borderlands
e -jo u rn a l
w w w .b o rd e rla n d s.n e t.a u
VOLUME 7 NUMBER 2, 2008
‘tied in rolled knots and powdered with ochre’: Aboriginal
hair and eighteenth-century cross-cultural encounters
Shino Konishi
Australian National University
The eighteenth-century is a significant period in the history of crosscultural contact in Australia, as it is when Europeans first meticulously
recorded their encounters with indigenous peoples. Yet, lacking a
common tongue and any knowledge of the Aborigines’ cultures and
cosmologies the Europeans’ understanding of Aboriginal society and
culture was limited to what they could see with their own eyes.
Consequently, descriptions of the Aboriginal body figure largely in
their accounts, and it was through their perceptions of the indigenous
body that they apprehended and comprehended Aboriginal people
and culture. One part of the body that caught the European explorers’
attention was the Aborigines’ hair. Scrutinizing its colour and texture
contributed to emergent racial taxonomies; the manner in which it was
dressed suggested indigenous cultural practices; and the Europeans’
reception of these styles reflected contemporary western ideas and
aesthetic ideals. Further, hair grooming provided opportunities for
cross-cultural exchanges, which could be amicable, hostile, or
bemusing.
Introduction
Descriptions of hair pepper the eighteenth-century explorers’
discussions of Aboriginal people; its texture and colour, the styles in
which it was sculpted, the various pomades and adornments used,
and how it was groomed. It was not only the locks which garnered
interest; the navigators also discussed the Aboriginal men’s beards
and the amount of body hair they possessed. This level of attention is
curious and not one which has been reflected in the historiography.
As art historian Angela Rosenthal observes, more ‘often than not
studies of eighteenth-century culture have overlooked or underemphasised the importance of hair’ (2004:1).
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Until the last two decades those historians who have taken an
interest in hair in general have focussed their attention on the
elaborate wigs worn by the wealthy elites (Corson, 1971; Festa,
2005). While significant, this narrow focus on status has obscured the
multiple meanings of hair to the eighteenth-century individual. The
condition of one’s hair, for instance, could reveal one’s inner health.
Of greater significance to the eighteenth-century explorers, however,
was what hair revealed about race. Through the influential work of the
great taxonomer, Carolus Linnaeus, hair became one of the key
indicators in tracing the relationships between the different varieties of
man. From the revised tenth edition onwards of his Systema Naturae
(1766-68) Linnaeus cited hair as his second descriptor after skin
colour, thereby elevating its significance to that of a racial phenotype.
His catalogue reduced the varieties of man to just four, based on the
known continents, thereby masking differences within each ostensible
‘race’ (which previously had been widely recorded), and exaggerating
those between the races. Each of these four ‘races’ had different
types of hair: the hair of Homo americanus was ‘black, straight, thick’,
Homo europaeus ‘yellow, brown, flowing’, Homo asiaticus ‘abundant
black’, and Homo afer ‘black, frizzled’ (cited in Rosenthal, 2004: 2).
The purported empiricism of the taxonomic sciences gave credibility
to long-held beliefs that physical characteristics such as hair type and
skin colour reflected the inherent qualities of the races. For example in
the late seventeenth century philosopher William Petty thought that
Europeans and Africans differ ‘in their Haire … as much as a straight
line differs from a Circle’, and that this correlated to crucial differences
in ‘their Naturall Manners, & in the internall Qualities of their Minds’
(cited in DiPiero, 1999: 164). The observation that these diverse hair
types were marked, and therefore indicative of more intrinsic
differences, led some theorists to challenge the prevailing monogenist
view that all peoples were descended from one common ancestor and
instead advocate polygenesis. For example, Jean Henri Samuel
Formey, in his contribution to Diderot and d’Alembert’s Encyclopédie,
alleged that the ‘Negro’ possessed ‘wool instead of hair’, and that this
difference, in concert with others concerning skin and facial features,
suggested that they ‘appear to constitute a new species of man’ (in
Diderot and d’Alembert, 1765, v. 11: 76).
Recent studies have ascribed other meanings to hair, which although
not necessarily recognised in the eighteenth century are still useful for
interrogating the explorers’ accounts. Hair attracts our attention
because it ‘surrounds the most expressive part of the body, the face,
[so] any changes made to it are inherently visible and noticeable’
(Coates, 1999: 8), and it is symbolically significant because it is the
only part of the body that grows back, and so can be repeatedly
manipulated (Olivelle, 1998: 36). This tendency means that hair will
always be ‘“worked upon” by human hands’ (White and White, 1998:
42) and, unlike animal hair, never ‘exists in a natural state’ (Hilebeitel,
1998: 2), for even the seeming neglect of hair is a conscious
treatment of it ‘by refusing to manipulate it at all’ (Olivelle, 1998: 23).
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The aim of this essay is to further Gananath Obeyesekere’s argument
that hair is never just simply ‘there’ (1998: xii). Although the explorers’
journals contain numerous descriptions of Aboriginal hair and
grooming which may appear innocuous and purely descriptive, along
with numerous portraits depicting Aboriginal men’s hair, styles, and
adornments, they are in fact imbued with meaning, reflecting the
Europeans’ concerns with blackness, race, culture, civilisation, status,
and hygiene. Further, the explorers also describe their own
interactions with Aboriginal men which revolved around grooming
practices, shedding light on the way in which hair enabled both
amicable and ambivalent exchanges between natives and navigators.
Strait in some and curld in others
Taken at face value, the explorers’ accounts of the physiological
nature of Aboriginal men’s hair seem to be merely bald description:
relatively short and illustrative, and lacking in extensive disquisition.
The first record of Aboriginal people’s hair was English buccaneer
William Dampier’s 1697 account of Aborigines from the north-west of
Australia. In his account, Dampier invoked familiar images of nonEuropean peoples, stating that ‘Their hair is black, short and curled
like that of the Negroes, and not long and lank like the common
Indians’ (1998: 218). His comparison of their hair to that of African
‘Negroes’ anticipated a debate which was to dominate discussions of
Aboriginal men’s hair throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries: whether or not Aboriginal people had ‘woolly’ hair.
This eighteenth-century definition and conceptualisation of African
hair as ‘woolly’ intersected with slavery discourses which
dehumanised the African body in order to justify its abject treatment.
The Oxford English Dictionary indicates that this derogatory term
signifying ‘the short, tightly-curled hair of Negroid peoples’ was first
used in a runaway slave advertisement in 1697. This type of hair was
also ascribed sexual connotations, for according to Allan Peterkin,
‘frizzy’ hair was seen as ‘demonic, licentious, and pubic’ (2001: 101).
Eventually, the term ‘wool’ escaped the shackles of slavery and was
used by many esteemed eighteenth-century philosophers and
ethnographers. With an ostensibly neutral empiricism Johann
Gottfried von Herder sought to explain the cause of ‘woolly’ hair,
proposing that excessive heat induced the ‘unnatural’ generation of
‘fine juices in the skin’ which caused the hair to become ‘wool’ (in Eze,
1997: 76). Like contemporary discussions of other supposed ‘racial’
markers, such investigations insinuated that this hair type was
deviant.
The explorers’ accounts of Aboriginal hair differ, with various
observers either simply determining, or painstakingly denying, that it is
‘wool’. The observers on the Endeavour could not agree. While the
expedition’s artist, Sydney Parkinson, claimed that the hair of the men
was ‘black and frizzled’ (1972: 34), botanist Joseph Banks asserted
that ‘the hair of their heads was bushy and thick but by no means
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wooley like that of a Negro’ (1998: 24). Captain James Cook claimed
that the Aboriginal people of Botany Bay did not have ‘wooly frizled
hair, but black and lank much like ours’ (1955, v. 1: 312). Yet, seven
years later, on his third voyage, he finally agreed that the hair of the
Adventure Bay Tasmanians ‘was as woolly as any Native of Guinea’
(Cook, 1967 v. 3, pt. 1: 52). His original editor, John Douglas, noted
that ‘Captain Cook was very unwilling to allow that the hair of the
natives … was woolly, fancying that his people, who first observed
this, had been deceived, from its being clotted with grease and red
ochre’. However when his fellow captain, James King, insisted that
the Aboriginal Tasmanians’ hair was woolly and successfully urged
Cook to inspect the hair of some boys and women who did not apply
indigenous pomades, Cook ‘owned himself satisfied that it was
naturally woolly’ (cited by Beaglehole, in Cook, 1967, v. 3, pt. 1: 52, fn
2). William Anderson, Cook’s surgeon, at first thought that the
‘frizzling disposition’ of their hair might be a result of the ‘grease mix’d
with a red paint or ochre which they smear in great abundance over
their heads’, but upon examining a boy ‘who appear’d never to have
us’d any’ he found it to be ‘perfectly wooly’ (in Cook, 1967, v. 3, pt 2:
785).
Cook’s disparate accounts of the New Hollanders’ and Tasmanians’
hair seemed to cause some confusion even though they were from
different voyages. First Fleet marine Watkin Tench mistakenly alleged
that Cook proclaimed the Port Jackson Aborigines’ hair to be woolly,
and quickly refuted this imagined assertion. He unwittingly emulated
Cook when he pointedly stated that ‘It is certainly hair’ which the
Aborigines had, and moreover, ‘when regularly combed [it] becomes
soon nearly as flexible and docile as our own’ (Tench, 1996: 244-5).
This was certainly the case for Bennelong, a Port Jackson man who
was kidnapped by the British and eventually formed a close
relationship with Governor Arthur Phillip and travelled to England for
three years. Upon his return in 1795, David Collins, the colony’s
judge-advocate, noticed that he ‘was found to have very long black
hair’ because he had benefited from ‘having some attention paid to his
dress while in London’ (1975: 459).
Tench’s polemical position that Aborigines did in fact possess hair,
especially noticeable when rehabilitated in a European manner,
reveals the explorers’ awareness of the derogatory implications of the
term ‘wool’. This is even suggested in some of the explorers’ careful
avoidance of the term, and their favouring of the words ‘crispd’ or
‘frizzed’ instead (Parkinson, 1972: 134; Banks, 1998: 99). Further,
some of the Frenchmen from the expeditions led by Marc-Joseph
Marion-Dufresne, Bruny d’Entrecasteaux and Nicolas Baudin, used
the term frizzy (crépus) rather than wool (laineaux) when describing
the Tasmanians’ hair. For example Baudin described it as ‘frizzy, but
not nearly as thick as the Africans’ (1974: 344); commander of the
Marquis de Castries Ambroise Bernard Marie Le Jar du Clesmeur
said the Tasmanians have ‘frizzled hair’ (in Duyker, 1992: 22),
whereas second-in-command of the Mascarin Julien Crozet compared
their hair to the ‘“wool” of Kaffirs’ (25), and botanist Jacques de
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Labillardiére simply states that the ‘natives have woolly hair’ (in
Plomley and Piard-Bernier, 1993: 290). However, this was not a hard
and fast rule: Pierre Bernard Milius of the Naturaliste combined both
terms describing the Tasmanians’ hair as ‘wool’ which is ‘very frizzy at
least’ (1987: 31).
However, the explorers’ interest in the Aborigines’ natural hair went
beyond their locks, for some also noticed their body hair, such as
Marion-Dufresne’s men, even though their 1772 stay in Tasmania was
very brief. Alexandre d’Hesmivy d’Auribeau thought that ‘The men’s
bodies are generally covered with short, fine reddish hair’ (in Plomley
and Piard-Bernier, 1993: 282). His perception that it was reddish
suggests that it was actually very fine, because he thinks it the same
colour of their skin, but different to that on their heads. Perhaps he
thought this a sign that they were unmanly? According to Kevin
Parker in the eighteenth century coarse body hair was a ‘harbinger of
manhood’, and ‘downy, transparent hair’ the mark of the ‘impubere’
(1992: 540-1). D’Hesmivy d’Auribeau’s crewmate Jacques-Malo La
Motte du Portail also noticed their fine hair, commenting that ‘the rest
of the body is hardly hairy at all’. He clearly considered this a
peculiarity for he pondered its cause: ‘I do not know if the small
amount of hair which the other parts are covered is the natural
condition or whether it has been removed’ (in Plomley and PiardBernier, 1993: 300). Perhaps the notion that the men had been
depilated suggests that the explorers considered their lack of body
hair a sign of savagery?
Eighteenth-century travellers and philosophers were struck by
Amerindians’ apparent hairlessness and attributed it to a range of
different causes. Some considered it a savage custom; The
eighteenth-century naturalist and philosopher, the Comte de Buffon,
claimed that the ‘Savages of Brasil … pull the hair out of … every
other part of their bodies, which gives them an uncommon and fierce
aspect’ (1781, v. 3: 184). Others attributed it to natural causes: LouisAlexandre Devérité claimed it was a ‘sign of the feebleness of their
constitution’ (1786, v.2: 233, cited in Jaenen, 1982: 51). Meanwhile
Jacques-Vincent Delacroix considered it a sign of the ‘simplicity of
their nourishment’ and a consequence of their ‘defect of appetite and
their indifference to sex’ (1771, v. 1: 167, cited in Jaenan, 1982: 51).
Irrespective of the cause, the Tasmanian men’s sparse body hair was
considered odd and worthy of comment. Yet, it is difficult to ascertain
whether the men were in fact relatively hairless because an account
by Baudin suggests otherwise.
On a rare visit ashore the post-captain, accompanied by captain
Emmanuel Hamelin, the botanist Jean Baptiste Louis Claude
Leschenault and the artist Nicolas Martin Petit, encountered three
Tasmanian men (Péron, 1975: 185). After having met them earlier in
the morning, the Frenchmen were happy to invite them over after first
negotiating with them to abandon their arms. Soon the islanders were
‘as familiar as if [they and the Frenchmen] were very much in the habit
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of being together’, and happily rifled through the strangers’ pockets.
After examining their possessions the men then ‘turned to [their]
clothes’ and ‘in order to humour them in everything’ the Frenchmen
then displayed their chests ‘about which they seemed very curious’.
However, it seemed to be Leschenault’s chest which ‘gave rise to any
excitement’ for upon seeing it the Tasmanians gave ‘great
exclamations and even greater shouts of laughter’. Baudin assumed
this to be because the doctor was ‘hairless’ (1974: 320). Though he
did not describe the Aboriginal men’s body hair their reaction
suggests that they found a smooth chest unusual so they must have
been relatively hirsute themselves. Indeed it appeared to the
Frenchmen that the Tasmanians considered hairlessness to be a sign
of femininity for sub-lieutenant Jacques de Saint Cricq noticed that,
‘When they saw a beardless one among us, they would immediately
feel his breast and often they would even unbutton his waistcoat, to
make certain that he was not a woman’ (in Plomley, 1983: 141).
There are far too few accounts to ascertain whether or not the New
Holland men were hirsute, however. Banks claimed that they were
when he observed that ‘they seemd to have a redundancy of hair
upon those parts of the body where it commonly grows’ (1998: 24).
He must have found the amount of body hair striking because it was
one of the first physical characteristics he described, straight after
their skin colour and even before describing the hair on their heads.
Collins’ account, on the other hand, suggests they were not unusually
hairy, for he singled out one extraordinary individual known as ‘old
We-rahng’, who was ‘remarkably hairy’ and ‘in his whole manner
seemed to have more of the brute and less of the human species
about him than any of his countrymen’ (1975: 459). Collins’
description of We-rahng is evidently exaggerated (he ‘passed for an
orang-outang’ and had arms ‘of an uncommon length’), invoking the
homines sylvestris, as imagined from the medieval period until the
sixteenth century. This folkloric ‘wild man’ was ‘usually pictured with a
body covered in hair’ (Jahoda, 1999: 5), and was reflected in early
European depictions of the Amerindian as ‘hairy, naked lustful,
uncanny, unpredictable, uncultured … [and] fulfilling his bestial
instincts’ (Jaenan, 1982: 51). Thus despite the burgeoning rationalism
of the period, pre-modern imaginings permeated European
representations of Aboriginal men.
These numerous examples suggest that the explorers’ descriptions of
Aboriginal hair must be read in the context of contemporary European
beliefs about race and gender, prejudices about so-called wool as a
human attribute, and representations of mythic creatures. Yet it was
not only the western discourses which mitigated the reliability of the
explorers’ representations of Aboriginal men’s hair: they were also
confounded by indigenous hairdressing practices.
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Tied in rolled knots and powdered with ochre
The wealth of illustrations depicting Aboriginal people accumulated
during the late eighteenth century showcase a range of hairdressing
and grooming practices. Petit and Charles-Alexandre Lesueur’s
illustrations are particularly useful for demonstrating the techniques
used: shaving, cropping, and the application of ochres and other
materials to bind and adorn the hair. Recent anthropological studies
have begun to examine the significance and meaning of hairdressing
practices for particular societies, especially those in Africa and Asia.
Unfortunately, the disparity between the range of styles documented
in these early illustrations and the relatively homogenous hairstyles
depicted in the nineteenth- and twentieth-century photographs,
suggests that assimilationist colonial practices deleteriously and fairly
rapidly affected indigenous hairdressing, so it is difficult to ascertain
what the different hairstyles meant for Aboriginal people. Their
significance is open to historical interpretation. As Robert Houston
suggests ‘Wearing hair or a wig in a certain way may have had
meaning for the wearer, but what historians observe is the reaction of
others to a hairstyle’ (2003: 52). The explorers recorded a range of
reactions, and while the most positive suggested amazement rather
than appreciation, and many were negative, we find that their
responses were largely born out of incomprehension and ignorance.
Indigenous pomades and powders were perceived as mere dirt, and
seemingly neglected hairstyles as an artefact of their limited
technology.
First Fleet marine Captain John Hunter simply considered that ‘they
seem to have no method of cleaning or combing, it is therefore filthy
and matted’ (1968: 41). His presumption that Aboriginal hair was
simply filthy was shared by many of the explorers. Hunter’s lieutenant
William Bradley, in his brief description of the Aboriginal men he
encountered, made the curt assessment that their hair was ‘clotted
with dirt and vermin’ (1969: 73). His derogatory tone reflected
contemporary attitudes to hygiene, as Europeans of differing classes
had long relieved themselves of the pains of keeping their hair clean
and louse-free by simply shaving their heads and wearing wigs
(Woodforde, 1972: 22 & 37). Throughout the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries the wearing of wigs was de rigueur for various
reasons, including fashion and prestige, but also cleanliness. For
example, Samuel Pepys, the famous diarist, claimed that he had ‘no
stomach’ for wigs, but only reluctantly wore them as ‘the pains of
keeping [his] hair clean [were] so great’ (Vol. 4, 1970 – 84: 130, cited
in Festa, 2005: 53).
Alternatively, Hunter’s tone may reveal his growing frustration with
having his ethnographic endeavours circumvented. The apparent
dirtiness of the Aborigines’ hair prevented him from making a more
conclusive physiological description of it other than saying it was
‘bushy’ and ‘longer about their heads’ (Bradley, 1969: 73). Buffon had
noticed that indigenous hair treatments had made it difficult to
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ascertain the physical nature of their hair and consequently determine
their racial classification. He complained about the difficulty of
determining whether the ‘Hottentots’ of southern Africa were ‘Negroes’
because of their hair, ‘for they never either comb or wash it, but daily
rub on their heads vast quantities of grease, soot, and dust, which
makes their hair resemble a fleece of wool stuffed with dirt’ (Buffon,
Vol. 3, 1781: 153). Buffon was concerned that such unguents masked
the texture of the hair and made it appear like wool which
consequently undermined his thesis that they were ‘not true Negroes,
but blacks beginning to approach to whiteness’ (155-6).
The explorers’ descriptions of the Aborigines’ apparently dirty hair
also reveal the power dynamics at play in first encounters. Eleven
months after the First Fleet’s arrival Governor Phillip decided that he
was ‘Tired of this petty state of warfare and endless uncertainty’ which
existed between the British and Aborigines, and was determined to
throw down the gauntlet. He resolved to ‘captur[e] some of them’ in
order either to ‘inflame’ them and escalate the conflict so he could
decisively put an end to it, or to ‘induce an intercourse’ (Tench, 1996:
94). So on New Year’s Eve his marines were despatched to ‘seize
and carry off some of the natives’, though they only successfully
wrangled one man named Arabanoo, who saw out the rest of his short
life in the settlement. After being given a tour of Port Jackson and a
meal at the Governor’s house, he was then coerced into having his
hair cut and being shaved (95-7).
Unsurprisingly Arabanoo was alarmed when his captors approached
him armed with scissors and a razor, for he refused to ‘submit to
these operations until he had seen them performed on another
person’. Realising that they meant to cut his hair he ‘readily
acquiesced’, and had it ‘closely cut, his head combed and his beard
shaved’. To what extent his acquiescence was volitional is
questionable. He was at the mercy of his captors, and having already
been disciplined for wiping his hands on one of the Governor’s chairs
he would have had an inkling of how he was expected to behave.
Further, Arabanoo had little opportunity to resist the British barber as
his want of English meant he could not articulate his refusal. He was
not only coerced into submitting to being groomed, but also into
modifying his own behaviour in accordance with British decorum.
Just as Tench expected, the prisoner’s hair ‘was filled with vermin’
and he was repulsed to see that Arabanoo ate the lice, believing this
was out of ‘either revenge or pleasure’, and not considering that this
may have been an indigenous practice. The British promptly
‘express[d] disgust and abhorrence’ which made him leave ‘it off’ (97).
Tench’s expectation was no doubt shaped by the European
misperception that the Aborigines were dirty and also by the
aforementioned lengths eighteenth-century Europeans went to in
order to prevent lice: shaving their hair and wearing wigs. Yet, lice
was not necessarily an endemic problem for Aboriginal people, as
Banks was very surprised to observe that ‘Dirty as these people are
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they seem to be intirely free from Lice’. European travellers had
noticed the prevalence of lice even ‘among the most cleanly Indians’
so Banks found it ‘remarkable’ that the Aborigines did not suffer
because he thought ‘their hair was generaly Matted and filthy enough’
(1998: 100).
The prevailing perception of the Aboriginal men’s hair as dirty meant
that the explorers did not recognise that New Holland men
deliberately manipulated their hair, so written descriptions of hairstyles
are almost entirely absent. Even those which describe the look of the
hair explicitly state that the Aborigines completely ignored their hair.
For instance, Banks claims that ‘In all of them indeed it … seemd as if
seldom disturbd with the Combing even of their fingers, much less to
have any oil or grease put into it’ (100). It is naïve to assume that the
Aboriginal men simply left their hair ‘natural’. Obeyesekere asserts
that hair is not a ‘natural symbol’ and ‘must be dealt with; thus
everywhere there is culture control of hair’, even amongst those who
‘keep it in a culturally defined “natural” state’ (1998: xii).
So it is short-sighted to assume, as Banks does, that the Aboriginal
men deliberately refrained from dressing their hair. Though the
descriptions of New Holland hairstyles are relatively rare, there are a
few valuable accounts. Baudin’s naturalist François Péron describes
the hairstyles of some men from King Sound, and while not explicitly
stated, these descriptions that the styles may have reflected the
individuals’ age. ‘The three eldest, who could have been forty to fifty
years old’, had ‘naturally curly’ hair which was ‘trimmed all around’,
whilst the two younger men, ‘judged to be from sixteen to eighteen
years old’, had ‘their long hair … gathered back into a knot’ and
‘powdered with ochre’ (Péron and Freycinet, 2003: 122-3). In New
South Wales Collins noticed that ‘natives who inhabit the south shore
of Botany Bay’ would ‘divide the hair into small parcels, each of which
they mat together with gum, and form them into lengths like the
thrums of mop’ (1975: 457). While Governor Phillip did not describe or
perhaps even notice the men’s hairstyles, he did at least observe that
they adorned their hair with ‘the teeth of dogs, and other animals, the
claws of lobsters, and several small bones, which they fasten there by
means of gum’. He even noticed that only men were thus adorned,
suggesting that it may have had some gender specific significance
(Phillip, 1970: 76). However, it is the illustrations by the artists of the
various expeditions which provide a valuable catalogue of the myriad
ways in which Aboriginal men wore their hair, highlighting the great
significance that it must have had in their cultures.
The most common hairstyle depicted is short, even length, unadorned
curly hair. Key examples of this style are depicted in portraits by
Baudin’s artists, Lesueur and Petit, the First Fleet artist, known simply
as the Port Jackson Painter, d’Entrecasteaux’s artist Antoine Piron,
and Cook’s artists Parkinson and John Webber. Again, it is difficult to
assess how commonplace this hairstyle was because of the new
influence of race theory on ethnographic portraiture. Bernard Smith
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claims that new conventions were established during this period,
better ‘suited to the new needs of the science of comparative
anatomy. The older empirical distinctions that included an interest in
dress and ornament [were] to be ignored’ (1992: 187). An example of
this was the esteemed eighteenth-century naturalist and comparative
anatomist Georges Cuvier’s edict to artists that they should depict all
of their indigenous subjects with the same simple hairstyle in their
drawings so that it would leave the shape of the skull visible, as he
was more desirous of documenting their anatomical features than
their cultural practices (1978: 175).
Perhaps the most intriguing hairstyle depicted in the portraits is
Petit’s illustration of Mororé’s, whose long hair was pulled back off his
face and bound with white cloth into an elaborate arrangement
resembling a ship’s prow (No. 20038.2 in Bonnemains et al., 1988:
173). Mororé also wore a double binding headband, with the wider
section sitting over his hairline on his forehead, and another narrower
band sitting back towards his crown. This portrait was drawn in 1802,
14 years after the establishment of the settlement, and the use of
cloth suggests that it was a trade item or gift from the new colonists; in
Port Jackson Petit’s compatriot, Milius, noticed that the men who had
most contact with the British wore a cloth bandeau around their
forehead (1987: 48). Yet, it does not seem as though this contact had
any great influence on the indigenous hair styles. Just as some male
African slaves adopted and adapted Western hairstyles shortly after
arriving in the New World, suggesting they were ‘bricoleurs, drawing
from both their African past and their American present to create a
style that was new’ (White and White 1998: 50-2), so Mororé’s
hairstyle may have been a cultural adaptation, a mélange of British
material culture and indigenous style and meaning. Unfortunately, it is
impossible to recover what this style said about his identity, as there
are no other illustrations or accounts of similar hairstyles.
One local style in particular captured the attention of the crews led by
Marion-Dufresne, Cook, d’Entrecasteaux and Baudin. MarionDufresne’s men, like Cook himself, were very concise, only noting that
the Tasmanian men’s hair was ‘anointed with red ointment’ (Cook,
1967, v. 3, pt. 1: 52; Duyker, 1992: 33, 42 & 47). William Ellis
enlarged on this description slightly, noticing the texture as well as the
colour: ‘their hair (which was short and wooly) and beard were formed
into small distinct lumps, with a mixture of reddish brown earth, and
some kind of liquid, which appeared to be of an oily nature’. He
thought that ‘this mode of dressing their hair gave them an uncommon
appearance’ (Ellis, 1782: 17): the reader can only wonder whether it
was uncommon to the English or uncommon compared to the rest of
the Aboriginal men. William Bayly, the astronomer, was clearly
intrigued by the Tasmanians’ appearance because he gave a more
exacting description of their hairstyle, noticing that the ‘reddish clay’
they used was formed ‘into little round lumps about the bigness of a
middle sized Pea’, so that the ‘head & beard of the men are hung with
little balls on to the ends of the Hairs’ (in Cook, 1967, v.3, pt.1: 52, fn
3). Bayly’s evocative account is an important counterpoint to other
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concise descriptions because it addresses the Tasmanian men’s
sartorial expression, and reveals that some demarcated themselves
through their hairstyles. Yet, Bayly’s journal was not published, so his
description has only penetrated the public domain as a mere footnote
in Beaglehole’s edition of Cook’s journal. It is mainly through the
renowned though taciturn Cook that we know anything of the
Tasmanian’s sartorial nature.
Another explorer who echoed Bayly’s supposition that this hairstyle
was considered special is Baudin, whose journal, like Bayly’s, is
relatively unknown. Although he captained the expedition his
premature death meant that it was his naturalists Peron and Freycinet
who were recognised in print. Baudin’s sea-log was not published until
1974 in an English translation, and his historical journal was not
published in French until 2000. If these journals had not been
rediscovered by twentieth-century historians we would have even less
idea of the cultural significance of this Tasmanian hairstyle. Baudin’s
meticulous account notes that of the group he met, only one wore this
red-daubed style, making him ‘remarkable for the elegance’ of his
appearance. At first sight Baudin thought the man wore a ‘sort of wigshaped cap’ possibly ‘made of seaweed’, so was determined to have
a closer inspection. After further scrutiny the Frenchmen ‘realised that
it was his own hair’, which had been ‘Divided into small strips about 1"
long, and smoothed down with grease and reddish-brown dirt’ forming
‘a skull-cap over his head’. The Europeans were transfixed by this
style, noticing that ‘every movement he made caused it to shake in a
different way’ (Baudin, 1974: 303). This exquisite account gives a
particularly detailed description of the man’s hairstyle, which
corresponds to Petit’s illustration of Ouriaga (No. 20015.2, in
Bonnemains et al, 1988: 148).
Baudin’s account was also unusual because he did not rely on many
analogies to describe their hair. For other observers, analogies were
often drawn on. For example, Julien Crozet described the
Tasmanians’ hair as ‘tied in rolled knots and powdered with ochre’ (in
Duyker, 1992: 25). This nonchalant account resists exoticising the
men’s hair, suggesting that his eye assimilated their styling practices
with the contemporary European fashions of wearing boucles, rolls,
and queues, and dusting hair with powders and pomades. Other
analogies to western styles could be more controversial. Baudin’s
midshipman Joseph Ransonnet implicitly compared the Tasmanian
men’s style to that of European women, for he claimed that they have
very beautiful hair formed into a chignon and powdered with red earth
(n.d). The chignon, a roll or coil of hair worn at the nape of the neck,
was an exclusively female hairstyle which came into fashion in the
1780s, so Ransonnet’s description seemed to feminise the men.
Unfortunately, there are no corresponding portraits of men with this
hairstyle in the accompanying Atlas so it is difficult to assess the
appositeness of his description. The proliferation of descriptions of
this particular red-daubed hairstyle led the explorers to waive the new
ethnographic dogma of ignoring cultural manifestations in favour of
the physical attributes.
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b o rd e rla n d s 7 :2
More an encumbrance than a mark of dignity
The ad hoc melding of cultural and racial imperatives in the
Europeans’ ethnography was also reflected in their descriptions of
Aboriginal beards. The explorers observed that most of the Aboriginal
men wore beards which some thought was simply left to grow
naturally. In his general overview of New South Wales, Banks stated
that ‘the beards of several were bushy and thick’ (1998: 99), and
Bradley observed that the Port Jackson men’s were ‘very long and
bushy’ (1969: 73). In Tasmania Anderson observed that the men wore
‘their beards long’ (in Cook, 1967, v. 3, pt 2: 785). However, as stated
earlier, scholars have found that hair is never simply left natural, so
this was a naïve belief contested by other accounts. Phillip asserted
that ‘the men keep their beards short’ and even speculated on their
methods: ‘it is thought by scorching off the hair’ (in Hunter, 1968: 76).
Further, in Tasmania the explorers’ accounts differ so markedly that it
could not simply be variations in beard lengths which explain the
inconsistencies. For example, Marion Dufresne’s crewman Le Dez
stated that ‘they have very little beard’ (in Duyker, 1992: 33) while
d’Hesmivy d’Auribeau claimed ‘they wear a fairly long beard’ which he
thought ‘complement[ed] the face to perfection’ (in Plomley and PiardBernier, 1993: 282). D’Entrecasteaux’s botanist, Jacques-Julien
Houtou de Labillardière, thought that the Tasmanians ‘suffer[ed] their
beards to grow’ (1800: 290), thereby not only describing beard length
but also giving expression to a general European dislike at this time of
facial hair.
The eighteenth century was an unusual period according to Richard
Corson because it was ‘one of the few times that almost total
beardlessness was ever practiced’ in Europe (1971: 302). Penelope
Byrd claims that while wigs were in fashion ‘beards and moustaches
were virtually never seen’ (1979: 159). Houston noted that growing a
beard was so unusual that it represented ‘male eccentricity or
madness and an affront to social convention’ (2003: 52). Yet even
though most European men shaved off their facial hair, the ability to
grow a luxuriant beard was considered essential in some quarters
because it was a marker of both masculinity and race. Carolus
Linnaeus exclaimed that ‘God gave men beards for ornaments and to
distinguish them from women’ (1971: 157 cited in Schiebinger, 1990:
391). Londa Schiebinger claims that eighteenth-century philosophers
believed that ‘excess bodily fluids’ such as ‘resorbed semen’ caused
the beard to grow, proving one’s manliness (1993: 125). Further, this
sign of masculinity was considered unique to European men,
reflecting the eighteenth-century belief that the beard was also a racial
sign; ‘Where’, Charles White mused ‘shall we find, unless in the
European … that majestic beard?’ (1799: 134 cited in Rosenthal,
2004: 2). So the beard represented a contradictory, yet widely
understood, complex of meanings in eighteenth-century Europe: the
physical ability to grow a beard was essential due to its racial and
gender significance, yet facial hair was abhorred by the fashionable in
favour of shaving which represented civility and rationality.
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b o rd e rla n d s 7 :2
Before Linnaeus came up with his revolutionary taxonomy Europeans
had devised less differentiated categories of human populations. For
instance, Richard Bradley detailed the comparatively minor
differences between Europeans and Amerindians in A Philosophical
Account of the Works of Nature (1721), which were solely based on
their facial hair. He believed that of the purported ‘five sorts of men’
the most superior two were ‘the white men, which are Europeans that
have beards; and a sort of white man in America (as I am told) that
only differ from us in having no beards’ (Horowitz, 1997: 1182). Yet
according to others the indigenous Americans’ subjugation at the
hands of the seemingly superior and bearded Conquistadores was
linked to their supposedly natural smooth chins. Schiebinger contends
that to the eighteenth-century natural historians this ‘proved that they
belonged to a lower class of humans’, and to some even ‘a separate
species’ (1990: 391).
That a beard could easily be manipulated through shaving meant that
it was not a reliable racial indicator in the eighteenth century. Buffon
and Johann Friedrich Blumenbach recognised that Amerindians
deliberately plucked the hairs from their chins, and Schiebinger
reveals that some contemporaries believed that ‘if an Indian shaved
from the time of his youth, he would develop the same lush beard of
the European’ (392). So if not considered an immutable racial sign,
facial hair was at least seen to represent cultural deviancy, though this
was only determined in accordance with western whims and fashions.
Elliott Horowitz argues that depending on the particular non-European
Other, Europeans demarcated themselves by instituting a facial hair
fashion that was the direct opposite. In fifteenth-century Spain, for
example, the beard was closely associated with ‘the Muslim and the
Jew’, so beardlessness became popular amongst Christians. This
distinction was affirmed by the passing of laws which decreed
‘Henceforward, Jews and Moors are not to shave their beards… but
are to wear them long’ (Horowitz, 1997: 1188). Yet beards came back
into fashion when Europeans encountered the largely beardless
Amerindians, as they were ‘perceived, on some level, as a sign of
strength, conquest and empire’ (1194).
In their eighteenth-century encounters with Aborigines, Europeans
did not have to refashion their facial hair as they found that they were
already easily differentiated from the bearded indigenes. In some
cases the beard appeared to exaggerate the ostensibly savage
qualities of the Aboriginal men, especially their fierceness. This was
apparent in Baudin’s sailors’ disturbing accounts of the Shark Bay
men (see Konishi, 2008). Two parties of sailors had rowed ashore so
that they could fish with nets, but had a terrifying encounter with the
local men. One group claimed that as they were trying to land, a
group of ‘extraordinarily big, strong men’ suddenly ran down the
beach and ‘prevented their going ashore’. The ‘hundred or more’ men
were described as ‘giants’, and apart from their prodigious size, the
only physical characteristic that the terrified Frenchmen noticed was
their ‘long, black beards [which] grew down to the middle of their
chests’ (Péron and Freycinet, 2003: 134; Baudin, 1974: 506). The
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b o rd e rla n d s 7 :2
second party of fishermen returned with a similar story, and were
equally terrified, so Baudin’s naturalists decided to go ashore and
investigate the matter, but upon meeting a group of Aboriginal men
found that they were ‘of ordinary height – even small’ (Péron and
Freycinet, 2003: 146). The fact that these apparently cool, calm, and
collected men of science, unlike the terrified sailors, did not even find
their beards worth mentioning reveals that European reactions to
facial hair were an elastic indicator of the indigenes’ fierceness, and
the Europeans’ own fearfulness.
Europeans imagined that in shaving off Aboriginal men’s beards, they
could perhaps inspire some kind of accord. While the visiting
explorers were unable to test this idea, the men of the First Fleet, with
their great number and closer contact with Aboriginal people,
attempted to do so within their first month of arriving. Tench records
that when ‘some young gentlemen belonging to the Sirius’ one day
met an old man and noticed that he ‘had a beard of considerable
length’ (Tench, 1996: 59), they, attempting to follow Phillip’s plan to
‘win their affections’, offered to ‘rid him of [it], if he pleased’ by
‘Stroking their chins and showing him the smoothness of them’. After
a while the old man finally understood their ‘signal’ and acquiesced.
Using a penknife and ‘making use of the best substitute for lather he
could find’ the marines shaved the man. Perhaps out of novelty or a
genuine preference the old man appeared to appreciate his new
smooth chin, since a few days later he was seen ‘paddling alongside
the Sirius in his canoe and pointing to his beard’ which was
interpreted as him wanting to be shaved again. The sailors invited the
man aboard, but he refused, so ‘a barber was sent down into the boat
alongside the canoe’ and ‘leaning over the gunnel’ shaved the man.
The man’s apparent delight suggested to Tench that the beard held
no special significance in Aboriginal society and was more ‘an
encumbrance than a mark of dignity’; it was seen as a burdensome
artefact of their limited barbering technology. More significantly, Tench
hoped that the intimate act of shaving and being shaved, in which the
recipient’s vulnerability attests his trust, was also a culturally
transcendent means of bonding, heralding the ‘dawning of cordiality’
between the two groups (60).
This was not an isolated case during the formative years of the Port
Jackson settlement, as Phillip noted that ‘several of them … seemed
to take great delight in being shaved’ (1970: 76). Even when the men
‘had no beard’, as was the case with the young man Immeerawanyee,
they still eagerly participated in this western grooming ritual by ‘being
combed and having his hair clipped’ (Tench, 1996: 145). However, it
seems unlikely that the Britons were happy to play barber to the
Aboriginal men simply to maintain friendly relations, and there must
have been other benefits. For instance, as a strategic initiative, the
First Fleeters would have immediately been able to identify who chose
to consort with them, and who were still potentially hostile, just by the
appearance of their facial hair. In addition, as with their attempts to
clothe the Aborigines, grooming would have contributed to their
attempts to assimilate and civilise Aboriginal men.
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b o rd e rla n d s 7 :2
Just like Arabanoo, Bennelong had been shaved and groomed when
he was kidnapped by the British. He stayed in the settlement for five
months during which he became, at least to British eyes, integrated
into western life by wearing clothes and learning English. Yet, when
the opportunity arose he absconded from the colony and returned to
his people where, much to the distress of the Europeans, he reverted
to his own customs, by abandoning his western garb and allowing his
beard to grow. Indeed when they saw him again he was ‘so far
disfigured by a long beard’ that it was ‘not without difficulty’ that the
officers ‘recognised their old acquaintance’ (135). Upon realising that
he would meet with the Governor again, Bennelong asked for a razor
so that he could shave his beard. The British assumed that ‘the length
of his beard seemed to annoy him much’, so he was given a pair of
scissors and he diligently demonstrated that ‘he had not forgotten how
to use such an instrument’ as he clipped away at his hair. But perhaps
his beard was not an encumbrance? Rather, Bennelong may have
learnt that this was what his former captors expected of him following
his long incarceration. Historians have noted that in many different
cultures and times removing hair and shaving was a form of control
and punishment (Byrd and Tharp, 2001: 10-11; Woodforde, 1972: 3;
White and White, 1998: 40). However, the Britons must have
expressed their admiration for his newly smooth chin, which possibly
led Bennelong to infer that acquiescing to shaving his beard was a
means of manipulating the settlers who evidently wanted their
potential envoy back.
One week later Bennelong again met some of the officers and
behaved in a far more arrogant fashion. In front of his family and
friends, some of whom were ‘timorous and unwilling to approach’ the
Britons, Bennelong received a fine present of a ‘hatchet and a fish’
and then ‘called loudly for’ some ‘bread and beef’ which he offered to
his nervous associates, of whom only two ‘tasted the beef’. Once
finished he then ‘made a motion to be shaved’ and to the ‘great
admiration of his countrymen’ he was promptly shaved by the barber
who was present. Bennelong appears to be having fun at the
Englishmen’s expense, tantalising their desires to assimilate him and
have him return to the colony. He may also have been showing off in
front of his countrymen, for they ‘laughed and exclaimed’ when he
was shaved, but would not ‘consent to undergo it’ only ‘suffer[ing] their
beards to be clipped with a pair of scissors’ (Tench, 1996:142). Such
spectacles illustrate that the Western investment of meaning in facial
hair and shaving came to be recognised by the indigenes, and how
even such a seemingly mundane practice could be imbued with the
ambivalences of the colonial encounter.
Conclusion
While hair may essentially be ‘a mere lifeless extension’ of the body,
it has been imbued with meaning in various cultures and civilisations.
In eighteenth-century Europe it was ascribed political, cultural,
hygienic, and, most significantly, racial importance. And clearly it was
15
b o rd e rla n d s 7 :2
highly regarded within Aboriginal societies as demonstrated by the
wide range of hairstyles and adornments used. Yet, there is more to
hair than just its materiality and fashion. The explorers’ accounts
reveal that the intimacies connected to the maintenance of hair,
through various cleaning, grooming, and styling practices, formed a
basis for the Europeans’ interactions with the Aboriginal men. These
close connections could be coercive and border on punitive, as in the
cases of the Aboriginal men captured and forcefully bathed, clipped
and shaved, or they could invoke amity, as the novelty of being
temporarily transformed (for hair has the luxury of always growing
back) could elicit amusement and awe. How hair is fashioned can also
be a crucial sign of masculinity, especially in the case of beards and
other facial hair. The explorers’ accounts of beards are particularly
interesting because they provide a window onto a different era, in
which beards were paradoxically understood as both a sign of racial
superiority and cultural inferiority. This highlights the curiosity and
complexity of the period, and inspires even greater wonder about how
the seemingly polar-opposite European and Aboriginal men were able
to find some brief moments of amiable camaraderie over some soap
and a razor.
Shino Konishi is a research fellow at the Australian Centre for
Indigenous History, Australian National University. Her doctoral
research explored eighteenth-century cross-cultural encounters,
and European representations of the Aboriginal male body.
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