Article
Loyalty or liability: Resolving the
consumer fanaticism paradox
Marketing Theory
2018, Vol. 18(1) 3–30
ª The Author(s) 2017
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DOI: 10.1177/1470593117705696
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Emily Chung
RMIT University, Australia
Francis Farrelly
RMIT University, Australia
Michael B. Beverland
RMIT University, Australia
Ingo O. Karpen
RMIT University, Australia and Copenhagen Business School, Denmark
Abstract
“Fanaticism” and its cognates, “fan” and “fanatic,” have been defined in inconsistent, contradictory, and often, nondiscriminant ways across disciplines. Due to these problematic conceptualizations, and particularly the mixed yet growing state of the literature in marketing, there
is a need to revisit the phenomenon. Through a comprehensive review and synthesis of the
existing literature, this article identifies the key defining characteristics of consumer fanaticism
(i.e. “affective commitment” and “extraordinary pursuit”) and presents a typology (consisting of
four types of fanaticism, i.e. rewarding, destructive, stigmatized, and rogue) to demonstrate the
socially situated and subjective nature of the fanatic label. In doing so, the authors advance
current theorizing on this topic by explaining and resolving the conflicting and paradoxical
perspectives that currently exist in the literature. The authors also present a framework that
distinguishes consumer fanaticism from other forms of consumption. They propose a research
agenda for future studies of consumer fanaticism and demonstrate its strong potential to
contribute fresh insights into other marketing phenomena.
Keywords
Commitment, devotion, enthusiasm, fanatic, fanaticism, loyalty, passion
Corresponding author:
Emily Chung, School of Economics, Finance and Marketing, RMIT University, 445 Swanston Street, Melbourne, Australia.
Email: emily.chung@rmit.edu.au
4
Marketing Theory 18(1)
Introduction
The term “fanaticism” often conjures up images of religious fanatics (Litvak, 2005), political
terrorists (Taylor, 1991), or hooligans (Brimson, 2000; Hunt et al., 1999) that go to extremes to
support their cause. However, fanaticism has also been applied to consumers who go to extremes to
support or pursue their favorite product, brand, or consumption activity or experience (Hill and
Robinson, 1991; Holbrook, 1987; Redden and Steiner, 2000). While historically the phenomenon
of fanaticism is generally featured or discussed within the context of religion or politics (usually in
reference to a minority group of extremists or people exhibiting extreme thoughts or behaviors)
(e.g. Cova, 2005; Haynal et al., 1983; Jafari and Süerdem, 2012; Jafari et al., 2012; Rudin, 1969;
Süerdem, 2013; Taylor, 1866), today fanaticism appears to be applied to a wide variety of contexts
and is increasingly more common in the general consumption realm (e.g. Cova and Dalli, 2009;
Holbrook, 2004; Peñaloza and Venkatesh, 2006).
For example, with the recent launch of Pokémon Go—a free-to-play, location-based augmented
reality gaming application (where players are encouraged to seek out and capture Pokémon [virtual
monsters] in public spaces)—reports of “extreme” behaviors by “Pokémon Go fanatics” have
appeared in the popular and social media (Clarke, 2016; Harrison, 2016; Kasper, 2016; Roy, 2016).
Descriptions and portrayals of “Apple fanaticism,” “Apple fanatics,” and “Apple’s most fanatical
fans” (i.e. fanaticism over the Apple brand and/or their products) can also be found in the media
such as in the Telegraph, the Guardian, and the New York Times (“Apple fanatics camp out for
iPhone 5 in New York,” 2012; Fry, 2010; Mitchell, 2008). A play on the word “fanatic” appears in
brand names such as Fit-Natics and Cafenatics and in blog posts regarding various product
categories such as “Pho-natic,” “quiznatic,” “yoga-natic,” and “Vindaloo-natic” (for “fans” of
Vietnamese rice noodles, quiz-based gaming, yoga, and curry, respectively). Many websites are
dedicated to or created by fans of various products and brands, such as http://www.disneyfana
tic.com (for Disney fans) and http://www.brickfanatics.co.uk (for Lego fans). Marketing managers
appear to desire fanatics among its customer base, with the launch of loyalty programs with such a
name as the “Shu Fanatic Club” (for customers [fans/fanatics] of the Japanese cosmetics brand,
Shu Uemura). Apparently, one can be a fanatic of or “fanatical” over almost anything that can be
consumed—from sports, fitness, and health to art, music, television shows, and celebrities as well
as products, brands, and consumption experiences. But what does it really mean to be a fanatic or to
be labeled as one, particularly in the consumption context? What is the relevance of fanaticism in
the marketing context? What is the difference between a fan or a fanatic, and when is a consumer a
fan, and when does he or she come to be considered a fanatic?
A review of the existing literature about fans, fanatics, and fanaticism reveals inconsistencies,
confusion, and contradictions about the way fans, fanatics, and fanaticism are presented. There
seems to be no consensus among perspectives on fanaticism, and a generally acceptable definition
of fanaticism is difficult to find. The purpose of this article is therefore to bring clarity to the
existing understanding of consumer fanaticism and advance theorizing related to this topic.
Through a comprehensive review and synthesis of prior literature, we crystallize “affective
commitment” and “extraordinary pursuit” as the defining characteristics of consumer fanaticism.
Both aspects are essential to coexist simultaneously for consumption to classify as “fanatic.” These
characteristics enable us to discriminate fanaticism from related concepts such as brand love and
addiction as well as from common everyday consumption. The defining characteristics also allow
us to differentiate fanatics from fans, which is a critical conceptual distinction in view of coherent
theorizing. Importantly, we then propose a consumer fanaticism typology, consisting of four types
Chung et al.
5
of consumer fanaticism, to demonstrate the socially situated nature of the fanatic label and to
explain and resolve the conflicting perspectives of consumer fanaticism in the current literature.
The four types of fanaticism include rewarding, destructive, stigmatized, and rogue fanaticism,
based on positive/negative in-group and out-group perspectives. In combination, the proposed
typology helps overcome seemingly conflicting and paradoxical interpretations of fanaticism to
date, as the four types support coherent sense-making of the phenomenon. We thus significantly
advance the understanding, conceptualization, and theoretical basis and build the foundation for
substantiated conceptual and empirical developments of fanaticism in marketing. In closing, we
discuss managerial implications associated with the different forms of consumer fanaticism proposed in the typology and present an agenda for future research.
Theoretical background
Consumer research on fanaticism dates back to 1986, when a special session at the Association for
Consumer Research conference dedicated to “fanatic consumer behavior” featured a wide range of
topics including the concept of “commitment” (Scammon, 1987), collecting (Pollay, 1987),
compulsive consumption and addiction (DePaulo et al., 1987; Faber et al., 1987; Lehmann, 1987),
and fanaticism specifically related to jazz music (Gridley, 1987; Holbrook, 1987). The literature
has since presented numerous examples of consumer fanatics, such as the hard-core members of
consumption communities gathered around brands such as Nutella, Star Trek, Star Wars, HarleyDavidson, and the Volkswagen Beetle (Cova and Pace, 2006; Jindra, 1994; Rifkin, 1999). However, research explicitly addressing the phenomenon of “consumer fanaticism” has been scant,
with only a few studies exploring topics such as the characteristics (Chung et al., 2008; Redden and
Steiner, 2000; Thorne and Bruner, 2006), lived meanings (Smith et al., 2007), and behaviors
(Hill and Robinson, 1991; Thorne, 2011) of consumer fanatics and fanaticism.
Hill and Robinson (1991: 79) discovered that fanatic consumer behavior affects many aspects of
the consumers’ lives and produces both positive and negative affective outcomes. Redden and
Steiner (2000: 333) proposed a conceptual framework and three defining characteristics of consumer fanaticism—intensity, intolerance, and incoherence—and maintained that fanatics’
“incoherence” drives them toward “counterproductive extremism” and behaviors that work against
the achievement of goals. On the other hand, Thorne and Bruner (2006: 65) identified the common
characteristics of consumer fans and fanatics as internal involvement, desire for external involvement, wish to acquire, and desire for social interaction. They highlighted that, in a departure
from “past studies that emphasized fanaticism as demonstrated through extreme activities and
behaviour . . . this study shows that there are common characteristics across several different genres
of fans . . . [which] are neither extreme nor aberrant” (Thorne and Bruner, 2006: 65).
Smith et al. (2007: 77, 91) explored the “lived meanings of fanaticism” and noted how
“stigmatizations are used, accepted, modified, or refuted” by fanatical consumers “in the definition
and construction of identity.” They also found that consumers use “extreme endpoints in fandom”
to justify or deny their fanaticism, and felt a sense of “pity for those not as deeply involved in some
endeavor” as they are. Chung et al. (2008: 333) explored the “inertial (addictive and obsessivecompulsive) elements associated with fanaticism,” providing evidence to argue that consumer
fanaticism “is not always detrimental to the individual.” Finally, Thorne (2011) explored the
different behaviors associated with various “levels” of fanaticism—dilettante, dedicated, and
devoted—and alluded to a fourth level outside the scope of his study—the dysfunctional level,
involving antisocial activities and behaviors such as violence, hysteria, and stalking.
6
Marketing Theory 18(1)
A review of the literature reveals inconsistencies and contradictions about the way consumer fans,
fanatics, and fanaticism is presented. For example, while Redden and Steiner (2000: 326) characterized “fanatical consumers” as dysfunctional and extreme in their passion, commitment,
thoughts, and behaviors, Thorne and Bruner (2006: 65) suggested that consumer fanaticism is
“neither extreme nor aberrant.” While Chung et al. (2008) emphasized that fanaticism is “not
necessarily detrimental” to consumers, and downplayed the potentially destructive nature of fanaticism, Thorne (2011) identified a “dysfunctional” (i.e. destructive) form of consumer fanaticism.
Outside the marketing discipline, such as in the context of history, religion, and politics (e.g.
DeGraaff, 2010; Doran, 2002; Haynal et al., 1983; Hughes and Johnson, 2005; Taylor, 1866,
1991), discussions and studies of fanaticism are similarly marred by contrasting perspectives. For
example, while some studies view fanaticism as normal, ordinary, and respectable (Bird, 1999;
Jindra, 1994), other research has portrayed it as obsessive, excessive, extremist, intolerant, and
incoherent (Gautier, 2002; Perkinson, 2002). Although researchers have suggested that fanaticism
communicates “the highest degrees of loyalty [and] devoted passion” (Greenbaum, 1999: 1),
which may be positive in nature, much of the literature is dominated by negative portrayals of
fanaticism, which imply that fanatics suffer a psychological disorder and require psychotherapy
(Ellis, 1986; Firman and Gila, 2006; Slobodzien, n.d.).
Table 1 presents a list of definitions of fanaticism identified from our review of the literature,
highlighting the key characteristics captured by each definition and summarizing the perspectives
taken by its author(s). As evident in Table 1, most authors do not make a distinction between fans
and fanatics—but as we demonstrate later, such a distinction is highly important—and they each
take on different (positive, negative, or neutral) perspectives toward the phenomenon.
Positive perspectives on fanaticism
Table 1 shows that positive perspectives on fanaticism make up the minority of existing portrayals
of the topic. These studies have suggested “fanatical” consumers demonstrate extreme loyalty and
devotion by making ongoing investments of time, money, and emotional and physical resources to
the object of fanaticism (Chung et al., 2008; Hunt et al., 1999; Thorne and Bruner, 2006), where the
“object” refers to the focal consumption resource (e.g. a product, brand, ideology, or celebrity)
and/or consumption activity (e.g. sky diving experience). For instance, some fanatics reportedly
forgo food and other important purchases to spend that budget on the pursuit of their object of
fanaticism (Redden and Steiner, 2000; Thorne, 2003). Others may acquire tattoos of their object of
fanaticism as a display of their passion, commitment, or attachment (Pourazad and Pare, 2015).
Fanatical consumers are said to be unique in that their interest in the object is self-sustaining
(Pimentel and Reynolds, 2004). They voluntarily engage in behaviors beneficial to the object of
fanaticism, such as spreading positive word of mouth and recruiting new customers and fans
(Pimentel and Reynolds, 2004; Rozanski et al., 1999). They exhibit a deep love for the object and
remain loyal, sometimes despite poor product or brand performances (Hugenberg, 2002; Hunt
et al., 1999; Rifkin, 1999). Terms such as “loyalty,” “devotion,” “passion,” “zeal,” and
“enthusiasm” are often used to describe fanaticism, with authors suggesting that such devotion,
passion, and enthusiasm often attract new consumers and admirers to the product or brand (Belk,
2004; Pimentel and Reynolds, 2004; Rifkin, 1999).
Fanatical consumers could therefore be regarded as valuable customers who are attractive to
marketers for a variety of reasons. For example, they often have extreme and passionate consumption drives, which imply heavy usage and purchase patterns (Hofman, 2000; Redden and
Table 1. Summary of existing definitions and perspectives of fanatics and fanaticism and the characteristics they emphasize.
Characteristics
Forms of attachment (ATT)/involvement
Source
Definitions/perspectives
Forms of “extraordinary” (pursuit)
Dysfunctional/
irrational/
Enthusiasm/
Loyalty/
inappropriate/ Deviance/
passion
Devotion Zeal commitment Intensity Extremity incoherent
abnormality Excessiveness Rigidity
(E/P)
(DEV)
(ZEA) (L/C)
(INT) (EXT)
(DYS)
(AB)
(EXC)
(RIG)
Macquarie Concise Fanatical character, spirit or conduct, [where fanatical means] E/P
Dictionary
1. actuated or characterized by an extreme, unreasoning
(2006: 426)
enthusiasm or zeal, especially in religious matters. 2. relating
to or characteristic of a fanatic.a
1. a person who is extremely enthusiastic about or devoted
to an activity, practice, etc.: a skiing fanatic; a health fanatic.
2. a person with an extreme and unreasoning enthusiasm or
zeal, especially in religious matters.a
E/P
Bryan (2005: 145) A person affected by excessive enthusiasm, particularly on
religious subjects; one who indulges wild and extravagant
notions of religion . . . extravagant in opinions; ultra
unreasonable; excessively enthusiastic especially on
religious subjects; as, fanatic zeal: fanatic notions. . . . Marked
by excessive enthusiasm and often-intense uncritical
devotion.a
Chung et al.
Extraordinary devotion to an object
(2008: 333)
DeGraaff (2010: 3) An effort to contribute to the fulfilment of the expectation of a
better world . . . by way of violence. . . . An apocalyptic
mindset [that] symbolizes religion in its most extreme form.
Fanatics are people who try to force the hand of God or
history by way of shortcut.b
DeSarbo and
An affective attachment that is sometimes so profound that it (ATT)
Madrigal
implies a religious fervor in which the object takes on
(2011: 81)
aspects of the ‘sacred’.a,b
Doran (2002: 178) Single-minded
commitment . . . zealotry . . . loyalty . . . willingness to martyr
themselves . . . [and act on their fanaticism] without
weighing the consequences of his actions in a fully rational
manner.
Greenbaum
The highest degrees of loyalty.
(1999: 1)
DEV
ZEA
DEV
ZEA
EXT
EXC
DEV
EXT
ZEA
L/C
L/C
RIG
EXT
Distinction
between
“fans” and
“fanatics”c
Emphasis
on the
phenomenon
of fanaticismd
Yes (2)
0
No (1)
No (1)
0
No (1)
Yes (2)
þ
No (1)
No (1)
0
7
(continued)
8
Table 1. (continued)
Characteristics
Forms of attachment (ATT)/involvement
Source
Definitions/perspectives
Haynal, Molnar and There are two essential elements in fanaticism: faith, and what
can be called pathology—abnormality or deviance—as
de Puymège
determined by what we consider abnormal because
(1983:
excessive, of exaggerated zeal, irrational. Faith, excessive
216–218)
zeal, exclusiveness, the imminence of the purification, total
commitment pushed to the point of suicide and
crime . . . certainty of possessing the truth . . . a deviation
within a faith applied to certain ideals which, even if secular,
are made sacred, engendering an absolute, exclusive,
passionate, jealous, and blind attachment to the cult object,
accompanied by repulsion for anything that is either foreign
or contrary to this object.a
Holbrook (1987: Consumption activities with a level of passion grossly out of
144–145)
proportion to that experienced by other more temperate
consumers of the same product category.a,b
Huffington
The telltale symptoms of fanatics: an intolerance of dissent, a
(2003: 1)
doctrine that is riddled with contradictions, the belief that
one’s cause has been blessed or even commanded by God,
and the use of reinforcement techniques such as repetition
to spread one’s message. . . . one of the essential features of
fanatics is their certainty that not only is their cause good
‘but that it is the only good, an absolute good’ . . . . [the
mentality of:] ‘There is no in-between, as far as I’m
concerned. Either you’re with us, or you’re against us’.
Personal passion that was so extreme as to be an illness . . . an
Hughes and
explanatory tool for perceived alien behaviour patterns.
Johnson
(2005: 1)
Joffe (2009: xiii)
People who kill and terrorize those they disagree with . . .
[and those] who legitimate such violence.
Lehmann
Repeated behavior that conflicts with the observer’s utility
(1987: 129)
function the observer accepts as valid or
reasonable . . . extreme . . . irrational.a,b
Forms of “extraordinary” (pursuit)
Dysfunctional/
irrational/
inappropriate/ Deviance/
Loyalty/
Enthusiasm/
abnormality Excessiveness Rigidity
passion
Devotion Zeal commitment Intensity Extremity incoherent
(AB)
(EXC)
(RIG)
(DYS)
(INT) (EXT)
(E/P)
(DEV)
(ZEA) (L/C)
Distinction
between
“fans” and
“fanatics”c
Emphasis
on the
phenomenon
of fanaticismd
E/P
No (1)
No (2)
0
No (1)
ZEA
L/C
DYS
E/P
AB
EXC
RIG
AB
RIG
E/P
(No
No (1)
matches)
EXT
DYS
No (1)
EXT
DYS
No (1)
–
(continued)
Table 1. (continued)
Characteristics
Forms of attachment (ATT)/involvement
Source
Mackellar (2006:
207)
Definitions/perspectives
Forms of “extraordinary” (pursuit)
Dysfunctional/
irrational/
Loyalty/
Enthusiasm/
inappropriate/ Deviance/
passion
Devotion Zeal commitment Intensity Extremity incoherent
abnormality Excessiveness Rigidity
(INT) (EXT)
(E/P)
(DEV)
(ZEA) (L/C)
(AB)
(EXC)
(RIG)
(DYS)
A fanatic will tend to demonstrate extreme devotion, possibly
seen as eccentric or irrational to many, beyond what is
generally regarded as the normal limit to one’s interest.b
Mackellar (2009:
[Fanaticism] has two defining qualities: intensity and ‘valueE/P
9–16)
attitude’. Intensity is shown in the passion and goal-driven
behaviour and ‘the degree of energy with which one lives,
feels, thinks, works, and in general confronts the objective
world’ . . . ‘Value-attitude’ describes the changed values of
the fanatic that allow them to make their pursuit central in
their lives and reduce the value of other human needs, such
as food, money, housing, family and friends.
[Fanatics] behaved with heightened levels of energy,
enthusiasm and passion . . . [and] showed a frenzied
excitement towards [their object].b
Neale (2010: 906) Closed-mindedness or a rigidity in humans that does not allow
for changed conditions. A fanatic is obsessed, devoted and
loyal, regardless of whether this obsession is
dysfunctional.a,b
Paskins (2005: 7) We can usually define fanaticism as ‘misplaced simplicity’ – a
concept that can, with good reason, often be regarded as
harmful . . . A tendency towards extremes.a
Passmore (2003:
An excessive degree of rapturous intensity. A fanatic can be E/P
212–213)
best defined as a person who has a one-track mind.a
Perkinson (2002: A fanatic is dogmatic. He insists that his theories, his ideology,
172)
his solutions are the correct ones. A fanatic is obscurantist.
He ignores (or cannot perceive) arguments, facts, or
consequences that refute his solutions. Finally, a fanatic is
authoritarian. When he has power he tries to impose his
answers on others.
DEV
EXT
DYS
Distinction
between
“fans” and
“fanatics”c
Emphasis
on the
phenomenon
of fanaticismd
Yes (2)
0
Yes (1)
0
Yes (2)
0
No (1)
0
RIG
Yes (2)
0
RIG
No (1)
AB
INT
DEV
L/C
DYS
RIG
EXT
INT
EXC
(continued)
9
10
Table 1. (continued)
Characteristics
Forms of attachment (ATT)/involvement
Source
Definitions/perspectives
Redden and Steiner Cognitive, attitudinal and/or behavioural manifestations that are
judged by others (but probably not the fanatic) to be beyond
(2000: 326–
the normal or healthy range of what is socially or culturally
330)
acceptable. [To be] wholeheartedly
committed. . . . Features: intensity, intolerance, and
incoherence.b
Reysen (2006: 1) One zealously devoted to a religion. . . . One who holds
extreme views or advocates extreme measures.a
Rudin (1969: v–vii, Problem of intensity . . . of value-attitude . . . [and is a]
12–16)
pathology; Intensity, excitement, passion, rage of will,
absolutizing drive, rigidity, compulsion, raging enthusiasm.
Shuaib (2002: 1)
To be too extreme and enthusiastic on issues.
Smith et al., (2007: A fan or fanatic is someone extreme, who lies outside the
78)
normal range of behavior in his or her devotion to a cause,
religion, a team, or even a brand.a,b
Taylor (1866: 25) Fanaticism is enthusiasm, inflamed by hatred.a
Taylor (1991: x)
Behaviour which is excessive and inappropriately enthusiastic
and/or inappropriately concerned with something, implying
a focused and highly personalized interpretation of the
world.a
Thorne and Bruner
(2006: 53)
Trachtenberg
(2006: 1)
a
Forms of “extraordinary” (pursuit)
Dysfunctional/
irrational/
inappropriate/ Deviance/
Loyalty/
Enthusiasm/
abnormality Excessiveness Rigidity
passion
Devotion Zeal commitment Intensity Extremity incoherent
(AB)
(EXC)
(RIG)
(DYS)
(INT) (EXT)
(E/P)
(DEV)
(ZEA) (L/C)
L/C
DEV
E/P
ZEA
DYS
DEV
AB
EXT
INT
E/P
E/P
E/P
INT
DYS
EXT
EXT
RIG
AB
EXT
EXC
RIG
Distinction
between
“fans” and
“fanatics”c
Emphasis
on the
phenomenon
of fanaticismd
Yes (2)
Yes (2)
þ
No (1)
No (2)
No (2)
0
0
No (1)
No (1)
Formal definitions explicitly presented by the author(s) for that specific term/concept (i.e. fan, fanatic, or fanaticism).
Definitions and perspectives taken from marketing and other business-related literatures or contexts (as opposed to history, politics, philosophy, psychology, religion, or sociology).
c
In the column Distinction between “fans” and “fanatics,” “Yes (1)” indicates that the author(s) made a clear and explicit distinction between fans and fanatics, “Yes (2)” indicates that a
distinction was apparent, but not explicitly defined (e.g. fans are represented as the diminutive and less intense versions of fanatics), “No (1)” indicates that no explicit distinction
between fans and fanatics were made by the author(s) because the context of the paper applies only to fanatics, and “No (2)” indicates that the terms fan and fanatic were used
interchangeably by the author(s).
d
In the column Emphasis on the phenomenon of fanaticism, “þ” indicates that the author(s) portrayed fanaticism in a positive light, “” indicates fanaticism was portrayed in a negative
light, and “0” indicates no specific emphasis or position was taken or apparent (i.e. appeared neutral), or both positive and negative perspectives were considered.
b
Chung et al.
11
Steiner, 2000). They are vocal about their passions and can act as opinion leaders to bring others’
attention to the object of fanaticism and attract new consumers on behalf of the company or creator
(Rifkin, 1999). In supporting the object (i.e. product, brand, or consumption activity or experience), fanatics may join and actively participate in consumption communities to help and support
fellow members and, more importantly, sustain each other’s interest in the object of fanaticism
(Funk, 1998; Muñiz and O’Guinn, 2001). Their support and attachment are consistent, persistent,
and resistant to any attempts to reduce it (James, 1997). These examples suggest that fanatical
consumers are beneficial to marketers and should therefore be studied, understood, and cultivated
(Rozanski et al., 1999).
Negative perspectives on fanaticism
Table 1 also highlights that much of the literature and existing definitions of fanaticism is dominated by negative emphases on the phenomenon, with terms such as “excessive,” “abnormal,”
“irrational,” “violent,” and “harmful,” which have negative connotations and meanings attached to
them, used in the definitions. The literature has shown a dark side to consumer fanaticism,
describing fanatics as “intolerant” and “incoherent” (Redden and Steiner, 2000: 327, 332) as well
as violent (Brimson, 2000: 1) and dysfunctional (Neale, 2010: 906). Fanatical consumers are
considered intolerant when they are unaccepting and dismissive of any ideals, goals, or opinions
(and the people who hold these ideals, goals, or opinions) that are inconsistent with their own
(Redden and Steiner, 2000). Consumer fanatics are said to suffer from an incoherence among
thoughts, behaviors, and goals that leads to “distorted thinking and unacceptable behavior that
create the impression of gross abnormality, pathology, even insanity” (Redden and Steiner, 2000:
331). Consumer fanatics are also considered irrational (Mackellar, 2006: 207), displaying behavior
that “violates social norms and conventions” (Thorne and Bruner, 2006: 53). Similarly, outside the
marketing discipline, fanatics have also been described as “obsessive,” excessive, “extremist,”
intolerant, and incoherent (Gautier, 2002; Perkinson, 2002).
A closer inspection of the definitions and perspectives in Table 1 reveals that, even for authors
who may appear “neutral” in their studies of fanatics and fanaticism (e.g. in terms of placing no
obvious positive nor negative emphasis on the phenomenon), many include terms that carry
negative meanings and connotations. For example, Thorne and Bruner (2006: 53), who explicitly
highlighted their use of the term fanaticism “in a neutral context,” defined a consumer fanatic as “A
person with a[n] overwhelming liking or interest in a particular person, group, trend, artwork or
idea that exhibits extreme behaviour viewed by others as dysfunctional and violating social
convention.” By featuring terms like dysfunctional and expressions such as “violating social
convention,” negative meanings attached to these terms are most likely also automatically
transferred to the phenomenon of fanaticism (despite the author/s’ efforts to appear neutral).
The paradoxical nature of fanaticism
The phenomenon of fanaticism appears to be paradoxical, combining contradictory qualities and
features. For example, Doran (2002: 178) defined fanaticism as “Single-minded commitment . . . zealotry . . . loyalty . . . willingness to martyr themselves . . . [and act on their fanaticism]
without weighing the consequences of his actions in a fully rational manner,” while Neale (2010:
906) defined fanaticism as “Closed-mindedness or a rigidity in humans that does not allow for
changed conditions. A fanatic is obsessed, devoted and loyal, regardless of whether this obsession
is dysfunctional.” Positive qualities such as loyalty and devotion feature in both these definitions as
12
Marketing Theory 18(1)
well as negative qualities such as “irrationality,” “obsession,” and “dysfunction.” Fanaticism,
therefore appears to be paradoxical, as it at once features both positive and negative qualities and
divides literature into polarizing sides. Furthermore, due to the embedded self-contradiction,
logical conclusions about the nature and conditions of fanaticism are hence rather difficult to be
made, if not impossible, at this state of the literature. In order to advance the discipline in a
meaningful way and have a solid foundation for future research that can investigate and make
sense of the phenomenon, it is pertinent that we seek clarity to this topic and resolve this paradox
and confusion.
The paradoxical nature of consumer fanaticism is also apparent in the previous example of
Thorne and Bruner’s (2006) definition, where the intense “liking or interest” in a product or brand
may be considered positive (at least from the marketer’s perspective, and arguably also positive
from the consumer’s perspective as they derive much enjoyment from engaging with something
that they like intensely, or have an intense interest in) but at the same time negative as it is to the
extent of being dysfunctional (i.e. destructive) and “violating social norms and conventions.” The
inconsistent, contrasting, and contradicting qualities and features of fanaticism that previous
authors have described create confusion, where its complex nature and defining characteristics
remain unclear or even illogical.
Lack of distinction between fans and fanatics
The lack of distinction between fans and fanatics or the inconsistent and contradicting use of the
terms by many authors has further contributed toward the confusion that exists in the study of
fanaticism. For example, as Table 1 shows, with the exception of only two studies—Mackellar
(2009) and Thorne and Bruner (2006)—that make a distinction between fans and fanatics, many
others do not do so. In some studies, a distinction was apparent, although not explicit, where fans
were represented as the diminutive and less intense versions of fanatics (DeSarbo and Madrigal,
2011; Mackellar, 2006; Neale, 2010; Passmore, 2003; Redden and Steiner, 2000; Reysen, 2006). In
other studies, fan and fanatic were used interchangeably (Holbrook, 1987; Shuaib, 2002; Smith
et al., 2007). This lack of distinction is problematic, as it creates further confusion and complication in the study of fans, fanatics, and fanaticism.
Bringing clarity toward the study of consumer fanaticism
Etymology of fanaticism
As with many terms in the English language, fanaticism has evolved in its meaning and connotations over time. It may therefore be useful to examine the roots and origins of the term as the
first step to understanding and developing a conceptualization of consumer fanaticism.
The root word of fanaticism, fanatic, and fanatical is “fanum” or “temple” (i.e. “of or relating to
a temple”). It is first used in the English language to refer to religious individuals whose behaviors
were thought to have been inspired by god (Hughes and Johnson, 2005). Perhaps depending on
one’s perspective on god (and religion), this may be thought of positively or negatively.
Fanaticism was later used to refer to individuals who go to extremes for their political or
religious-motivated political cause, where terrorists and extremists (including suicide bombers)
were labeled fanatics (e.g. in Bryan, 2005; Doran, 2002; Griffin, 2003; Nelan, 1995; Sprinzak,
2000). While “go(ing) to extremes” may not necessarily be negative, in this context, where fanatics
Chung et al.
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and fanaticism is related to terrorism and extremist activities, these terms appear to take on mostly
negative meanings and associations.
Over the years, the application of fanaticism is expanded to include contexts beyond politics
and religion. For example, the Macquarie Concise Dictionary (2006: 426) defines fanaticism as:
“Fanatical character, spirit or conduct,” where fanatical means: “(1) actuated or characterized by
an extreme, unreasoning enthusiasm or zeal, especially in religious matters and (2) relating to or
characteristic of a fanatic” and where fanatic is defined as: “1. a person who is extremely
enthusiastic about or devoted to an activity, practice, etc.: a skiing fanatic; a health fanatic and 2.
a person with an extreme and unreasoning enthusiasm or zeal, especially in religious matters.”
As the application of fanaticism is expanded beyond religion and politics to include secular
activities, the definitions of fanatic and fanaticism also expanded in meaning. While in relation
to “religious matters,” the definitions include “unreasoning” as a descriptor (which implies “not
guided by or based on good sense; illogical”) and therefore seems to carry negative connotations,
such an association is not present in the definitions of the same terms when related to the secular
domain. This suggests that fanaticism may be a “fluid” concept (Redden and Steiner, 2000),
where the meanings and associations it carries are context dependent. Whether positive or
negative meanings are associated with fanatic and fanaticism appears also to be dependent on the
assessor or beholder of the fanatic, such as based on whether or not he or she agrees or sympathizes with the position of the fanatic and what he or she is “extremely enthusiastic about or
devoted to.”
Rhetorical motivations behind the use of the fan, fanatic, and fanaticism labels
Recognizing various definitions throughout history, “rhetoric” commonly involves the effectoriented choice of words, terms, or language to influence, inform, persuade, or motivate an
audience in specific situations (McNally, 1970; Newman, 2001). It appears that the terms fan,
fanatic, and fanaticism are equally used by authors or speakers for their persuasive effect. For
example, the term fan rarely attracts the negative associations or connotations (except for the case
of what Hunt et al., 1999 and Pimentel and Reynold, 2004 refer to as “dysfunctional fan”); rather, it
is often used to simply highlight one’s enthusiasm and passion for a target object.
On the other hand, references to fanatic have been presented in both positive and negative lights.
For example, a writer or speaker may label a person a fanatic and use it in a pejorative manner, in
order to imply that the person’s behavior should be seen as irrational, uncontrolled
(or uncontrollable), unusual, and perhaps untrustworthy. Fanatic can also be used as a derogatory
label to ridicule and belittle individuals, their behaviors, and/or opinions that the author or speaker
do not agree or sympathize with. For example, in a recent article in the media about a “Hello Kitty
fanatic” (Kamouni, 2016), the writer appears to ridicule the Hello Kitty fanatic using descriptions
such as “Hello Kitty fanatic freaks all of us out,” highlighting her “single” relationship status to
imply that her passion over Hello Kitty may be the reason why she has yet to find a partner who
may be accepting of this passion. Holbrook (1987: 144) noted: “We do not call jazz fanatics
“connoisseurs.” Rather, we accuse them of pursuing their consumption activities with a level of
passion grossly out of proportion to that experienced by other more temperate consumers of the
same product category.” On the other hand, some consumers seem to embrace the fanatic label.
Google searches of “I’m a Hello Kitty fanatic,” “I’m an Apple fanatic,” or “I’m a Harry Potter
fanatic,” and so on return hundreds of web pages, where individuals label themselves fanatics of
these brands. In such cases, the term fanatic seems to be utilized as a means to highlight or even
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Figure 1. Distinguishing consumer fanaticism from other types of consumption.
proudly promote one’s passion, loyalty, commitment, dedication, and/or devotion to the object of
fanaticism, qualities that are generally considered positive and even admirable.
A review of the existing definitions of fanaticism also revealed that most include qualities that
require an assessor to make normative judgments in classifying or qualifying the fanatic. For
example, definitions that feature qualifiers such as unreasoning (Macquarie Concise Dictionary)
(i.e. not guided by or based on good sense), “unreasonable” (Bryan, 2005), irrational (Doran, 2002;
Haynal et al., 1983; Lehmann, 1987; Mackellar, 2006), or excessive (Bryan, 2005; Haynal et al.,
1983; Passmore, 2003; Taylor, 1991) require normative judgments made by the assessor or evaluator in terms of what is considered unreasonable, irrational, or excessive. We believe that in order
to help move forward the study of consumer fanaticism, it is important that we develop a more
neutral, unbiased way to qualify and categorize fanaticism that does not involve a positive or
negative emphasis on the phenomenon, nor include terms that carry such connotations, as well as
being free from the need to apply normative judgments.
Defining characteristics of consumer fanaticism
Despite a lack of consensus among perspectives on fanaticism, the literature review revealed consistent
themes, qualities, and features that characterize the phenomenon. As presented in Table 1, qualities
that are present in most definitions and perspectives of fanaticism include passion, enthusiasm, devotion, zeal, intensity, extremity, abnormality, dysfunctionality, deviance, excessiveness, and rigidity.
In order to make sense of these many qualities and features that have been used to describe
fanaticism, we aimed to distill these qualities and features into two key meaningful attributes that
encapsulate the phenomenon of consumer fanaticism. In distilling the qualities and features of
fanaticism into meaningful categories, we keep in mind our aim of developing a conceptualization
of consumer fanaticism (i.e. identifying the key characteristics) that are free from normative
judgments (or which require the assessor to apply moral standards in the process of determining if
an individual is a fanatic and/or fall under the study of fanaticism). We also keep in mind our aim
of developing key defining characteristics that could help us illustrate the difference between
fanaticism and other intense forms of consumer attachments to products or brands (refer to
Figure 1). We therefore require and an effort was made to synthesize, simplify, and develop clearly
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distinctive defining characteristics that do not overlap with each other. The result are two distinctive characteristics: affective commitment, defined here as the voluntary and volitional
conscious decision to keep the interest in the object of fanaticism alive (Pichler and Hemetsberger, 2007; Pimentel and Reynolds, 2004), and extraordinary pursuit, defined here as going
beyond the ordinary, usual, or average levels (Taylor, 1991) in one’s pursuit of the object of
fanaticism. While affective commitment reflects the internal (emotional/cognitive) component
of fanaticism (i.e. consisting of strong feelings for the object of fanaticism, and therefore
“affective” in nature, and a conscious decision to continue pursuing the object of fanaticism,
which represents a “commitment” that is cognitive in nature), extraordinary pursuit represents
the external (i.e. behavioral) component of fanaticism.
Affective commitment
As Table 1 shows, fanaticism is often presented as a form of intense attachment to or involvement with a focal object. In particular, enthusiasm, passion, zeal, devotion, loyalty, and commitment feature most heavily among existing perspectives and definitions of fanatics and
fanaticism (see Table 1). A review of the definitions of each of these terms in the Oxford and
Webster dictionaries, revealed that the terms zeal, enthusiasm, devotion, and passion are often
used interchangeably to define each other and are considered synonyms of each other—representing strong/intense feelings of enjoyment, excitement, and active interest. Similarly, the
terms devotion, loyalty, and commitment are also often used to characterize fanaticism and
considered synonyms that represent the quality of being dedicated, faithful, and allegiant. This
led us to propose affective commitment as being at the core of consumer fanaticism that represents both the strong positive feelings the fanatic feel toward (the pursuit of) the object of
fanaticism and their volitional decision to continue in the pursuit of the object.
Affective commitment, unlike “calculative commitment” or “normative commitment,” is based
on a genuine liking of the target/object, rather than merely utilitarian (Pimentel and Reynolds,
2004). This is proposed as what distinguishes the fanatic from the addict who continues to pursue
the object based on utilitarian (often physiological) reasons. Hirschman (1992: 155) defines
consumer addiction as an extreme form of compulsive consumption, where the “denial of the
harmful consequences of engaging in the behavior” and “repeated failure in attempts to control or
modify the behavior” are at its core. The addict’s continued pursuit of the object is due to an
inability or loss of self-control (i.e. failures in attempts to exert control over a behavior) rather than
a voluntary and volitional (affective) commitment based on genuine positive feelings about the
object as in the case of fanatics.
Extraordinary pursuit
The second proposed key defining characteristic of consumer fanaticism is extraordinary pursuit.
This relates to the external, behavioral component of fanaticism. The literature shows that fanatics
have a “tendency towards extremes” (Paskins, 2005: 7). This tendency toward extremes means that
the fanatic is willing to make major sacrifices and significant lifestyle changes for the pursuit of the
object of fanaticism. This is evident in the following example, as Manuel Cáceres Artesero
(in Lowe, 2012: 1) described:
I used to hitchhike to games . . . . I had no money, people rejected me. But I never gave up . . . . I lost
everything for football: my family, my business, my money, the lot. But I would do it all over again
tomorrow.
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Manuel, also known as “Spain’s most famous fan” (Lowe, 2012), is recognized for his extraordinary support of Spain’s national football team. He reportedly hitchhiked over 15,800 km during
the 1982 World Cup to follow the team and has since been present at all of its international
matches. Manuel made lifestyle changes driven by his fanaticism, in order to support and continue
his pursuit of his object of fanaticism (i.e. the football team), including sacrificing his family,
business, and money to support his team. Fanatics have been known to choose or prioritize their
object of fanaticism over family, employers, and friends or neglect their obligations to family,
employers, and friends because of their pursuits (Passmore, 2003; Redden and Steiner, 2000). As a
result of such intense dedication, “intensity” and “extremity” are also frequently featured characteristics of fanaticism (see Table 1).
As Table 1 shows, fanaticism has often been described as behavior that is excessive (Taylor,
1991), dysfunctional (Hughes and Johnson, 2005), pathological (Ortiz et al., 2013), deviant
(Haynal et al., 1983), and abnormal (Redden and Steiner, 2000). However, we suggest that
defining fanaticism in these terms is problematic because inherent in these terms are negative
meanings and associations that can lead to a quick dismissal of fanaticism as a disorder (Oz, 2012),
thus potentially biasing researchers’ investigations of fanaticism. While the dominant approaches
define and characterize fanaticism as excessive, dysfunctional, irrational, or abnormal, our proposal of consumer fanaticism as a form of extraordinary pursuit, where “extraordinary” represents
going beyond the ordinary, usual, or average levels (Taylor, 1991) not only captures the intensity
and extremity that characterize fanaticism but also eliminates the need for researchers to apply
moral standards (such as the assessment of whether fanaticism demonstrated by an individual is
positive or negative, or normal or crazed). Consideration of fanaticism as an extraordinary pursuit
thus makes the process of identifying fanatics more neutral and less prone to bias. We also avoid
proposing extreme as a qualifying characteristic of fanaticism, as extreme technically implies “the
furthest end point” or “the highest degree,” which is arguably difficult to define or operationalize
in most cases and therefore less useful as a screener.
Our proposal of extraordinary pursuit as a defining and qualifying characteristic of consumer
fanaticism overcomes the issues described earlier while remaining consistent with existing perspectives that fans “are marginal phenomena. In positivistic and statistical terms . . . a fan is an
outlier, a strong deviation from the norm” (Smith et al., 2007: 78). Whether an individual is a fanatic
depends on whether his or her devotion to the object is out of proportion when compared to that of
the average individual (Hill and Robinson, 1991; Holbrook, 1987). For example, comparison of a
nationwide sample’s average time commitment to sports and outdoor recreation (3 hours a week
for males and 1.9 hours a week for females) with the study sample’s average commitment
(of approximately 15.72–20 hours a week) demonstrated that informants were fanatical because their
commitment was 9 to 10 times greater than the nationwide sample average (Hill and Robinson,
1991). Such an approach may significantly reduce the subjectivity involved in identifying the fanatic.
Apple fanatics who are prepared to make lifestyle changes or wait overnight outside Apple
stores for new product launches (Lyons, 2013; Pogačnik and Črnič, 2014; Rettner, 2010) can be
considered extraordinary (i.e. beyond ordinary, average, or usual) in their pursuit of Apple
products when compared to more temperate Apple consumers who are less (or not at all) prepared
to make lifestyle changes nor spend significant amounts of time lining up to make their purchases.
Sports fan(atic)s who “only plan my weekends around the games” and brought forward their
wedding “because we had to get the wedding in before football season” (Pimentel and Reynolds,
2004: 17) also demonstrate extraordinary pursuit of their object of fanaticism, where they make (or
have made) lifestyle changes for, and that prioritizes, the object of fanaticism.
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Proposed definition of consumer fanaticism
An in-depth review, critique, and synthesis of the literature on fanaticism lead us to propose that
consumer fanaticism should be defined as a consumer’s extraordinary pursuit of a consumption
object (i.e. a product, brand, ideology, experience), driven by an affective commitment, where
affective commitment is a voluntary and volitional conscious decision to pursue (continue pursuit
of) the object of fanaticism, and extraordinary implies going beyond the ordinary, usual, or average
levels (Taylor, 1991) in its pursuit.
Fanaticism and other intense forms of consumer attachments to
products/brands
Figure 1 illustrates the differences between fanaticism and other forms of intense consumer
attachments to products or brands based on the presence/absence or the level (i.e. high vs. low
levels) of affective commitment and extraordinary pursuit. Common, everyday forms of consumption differ from fanaticism in that they do not involve extraordinary pursuit and usually
involve low levels to no affective commitment. Brand love (Batra et al., 2012; Lastovicka and
Sirianni, 2011) and devotion (Ortiz et al., 2013) are similar to fanaticism in that the brand lover or
devotee is affectively committed (i.e. expresses high levels of affective commitment) to the
consumptive object, but their pursuit of this object is not usually considered extraordinary
(especially when compared to more dedicated consumers such as the fanatics or fanatical fans). We
propose that this is also what separates fanatics from fans; in that while the “fan,” like the brand
lover or consumer devotee, may be affectively committed, he or she does not exhibit extraordinary
pursuit that the fanatic displays. As Hunt et al. (1999: 444, 446) explained, in the sports context:
This primary difference between the devoted fan and the fanatical fan is manifested through the actual
behavior toward the schema target or sports object. The fanatical fan engages in behavior that is beyond
the normal devoted fan, yet the behavior is accepted by significant others (family, friends, and other
fans) because it is considered supportive of the target sport, team, or player. The devoted fan may go to
games. The fanatical fan will go to the game and paint their body the colors of the team, go in costume,
or in some way exhibit behaviour different from the devoted fan . . . The devoted fan may buy memorabilia. The fanatical fan may construct shrines dedicated to the object of that fanaticism (a team, a
player, etc.).
Fanaticism and addiction are similar in that, as with the fanatic, the nature and extensiveness
of an addict’s pursuit of the focal object is usually considered beyond ordinary, usual, or
average levels (i.e. extraordinary pursuit). However, while the fanatic’s continued pursuit is
driven by the strength of their desire to persist and a voluntary drive and commitment to
persevere (Redden and Steiner, 2000) (i.e. affective commitment), an addict’s continued consumption or pursuit of the object is perpetuated by a weakness, such as an involuntary loss of
self-control (Gjelsvik, 1999; Glasser, 1976). We believe there is only a fine line between
fanaticism and addiction (Chung et al., 2008) and that a consumer may move between fanaticism and addiction (and between the four quadrants in Figure 1) based on whether their pursuit
of the object of fanaticism, at the specific point in time is motivated by their affective
commitment to it (which constitutes fanaticism), or due to a loss of self-control (which
constitutes addiction).
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Table 2. Typology of consumer fanaticism.
Out-group’s perspective of the fan/fanatic
Positive
Negative
Destructive fanaticism
Negative Rogue fanaticism
In-group’s
e.g. violent sports fans (Brimson,
e.g. Loggionisti (Carù et al., 2011b),
perspective
Harley-Davidson’s RUB and Weekend 2000), alcohol and gambling fanatics
of the fan/
(DePaulo et al., 1987; Wong and
Warriors (Schouten and
fanatic
Rosenbaum, 2012), fanatical
McAlexander, 1995), brand tattoo
enthusiasts (Pourazad and Pare, 2015). consumers that steal and gamble to
support their consumption (Redden
and Steiner, 2000)
Stigmatized fanaticism
Positive Rewarding fanaticism
e.g. die-hard sport fans, such as of the e.g. Trekkies (Star Trek fanatics; Jindra,
Chicago Cubs (Bristow and Sebastian, 1994; Kozinets, 2001), Star Wars
fanatics (Cova and Pace, 2006), Lord of
2001) and Boston Red Sox (Rifkin,
the Rings fanatics (Thorne, 2011),
1999), Tom Petty fanatics (Schau and
Apple Newton (Muñiz and Schau,
Muniz, 2007), Nutellamaniacs (Cova
2005).
and Pace, 2006), Playmobil and Vespa
fanatics (Cova and Fuschillo, 2013).
Typology of consumer fanaticism
A review and comparison of the existing perspectives of fanaticism (particularly the conflicting
and contrasting ones) leads us to propose a fanaticism typology to capture the different types of
fanaticism that are depicted in the literature (Table 2). Importantly, our typology highlights the
socially situated nature of fanaticism, where an extraordinary devotion to an object may be considered positive by some but not by others—resulting in both positive and negative perspectives
and portrayals of fanaticism.
The typology consists of two key dimensions: (1) the out-group’s perspective of the fanatic or
his or her fanaticism and (2) the in-group’s perspective of the fanatic or his or her fanaticism. An
in-group is a social group with which a person psychologically identifies as being a member, while
an out-group is a social group with which an individual does not identify. In-group members
share a commitment to the same focal object, albeit not necessarily to the same extent as the fanatic
(i.e. in-group members psychologically identify with fans of the same reference object), whereas
out-group members are anyone who does not belong to that specific in-group and include people
who are not fans of the reference object. In-group members are likely to be part of the same
consumption community or subculture and/or share a liking or appreciation of the focal object.
Drawing on the in-group versus out-group perspectives of fanaticism, we propose four types of
consumer fanaticism: destructive fanaticism, rewarding fanaticism, stigmatized fanaticism, and
rogue fanaticism.
Destructive fanaticism
Destructive fanaticism evokes negative reactions from both in-group and out-group members.
Examples of destructive fanaticism include violent hooliganism (Brimson, 2000), drug/alcohol/
Chung et al.
19
gambling fanaticism (more commonly and generally automatically [perhaps inappropriately]
labeled as addiction; Burns et al., 1990; DePaulo et al., 1987), and other forms of undesirable
compulsive consumption (Faber et al., 1987; Lehmann, 1987). Hooliganism involving disruptive
and unlawful behaviors such as violence, rioting, bullying, and vandalism is frowned upon by both
in-group members (e.g. other football fans) and out-group members (i.e. the general public
including people who are not interested in football). Similarly, perpetuation of dysfunctional forms
of consumption such as of alcohol, gambling, and drugs (particularly in countries where these are
illegal), or the enthusiastic pursuit of these (even if not to the extent of being dysfunctional), is
often perceived negatively by people who may only occasionally gamble or consume alcohol or
drugs (i.e. in-group members) as well as by those who have no interest in these activities at all (i.e.
out-group members).
Rewarding fanaticism
In contrast to destructive fanaticism, rewarding fanaticism evokes positive reactions from both ingroup and out-group members. Examples of rewarding fanaticism presented in the marketing
literature include die-hard sports fans (Bristow and Sebastian, 2001; Rifkin, 1999), Nutellamaniacs
(Cova and Pace, 2006), Tom Petty fanatics (Schau and Muñiz, 2007), the modern Apple fanatic
(Rettner, 2010) as well as fanatics of brands like Vespa, Playmobil, and Walt Disney whose lives
these brands have helped “save” (Cova and Fuschillo, 2013). These forms of fanatical consumption
provide rewarding benefits to the fanatic (Hill and Robinson, 1991; Pollay, 1987) and are
understood and accepted by other fans. Out-group members also perceive this form of fanaticism
positively, as they find the fanatic’s fanaticism either admirable (Bristow and Sebastian, 2001;
Rifkin, 1999) or useful (e.g. in terms of the fanatic’s ability to provide assistance, expertise, or
knowledge developed as a result of their fanaticism) (Muñiz and Schau, 2005).
Stigmatized fanaticism
Stigmatized fanaticism is a form of fanaticism viewed positively by in-group members and
negatively by out-group members. Examples presented in the literature include fanatics of science
fiction offerings such as Star Trek, Star Wars, Lord of the Rings (Cova and Pace, 2006; Jancovich
and Lyons, 2003; Jenkins, 1992; Jindra, 1994; Kozinets, 2001), Apple Newton fanatics (Muñiz and
Schau, 2005), and “hard-core” and “die-hard” fans of Elvis (Doss, 1999). Studies of these fanatics
showed that while fanatics derive benefits from their fanatical pursuits and can find refuge among
fellow fanatics within the fan community (i.e. in-group members), they are often misrepresented
by others, especially in the media, as “nerdy” people who need to “get a life” (Jenkins, 1992;
Kozinets, 2001).
Rogue fanaticism
The final quadrant of the typology proposes a form of fanaticism that is viewed positively by outgroup members but negatively by in-group members. The rogue fanatic is an outlier in the fan
community but somewhat unexpectedly receives the acceptance of out-group members and nonfans. Examples include the booing Loggionisti at Milan’s La Scala opera house (Carù et al., 2011a,
2011b) and Harley-Davidson’s Rich Urban Bikers and Weekend Warriors (Schouten and McAlexander, 1995). Like the modern Apple fanatic, who has lost the stigmatized image as Apple
fanaticism has become increasingly socially accepted, Harley-Davidson fanatics are more
acceptable even to out-group members, as Harley-Davidson motorbikes gain mainstream
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popularity. However, the original fans of Harley-Davidson motorbikes (i.e. in-group members)
regard the Rich Urban Bikers and Weekend Warriors as fraudulent fans whose association with the
brand betrays the original members’ intended image for the brand (e.g. the rebellious outlaw).
Similarly, the Loggionisti—who boo and cheer singers and conductors—may be viewed as disruptive by other opera fans (i.e. in-group members) but may be perceived positively by some outgroup members as experts who can help govern the quality of operas presented at La Scala. The
rogue fanatic may once have been a key member of the fan community (i.e. “rewarding
fanaticism”), but through changes in preferences of other group members or the dynamics of group
membership and relationships may have lost his or her place in the fan community even while
gaining the acceptance of the wider community. Such a transition indicates fanaticism as fluid
concept (Redden and Steiner, 2000). Alternatively, the rogue fanatic can start off as an outlier who
never belonged, despite psychological membership or personal identification with the fan group.
Discussion
The consumer fanaticism typology derived here provides a partial explanation for the present
paradox and serves as a significant step in resolving this contradiction. However, the typology also
reveals important complexities, interesting qualities, and key dynamics, which suggest that consumer fanaticism, in its various forms, deserves further exploration.
Researchers have applied fanaticism, fan, and fanatic to many contexts across multiple disciplines. The various conflicting perspectives of fanaticism and lack of consensus as to its defining
properties and constituent elements reveal a need to revisit the phenomenon to bring conceptual
clarity and establish a foundation for more advanced theorizing regarding consumer fanaticism.
This article has consolidated the conflicting perspectives by developing a reconceptualization of
consumer fanaticism. We have identified the defining characteristics of the phenomenon, provided a
neutral and unbiased definition of consumer fanaticism, and demonstrated its difference from other
arguably similar consumption phenomena. The development of a neutral and unbiased definition of
consumer fanaticism that does not require the assessment of whether an individual’s fanaticism is
positive or negative or normal or crazed makes the process of identifying fanatics less subject to
researcher bias. As a consequence, our conceptualization helps researchers remove the stigma often
attached to the fanatic or fanaticism label, which may have prevented some individuals from
speaking honestly or openly about their fanaticism (or to identify themselves as a fanatic in the first
place). Removing this stigma can also help consumer informants speak more freely about their
fanaticism, thereby allowing researchers to uncover a greater depth and breadth of information.
Our typology of consumer fanaticism, which is based on the notion of in-group versus out-group
perspectives of the consumer fanatic, structures the various forms of fanaticism portrayed in the
literature into four meaningful categories. This typology helps resolve a theoretical paradox
stemming from the conflicting perspectives of consumer fanaticism in the literature. We advance
theory by providing a conceptual framework to explain the different perspectives (positive vs.
negative) taken by various studies, thus providing a much richer and more integrative theorizing.
As a result, this research offers a basis for understanding and resolving the presently conflicting
perspectives of consumer fanaticism.
Importantly, this article identifies fanaticism’s defining dimensions—affective commitment
and extraordinary pursuit—and uses these to distinguish consumer fanaticism from other similar
consumption constructs involving intense forms of consumer attachment to products and brands,
such as brand love, devotion, and addiction. In doing so, it provides a robust foundation for future
Chung et al.
21
research on consumer fanaticism. By identifying the key characteristics of consumer fanaticism
and using them to distinguish consumer fanaticism from other similar consumption constructs, this
article carves out consumer fanaticism as a unique consumption phenomenon that differs from
other well-established phenomena and that is still evolving, requiring research attention to develop
a consensus and further advance understanding.
Finally, this article also contributes by outlining theoretical, managerial, and policy implications and by providing a future research agenda to advance knowledge and understanding of
consumer fanaticism and related consumption constructs.
Implications for research
The model presented in this article, supported by evidence from prior literature, demonstrates that
not all forms of consumer fanaticism are dysfunctional. Some forms of consumer fanaticism are
regarded as rewarding and beneficial not only by the fanatic but also by others benefiting from the
fanatic’s extraordinary interest, enthusiasm, expertise, and devotion to the focal object (Hill and
Robinson, 1991).
Although prior studies of consumer fanaticism laid the foundation for current knowledge of
the phenomenon, we urge researchers to reconsider prior work using the consumer fanaticism
label and revisit papers claiming to have studied consumer fanaticism, such as the series of first
papers on consumer fanaticism published in Advances in Consumer Research (e.g., DePaulo et
al., 1987; Faber et al., 1987; Gridley, 1987; Holbrook, 1987; Lehmann, 1987; Pollay, 1987;
Scammon, 1987). Indeed, researchers need to reconsider and reflect on whether studies represent genuine cases of fanaticism, especially in light of the updated conceptualization of
consumer fanaticism presented in this article. For example, studies on drug and alcohol use
involving a loss of self-control and consumption that is repeated despite harmful consequences
and repeated attempts to cease such behaviors (e.g. DePaulo et al., 1987) may more appropriately be categorized as addiction rather than fanaticism. On the other hand, Thorne and
Bruner’s (2006) study of consumer fanaticism involving fans recruited at fan convention venues
may include consumers who are not necessarily fanatical, and therefore the findings of their
study arguably have to be questioned with regard to their theoretical view and its implications
of consumer fanaticism. We suggest a need for researchers, whenever they come across any
materials that apply or use fans, fanatics, and fanaticism, to question the rhetorical motivation
behind the authors’ use of these labels, and what the authors mean by these labels. Similarly,
going forward theorizing would benefit from authors being upfront, clear, and explicit in their
definition and application of these terms and labels in their own research.
Consumer fanaticism seems to sit on a “fine line between extreme levels of enthusiasm that is
positive and fulfilling, versus the non-sustainable borderline-dysfunctional levels of enthusiasm that
may turn into something darker or problematic” (Chung et al., 2008: 333). Indeed, future research on
consumer fanaticism should empirically explore this fine line between the various forms of consumer
fanaticism that lead to positive versus negative outcomes for the fanatic and others surrounding the
fanatic (or affected by the fanatic’s actions). Further research should also investigate the boundaries
separating the different types of consumer fanaticism (i.e. rewarding, destructive, stigmatized, or
rogue), exploring the group dynamics that occur in the different types. Moreover, while fanaticism is
commonly regarded as manifesting at an individual level, a collective phenomenon of fanaticism
seems equally plausible. For example, football hooligans may develop collective fanaticism structures and dynamics (us vs. them) that merit exploration beyond the individual level.
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While this article has focused on developing frameworks that help distinguish consumer
fanaticism from other forms of consumption, as well as the different forms/types of consumer
fanaticism (to reconcile the previously disparate literature), future research can investigate or focus
more on the “fluidity” of the concept as indicated earlier. This may help researchers understand the
different movements between quadrants within each of the two proposed frameworks. For
example, it is possible to foresee that a consumer might switch from being in the rewarding
fanaticism quadrant to “destructive fanaticism” such as “when love turns to hate” (due to company/
brand/marketer wrongdoing) leading to revenge-seeking behavior (Grégoire et al., 2009: 18). A
consumer whose level of fanaticism fluctuates (such as in terms of the level of affective commitment and/or the level of extraordinary pursuit) may move from fanaticism to “love” or
devotion (e.g. with a drop in the level of extraordinary pursuit) or to “common/everyday consumption” (i.e. “ordinary” forms of consumption) (e.g. with a drop in both the levels of affective
commitment and extraordinary pursuit). Alternatively, the consumer may move from fanaticism
to “addiction” if their continued extraordinary pursuit of the target object is no longer driven by
an affective commitment to the object (i.e. low in affective commitment) but an involuntary,
inability to exert self-control. Research that explores the movement and the conditions that drive
movement between these quadrants (e.g. How does it happen? Why does it happen? What can
companies and policy makers do to retain rewarding fanaticism, or encourage consumers to
remain in one category, or discourage destructive fanaticism, or move to another category? What
can companies or policy makers do to facilitate rewarding fanaticism, or reduce destructive
fanaticism?, etc.) will provide valuable insights to not only academic researchers but also
marketing managers and policy makers.
Study of fanaticism opens up the possibility of shedding further light on the currently
emerging phenomenon of value cocreation (e.g. Vargo and Lusch, 2008) and value codestruction
(e.g. Echeverri and Skålén, 2011; Smith 2013). While value cocreation refers to interdependent
resource integration efforts that result in mutual benefits, value codestruction relates to intentional
or nonintentional behaviors that diminish value perceptions of the interacting parties. Clearly,
fanatics can contribute to both improved and worsened experiences of other consumers. However,
the interactional nature and impact of fanaticism have not yet been considered in value creation
frameworks. Particularly, the dark side of fanaticism could help enrich the theoretical understanding of the notion of value codestruction and offer critical avenues for future theorizing in the
context of service-dominant logic (Vargo and Lusch, 2008).
Redden and Steiner (2000: 322) wrote that the topic of consumer fanaticism “call[s] out for
systematic, scholarly study if only we could find a consistent conceptual framework against
which to measure their fanaticism or interpret their consumption behavior.” Future research will
benefit from the development of a scale to measure consumer fanaticism based on the level of
affective commitment and extraordinary pursuit a person exhibits. With such a scale, future
studies can explore the antecedents and outcomes of consumer fanaticism, where findings can be
used to inform marketers and policy makers in managing consumer fanaticism. For instance,
potential antecedents to consumer fanaticism may include voids (Ashton, 2007; Klinger, 1977;
Peele, 1988), socializing agents (Funk and James, 2001; Hill and Green, 2000; James, 1997), and
hedonic drivers (Carroll and Ahuvia, 2006; Higie and Feick, 1989). For example, addiction
(which is separated from fanaticism only by a very fine line) is said to be a means to fill a void
(Peele, 1988) and may also be an antecedent to fanaticism. Socializing agents, such as family
members, friends, or other people in one’s school, work, or social community socialize individuals into the liking of an object (e.g. Funk and James, 2001; Hill and Green, 2000; James,
Chung et al.
23
1997) and may be the initial step that leads to increasingly intense and eventually fanatical levels
of liking and enthusiastic devotion. Hedonic motives and experiences have been found to promote consumers’ love for a product or brand (Carroll and Ahuvia, 2006) and encourage enduring
involvement in that product or brand (Higie and Feick, 1989), and therefore may also be
investigated as potential drivers of a consumer’s love, enthusiastic devotion, and eventual
fanaticism toward an object.
Prior studies can also provide insights into the potential outcomes of consumer fanaticism,
especially those that relate to intense consumer attachments to products and brands. For example,
evangelism and spreading positive word of mouth as an outcome of consumer devotion (Fournier,
1998; Pimentel and Reynolds, 2004) and loss of self-control as an outcome of consumer addiction
(Hirschman, 1992) may be investigated as potential outcomes of consumer fanaticism.
The study of consumer fanaticism responds to calls for research to better understand consumers
who “can become near-zealots on the basis of adoration and devotion and can be placed in selfsustaining social environments that reinforce their brand determination” (Oliver, 1999: 43).
Exploration of the antecedents of consumer fanaticism will provide much sought after answers to
questions about the transitioning mechanisms leading consumers to this state of “ultimate loyalty”
(Oliver, 1999: 43), fanaticism (Hunt et al., 1999), and allegiance (Funk and James, 2001).
Implications for managers and policy makers
The four types of consumer fanaticism identified in this article have different managerial and
policy implications. For example, marketers and policy makers will likely view the destructive
fanatic as a liability that organizations may choose to avoid, in which case they may consider
demarketing efforts to dampen dysfunctional fanatics’ intense devotion or divert it to other
healthier areas (Hunt et al., 1999). Demarketing efforts might include banning these fans from
attending fan conventions or meetings or from joining or participating in fan community activities
(online or off-line) or withholding the fans’ access to product, brand, or consumption experiences.
However, such organizational actions may require careful consideration of the individual circumstances and adherence to ethical (and legal) standards. On the other hand, the approach could
prevent misbehaving fanatics from offending others further and encourage them to take stock of
their misbehavior, steering them away from socially undesirable behaviors. Alternatively, companies may consider (and researchers could measure the impact of) incentivizing and/or rewarding
“good behavior” such that their fanatical customers are encouraged to not display the dysfunctional
or destructive side of fanaticism. The use of more positive and encouraging incentives rather than
based on punishment may be trialed for their differences in effectiveness (or indeed, one may be
more effective on certain “types” of fanatics, than the other). Policy makers can consider educational and intervention programs to teach consumers self-awareness, critical reflection, selfregulation, and exercise of self-control (Baumeister and Heatherton, 1996; Dittmar, 2008; Faber
and Vohs, 2011; Hirschman, 1992).
In contrast, the loyalty and devotion of fanatics in the rewarding fanaticism category should
be garnered and harnessed. For example, marketers might “leverage the feelings and the
experiences of the fanatical fan not only by offering information outlets to the fanatical
fan . . . but also [by offering] additional ways for the fanatical fan to express . . . devotion” such as
through purchasing memorabilia (Hunt et al., 1999: 450). Internet fan pages, meet-and-greet fan
gatherings, and insider publications especially for these hard-core fans may also be useful to help
sustain and continually reinvigorate the fanatic’s intense enthusiastic devotion. Offering these
24
Marketing Theory 18(1)
positive experiences to the fanatical fan may increase the likelihood of converting less intensely
devoted fans into more devoted (and eventually fanatical) fans (Hunt et al., 1999), especially as
existing fanatics’ enthusiasm is said to often attract new customers and admirers (Belk, 2004;
Pimentel and Reynolds, 2004; Rifkin, 1999).
Similarly, the loyalty and devotion of stigmatized fanatics are also important to marketers
and should also be treasured. The marketer’s role in this case may be to help demarginalize the
image of the stigmatized fanatic and correct the negative misperceptions of these stigmatized
forms of fanaticism. These efforts help to convert stigmatized fanaticism into rewarding
fanaticism that is appreciated not only by in-group members but also by out-group members.
Rogue fanaticism is viewed positively by out-group members (usually including the general
public or the majority) but negatively by in-group members or fans of the same focal object, and
therefore it may be worthwhile to dedicate marketing attention to rogue fanatics. However, efforts
to understand and resolve the conflicts within the consumption community may be necessary so
that in-group members no longer view these fanatics negatively but see them as a useful source of
information and other resource sharing. Fan community leaders may consider intervention or
counseling for fan members who are butting heads.
Closing thoughts
Our synthesis of the literature shows that research explicitly addressing the phenomenon of
consumer fanaticism has been scant and reflects conflicting perspectives. While some studies
suggest that consumer fanatics are incoherent and dysfunctional, other investigations suggest
that consumer fanaticism is neither extreme nor aberrant. We therefore sought to contribute to
the literature by providing an updated conceptualization of consumer fanaticism and a typology
of consumer fanaticism that helps resolve the current paradox. We advance theorizing in this
area by conceptually investigating the phenomenon of consumer fanaticism, discriminating it
from existing approaches and perspectives and providing a coherent, sense-making framework
to integrate previously disparate, irreconcilable, and paradoxical views on fanaticism in
marketing. In doing so, we build the foundation for substantiated conceptual and empirical
developments. We advance the theoretical status of the concept of consumer fanaticism via a
typology that integrates the in-group versus out-group perspectives into the dialogue on consumer
fanaticism so as to consolidate the contrasting perspectives. Our conceptualization of consumer
fanaticism further provides a basis for the future operationalization of the phenomenon, which
would enable an investigation of the drivers and outcomes of consumer fanaticism, considering
different types, contexts, and conditions. Researchers could, for example, develop scales to capture
the dimensions of consumer fanaticism and/or different types of fanaticism and investigate circumstances under which the respective fanaticism phenomenon is facilitated or hindered. From an
academic perspective, this would help examine predictive models and further theorizing of fanaticism, while managers could benefit from the quantitative insights about effective targeting and the
development or discouragement of specific fanatics or even fanatic segments.
This article also contributes by developing a model that discriminates between fanaticism and
other related marketing concepts, providing theoretical clarity and an improved understanding of
the phenomenon of consumer fanaticism and other similar concepts of intense consumer attachments to products, brands, and consumption experiences. Finally, we offer a substantive agenda for
future research to expand understanding of this increasingly common and potentially problematic
consumption phenomenon.
Chung et al.
25
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship,
and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this
article.
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Emily Chung is a lecturer in the School of Economics, Finance and Marketing at RMIT University, Melbourne. Her work focuses on understanding intense consumption phenomena, uncovering sensitive topics,
and emotion-laden experiences including fanaticism, obsession, and addiction, as well as recovery and
consumer well-being. Emily has published in the Journal of the Academy of Marketing Science and Advances
in Consumer Research. Address: School of Economics, Finance and Marketing, RMIT University, 445
Swanston Street, Melbourne, VIC3000, Australia. [Email: emily.chung@rmit.edu.au]
Francis Farrelly is a professor of marketing at RMIT University, Melbourne. His research focuses on
marketing strategy, branding, consumer culture, innovation, and sports marketing. He has won awards for
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Marketing Theory 18(1)
his teaching and research, and his work has been published in a range of journals including the Journal of
Advertising, the Journal of Sport Management, Journal of Consumer Research, and Journal of Product
Innovation Management. He has also consulted nationally and internationally in the marketing strategy area
for over 20 years. Address: School of Economics, Finance and Marketing, RMIT University, 445 Swanston
Street, Melbourne, VIC3000, Australia. [Email: francis.farrelly@rmit.edu.au]
Michael B. Beverland is a professor of Fashion Enterprise in the School of Fashion & Textiles, RMIT
University, Melbourne. His research focuses on branding and authenticity and brand management and
design innovation. His work has been published in a range of journals including Design Management
Review, Journal of the Academy of Marketing Science, Journal of Advertising, Journal of Consumer
Research, Journal of Management Studies, Journal of Marketing Management, and Journal of Product
Innovation Management. He is currently working on a forthcoming text entitled Branding: A Co-Creation
Approach (Sage). Address: School of Fashion and Textiles, RMIT University, 25 Dawson Street, Brunswick, VIC3056, Australia. [Email: michael.beverland@rmit.edu.au]
Ingo O. Karpen is an associate professor of Strategic Design in the Graduate School of Business and Law at
RMIT University, Melbourne. His cross-disciplinary research combines strategy, design, and marketing
theory, and his publications have appeared in various journals including the Journal of Service Research,
Journal of Retailing, Journal of Business Research, Marketing Theory, Journal of Marketing Management,
and Journal of Service Theory and Practice. Ingo is an award-winning educator and researcher, and the
coeditor of the practitioner-oriented book entitled Strategic Design: Eight Essential Practices Every Strategic
Designer Must Master (BIS). He frequently consults with businesses to build strategic design capacity.
Address: Graduate School of Business and Law, RMIT University, VIC3000, Australia. [Email:
ingo.karpen@rmit.edu.au]