Chapter 13. Challenges to Policy Implementation1 This chapter discusses the questions regarding the implementation, impact and evaluation of TVET policy in SSA (RQ19.g, RQ20). In doing so, we can only rely on the few publications that can be found on this research topic. In the evaluated publications, it becomes clear that some of the states involved in our study set themselves very ambitious goals in TVET — including the development of work-focused and competence-oriented TVET. However, it is clear that the implementation of these claims poses a great challenge for states in SSA and their TVET authorities. This chapter identifies these challenges and the resulting mitigation strategies. Research questions considered in this chapter The research questions considered in this chapter are listed in the box below. Research questions considered in this chapter [RQ19.g] What role does TVET research play in the respective national / regional education policies? RQ20. State regulation of TVET and the impact of policy on TVET programme delivery and evaluation. [RQ20.a] To what extent are institutions delivering TVET education (e.g., non-governmental organisations, state schools, colleges) subject to state policies and regulations (on TVET and otherwise; national infrastructure; economic and legal factors)? [RQ20.b] How is policy implementation evaluated? Who assesses implementation? What are the quality indicators? [RQ20.c] Are the policies and regulations effective? Is the impact of policy discernable (e.g., in the publications examined or within the internet search)? We note that other parts of RQ19 are covered in Chapters 10 and 11. Regarding different types of TVET models, we also refer the reader to Chapter4 and Chapter 8. @ @ @ @ 1 Citation for this chapter: Haßler, Haseloff, et al. (2020). Chapter 13. Challenges to Policy Implementation. In: Haßler, Haseloff, et al. (2020). Technical and Vocational Education and Training in Sub-Saharan Africa: A Systematic Review of the Research Landscape. VET Repository, Bundesinstitut für Berufsbildung, Bonn, Germany. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3843366 [ 273 ] Technical and Vocational Education and Training in Sub-Saharan Africa Conclusions of this chapter As mentioned in Chapter 7.5. there are only a small number of publications in relation to the evaluation of the implementation and impact of TVET policies in SSA. This does not mean that the efforts made to implement TVET policy are necessarily ineffective just because few publications were found. Official documents, from countries such as Kenya and Nigeria, mention the need for TVET policy implementation evaluation. However, no details regarding the design or timeline for such evaluations are included. @ From what is available, it is clear that the impact of TVET policy in the formal field is generally considered positive. Kenya and Ethiopia provide examples of this, and we evaluate compliance with TVET policies and measures. In particular, we examine the effects of changes mandated by TVET policy on the instructional-pedagogical level. In Kenya, for example, significant changes in classroom activity can be identified as an outcome of a change in pedagogical guidelines. We also evaluate policy implementation in the informal TVET sector; attempts to formalise informal apprenticeships are noted in Botswana, Kenya, Nigeria and Uganda. There is also some limited research on the different effects of informal education, for example from Nigeria. These occasional publications show that informal vocational training models with formal aspects are more prevalent in West Africa than in South and East Africa. A Nigerian study considers the impact of informal TVET in SSA, concluding that young people value informal education because it is considered cost-effective and easily accessible, and appears to offer better employment opportunities than formal education. However, the study also describes how vulnerable groups are in danger of exploitation through informal education. As for barriers to the implementation of reforms, the available publications emphasise insufficient (and often neglected) financing of the TVET sector compared to other areas of education. For competence- and job-oriented education, barriers also arise through poor engagement with the private sector, the job market and the industrial training institutions. TVET agencies in all the countries considered are well aware of the opportunities as well as risks of training without state quality assurance mechanisms. Research into the impacts and the models used could pedagogically support informal approaches and might aid the development of guidelines for the protection of vulnerable groups. While in Chapter 9 we discussed challenges for inclusion and policies relating to this, here in Chapter 13 we consider the effectiveness of inclusion-related goals. We also discuss the effectiveness of government policy on inclusion-related goals, based on the literature reviewed. One of the few studies available found that there is still a significant segmentation by ethnicity and gender within the TVET sector. Positive changes towards gender mainstreaming and equality for all people are the aim from the governmental side; however, the development and implementation of measures that would contribute to this are neither controlled nor supported. @ [ 274 ] Chapter 13. Challenges to Policy Implementation As with the other chapters, the subsequent sections offer additional details of the points discussed in the summary above. 13.1. Evaluation of TVET policy implementation References to the evaluation of TVET policy implementation are uncommon in the literature surveyed. Recent official documents, as exemplified in the following section, do mention that the implementation of a policy ought to be evaluated and adapted as necessary for the desired impact. However, there are no stipulations as to how or when this needs to happen. This is quite common across several nations; we review examples from Kenya, Nigeria and South Africa. 13.1.1. Evaluation of TVET policy implementation: Kenya This is the case in Kenya, where there are various TVET reforms underway. Objective No. 52 of the TVET Strategic Plan 2018–2022 states that: “it is assumed at least one review of the TVET legislation and TVET Policy will take place during the lifespan of this strategic plan, TVETA3 will continue to take initiatives towards harmonising the different laws and policies governing the TVET-sector. TVETA will continue to participate in all relevant platforms” (Government of Kenya, 2018:34). The Kenyan TVET Strategic Plan also states that TVETA has inadequate funding and limited engagement with the private sector, the ‘world of work’, and industrial training institutions. Hence, there seems to be limited awareness and acceptance of TVETA and its mandate among most stakeholders. Yet, TVETA is expected to continue to take initiatives towards harmonising the different laws and policies governing the TVET sector, which are “increasingly considered to be fragmented and in some areas incomplete and/ or leading to different interpretations. This has now been recognised by most stakeholders” (Government of Kenya, 2018:33–34). Nevertheless, the Kenyan TVET Strategic Plan 2018–2022 emphasises that “in order to contribute meaningfully to these reforms, TVETA will have to increase its Research and Development capacity in order to provide relevant research, e.g. tracer studies and/or joint research with Ministry of Labour and/ or industry and their organisations” (Government of Kenya, 2018:33–34). It is noteworthy that this document has a situational analysis of the country’s TVET system in which it declares that the Directorate of Policy, Research and Development, whose core mandate is to conduct and contribute to TVET research, is hardly functioning. This Directorate is also expected to advise on TVET policies, publish information on TVET issues and initiate and engage in development and innovative projects. However, [ 275 ] Technical and Vocational Education and Training in Sub-Saharan Africa “it is understood to have only two staff members and the impact and relevance appear to be very limited despite its importance” (Government of Kenya, 2018:88). 13.1.2. Evaluation of TVET policy implementation: Nigeria Connecting policy and impact is a far-reaching challenge, and Nigeria offers another example for this. The Inspectorate Planning and Policy Implementation Division (I-P&PI), under the Federal Education Quality Assurance Service (c.f. Section 11.1.1), has an inspectorate division dedicated to regularly inspecting and supervising policy implementation. No further information is provided, nor could we find evidence of policy implementation evaluation having occurred in the past. Wodi, who discussed the global economic crisis and entrepreneurship development in the oil and gas sector in Nigeria concludes that @ “while we acknowledge the fact that the master plan on TVET development in Nigeria from 2001 to 2010 is a work well done, it is the author’s considered opinion that the plan is a myth rather than a reality because even the Federal Government has not implemented the key recommendations of the master plan which include one model technical college in each state of the federation by Federal Government as well as by the state and local governments” (Nigeria, Niger, South Africa: Wodi, 2012:10–11). Similarly, the Technical Vocational Education and Training Division of Tanzania’s Ministry of Education is in charge of monitoring and evaluating the implementation of the TVET programmes, projects and policies. We also found that the Ministry’s Education Sector Performance Coordination is responsible for monitoring, reviewing and analysing “the proper implementation of policies, decisions and directives from the stakeholders” (Government of Tanzania, accessed Dec. 2018). No further details were found. 13.1.3. Evaluation of TVET policy implementation: South Africa Finally, another example comes from South Africa. Subban and Vyas-Doorgapersad, who analysed the South African public administration training and development, assert that the government “lacks the management capacity to plan and implement reconstruction and development activities on the massive scale it had in fact promised” (South Africa: Subban & Vyas-Doorgapersad, 2014:501). In summary, the data enable us to assert that policies are conceived with the aim of tackling the perceived problems with the TVET at that point in time, and they take into consideration international trends and best practices. They usually contain several references to the issues they aim to address. However, we could not obtain information on changes that have been made to a policy based on an evaluation of its implementation process. As was demonstrated in the case of Kenya, it is likely that the government bodies across SSA who are responsible for carrying out the TVET policy’s [ 276 ] Chapter 13. Challenges to Policy Implementation implementation evaluation studies are under-resourced. Hence, despite the best intentions, there are considerable difficulties to be overcome before policy implementation can generate insights for policymakers and the research community. 13.2. Formal sector: impact of policies and regulations As there is very little evidence on the evaluation of policy implementation in SSA, it is no surprise that evidence of the impact of policies, regulations or strategies is equally limited. This is true for both the literature review and the internet search. None of the coded material we evaluated suggested that government strategy had a predominantly negative effect. Among the available information in coded articles, the effects of policies were generally considered positively. These policies include TVET-specific strategies, e.g., the Ethiopian 2008 TVET strategy (considered in Ethiopia: Hagos Baraki & van Kemenade, 2013), distance-led teacher education schemes (Uganda, Kenya, Tanzania: Hardman, et al., 2011), guidelines on ICT use (Kenya: Agufana, 2015), and overall government strategies (drawn from various policy documents, plans and funds). Mosoti asserts that TVET programmes “have a political appeal because they are an educational response to economic problems.” (Kenya: Mosoti, 2011:182). Sambo suggests government policy should have an encouraging impact on youth entrepreneurship, while recognising that “other scholars maintain that the efforts are less successful than expected” (Kenya: Sambo, 2016:337).4 Hardman depicts a similar picture of qualified success with regards to a school-based distance-led teacher training programme, run by a unit within the Ministry of Education from 2001–2005 (Uganda, Kenya, Tanzania: Hardman, et al., 2011). This programme aimed to “improve the quality and cost effectiveness of teaching and learning in primary schools through teachers acquiring new skills that promote active learning and training them in the use of new textbooks” (Uganda, Kenya, Tanzania: Hardman, et al., 2011:672). Changes in teaching in the period between a 1999 baseline study and a 2005 evaluation suggested substantial pedagogic changes among Kenyan teachers. However, these changes were not consistent among all participant teachers in the ‘cascade’ model trialled: teachers passed on their training to a lesser degree than had been expected at the programme’s conception (Uganda, Kenya, Tanzania: Hardman, et al., 2011). The findings of Robertson’s PhD research on leadership development for TVET college leaders in South Africa suggest that in order to achieve an effective transformation of TVET, leaders need to embrace a more collaborative and integrated leadership style (South Africa: Robertson, 2015). The author concludes that 4 Sambo refers to various government initiatives to address youth unemployment (Kenya: Sambo, 2016). These include the Sessional Paper Number 4 of 2005, the Sessional Paper Number 2 of 1992 on Small Scale and Jua Kali Enterprises, the Development Plan 1997–2001, the Poverty Eradication Plan 1999– 2015 and the launch of the Youth Enterprise Development Fund (YEDF). [ 277 ] Technical and Vocational Education and Training in Sub-Saharan Africa “in order to be capable, leaders need to adopt a more shared and distributive form of leadership which has transformational leadership at its core since followers need to be motivated to perform beyond expectations” (ibid.:208). We note that in 2015, the OECD published a review of TVET systems around the world which notes South Africa needs to strengthen professional development for vocational teachers and college leaders (OECD, 2015). The Ethiopian 2008 TVET strategy, which was reportedly implemented at a time when “[TVET] delivery was fragmented, uncoordinated, and unregulated”, was another policy positively received in the literature (Ethiopia: Hagos Baraki & van Kemenade, 2013:497). It was associated with a rise in the proportion of “formal TVET graduates” recognised by the certification system (Ethiopia: ibid., 2013). Similarly, the Kenyan government’s stance on ICT promotion had a positive impact on ICT use among those in TVET institutions (Kenya: Agufana, 2015). 13.3. Informal sector: role, quality and examples Formal education is already covered at length in Section 13.2. Therefore, in this section, we discuss the information available on non-formal and informal TVET education in SSA countries. Aggarwal defines informal education as @ “an informal system of skills transfer from a master craftsperson to a young apprentice who acquires skills by way of observation, imitation and repetition while working with the master craftsperson. The transfer of knowledge and skills is based on an agreement (written or verbal) between master craftsperson and apprentice in line with local community norms and practices, and the training is not regulated by the law of a country” (Malawi, Tanzania, Zambia, Zimbabwe: Aggarwal, 2013:113). We will first provide an overview of informal TVET in in SSA and its regions, and its importance to the local economy. This is followed by a description of the information on informal TVET systems compiled through our literature review, which is organised by country in alphabetical order. We note that, as in previous chapters, the information presented in the following paragraphs does not cover every country across SSA, focusing instead on those countries for which we were able to find sufficient relevant literature. 13.3.1. Quality of informal TVET Kingombe recommends that, in order to ensure good quality, “occupational standards should be developed for crafts in the traditional apprenticeship system. Such an approach will eliminate the problems of variable training standards. (...) Some workshops should be identified and developed into centres of excellence in all districts and used to validate training standards.” (Sierra Leone: Kingombe, 2011: 77). [ 278 ] Chapter 13. Challenges to Policy Implementation As seen in Chapter 12 many of the countries discussed here have established qualifications frameworks in recent years. Some of the documents listed, such as the summary of generic level descriptors of the Uganda Vocational Qualifications Framework (UVQF), were created to allow recognition of prior learning. Thus, those who acquired their skills outside of the formal education system can be awarded equivalent qualifications if they demonstrate having the minimum required skills described. Gadio (2011) also highlighted, for example, policy by the Mali government that sought to regulate and legally recognise adult non-formal education in the country. In summary,  Damasah (2016) says that informal TVET suffers from a lack of consistency and from insufficient substance. @ Ahadzie suggests that training in pedagogy should be introduced to craft workers in the informal sector in order to improve instructional abilities in informal TVET (Sierra Leone: Ahadzie, 2009, cited in Kingombe, 2011). The research papers we considered show that providing pedagogical knowledge to instructors would be a huge undertaking in SSA not least because such an initiative would require recognition by the government of the importance of informal providers, including it in its policies. Kingombe cited Adams: “The informal sector has emerged as a reality and has to be recognised for policy purposes. How it is treated by governments will likely influence its future as an instrument for employment and poverty reduction. Forcing its compliance with the regulations and taxation of an industrial economy through stronger enforcement measures will likely drive it further underground or out of existence altogether” (Sierra Leone: Adams, 2008, 2009 cited in Kingombe, 2011: 78). 13.3.2. Informal TVET in Africa and its regions Reporting on the current status of TVET in Africa, the African Union affirms that “in many parts of West Africa, and to a lesser extent in Kenya (the Jua Kali sector), traditional apprenticeship is the only avenue for many disadvantaged youths to acquire employable skills. And it works, in spite of the fact that the sector rarely benefits from any form of government support” (Ghana, Kenya, Benin, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Burkina Faso: African Union, 2007: 42). Ogwo explains that informal apprentices in developing countries are cost-effective, easily accessible, have low entry barriers and result in better outcomes in terms of employment (Nigeria: Ogwo, 2013). Thus, most young women and men acquire their skills through the informal system. The author does point out that informal apprenticeships have several shortcomings, and that many of them can lead to the exploitation of those who are most vulnerable. King agrees, and states that despite informal apprenticeships being more accessible to the poor than formal TVET programmes, the poorest still tend to be excluded from it (General: King, 2012). [ 279 ] Technical and Vocational Education and Training in Sub-Saharan Africa There seems to be a consensus in the literature regarding the differences between the informal TVET system in Western versus in Southern and Eastern Africa. The former is considered to be much more structured than apprenticeships in Southern and Eastern African countries, where “an apprentice is usually referred to as a ‘helper’ or an ‘assistant’ and agreement between MC (master craftsperson) and apprentice is mostly verbal and weak” (Zambia, Tanzania, Malawi, Zimbabwe: Aggarwal, 2013: 113). This is particularly true in rural areas (Malawi: ibid. 2013; Zambia, Tanzania, Zimbabwe, Malawi: Aggarwal, 2013; Nigeria: Ogwo, 2013; Zambia: Ryan, 2015). Safford and colleagues add that usually there are state-regulated apprenticeships in urban formal economies, but these tend to be technical trades such as engineering (Malawi: Safford, et al., 2013). As discussed in Chapter 9, trades that are considered to be of a more technical nature are male dominated. Interestingly, Safford and colleagues’ research found that the number of learners entering apprenticeships has been rising for young people from both sexes. However, there has been a higher growth rate for young women entering apprenticeships than there has been for men (Malawi: Safford, et al., 2013). If women have limited access to formal TVET education in SSA, then the growth observed must be occurring mainly in the informal sector. The highest growth lies where those most vulnerable are likely to be subject to exploitation, as highlighted by Ogwo (Nigeria: Ogwo, 2013). @ We now focus on the results of studies relating to informal TVET in individual countries. 13.3.3. Informal TVET in Botswana In Botswana, few programmes had been developed prior to 1997 to target the needs of the country’s informal and small business sectors (Government of Botswana, 1997). The National Qualifications Framework was created to help assess individuals who have learned through non-conventional modes, as “the government is fully aware of the potential for recognition of skills and knowledge possessed by people without formal education or who are unemployed” (UNESCO-UNEVOC, 2012:10). However, little information is available about the providers of informal and non-formal TVET education. The Brigades (Chapter10.1.1) provide informal training programmes or short-duration courses. These should lead to greater economic independence, but do not lead to certification. Additionally, according to UNEVOC: @ “The Botswana College of Distance Education and Open Learning (BODOCOL) was established by the Revised National Policy Education (RNPE) to deliver vocational education and training on a non-formal basis. Some accredited centres, like Madirelo Training and Testing Centre (MTTC) and the Department of Out-of-School Education (DOSET) within the MOESD, offer technical and vocational programmes to out-of-school learners” (UNESCO-UNEVOC, 2012:10). [ 280 ] Chapter 13. Challenges to Policy Implementation 13.3.4. Informal TVET in Ghana Policy is inherently relevant to formalised TVET, through its association with the regulated economy and formalised contracts. In Ghana, historical attempts to reform ‘traditional apprenticeships’ through the National TVET Institute (1970, NVTI) and the National Coordinating Committee on Technical and Vocational Education and Training (1990, NACVET) were considered ineffective due to their failure to produce national policy (Ghana, Senegal: Sonnenberg, 2012). More recently, the National Apprenticeship Programme (2011, NAP) was officially launched under Ghana’s Council for Technical and Vocational Education and Training (COTVET), but, in 2012, Sonnenberg considered it “too soon to determine the impact of the reforms to traditional apprenticeship” (Ghana, Sonnenberg, 2012). Corresponding attempts to enhance traditional apprenticeship schemes in Senegal sought the integration of non-formal and formal training (ibid.). This occurred alongside other initiatives, including “increasing the amount of time apprentices spend practising the trade and decreasing the theoretical curriculum, upgrading the skills of the master craftsman, establishing stand certification, and decreasing the time it takes to become certified in a skill” (ibid.:101). Sonnenberg considered the level of implementation to be generally unknown, but did refer to a survey which suggested that “young people lamented that non-formal skills training was long in duration, low in pay, and often lacked certification” (ibid.). This was considered evidence to support the claim that government TVET initiatives had not yet “reached sufficient numbers of Senegalese youth to make a difference” (ibid.). Unfortunately no follow-up research is presently available (in 2020) to chart developments since then. However, in this context, we also note the Ghana Skills Development Initiative, which has focussed on how informal apprenticeships can be formalised, contributing to improvements to quality. 13.3.5. Informal TVET in Kenya In Kenya, a number of Ministries offer non-formal TVET programmes. Further description of their involvement in the TVET system can be found in Chapter 10.3. The Kenya National Qualifications Authority (KNQA) aims to award a certificate of prior learning to those who have not undergone formal learning. Its website provides information on the process to recognise prior learning, encompassing both academic learning and experience acquired. The KNQA states that @ “the award will make one eligible for admission to a Kenya National Qualifications Framework level or granted experiential learning equivalent to a qualification in the Kenya National Qualifications Framework” (Government of Kenya, accessed Dec. 2018). [ 281 ] Technical and Vocational Education and Training in Sub-Saharan Africa The following figure shows the possible progression pathways within the general structure of Kenya’s education system. Figure 13.1. Progression pathways, reproduced from Kenya National Qualifications Authority (KNQA) website (Government of Kenya, no date) 13.3.6. Informal TVET in Mali Gadio provides information about informal TVET in Mali (Mali: Gadio, 2011). In 2007, the government of Mali adopted a policy on adult non-formal education. This was intended to regulate the adult learning sector and federate the actions of policymakers, adult education providers, and learners. Gadio’s review of this policy identified that the document had a limited perception of adult education, and that despite recognising it as multi-dimensional, all of the responsibilities were assigned only to the Ministry of Education (ibid.). Additionally, the policy excluded private businesses and civil society organisations, which have been major contributors in adult education(ibid.). Furthermore, the author states that the document should be credited for the participatory environment in which it has been developed. It filled a gap in terms of legislation on adult learning and was well received by all those involved in the development and delivery of adult education in Mali. 13.3.7. Informal TVET in Namibia In Namibia, where education was one of the sectors most negatively affected by the apartheid regime of the past, Indabawa states that “the state-sponsored programmes have made an impressive impact” (Namibia: Indabawa, 2000:14). In 1993, the [ 282 ] Chapter 13. Challenges to Policy Implementation Government adopted a document entitled ‘Towards Education For All: A developmental Brief for Education, Culture and Training’ which, according to the author, “is widely accredited as a guide for educational practice in Namibia. It has 12 main Sections which addressed all sectors of education and allocates responsibility as well as define the framework for the participation of the non-public sectors in educational provisions. This includes the NG0s and technical and multilateral donor bodies” (ibid.). 13.3.8. Informal TVET in Nigeria Olulu and Udeorah define apprenticeship in Nigeria as follows: “Apprenticeship is a method of training youths and the middle-aged to learn a trade or craft for their future wellbeing and livelihood. Apprentice is bound by legal agreement to work for another for a specific amount of money for instruction in a trade, art or business. The apprenticeship practice is in three categories viz; the traditional model, the informal model and the modern apprenticeship model” (Olulu & Udeorah, 2018:337). Education is compulsory in Nigeria until the Junior Secondary level. Those who acquired their skills out-of-school can only progress to further education if they successfully pass the Basic Education Certificate Examination. At this stage, the country’s qualifications framework provides the following pathways for students (UNESCO-UNEVOC, 2012): 1. senior secondary school, which allows progression to further education; 2. technical college, which allows progression to further education; 3. vocational Enterprise Institutions (VEI) and Innovation Enterprise Institutions (IEI), which are occupation-specific institutions supported by the private sector that started to operate in 2007/2008; 4. out-of-school TVET; 5. apprenticeship scheme. 13.3.9. Informal TVET in Uganda According to UNEVOC, the specific training needs of the informal sector in Uganda’s TVET system have been largely neglected. The organisation states that “there is no systematic approach to skills development for people already in or seeking to enter the informal sector. Many of the training offers are supply-driven, not based on market assessments and only duplicate formal sector training at very low levels. Some very effective programmes cannot be replicated due to the lack of information exchange and resources” (UNESCO-UNEVOC, 2014: 9). The Ugandan government does acknowledge the importance of the informal sector to the local economy. The country has democratised education in the TVET subsector, and its National Qualifications Framework (NQF) aims to provide opportunities to all [ 283 ] Technical and Vocational Education and Training in Sub-Saharan Africa learners to further their education up to tertiary and university level. However, the research of Bananuka and Katahoire and of Blaak and colleagues indicates the persistence of significant challenges to the country’s non-formal education system. These include a lack of specialised education for trainers; lack of a policy framework to regulate and inform the sector; lack of facilities for practical exercise; no optimal fit between content and market requirements; and limited funding as a result of the low priority of non-formal education within the political spectrum in Uganda (Uganda: Bananuka & Katahoire, 2008; Uganda: Blaak, et al., 2013). Bananuka and Katahoire’s findings suggest that, despite the government’s commitment to international protocols and its proclamations on Education For All, non-formal TVET in Uganda “is run on a rather ad hoc basis without clearly defined structures save for the recent initiatives in Community Polytechnics. Much as various policy documents and statements advocate for the integration of Non-Formal Education into the PPE [post-primary education] level and the education system as a whole, the policy statements lack proper follow-up and coherence” (Uganda: Bananuka & Katahoire, 2008: ix). 13.3.10. Influence of legislation on informal TVET Policies are inherently relevant to formalised TVET, given its connection to the regulated economy and its formalised contracts. For example, as noted in Section 13.3.4, some earlier attempts to reform ‘traditional apprenticeship training’ by the National Vocational Training Institute (1970, NVTI) and the National Co-ordinating Committee for Technical and Vocational Education and Training (1990, NACVET) are considered to have failed because they could not be implemented politically (Ghana, Senegal: Sonnenberg, 2012). The National Apprenticeship Programme (2011, NAP) was officially launched by COTVET. As noted above, at the time of publication of his study, Sonnenberg believed it was still too soon “to be able to determine the effects of the reforms on traditional training” (ibid.:101). Attempts to improve the traditional TVET system and to integrate informal and formal training are reported about Senegal as well (ibid.). @ 13.4. The impact of policy regarding inclusion in TVET The literature also considers the effectiveness of government policy with regards to inclusion-based goals (see also RQ12, 9). Gender disparity was targeted in two instances and research papers. Firstly, Uganda’s Joint Admissions Board (JAB) recognised an affirmative action policy within the health education sector. It is recognised that this has a positive effect on gender equality among those starting TVET. However, according to Galukande and colleagues, TVET is still seen as a socially less desirable route, and less prestigious compared to an academic education (Uganda: Galukande, et al., 2018). Furthermore, McGrath and Akoojee noted a positive impact of the National Vocational Certificate (NCV) on both student numbers and overall demographics of the student body (South Africa: McGrath & Akoojee, 2009). However, the authors stressed that aggregate student gender and ethnic profiles mask variations across programmes and @ [ 284 ] Chapter 13. Challenges to Policy Implementation institutions. As such, “there remains considerable racial and gender segmentation within the sector” (ibid.:152). Finally, limitations in policy impact on disability are discussed by Malle (Kenya, Tanzania: Malle, 2016). In his study, focus group interviewees representing disabled persons’ organisations and relevant government bodies largely agreed that disability was not addressed sufficiently in TVET policies and legal frameworks (and noted that relevant policy was not supported by an implementation mechanism). It was generally noted that the level of success was qualified, with, for example, policies failing to address all levels of gender and racial disparity (in spite of benefiting aggregate profiles; South Africa: McGrath & Akoojee, 2009). [ 285 ] Technical and Vocational Education and Training in Sub-Saharan Africa 13.5. Chapter bibliography This bibliography can be accessed from the entry for this document in our evidence library. African Union. (2007). Strategy to revitalize technical and vocational education and training (TVET) in Africa. http://www.academia.edu/download/45693684/TVET.pdf (record) Aggarwal, A. (2013). Lessons learnt from informal apprenticeship initiatives in Southern and Eastern Africa. (record) Agufana, P. (2015). Assessment of perceived attributes and instructional use of information communication technology by lecturers in technical training institutions in Kenya. Moi University. (record) Bananuka, T., & Katahoire, A. (2008). 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