample surveys undertaken, and on the sites that occur within the surveyed area. Yet cultural
heritage surveys for impact studies cannot entirely be done through probabilistic surveys: a cultural
heritage site could theoretically occur anywhere, and irrespective of how much of a surrounding area
is covered by cultural heritage surveys, unpredicted and unknown sites could always be present in
unsurveyed areas nearby. For this reason prior to commencement of developments it will be crucial to
complete the cultural heritage surveys until 100% of the area is systematically covered by ground
walking, all the sites discovered are recorded and management recommendations have been made
for each site. This point will be further discussed in the section 4.5.14 recommendations.
For the land area, both the recorded cultural heritage sites within the proposed site security fence area
and those outside the fence are included. The reason for this is that impacts will not only be felt
directly within the development area and the footprint of associated infrastructure (e.g., road upgrade
and deviation), but also in surrounding areas (for a variety of reasons including, incremental growth,
and indirect and cumulative effects). Similarly within the shallow marine environment, although the
surveys have focused on a narrow corridor up to 700 m on either side of the proposed jetty and Marine
Offshore Facilities at the time of the surveys, assessments of some other sites which fall outside these
areas are also commented upon, as indirect and incremental impacts and dredging activities
associated with the shipping channel and turning basins, along with any associated disturbance of the
seabed, may occur.
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Table 4.5.23 Impact matrix for cultural heritage sites (courtesy of Coffey Natural Systems)
Valence
Nature
Duration
Extent
Magnitude
Likelihood
Positive
Direct
FEED
Localised
High
Uncertain
Negative
Indirect
Construction
Regional
Medium
Probable
Cumulative
Operation
National
Low
Confident
Closure
The following impact statements for the shallow marine environment are based on data (and field
surveys) for locations which now appear to have been superseded by more recent plans for offshore
facilities (see section 4.5.3 and section 4.5.5.1 for descriptions of the locations within which the cultural
heritage site surveying team was asked to undertake fieldwork for this consultancy).
4.5.13.1
Cultural Heritage Sites Inside vs Sites Outside the Site Perimeter Fence Area
(Land) and Study Area (Shallow Marine)
Sites within the site security fence area are differentiated from sites outside the fence, and in the case
of the shallow marine environment, the part inside the Study Area is differentiated from those outside
the Study Area, because sites within the Study Area can be expected to be destroyed whereas those
outside will in most cases be subject to lesser levels of disturbance. All the sites within the site security
fence area, and some neighbouring sites, are expected to be subject to direct impacts. Therefore,
qualitatively different management requirements will generally be required between these two sets of
sites.
4.5.13.1.1 Direct Impacts: Cultural Heritage Sites Inside or Adjacent to the Site Security
Fence Area
ARD, ARG, ARH, ARI, ARJ, ARM, ML4, ML5, ML7, ML9, ML13, ML14, ML15, ML16, ML17, ML18,
ML19, ML20, ML21, JD6; JD8, JD9, JD10, JD11, JD12, JD13, JD14, JD15, JD16 (SC5); JD17,
AAHL, AAHM, AAHN, AAHO, AAHP, AAHQ, AAHR, AAHS, AAHT, AAHU, AAHV, AAHW, AAHX,
AAHY, AAHZ, AAIB, AAIC, AAID, AAIE, AAIF, AAIG, AAIH, AAII, AAIJ, AAIK, AAIL, AAIM, AAIO,
AAIR, AAIS, AAIT, AAIU, AAIV. These sites are all located within the site security fence area. Unless
specific management recommendations are made for the protection of individual sites, each of these
sites will almost certainly be significantly damaged or entirely destroyed during the proposed
developments.
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Table 4.5.24 Impact matrix for cultural heritage sites ARD, ARG, ARH, ARI, ARJ, ARM, ML4,
ML5, ML7, ML9, ML13, ML14, ML15, ML16, ML17, ML18, ML19, ML20, ML21, JD6;
JD9, JD8, JD10, JD11, JD12, JD13, JD14, JD15, JD16 (SC5); JD17, AAHL, AAHM,
AAHN, AAHO, AAHP, AAHQ, AAHR, AAHS, AAHT, AAHU, AAHV, AAHW, AAHX,
AAHY, AAHZ, AAIB, AAIC, AAID, AAIE, AAIF, AAIG, AAIH, AAII, AAIJ, AAIK, AAIL,
AAIM, AAIO, AAIR, AAIS, AAIT, AAIU, AAIV
Valence
Nature
Duration
Extent
Magnitude
Likelihood
Positive
Direct
FEED
Localised
High
Uncertain
Negative
Indirect
Construction
Regional
Medium
Probable
Cumulative
Operation
National
Low
Confident
Closure
LNG1, LNG2, LNG3, LNG4, ML12, JD7. These sites are all located directly on, or within a few
metres, of the proposed site security fence area. Unless specific management recommendations are
made for the protection of individual sites, each of these sites will almost certainly be damaged or
destroyed during construction of the perimeter fence.
Table 4.5.25 Impact matrix for cultural heritage sites LNG1, LNG2, LNG3, LNG4, ML12, JD7
Valence
Nature
Duration
Extent
Magnitude
Likelihood
Positive
Direct
FEED
Localised
High
Uncertain
Negative
Indirect
Construction
Regional
Medium
Probable
Cumulative
Operation
National
Low
Confident
Closure
CB3. This site, a WWII pipe bridge through the mangroves, is located either within (and at the
southern end of) the site security fence area, or just outside of it. The exact location of the site was not
recorded because at the time of the surveys it lay outside the Survey Area (and thus it lay outside the
area of the study brief). Subsequently, when the location of the site security fence area was
communicated to the cultural heritage site surveying team on 10 June 2008, it became apparent that
this site would likely lie within or adjacent to the development area, and may thus be damaged or
destroyed by the construction and use of the LNG Facilities. This site is of low significance and can be
removed after it has been recorded.
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Table 4.5.26 Impact matrix for cultural heritage sites ML1, ML2, AAIN
Valence
Nature
Duration
Extent
Magnitude
Likelihood
Positive
Direct
FEED
Localised
High
Uncertain
Negative
Indirect
Construction
Regional
Medium
Probable
Cumulative
Operation
National
Low
Confident
Closure
Sisal Farm/Schimmer airstrip/Fairfax Cattle Station. The sisal farm, airstrip and cattle station lie
directly within the bounds of the Study Area (and make up most of the land part of the Study Area
closest to the coast). They will be directly affected by any works undertaken within the site security
fence area. As the surveys of this area have not been completed, the exact extent and archaeological
signatures of this site remain unknown. The impact matrix for this site is based on what has been seen
so far, and probably represents an accurate representation for this site as a whole.
Table 4.5.27 Impact matrix for Sisal Farm/Schimmer airstrip/Fairfax Cattle Station
Valence
Nature
Duration
Extent
Magnitude
Likelihood
Positive
Direct
FEED
Localised
High
Uncertain
Negative
Indirect
Construction
Regional
Medium
Probable
Cumulative
Operation
National
Low
Confident
Closure
4.5.13.1.2 Indirect and Cumulative Impacts: Cultural Heritage Sites Outside the Site
Security Fence Area
ML1, ML2, AAIN. These sites are located 350-400 m to the north (ML1, ML2) and northwest (AAIN) of
the site security fence area. They are likely to suffer damage (erosion, people picking up artefacts)
from visitor traffic either from LNG Facilities workers (be they local villagers or outsiders) and/or
villagers approaching the LNG Facilities site.
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Table 4.5.28 Impact matrix for cultural heritage sites ML1, ML2, AAIN
Valence
Nature
Duration
Extent
Magnitude
Likelihood
Positive
Direct
FEED
Localised
High
Uncertain
Negative
Indirect
Construction
Regional
Medium
Probable
Cumulative
Operation
National
Low
Confident
Closure
JD1, JD2, JD3, JD5, ML3 (Part of SC4); JD4; ML6, ML8, ML10, ML11, Konekaru Village. These
sites are located 130-750 m to the north of the site security fence area, at and adjacent to Konekaru
beach. Because they are associated with the closest beach to the LNG Facilities area, they are likely
to suffer significant increases in visitation as a result of the proposed developments (by local villagers
as well as visitors and people associated with the LNG Facilities in one way or another). This beach
area will also very likely see increased marine access as canoes and dinghies traveling along this part
of the coastline, immediately to the north of the proposed jetty facility, moor on the beach (whether due
to bad weather or other reasons) as continued southward travel will be inhibited by an exclusion zone
caused by the Marine Offshore Facility’s jetty. This area will thus require special management
consideration.
Table 4.5.29 Impact matrix for cultural heritage sites JD1, JD2, JD3, JD5, ML3 (part of SC4);
JD4; ML6, ML8, ML10, ML11, Konekaru village
Valence
Nature
Duration
Extent
Magnitude
Likelihood
Positive
Direct
FEED
Localised
High
Uncertain
Negative
Indirect
Construction
Regional
Medium
Probable
Cumulative
Operation
National
Low
Confident
Closure
AAIP, AAIQ. These sites are located 250-500 m to the south of the site security fence area, on the
edge of the mangroves. They are large stone artefact scatters, and as such are likely to suffer
opportunistic collection or movement of stone artefacts from increased visitor foot traffic.
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Table 4.5.30 Impact matrix for cultural heritage sites AAIP, AAIQ
Valence
Nature
Duration
Extent
Magnitude
Likelihood
Positive
Direct
FEED
Localised
High
Uncertain
Negative
Indirect
Construction
Regional
Medium
Probable
Cumulative
Operation
National
Low
Confident
Closure
AHW, ANN, ANO, CB10 (SC7); CB11; CB12; CB7, CB8 and ASM (Some of the SC6 Sites); AADI,
ABH, AMG, AMH, AMI, ANA, ANU, AOG, AWL, Ava Garau, Davage, Taubarau, Nemu, Daeroto,
Dirora. These sites are located >2 km to the north (the SC7 sites); >1 km to the south (the SC6 sites);
>2 km to the northwest (CB11, CB12); Dirora >2 km to the north-northeast; and >2 km to the south
(the remaining sites, with the location of Daeroto being unknown) of the site security fence area, and
are thus unlikely to suffer direct impacts from the proposed developments. However, because of their
very high levels of significance, indirect impacts will almost certainly be felt, especially through two
factors: 1) the tendency for development workers to visit interesting places they hear about while on
(or off) the job (with or without guidance from local villagers); and 2) changing visitation,
demographics, settlement patterns and access routes caused by developments among local
populations resulting in increased access (and possibly housing/gardening pressures) by local peoples
and their friends, relatives and incoming outsiders. These problems of cumulative and indirect impacts
are very real ones that local peoples generally experience (and complain about) following
development projects. Significant and renowned sites (such as the ones listed here) are most
susceptible to this kind of impact.
Table 4.5.31 Impact matrix for cultural heritage sites AHW, ANN, ANO, CB10 at Buria (SC7);
CB11; CB12; CB7, CB8 and ASM (some of the SC6 sites); AADI, ABH, AMG, AMH,
AMI, ANA, ANU, AOG, AWL, Ava Garau, Davage, Taubarau, Nemu, Daeroto,
Dirora;
Valence
Nature
Duration
Extent
Magnitude
Likelihood
Positive
Direct
FEED
Localised
High
Uncertain
Negative
Indirect
Construction
Regional
Medium
Probable
Cumulative
Operation
National
Low
Confident
Closure
Aemakara. Aemakara is a very significant ancestral village site for the Koita. It is a renowned oral
tradition site. Aemakara is extensive (it is estimated to be about 1.0 x 0.7 km in area), located 700 m to
the south of the site security fence area, and contains rich archaeological deposits. It is also a high
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point for the region, with excellent views in all directions. This combination of factors make Aemakara
a likely target for people wanting a good view of the surrounding landscape. It is extremely likely that it
will receive increased levels of visitor (foot, but also possibly vehicle) traffic as a result of the proposed
developments and their ensuing changing regional demographics, including people (illegally) picking
up artefacts. Its close proximity to the proposed developments also makes it amenable to encroaching
developments.
Table 4.5.32 Impact matrix for Aemakara
Valence
Nature
Duration
Extent
Magnitude
Likelihood
Positive
Direct
FEED
Localised
High
Uncertain
Negative
Indirect
Construction
Regional
Medium
Probable
Cumulative
Operation
National
Low
Confident
Closure
CB1. This site is likely to be indirectly impacted by proposed marine constructions as a result of wave
action caused by ship traffic. The construction of the jetty along with any associated removal of the
mangrove environment may also alter coastal geomorphological processes in the area, which will
probably also subsequently affect the environmental stability of this site. The major effect to this site
would likely be erosional.
Table 4.5.33 Impact matrix for CB1
Valence
Nature
Duration
Extent
Magnitude
Likelihood
Positive
Direct
FEED
Localised
High
Uncertain
Negative
Indirect
Construction
Regional
Medium
Probable
Cumulative
Operation
National
Low
Confident
Closure
CB13, CB14, CB15. These are the old parts of Lea Lea, Papa and Boera villages that are now
submerged underwater and contain buried archaeological remains. They are at some distance from
the proposed developments, but may be impacted by any growth of the villages directly or indirectly
resulting from the proposed developments (through new house constructions, changing erosional
regimes and the like). They are also likely to be affected indirectly by erosion/sand accretion through
the construction of the jetty and Marine Offshore Facility.
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Table 4.5.34 Impact matrix for cultural heritage sites CB13, CB14, CB15
Valence
Nature
Duration
Extent
Magnitude
Likelihood
Positive
Direct
FEED
Localised
High
Uncertain
Negative
Indirect
Construction
Regional
Medium
Probable
Cumulative
Operation
National
Low
Confident
Closure
AAGM, ABG, ABI, AEZ, AFA, AFB, AHY, AOH, AOI, AOJ, AOK, AOL, AOM, AOX, APC, APF,
APG, ARE, ARF, ARK, ARL. These sites are located a short distance (200 m to >2 km) to the south
of the proposed Site Perimeter Fence Area. They are particularly susceptible to people picking up
artefacts such as potsherds while traveling between Port Moresby and the LNG152 Facility, or visiting
Boera and other nearby places, or being taken to places by local people. Such (illegal) activities are
very real and typical of growth areas.
Table 4.5.35 Impact matrix for cultural heritage sites AAGM, ABG, ABI, AEZ, AFA, AFB, AHY,
AOH, AOI, AOJ, AOK, AOL, AOM, AOX, APC, APF, APG, ARE, ARF, ARK, ARL
Valence
Nature
Duration
Extent
Magnitude
Likelihood
Positive
Direct
FEED
Localised
High
Uncertain
Negative
Indirect
Construction
Regional
Medium
Probable
Cumulative
Operation
National
Low
Confident
Closure
ARQ. This site is located a short distance (appears to be <100 m of road based on PNG National
Museum and Art Gallery records) from the Boera-Papa Road, and will be easy access for people
using the road to access the development area; this site is particularly susceptible to visitation from
significantly increased demographics (both inside and outside the immediate LNG152 Facility), and
thus foot traffic. It is susceptible to erosion from foot traffic and from people poking around.
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Table 4.5.36 Impact matrix for cultural heritage site ARQ
Valence
Nature
Duration
Extent
Magnitude
Likelihood
Positive
Direct
FEED
Localised
High
Uncertain
Negative
Indirect
Construction
Regional
Medium
Probable
Cumulative
Operation
National
Low
Confident
Closure
CB16, CB17, CB18. We are uncertain as to the likelihood of these sites being damaged as their
current locations are unknown, but it should be noted that these lagatoi wreck sites would almost
certainly be of National (and international) significance if discovered. The proposed Pipeline
development outside of the Caution Bay area may impact upon these or other previously undiscovered
shipwrecks (from both the pre-European contact and contact periods) or aircraft crash sites.
Table 4.5.37 Impact matrix for CB16, CB17, CB18
Valence
Nature
Duration
Extent
Magnitude
Likelihood
Positive
Direct
FEED
Localised
High
Uncertain
Negative
Indirect
Construction
Regional
Medium
Probable
Cumulative
Operation
National
Low
Confident
Closure
CB30. This is a major WWII facility site of National significance. It is located >2 km to the south of the
Site Perimeter Fence Area, and approximately 2.5 km from the Boera-Papa road. It is a well-known
WWII site, and of relatively easy access. It is one of the most intact and undisturbed WWII sites in the
country, and may also contain archaeological remains of prehistoric occupation. It must not be
disturbed by the proposed developments, but it’s high-quality visibility (as a WWII complex in a good
state of preservation) means that it is very susceptible to increased visitation from LNG152 Facility
personnel and from indirect and cumulative local and regional traffic caused by the developments
(including changing regional demographics). Management considerations will need to be given to this
site, despite its distance from the Site Perimeter Fence Area.
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Table 4.5.38 Impact matrix for CB30
Valence
Nature
Duration
Extent
Magnitude
Likelihood
Positive
Direct
FEED
Localised
High
Uncertain
Negative
Indirect
Construction
Regional
Medium
Probable
Cumulative
Operation
National
Low
Confident
Closure
CB4. Further work is required to positively identify the exact location of this site. The site lies outside
the Study Area of the study brief, but seems to lie very close to the site security fence area, and may
thus be subject to impacts from the poposed developments. From oral accounts by local people, this
site appears to lie shortly to the south of Vaihua River amongst the mangroves. This WWII plane crash
site (of a P-39 Airacobra) is of high significance, and any disturbance may require the permission of
the Australian or US governments as well as the PNG government. Until the exact location of this
plane wreck is identified in the field, management recommendations cannot be adequately made (see
section 4.5.14 for recommendations).
Table 4.5.39 Impact matrix for CB4
Valence
Nature
Duration
Extent
Magnitude
Likelihood
Positive
Direct
FEED
Localised
High
Uncertain
Negative
Indirect
Construction
Regional
Medium
Probable
Cumulative
Operation
National
Low
Confident
Closure
CB6, CB22, CB23, CB24, CB25, CB26, CB27, CB28, CB29, P-39 Airacobra (Serial # 41-6945)
Plane Crash Site; B-24 Consolidated Liberator Plane Crash Site. The construction of the proposed
shipping channel may effect at least one aircraft (CB23/CB24) and possibly more, some of whose
locations and occurrences may not be presently known (historical documentary records indicate that
other aircraft may have crashed or disappeared in this general area; other previously unreported sites
may exist in the broader area). Furthermore, as the present planned route for the Pipeline is unknown
to the cultural heritage site surveying team, it is also possible (but currently uncertain) that other
aircraft crash and shipwreck sites at Hidiha (CB22), Bavo (CB28, CB29), and other reefs inside
Caution Bay (CB25, CB26, CB27) may be affected directly or indirectly by the installation of the
proposed Pipeline through construction, dredging or localised scouring of the seabed. Similarly, CB6,
a site of very high National significance associated with the first lagatoi story, is also located at Hidiha
Island, and could be adversely affected by any plans to construct a pipeline across the reef in this
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area. CB6 must not be damaged, and concerted efforts should be made to accurately located and
map all of these sites. Some of the WWII wreck sites are likely to be international war graves.
Table 4.5.40 Impact matrix for CB6, CB22, CB23, CB24, CB25, CB26, CB27, CB28, CB29, P-39
Airacobra (Serial # 41-6945) plane crash site; B-24 Consolidated Liberator plane
crash site
Valence
Nature
Duration
Extent
Magnitude
Likelihood
Positive
Direct
FEED
Localised
High
Uncertain
Negative
Indirect
Construction
Regional
Medium
Probable
Cumulative
Operation
National
Low
Confident
Closure
JDA17. This is probably the location of a WWII plane crash. The site was recorded opportunistically
during the surveys, although it lay beyond the area of the study brief. The site lies 2.2 km to the
southeast of the site security fence area. It is likely to be subjected to occasional visitation as a result
of the proposed developments, due to the significant anticipated increases in population and traffic
across the area.
Table 4.5.41 Impact matrix for JDA17
Valence
Nature
Duration
Extent
Magnitude
Likelihood
Positive
Direct
FEED
Localised
High
Uncertain
Negative
Indirect
Construction
Regional
Medium
Probable
Cumulative
Operation
National
Low
Confident
Closure
CB5. It is uncertain as to the likelihood of damage at this site as its exact location has not been
ascertained, but it may lie close enough to the proposed development to suffer direct or indirect
damage. As it has not been ascertained whether the cable is still being used, neither can its level of
significance or impact be determined. Although the UNESCO maritime convention (UNESCO 2001)
does not consider submarine cables under cultural heritage, the cable and its location would probably
be of archaeological significance due to its associations with PNG/Australian WWII defences. The
location of where the cable came ashore would be of historical significance due to its associations with
the first telegraph cable between PNG and Australia. However, its location is of National historical
significance as the first communication cable between Australia and PNG.
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Table 4.5.42 Impact matrix for CB5
Valence
Nature
Duration
Extent
Magnitude
Likelihood
Positive
Direct
FEED
Localised
High
Uncertain
Negative
Indirect
Construction
Regional
Medium
Probable
Cumulative
Operation
National
Low
Confident
Closure
Apau Village. Members of the cultural heritage site surveying team have been told by a local Boera
villager that the ancient village site of Apau is located approximately 50-100 m south Davage, near
Boera, which is the building site of Edai Siabo’s first lagatoi. Apau village was later replaced by Boera
village. It has not been field-recorded, because this area lay outside the area specified in the study
brief during the fieldwork. Therefore only the place name has been recorded, following its mention
during discussions with local villagers. This site should be systematically mapped prior to
commencement of developments. It is unlikely to be impacted by the proposed developments, but a
final decision on this, and on its management, will need to await its field mapping.
Table 4.5.43 Impact matrix for Apau village
Valence
Nature
Duration
Extent
Magnitude
Likelihood
Positive
Direct
FEED
Localised
High
Uncertain
Negative
Indirect
Construction
Regional
Medium
Probable
Cumulative
Operation
National
Low
Confident
Closure
Boera Freshwater Wells. The Boera freshwater wells have not been field-located during the cultural
heritage surveys, because this area lay outside the area specified in the study brief during the cultural
heritage fieldwork. Therefore only their existence has been recorded, as a cultural heritage place of
historical standing following their mention during discussions with local villagers. This site should be
systematically mapped prior to commencement of developments. It is likely to be impacted by the
proposed developments, as a result of growing populations and ensuing requirements for greater
freshwater access by neighbouring villagers. However, the exact nature of impacts on this site are
unknown to as the cultural heritage site surveying team has not participated in the broader social study
and the implications of social impacts on land use that are assessed in the project Social Impact
Assessment.
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Table 4.5.44 Impact matrix for Boera freshwater wells
Valence
Nature
Duration
Extent
Magnitude
Likelihood
Positive
Direct
FEED
Localised
High
Uncertain
Negative
Indirect
Construction
Regional
Medium
Probable
Cumulative
Operation
National
Low
Confident
Closure
CB21. According to local oral traditions, this WWII plane crash site is located on the mud bank at the
southern end of Lea Lea village, and is probably the Japanese Zero (A6M2 Model 21 Zero –
Manufacturer # 3537) which is described historically (see section 4.5.10.1.1 above; Table 4.5.6) as
having crashed at Boera.
Table 4.5.45 Impact matrix for CB21
Valence
Nature
Duration
Extent
Magnitude
Likelihood
Positive
Direct
FEED
Localised
High
Uncertain
Negative
Indirect
Construction
Regional
Medium
Probable
Cumulative
Operation
National
Low
Confident
Closure
P-38 Lockheed Lightning Plane Crash Site, Lea Lea Airstrip. This site is located a considerable
distance from the proposed LNG Facilities site and is unlikely to be impacted by it. The crashed plane
and all its parts have already been removed to the DoMH Museum at Boroko, Port Moresby.
Table 4.5.46 Impact matrix for P-38 Lockheed Lightning plane crash site, Lea Lea airstrip
Valence
Nature
Duration
Extent
Magnitude
Likelihood
Positive
Direct
FEED
Localised
High
Uncertain
Negative
Indirect
Construction
Regional
Medium
Probable
Cumulative
Operation
National
Low
Confident
Closure
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CB19, CB20, CB31 From current plans available to the cultural heritage site surveying team, it
appears that sites CB19, CB20 and CB31 will probably not be affected by the installation of the
Pipeline or LNG Facilities as presently proposed. CB31 is located some distance from the site security
fence area and is therefore unlikely to be impacted by the proposed developments. CB19 and CB20
are fixed ‘instillations’ (memorial and tree) located in the middle of Boera and Lea Lea villages
respectively, and are unlikely to be affected by developments associated with the proposed
developments. Because of the above unlikelyhood of impacts on these sites, the impact matrix is left
blank.
Table 4.5.47 Impact matrix for CB19, CB20, CB31
Valence
Nature
Duration
Extent
Magnitude
Likelihood
Positive
Direct
FEED
Localised
High
Uncertain
Negative
Indirect
Construction
Regional
Medium
Probable
Cumulative
Operation
National
Low
Confident
Closure
4.5.14
Recommendations
The cultural heritage sites surveys undertaken in the present report involved limited recording of
individual sites rather than their detailed mapping and detailed investigations. Based on the number,
distribution, significance and likely impacts of the proposed onshore and offshore LNG Facilities
developments on the cultural heritage sites within the Study Area, as presented in previous sections of
this report, a number of recommendations are made to mitigate against the loss of cultural heritage
sites, and the information these may hold, as a result of the proposed developments. These
recommendations will need to be addressed prior to the construction of the proposed LNG Facilities.
As they relate directly to the impacts or potential impacts of the proposed developments on cultural
heritage sites, the costs of meeting these recommendations remain the responsibility of the
developers. This section of the report (the section 4.5.14 recommendations) is made by the following
co-ordinated group of cultural heritage personnel: Bruno David, Nick Araho, Jeremy Ash, John Dop,
Brad Duncan, Alexandra Gartrell, Alois Kuaso, Matthew Leavesley and John Muke.
4.5.14.1
General Principles
Recommendation 1. That any further cultural heritage work should involve the PNG National
Museum and Art Gallery working in conjunction with professional consultant archaeologists. The
rationale behind this is that the Museum is required to administer the National Cultural Property
(Preservation) Act, with the reporting of cultural places and objects to the Museum being a
requirement of the Act. Furthermore, the Museum is best positioned to properly assess notions of
National heritage significance as they apply to PNG, being a national representative body for cultural
heritage matters in this country. Second, the Museum is also responsible for the administration of the
War Surplus Material Act, which deals predominantly with historical defence sites, and as such is
similarly placed to assess the significance of these sites. Third, by virtue of the proposed LNG
Facilities developments being located in PNG, it is appropriate that PNG archaeologists are formally
involved in all stages of assessing national cultural heritage matters, including sites and objects
identified during surveys. It is also recommended that, in future, the National Cultural Commission
(NCC) should also be involved in cultural heritage studies that involve cultural heritage sites and/or
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objects (because they are the PNG government organisation responsible for cultural development in
PNG, which is relevant to the present cultural heritage work because oral tradition sites are involved).
4.5.14.2
Completion of Cultural Heritage Surveys
4.5.14.2.1 Land and Shallow Marine Environment within the Site Perimeter Fence Area
and Associated Jetty Area
Recommendation 2. It is imperative that a comprehensive (100% aerial coverage) archaeological site
survey be undertaken of all footprint areas of the LNG Facilities site components – for both
construction and operations – located within the site security fence area boundary before any
developments proceed. Similarly, the entire shallow marine area to be developed, including shipping
turning areas, should be systematically surveyed (including side-scan sonar surveys; see also
Recommendations 3 and 4) for cultural heritage sites, with WWII plane and shipwrecks particularly in
mind (a number of missing plane crashes occur in the general area, some of which may be
international war graves).
4.5.14.2.2 Area Outside the Site Security Fence Area and Associated Jetty Area
Recommendation 3. Any associated infrastructure areas, such as lay-down areas, access roads,
helipads and the like, should be systematically surveyed for cultural heritage sites prior to
developments, and appropriate management plans for cultural heritage sites thereby discovered
drawn-up.
4.5.14.3
Management Plan, Mapping, Avoidance and Salvage
4.5.14.3.1 General Management Plan
Recommendation 4. Given the high density of cultural heritage sites (archaeological and oral
tradition) within and surrounding the proposed developments, and given in particular the presence of
numerous sites of very high National significance outside but a short distance away from the site
security fence area and associated shallow marine facilities, together with anticipated demographic
and settlement growths, we strongly recommend that systematic cultural heritage surveys, and a
management plan for cultural heritage sites, be undertaken for the entire area from Boera to Papa,
from the coast inland to the foothills. This management plan should consider both indigenous sites and
WWII sites. It is noted that as the LNG Facilities work proceeds, it will inevitably draw more human
traffic into the region. Such new-comers and/or visitors may unwittingly visit cultural sites against the
wishes of the local residents or against co-venture participant rules and protocols (such activities are
routinely documented from other comparable operations in PNG and elsewhere; at times people move
or even illegally remove artefacts); in some cases, people who have come to the area as a result of
the LNG Facilities developments will likely visit sites as local villager guests. In order to mitigate
against such impacts on nearby cultural heritage sites, we strongly recommend that systematic
cultural heritage surveys be undertaken in areas beyond the scope of this report, and that these
should include all the known important cultural heritage sites within a 3 km buffer zone around the site
security fence area. The results of these surveys should be incorporated in the regional cultural
heritage sites management plan.
4.5.14.3.2 Geomorphological Modelling
Recommendation 5. The LNG Facilities site area may be subject to long-shore drift which in turn may
adversely affect coastal geomorphological dynamics. It is possible that the introduction of new
maritime infrastructure on the shoreline could have adverse effects on the stability of the sites at
Konekaru beach, the aircraft wrecks at Lea Lea and Vaihua, any remains of stilt village sites at Lea
Lea and Papa, and most significantly the traditional lagatoi canoe sites at Boera. The coastal sites
CB6, CB8, CB9, CB13, CB14, CB15 and CB16 which lie outside the Study Area, may also be
affected. All of these sites are considered of potential National cultural heritage significance, and in
particular sites CB13, CB14, CB15 and CB16 have the potential for highly intact archaeological
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deposits. This equally applies to any aircraft wreckage sites which are known or which may exist in the
area, particularly CB21, and also to the Missionary Tree (CB20) at Lea Lea which is situated close to
the water’s edge in a low-lying area. It is therefore recommended that the potential effects of the
installation of the proposed Marine Offshore Facility and jetty on local known and potential
archaeological sites are investigated, with the establishment of management recommendations in
mind. Mitigative works should also be considered to retain the current foreshore edge and retard
erosion around the villages of Papa, Boera and Lea Lea (possibly in the form of a seawall and groynes
if deemed appropriate) if project developments are predicted or shown to impact on these sites.
4.5.14.3.3 Sites Requiring Systematic Recording and Mapping
Recommendation 6. A number of very significant ancestral cultural heritage sites of oral tradition
occur outside the site security fence area, but close enough to be subject to low to medium level
indirect and cumulative impacts. They include: B10 (Buria), Aemakara, Apau Village, Dirora, CB11
(Darebo), CB12 (Dori Hill), Daeroto, four sites associated with Edai Siabo’s first lagatoi story (CB6,
CB7, CB8, ASM), and three sunken lagatoi (CB16, CB17 and CB18; see also Recommendation 8);
these sites are of very high cultural significance to the people of Lea Lea, Papa, Boera and/or
Porebada. We recommend that these sites be systematically recorded and mapped prior to LNG
Facilities developments proceeding, and should involve a social anthropologist to record the oral
traditions associated with them, with their longer-term management (including monitoring of impacts)
in mind. Any other associated works planned for the area (e.g. offshore pipeline routes, inland traffic
routes or other associated infrastructure facilities) should consider these sites at the planning phase
and be routed to avoid any negative impacts to them. It is critical that no developments directly relating
to the LNG Facilities take place at these sites. These sites were all recorded opportunistically while
doing the work for the present report. However, oral tradition or archaeological sites occurring outside
the area of the study brief (centred on the Survey Focus Area) have not been systematically recorded.
There are likely to be many other significant sites of oral tradition, and archaeological sites, in the
broader area and these should also be systematically recorded (see Recommendation 4).
Recommendation 7. The area within and immediately surrounding the site security fence area
contains numerous locations with Koita and/or Motu language names. Once the proposed
developments take place, many of these places will almost certainly disappear from social memory, as
the land will be significantly modified and many of its features will disappear. We therefore recommend
that a social anthropologist record the Koita and Motu place names and their associated oral traditions
within and immediately surrounding the site security fence area prior to construction.
Recommendation 8. The discovery of any sunken lagatoi would be of National significance to PNG,
and of likely international significance to the archaeological community. It is recommended that if any
lagatoi remains are discovered during any works for the proposed developments, the site including a
300 m buffer zone around it should be protected from developments. This includes the three known
lagatoi wreck sites CB16, CB17 and CB18, whose precise locations have not yet been identified. In
order to avoid damage to these sites, and giving due thoughts to their general proximity to the
proposed developments, we here also recommend that the precise locations and significance of
CB16, CB17 and CB18 be recorded in the field, with the involvement of a social anthropologist to
document their cultural details.
Recommendation 9. A number of archaeological sites recorded over 20 years ago and already on the
PNG National Museum and Art Gallery national site register occur within the site security fence area
(sites ARD, ARG, ARH, ARI, ARJ, ARM). It is uncertain whether or not some of these sites are
geographically contiguous with four of the sites newly recorded for the present report (in particular,
sites AAIM, AAIO, AAIP, AAIQ). It is recommended that these two sets of site codes be cross-checked
in the field to determine whether or not any of the sites have been recorded twice (e.g. do ARE =
AAIP; ARG = AAIQ; ARJ = AAIO), once under earlier PNG National Museum and Art
Gallery/University of PNG surveys, and a second time during the present surveys.
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Recommendation 10. The Boera battery (CB30) to the north of Boera village is considered one of the
most intact and undisturbed WWII sites in the country and may also contain remains of pre-colonial
period occupation. The site is likely to incur increased levels of visitation as a result of the proposed
developments. In light of such ancitipated increases, systematic archaeological mapping of this site by
a professional surveyor working together with an archaeologist is recommended.
Recommendation 11. The anomaly identified by side-scan sonar (ID10) should be inspected by
divers prior to construction, and management recommendations made accordingly, as this anomaly
was not inspected during the fieldwork.
4.5.14.3.4 Sites where Disturbance is to be Avoided
Recommendation 12. Konekaru (CB1, JD1, JD2, JD3, JD5, ML3, including the beach area; SC4), an
ancient village site with high cultural heritage values located in the northwest corner of the LNG
Facilities site lease area and a short distance outside the site security fence area, must be avoided.
This is the site of a former village of the ancestors of the residents of Papa, and a significant ancestral
cultural heritage place. Consequently, this site has direct and immediate social links and high social
heritage value for the contemporary residents of Papa.
Recommendation 13. The ancestral oral tradition sites near Boera – including Davage, Taubarau,
Ava Garau – are of the highest level of cultural heritage significance. The archaeological sites
associated with and adjacent to these oral tradition sites (including AFA, AMG, AMH, AMI, ANA, ANU)
are also of very high cultural heritage significance. It is critical that this entire area remains undisturbed
by the proposed LNG Facilities development because of its very high National level cultural heritage
significance. It is strongly recommend that the area which contains these sites from Boera village north
and northwesterly-ward to AGD66 Grid Reference 0500800 E 8963700 N, plus a 1 km-wide buffer
zone around it (including both the land and marine environments), is avoided by the LNG Facilities
development (including associated infrastructure areas such as lay-down areas, access roads,
shipping routes and turn-around areas, etc.).
Recommendation 14. It is critical that the very significant ancestral oral tradition sites of Buria (B10),
Aemakara, Dirora, Darebo (CB11), Dori Hill (CB12) and Daeroto are avoided by the proposed
developments. No access roads, lay-down areas or other infrastructural developments for the project
are to be undertaken within at least 500 m of any of these sites.
Recommendation 15. Cultural heritage sites CB6, CB7, CB8 and ASM are very significant oral
tradition sites associated with the first lagatoi story. It is critical that damage to these sites is avoided,
and any developments that could come within 300 m of these sites should be reconsidered. The exact
location of CB6 near Hidiha Island is as yet undetermined, but the site may be affected by any
subsequent developments if this location is not sufficiently considered in the future. It is therefore
strongly recommended that further cultural heritage survey work be undertaken to document the
precise location and significance of CB6, and that a social anthropologist should be engaged to record
the oral traditions surrounding these sites and any other associated cultural heritage sites.
Recommendation 16. Cultural heritage sites CB16, CB17 and CB18 are sunken lagatoi wreck sites
known through oral traditions; they are of great cultural heritage significance. Damage to these sites
should be avoided at all costs, and any planned developments within 300 m of these sites should be
reconsidered.
4.5.14.3.5 Sites Requiring Archaeological Salvaging Prior to Construction
A number of archaeological sites hold good to very high potential to reveal unique information about
the area’s and broader region’s history. These sites should each be salvaged prior to disturbance by
2
the proposed developments. The larger and denser archaeological sites (>1000 m ) should each
undergo extensive salvaging; the smaller and less dense stratified sites should each undergo smallerscale salvaging. In all cases, archaeological excavation methods should follow international best
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2
practice methods, including systematic excavation of ≤1 m Excavation Squares (sometimes as single
squares, sometimes in sets of contiguous or adjacent squares, depending on the specific needs of
individual site and site complex salvaging programmes); excavation in fine-grained (usually <3 cm
thick) Excavation Units within Stratigraphic Units (to enable appropriate differentiation of temporal
units); sub-division of stratigraphic sub-units to enable differentiation of separate depositional/erosional
features; systematic 3-dimensional plotting of significant in situ objects and charcoal for AMS
radiocarbon dating; sieving in 3mm mesh or less; radiocarbon dating of each excavation to allow
meaningful results to be presented; complete sorting of all excavated materials; laboratory analysis of
excavated materials to a sufficient extent to allow a complete and systematic reporting of site contents
to the PNG National Museum and Art Gallery. We stress that these minimal salvaging procedures are
of utmost importance and necessary prior to construction because we recommend that the
archaeological sites involved can then in most cases be damaged or destroyed (and in the other
cases, sites may suffer some degree of indirect and incremental impact as a result of the
developments). The salvaged data will therefore be the only systematic information ever available on
the destroyed sites after construction proceeds. We recommend that small and sparse sites lacking
stratified deposits do not require salvaging.
Recommendation 17. Archaeological deposits at SC4 (the ancient village site of Konekaru) centre on
2
JD1 and CB1 should be test-sampled (i.e. a 1 m square be excavated at each site) by professional
archaeological means (see also Recommendation 12 above). While we strongly recommend that this
site not be disturbed by the proposed developments, it will almost certainly be subject to some degree
of impact as a result of increased human traffic caused by the construction of the LNG Facilities.
Because sites JD1 and CB1 in particular are likely to have large sub-surface archaeological deposits
of National cultural heritage significance, and in light of their close proximity to the proposed LNG
Facilities, additional to Recommendation 12, we also recommend limited archaeological salvaging of
JD1 and CB1.
Recommendation 18. SC5, consisting of JD8, JD9, JD10, JD11, JD12, JD13, JD14, JD15 and JD16,
is a complex of sites representing an ancient village with very high cultural heritage value. It has
substantial archaeological deposits spread across a large area extending from the western bank of
Vaihua (Ruisasi) Creek (in the direction of SC3), with some sites being themselves extensive as
individual sites. These sites are located within the site security fence area. We strongly recommend
that SC5 is either avoided or extensive salvage be undertaken prior to construction of the LNG
Facilities. This includes archaeological investigation of each individual site.
Recommendation 19. Archaeological deposits at SC4 (the ancient village site of Konekaru) centre on
2
JD1 and CB1 should be test-sampled (i.e. a 1 m square be excavated at each site) by professional
archaeological means (see Recommendation 14 above). While we strongly recommend that this site
not be disturbed by the proposed developments, it will almost certainly be subject to some degree of
impact as a result of increased human traffic caused by the construction of the LNG152 Facility.
Because sites JD1 and CB1 in particular are likely to have very significant sub-surface archaeological
deposits of National significance, and in light of their close proximity to the proposed LNG152 Facility,
additional to Recommendation 14 we thus also recommend limited archaeological salvaging of JD1
and CB1.
Recommendation 19. SC1 is a series of low-density cultural activity areas located immediately
outside but close (20-300 m) to the site security fence area, and therefore likely to incur visitation
impacts (from human visitation, foot traffic and vehicle traffic during construction and operation) as a
result of project developments. It contains a number of sites (LNG1, LNG2, LNG3, LNG4, ML1)
situated approximately 600 m to 1.5 km inland from the coast on low gradient seaward facing slopes. It
is the only site complex of this type recorded in the study area and provides valuable data in regards
to the use of this area. The archaeological deposits are spread across an extensive area. We strongly
recommend that the SC1 sites be subjected to small-scale archaeological excavation prior to
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construction in order to obtain sample information pertaining to the cultural activities undertaken in this
area.
Recommendation 20. SC3 (ML14, ML17, ML18, ML20, ML21) is a series of apparently discrete
cultural activity areas located on the western bank of Vaihua (Ruisasi) Creek within the site security
fence area. Although many of the individual sites are relatively small, they cluster in such a way to
suggest that they may be a northern extension of the highly significant SC5 archaeological village
complex (as outlined in Recommendation 18). We strongly recommend that each site within SC3 is
subjected to small-scale archaeological excavation prior to construction in order to determine their
relationships to SC5, as well as to obtain historical information pertaining to the cultural activities
undertaken in this area.
Recommendation 21. The ancient Koita village site of Aemakara contains rich archaeological
deposits which remain largely unrecorded. Aemakara lies about 700 m to the south of the site security
fence area. This very highly significant cultural heritage site is likely to be impacted by increased visitor
2
traffic as a result of the proposed developments. It is recommended that a small (1-3 m )
archaeological excavation be undertaken at this site to determine its precise archaeological
significance, with long-term management in mind.
Recommendation 22. In addition to the sites already listed for salvaging in previous
recommendations, it is strongly recommended that the following archaeological sites containing (or
likely to contain) stratified deposits each undergo limited systematic archaeological salvaging: ARD,
ARG, ARH, ARI, ARJ, ARM, AAHM, AAHN, AAHO, AAHP, AAHR, AAHS, AAHU, AAHV, AAHX, AAIB,
AAIC, AAIG, AAIJ, AAIM, AAIO, AAIR, AAIT, AAIU, ML4, ML5, ML7, ML9, ML15, ML16, JD6, JD8,
JD9, JD10, JD11, JD12, JD13, JD14, JD15, JD16, JD17. These sites are all located within the site
security fence area, and will thus almost certainly be extensively disturbed or destroyed as a result of
the proposed developments. Of these, we recommend that prior to construction the small
2
archaeological sites with less than 25 m stratified cultural deposit undergo small-scale salvaging
2
2
2
(excavation areas = 1 m at each site); that 1-3 m are salvaged at each of the sites with 25-100 m
2
2
stratified cultural deposit; and that 1-25 m are salvaged at each of the sites with >100 m stratified
cultural deposit. The final decision as to exactly how much of each site is to be sampled should be
made by the cultural heritage team prior to and during archaeological excavation (such decisions are
best refined as subsurface deposits are revealed during the process of excavation). In all cases, this
would mean that a small proportion of the cultural items from each site is systematically sampled prior
to site disturbance or destruction.
Recommendation 23. All stratified archaeological sites found within the site security fence area
during the completion of the systematic (100 %) cultural heritage sites survey, and in associated
infrastructure areas (see Recommendations 2 and 3), should be sample-excavated in the same way
as for the sites listed in Recommendation 22 above prior to construction.
Recommendation 24. We recommend that the archaeological salvage work at all times involves 1),
professional archaeologists working collaboratively with 2), appropriate clan/section village
representatives and 3), archaeology or history students from the University of PNG. Such collaboration
would serve the dual purpose of undertaking the necessary salvage work while at the same time
meeting best practice standards of community participation and training as social responsibility
initiatives.
4.5.14.4
Monitoring
Recommendation 25. The very significant cultural heritage sites identified in Recommendation 6 will
likely be subjected to indirect and cumulative impacts by the proposed developments. We recommend
that these sites be periodically monitored by cultural heritage officers together with appropriate
traditional clan representatives nominated by senior community members to assess such impacts and,
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if necessary, to make new recommendations to address management issues that may result from the
LNG Facilities developments.
Recommendation 26. The cultural heritage sites reported in the present report have aimed to include
all of the sites observable from the ground surface within the surveyed areas, and we have strongly
recommended that all the areas not yet systematically surveyed within the site security fence area and
associated infrastructure areas should be 100 % surveyed prior to construction (Recommendations 2
and 3). Furthermore, we have also recommended that all stratified archaeological sites within the site
security fence area undergo systematic archaeological salvage sampling (Recommendations 18, 20,
22, 23). These systematic surveys notwithstanding, some archaeological objects, and some
archaeological sites within the site security fence area, are likely to have no surface expression today,
being buried at various depths below the ground. We anticipate that such archaeological materials will
be exposed during construction of the LNG Facilities, although large sites are unlikely to appear
because such large sites are likely to contain some degree of surface exposure (e.g. through erosion,
animal burrows bringing sub-surface deposits to the surface and the like) by which they would have
been identified during the course of the surveys. To cover for such possibilities of unknown
archaeological sites being uncovered during the course of construction, we recommend that an
archaeologist be employed to monitor clearance and sub-surface disturbance activities during
construction of the LNG Facilities and associated infrastructure. In those cases where archaeological
materials are exposed during construction, we recommend that the monitoring archaeologist flag the
site’s location on the ground, and undertake rapid archaeological salvaging work. Such salvage work
should not unduly delay construction activity, but be undertaken promptly at the first opportunity
following site discovery.
Recommendation 27. In any project development footprint area where cultural material is discovered
on the seabed, it is recommended that a maritime archaeological survey of the seabed using
divers/remotely operated vehicles be undertaken (dependent on water depth) for recording and if
deemed necessary for rapid salvaging or protection purposes prior to the recommencement of works.
Recommendation 28. Where dredging works are undertaken, it is recommended that a sample of
dredge spoil be taken every hour to investigate the presence of submerged prehistoric artefacts. A
trained cultural heritage officer should be on-board with this aim in mind (this would not have to be a
fully trained archaeologist, but could be a community officer specially trained with this aim in mind).
This procedure follows best-practice protocols, such as those currently being undertaken in the UK to
detect ancient prehistoric artefacts on the seabed (see British Marine Aggregate Producers
Association and English Heritage, 2003).
Recommendation 29. A number of cultural heritage sites recorded during the field surveys are likely
to contain buried human skeletal remains (graves). Inside the site security fence area, such sites are
particularly likely to occur within the larger, denser archaeological sites, especially sites in SC5 (and
possibly those within SC1 and SC3), which we interpret to be an ancient village site complex (human
burials will also almost certainly be present in sites of SC4 and possibly other nearby sites at
Konekaru). Archaeological evidence in other parts of the Port Moresby area (e.g. see section 4.5.8.3,
section 4.5.8.7), ethnographic records (see section 4.5.7.1, especially section 4.5.7.8, oral traditions
and present-day practices indicate that human burials in the recent and distant past were often
created beneath or adjacent to house structures, either within hamlets and villages, or at smaller
residential localities nearby. Given the presence of village sites within and near the site security fence
area – and therefore given the presence of large human populations in the past – it is inconceivable
that numerous individuals were not buried in the general area of the proposed developments. We
recommend a two-fold strategy to avoid or minimize the chance disturbance of burials during
construction of the LNG Facilities:
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•
Archaeological excavations at the large sites likely to contain human burials (sites at SC1, SC3,
and especially SC5) should be extensive enough, and strategically structured, to sample various
parts of the site where human burials are most likely to occur underground (i.e. the densest parts of
site, with small excavation squares spaced-out across the site). If and when human burials are
identified, excavations should expand at those localities sufficiently to exhume the skeletal remains.
•
During construction, a qualified cultural heritage officer and Boera, Papa, Lea Lea and Porebada
village representatives (as appropriate) should on a continued basis monitor earthworks (i.e.
ground disturbance) as they are being undertaken for human skeletal remains within the site
security fence area and associated infrastructure areas. If human remains are found, a rapidresponse team consisting of a physical anthropologist and appropriate community representatives
from Boera, Papa, Lea Lea and Porebada should be at-hand, or ready at short notice (i.e. within 24
hours or less), to salvage such remains to enable the construction activities to continue shortly
there-after.
It is strongly recommended that strict, formal protocols for the salvaging and management of such
human remains, including their extraction from the ground, field and laboratory documentation,
community communications, and reburial or museum storage, be discussed between the PNG
National Museum and Art Gallery (as administrators of the nation’s major cultural heritage legislation)
and Boera, Papa, Lea Lea and Porebada village representatives (representing the contemporary
descendants of the region’s ancestral peoples), and subsequently unambiguously written up into a
protocol document. This document should then be given to the contractors (and/or their representative
delegate organisations) for procedural adoption. Such a document should be made available to the
developers at least one month before any ground disturbance associated with the project, to enable all
protocol procedures to be set in place prior to salvaging work and prior to any construction. We further
recommend that the contractors formally commit to these protocols concerning human skeletal
remains, as an explicit commitment of faith to the people of Boera, Papa, Lea Lea and Porebada.
Recommendation 30. The indigenous cultural heritage sites within and surrounding the proposed
LNG Facilities developments represent a rich array of ancestral places, including ancient and more
recent hamlets and villages, story sites, gardens, freshwater wells, clay sources and so forth relating
to Koita and Motu history. As noted elsewhere in this report, these are precisely the peoples whose
cultural heritage sites, along with those of the Koiari slightly to the east, have already incurred most
disturbance as a result of the establishment and continued expansion of the nation’s capital, Port
Moresby. While the most significant cultural heritage sites of oral tradition for the Koita and Motu are
located not inside the proposed LNG Facilities site development area but rather all around it, the
development area none-the-less itself contains a rich assemblage of archaeological sites relating to
their history. As a measure of give-and-take and good-will, we recommend a co-ordinated approach to
site protection and management, one that would see the establishment of a “protected zone” outside
but near the proposed site security fence area, and by which the broader area’s cultural heritage sites
and objects can be managed from further industrial developments. While the exact location of this
“protected zone” should be defined through discussions between community leaders (including senior
clan and section representatives) from each of the four villages (Lea Lea, Papa, Boera, Porebada),
PNG National Museum and Art Gallery and National Cultural Commission staff, we suggest here that
an appropriate location may be the very highly significant complex of oral tradition and archaeological
sites spanning the area from Boera Head in the south to the northern end of Aemakara in the north.
There are a number of advantages for making this area a “protected zone”, including: 1) it includes
both Koita and Motu ancestral sites; 2) it contains a rich assemblage of sites relating to the hiri, and
indeed include many of the most important terrestrial sites relating to the Edai Siabo story about the
origins of the hiri; 3) the area is contiguous (Boera) or close (Lea Lea, Papa, Porebada) to existing
villages, and therefore as far as logistics are concerned can realistically be managed by local people
on a daily basis; 4) the area is today part of a living landscape, with local people using it in everyday
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community life, and such community involvements with this landscape should continue to unfold (but
not at the expense of LNG Facilities or other large-scale industrial developments within it). The
creation of a “protected zone” should not be at the expense of protecting other important oral tradition
and archaeological sites elsewhere in the broader region, but would demonstrate good-will and a
commitment to looking after significant Koita and Motu historical places while at the same time
proceeding with the proposed LNG Facilities developments. Critically, the appropriate village
clans/sections must retain management and decision-making control of such a “protected zone”. We
recommend that the project commit to the local people to such an initiative, and commence
discussions through community, PNG National Museum and Art Gallery and National Cultural
Commission round-table negotiations. Such an initiative could take a number of alternative forms,
such as a Hiri Centre, or a Koita-Motu historical “protected zone”, and incorporate a keeping place,
museum or interpretative centre to hold and display the cultural materials archaeologically excavated
during the salvage programme resulting from the LNG Facilities developments. As part of this
initiative, we recommend that the project fund the training of “protected zone” personnel to monitor the
cultural heritage sites immediately surrounding the LNG Facilities, to ensure their appropriate
management in the face of probable long-term indirect and cumulative impacts from the project. We
recommend that these personnel continuously monitor and see to fruition the operation of the
management plan outlined in Recommendation 4 above.
4.5.14.5
WW11 Sites
Recommendation 31. The site of the pipe bridge structure (CB3) between Boera and Konekaru
beach should be further investigated to determine its exact location and to record its details. Given that
this site was being used during WWII to offload munitions, there is a possibility that UXOs may still
exist in this area. We recommend that this site be relocated and recorded prior to construction, with
due consideration given to the possible presence of UXOs.
Recommendation 32. The P-39 aircraft crash site near Boera (CB4) lies to the south and close to the
site security fence area on the edge of the mangrove swamp. An inspection of the site by a cultural
heritage specialist in WWII wrecks is recommended to record its exact location, spatial extent and
contents. We suggest that any disturbance to this site should only be undertaken in consultation with
the DoMH, and probably the Australian and US governments (we recommend specialist advice from
the DoMH).
Recommendation 33. The proposed shipping channel may affect at least one aircraft wreck (CB23
and/or CB24 in the case of the southern option) known to have occurred in this area. Historical
documentary records indicate that other aircraft may have crashed or disappeared in this region, and
other previously unreported sites may also exist in the area. A side-scan sonar survey for sunken
plane and shipwrecks should be undertaken of the proposed shipping channel route and swing basin
area prior to the commencement of any works. Similarly, a side-scan sonar survey should also be
undertaken of the Marine Offshore Facility including the associated jetty area if these do not entirely
overlap with the offshore areas already surveyed for cultural heritage sites.
Recommendation 34. The disturbance of any aircraft crash or shipwreck site should be avoided,
particularly if there is the possibility that human remains still exist on-site. The discovery of any WWII
ship or plane wreck should be immediately reported to the DoMH, PNG National Museum and Art
Gallery, Office of Australian War Graves, and the Joint POW/MIA Accounting Command (JPAC). The
discovery of any pre-contact shipwreck site should be reported to the Department of Prehistory, PNG
National Museum and Art Gallery. The discovery of any commercial or recreational shipwreck should
be reported to the State representatives for Customs, Quarantine and Shipping.
Recommendation 35. Any works which would disturb the aircraft crash site at Lea Lea (CB21) should
be avoided. An inspection of this site is required by a qualified maritime archaeologist to record the
site and document its exact location.
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Recommendation 36. It should be noted that the U.S. Defence Department has a co-ordinated
program to locate, record and exhume the remains of former U.S. servicemen for return to their
families. The Joint POW/MIA Accounting Command (JPAC) run world-wide operations with dedicated
field teams of forensic scientists and archaeologists to achieve this aim. It has in-country detachments
in Vietnam, Thailand and Laos. Similarly, the Office of Australian War Graves (OAWG) also maintains
a Register of War Dead and has an undertaking to maintain and commemorate war graves in
perpetuity. It is recommended that JPAC and OAWG should be consulted wherever any allied aircraft,
shipwreck or other war grave and crash site is discovered, and should also be notified of the aircraft
wrecks identified in this report.
Recommendation 37. As the planned route for the pipeline is unknown to us, it is possible that other
aircraft crash and shipwreck sites at Hidiha (CB22), Bavo (CB28, CB29), and other reefs inside
Caution Bay (CB 25, CB26, CB27) may be affected directly or indirectly through construction of the
pipeline, and by dredging or localised scouring of the seabed. Many of these sites are considered war
graves as some crews died at the crash site and have not been recovered. These wrecks may also
include shipwrecks from WWII (with or without UXO that would present a danger to the installation of
the gas pipeline). It is therefore recommended that side-scan sonar or multi-beam surveys be
undertaken of the proposed pipeline route to survey/interpret the presence of shipwrecks along the
proposed route. For deeper offshore sections, it is possible that this data already exists as part of the
seabed surveys associated with off-shore prospecting. If this is the case, then these surveys should be
interogated by a maritime archaeologist to inspect for the presence of wrecks. The shallower inshore
waters of Caution Bay and other sections of the pipeline route should be inspected using a side-scan
sonar survey, and any anomalies should be inspected by commercial divers and a maritime
archaeologist prior to the commencement of any works. If any aircraft remains are discovered, works
should cease immediately and the site should be reported to the DoMH.
Recommendation 38. The Boera battery (CB30) to the north of Boera village should not be subject to
any developments (including infrastructure developments such as access roads and the like). No
disturbance should take place at this site, as it is considered one of the most intact and undisturbed
WWII sites in the country and may also contain remains of pre-colonial period occupation. However, it
is very likely that this site will witness increased levels of visitation as a result of the proposed
developments. Further, systematic archaeological recording of this site is recommended to determine
its historical and pre-colonial period indigenous archaeological significance.
Recommendation 39. The Boera battery (CB30) is known to have used the sea areas of Caution Bay
and the adjacent LNG152 area for heavy artillery target practice. It is therefore highly probable that
155 mm artillery projectile heads and other rounds from small munitions and ack-ack (anti-aircraft)
weapons will be found in this area. Furthermore, the presence of the battery was also likely to have
drawn enemy attention, as evidenced by 500 lb bombs found close to the battery. The location of a
sea mine-field close to Haidana Island (at the southern end of Caution Bay) also raises the possibility
of the presence of rogue sea mines. It is highly probable that other UXO such as artillery projectiles,
bullets and bombs may be found in both the underwater and terrestrial sections of the LNG152 area,
some of which may be buried below ground or the seabed. It is therefore recommended that a UXO
survey be carried out at these areas by qualified personnel before the commencement of any
construction works in the area.
Recommendation 40. The Australian War Memorial is likely to hold extensive further information
regarding war-time activities in the Caution Bay area. Further investigation of this collection is
recommended to ascertain what records still survive relating to the PNG WWII campaign (and
associated military cultural heritage sites) that may exist in this and other areas that may be affected
by the installation of the proposed pipeline. Furthermore, the map and chart collections/pilots’ records
at the National Library in Canberra should also be searched to ascertain the existence of any plotted
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maritime historical features in the area of the proposed LNG152 developments and their associated
infrastructure, including the pipeline.
Recommendation 41. We recommend that further historical research be undertaken at the Australian
War Memorial to determine the exact location and route of the underwater communications cable
between Australia and PNG (CB5), and whether the cable is still operational/functional as a
telecommunications line. The location where the cable came ashore should be located and recorded,
and its location marked with a suitable heritage plaque.
4.5.14.6
Communications
Recommendation 42. A major concern that was raised by Lea Lea, Papa, Boera and Porebada
villagers at the time of the cultural heritage site surveys is that communication with local communities
needs to be improved. We recommend that regular discussions be held with community
representatives and community representative groups concerning cultural heritage matters. This
includes communicating promptly to the local communities the cultural heritage issues and
recommendations made in this report, through 1) a public presentation and discussions via an
independent cultural heritage officer (not a co-venture participant worker) accompanied by a coventure participant community liaison officer (who could report directly back to the co-venture
participants) within each of the four villages; 2) a written community report; and 3) a permanent or
semi-permanent poster stand at each village. We also recommend that a temporary independent
cultural heritage officer be employed by which two-way communication can be undertaken between
the communities and the developers on an on-going basis. This officer would need to have regular
access to a vehicle to enable efficient communications with villagers. This position should be replaced
by the cultural heritage officer of a “protected zone” discussed in Recommendation 30 above once this
position becomes established.
Recommendation 43. We recommend that an independent, trained cultural heritage officer be
employed (see also Recommendation 42 above), initially in Port Moresby but subsequently based at
the keeping place or museum of a “protected zone” mentioned in Recommendation 30 above, by
which villagers can communicate issues concerning cultural heritage matters to the developers, and
by which the developers can discuss issues to community groups. It is important that this individual be
independent of the development so as to foster neutral ground from which discussions relating to
cultural heritage matters can be broached from all parties (e.g. training needs, management concerns,
tourism opportunities, potential controlled access to specified sites for LNG Facilities workers etc.).
4.5.14.7
Conclusion
Subject to the above recommendations being met, and subject to the completion of the cultural
heritage sites surveys for the area within the southeast section of the site security fence area (where
surveys have not yet been undertaken, and therefore we cannot make statements about this section’s
cultural heritage significance) being free of ‘show stoppers’, and as far as cultural heritage sites are
concerned, we recommend that the proposed LNG Facilities and associated shallow marine
infrastructure developments as specified in this report can proceed without further cultural heritage
sites constraints.
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ANNEXURE 4.5
Portion 152 Land Cultural Site Recording Form
4.5 Annexure – Portion 152 Land Cultural Site Recording Form
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Site #: ________ PNG National Museum Site #: ________ Site name: __________________________
Other site name(s): __________________ ( ____________ ) Site owner(s): ______________________
Language area: _____________ Clan: ____________________________________________________
Recorded by: _______________ People present: ________________________ Date: ____ / Dec. 2008
GPS location – Grid reference: ____________________ ___________________ AGD66
WGS84
Latitude: _________________ S Longitude: _________________E
GPS make: ________________
Elevation ASL: _______ m
Locational accuracy: ________ m
Vine-Thicket
Grassland
Open
Woodland
Forest
Rainforest
Mangrove
Garden
Other
Surface sediment type at site:
Clay Silt Sand Loam Gravel Rock Freshwater Saltwater
Other:____________
Ground surface visibility at site:
0% 1-25% 25-50% 50-75% 75-100%
Bedrock: Exposed
Limestone
_____________
4.5 Annexure – Portion 152 Land Cultural Site Recording Form
Not exposed
Other:
Other
Beach
River Levee
Floodplain
Plain
water Swamp
Swamp
Mangrove/Salt
Freshwater
River/Creek
Spring
Lake/Waterhole
Lakeside
Sinkhole
Rocky Outcrop
Cliff
Base of Hill
Hill Slope
Hill Top
Site Vegetation
Ecotone
Site Landscape
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Site type:
Cultural materials present:
Stratification:
Open Shell Midden
Ochre
Surface Site
Rock-shelter
Hearth/earth oven
Stratified/Buried Site
Cave
Charcoal/Ash
Site Exposed by
‘European’/Asian Contact Materials
Unknown
Disturbance
Stone Arrangement
Shell Arrangement
Bottle Glass
Isolated Shell
Metal Items
Grinding Stone
Ceramic
Isolated Stone/Ceramic
Other: ___________
Cultural Materials Scatter
Stone Artefacts
Quarry
Quartz
1-10 11-50 50+
Rock-art
Volcanic
1-10 11-50 50+
Burial/Ossuary
Metamorphic
1-10 11-50 50+
Garden
Sedimentary
1-10 11-50 50+
Temporary Encampment
Shell
MNI:
1-10 11-50 50+
Village
Melanesian Ceramics
1-10 11-50 50+
Mound
Animal Bone
1-10 11-50 50+
Ritual/Spirit/’Sacred’ Site
Human Bone
Fishing/Hunting Site
Wooden Structures/Posts/Post-Holes
Sago Processing Site
Macrobotanical remains:
_____________________________________
Tree Culturally Altered
Other:
____________________________________________________
Other:
______________________________________________________________________________
Human skeletal remains:
Rock-art:
Skulls
MNI: 1-10 11-50 50+
Paintings
1-10
MNI: 1-10 11-50 50+
Drawings
1-10
11+
Mandibles
11+
4.5 Annexure – Portion 152 Land Cultural Site Recording Form
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Postcranials
MNI: 1-10 11-50 50+
Stencils
1-10
Prints
1-10
Engravings
1-10
Other
1-10
11+
11+
Shells: Anadara sp. Polymesoda sp.
Syrinx sp.
11+
Cypraea sp. Oliva sp.
Conus sp.
Melo sp.
11+
Other Bivalve ___________ Other Gastropod _________
Modified Shells: _____________________________________________ 1 2-5 5-10
11+
Distance to nearest freshwater source:
Vertebrate remains
Closest Permanent Water: __________ m
Bird
Swamp River Creek Waterhole/Lake Other: _______
Closest Temporary Water: __________ m
Swamp Creek Waterhole/Lake Other: _______
Distance to High Water Mark: __________ m
2
Site area: _______ m
Fish
Turtle
Dugong
Pig
Other Mammal
Site length (max): ______ m
Site Width (max): ______ m
Other:
_____________
Site height (max) (for rockshelters/caves): ______ m
Related information recorded:
Photos: How many? _____
Drawings: What?
____________________________________
Audio: Who?
_______________________________________
Notes:
_________________________________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________________________________
________
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Papua New Guinea Liquefied Natural Gas Project
Environmental description (include information on vegetation assemblage, landforms present, slope,
topographic irregularities, drainage):
_________________________________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________________________________
________________
Site description:
______________________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________________________________
________
_________________________________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________________________________
________
Management Recommendations:
2
2
2
Large Site (>1000m )
Medium Site (26-1000m )
Small Site (<26m )
Protect
Further Mapping Required
Other:
Salvage
__________________________
Comments:
___________________________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________________________________
____
4.5 Annexure – Portion 152 Land Cultural Site Recording Form
Social Impact Assessment 2008
Papua New Guinea Liquefied Natural Gas Project
Worthing, M.A. 1980. South Papuan coastal sources of potsherds from the Gulf area of PNG. Oral
History 8(8):87-100.
Wurm, S. & Hattori, S. (1981) Language Atlas of the Pacific Area. Australian Academy of the
Humanities and the Japan Academy: Canberra.
Dr L R Goldman
7-23