The occurrence of Ursus arctos in relation to other faunal remains in burials during the Late Iron Age (560/70–1050 CE) in Uppland, Sweden By Hannah Strehlau Keywords: Late Iron Age, Sweden, bear claws, faunal remains, burial tradition, aristocracy Abstract: This chapter deals with the faunal remains of the brown bear (Ursus arctos) in burials in relation to other faunal remains. In a study of 83 analysed contexts, bear claws appear in much fewer burials than the remains of other animal species. Specifically, domestic animal remains are deposited at a much higher rate than those of wild animals, including brown bears. In total, four graves contained bear claws, and these burials are presented as comparative case studies. Despite striking differences in the burial type and the equipment of the graves, all case studies are located at three boat-grave cemeteries (Valsgärde, Gamla Uppsala, Tuna in Alsike), which connects them to Vendel Period and Viking Age aristocracies. Introduction During the Vendel Period (560/70–750 CE) and Viking Age (750–1050 CE)1 in mid-eastern Sweden, graves of women, men, and children often contained an abundance of faunal remains. These bones mostly belonged to the remains of feasting, food gifts, and sacrifices, the latter of which deposited as both complete and incomplete animals. In a few cases, however, the remains do not fit into any of these categories. Bear claws in prehistoric graves are commonly interpreted as being the only preserved remains of a bear fur (e.g. Petré 1980; Sigvallius 1994, 76), which is supported by recent studies on organically preserved bear hairs from archaeological contexts and skinning practices (Kirkinen 2017). 2 Similar explanations are suggested for the occurrence of phalanges from other fur-bearing animals, such as cat, lynx, squirrel, or marten (Petré 1980; Lindholm/Ljungkvist 2016; Zachrisson/Krzewińska 2019). Even selective depositions of cranial parts, extremities, and vertebrae of horses and cattle 1 2 This study uses the chronological periods suggested for mid-eastern Sweden by Ljungkvist (2008). He divides the Vendel Period into four periods (Vet 1–4, after Swedish Vendeltid) and the Viking Age into six periods (Vit 1–6, after Swedish Vikingatid). For further reading on the chronology see also Arrhenius 1983, fig. 6; Nørgård Jørgensen 1999, and Ljungkvist 2015 in particular for the end of the Viking Age in Uppland. Further interpretations of bear claws in graves include: luxury or prestige goods, hunting trophies, magical or cultic objects that are tied to religious or ritual practice (e.g. Iregren 1988, 303–304; Krüger 1988, 361–365; Schönfelder 1994; Wamers 2009). Bear and Human: Facets of a Multi-Layered Relationship from Past to Recent Times, with Emphasis on Northern Europe, ed. by Oliver Grimm (Turnhout: Brepols, 2023), pp. 417–428 FHG 10.1484.M.TANE-EB.5.134343 This is an open access publication distributed under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International License. were interpreted as the remains of hides (Piggott 1962; Hagberg 1967, 59–60; Russell 2012, 109). Concerning bear claws, some inhumation graves showed, in fact, the undisturbed and original position of the claws, suggesting that the deceased human had been laid on or covered by a fur (e.g. Petré 1980, fig. 2). In addition, Lindholm/Ljungkvist (2016) mention that these bear claws are (almost) never processed, which excludes their use in perforated form as pendants or amulets.3 Besides the interpretation of such bear phalanges in prehistoric graves, recent projects focused on the question of how common this practice was, how it was distributed chronologically and geographically, and what impact big game hunting had on the population of the brown bear. In a study on the faunal exploitation of Ursus arctos during the Late Iron Age (500–1100 CE) in Sweden, Lindholm/Ljungkvist (2016) presented 323 contexts (including both graves and settlements) in which faunal remains of the Swedish brown bear occur. Earlier, Grimm (2013) had shown that there are approximately 500 known burials during the 1st millennium CE in northern and middle Europe with “bear related furnishings”. Does this mean that faunal remains of Ursus arctos in graves represent a common phenomenon? Who was equipped with a bear fur in the burial? How can we interpret this type of deposition? This chapter highlights the prevalence of bear claws in relation to other faunal remains in burial contexts from the Late Iron Age. Case studies To find out whether the presence of bear remains in the funeral context is a common phenomenon, one has to consider their distribution in relation to the total numbers. Extensive statistical analyses on faunal assemblages in burials that cover a supra-regional area have not been carried out on a large scale for the Iron Age of northern Europe. In this case, small-scale research has been carried out on 83 graves in the province of Uppland in middle-eastern Sweden (Strehlau 2018; cf. Fig. 1).4 Of the 83 graves, 46 were cremations and 37 were inhumations. These contexts were selected based solely on the quality of osteological reports and dating possibilities, resulting in a cross section from the Vendel Period and Viking Age societies in Uppland. The aim of the project was to find patterns among the deposition of animals in burial contexts and how they shifted in relation to the social status of the dead, the gender of the deceased, and other factors. Which species were present among the faunal remains, which body parts were deposited, in what condition were the bones, and, mainly concerning inhumations, where in the grave were they placed? Only four graves (4.81 %) held osteological evidence of Ursus arctos, and only phalanges 3, i.e. the claws of the bear, were preserved as faunal remains (Fig. 2). In contrast, the majority of depositions included domestic animals (dogs, horses, cattle, pigs, sheep/goats, chickens, cats), which appeared in 72 out of 83 graves (86.74 %). Wild animals, on the other hand, showed up in only 21 out of 83 contexts (25.30 %) and only occurred together with domestic animals (Fig. 3). This group includes wild mammals, wild birds, and fish, but excludes geese and rodents.5 When further excluding fish and all undetermined birds, the number shrinks to 16 graves (16.86 %). Furthermore, excluding 11 graves dating to the Late Viking Age that contain neither faunal remains nor grave goods from the total 3 4 5 Exceptions are known, for example, from a Viking Age grave in Rösta (Äs parish, Jämtland), where two single bear claws were found close to the human skeleton. They are interpreted as talismans that might have been placed in a little bag, which would have been attached to the clothes (Jordahl et al., this volume; Petré 1980; cf. Kjellmark 1905, 369). The study and the case studies presented here are part of a Master’s thesis in archaeology, defended in 2018 at Uppsala University (cf. Strehlau 2018). Because of the uncertainty whether the geese in these contexts were domestic or wild and the uncertainty whether certain rodents were intentional depositions or ended up in the graves accidentally. 418 count,6 the numbers become clearer – in this case domestic animals appeared in 71 out of 72 graves (98.61 %) and wild animals in 21 out of 72 contexts (29.16 %). Since bears rarely appear in graves compared to domestic animals, we need to consider how remains of wild animals relate to each other. It appears that with an MNI7 of one each, lynx (Lynx lynx), red deer (Cervus elaphus), and wild boar (Sus scrofa) are the rarest species in the study.8 All these animals are represented by a few burnt fragments of hooves/lower limbs, and only claws in case of the lynx. Two possible squirrels (Sciurus vulgaris) are part of the material, both associated with the biological order Rodentia and mentioned as uncertain in the osteological report.9 In both graves, these were found as burnt bones in the cremation layer, which suggests their intentional burning as part of the burial ritual. Unlike mice, which were identified among the rodents, squirrels are known as fur-bearing animals. While the depositions of bear claws led to various different interpretations (cf. e.g. Petré 1980; Iregren 1988, 303–304; Krüger 1988, 361–365; Schönfelder 1994; Wamers 2009), the claws of squirrel, marten, lynx, and, in a few cases, cat, need to be considered in the context of the fur trade during that time. However, both potential squirrels were not represented by claws; one is represented by a fragment of talus 1, which is a foot bone (Ultuna 4425), and the other by a few fragments of the lower hind extremities (Ultuna 4060). In contrast to the low number of wild mammals, there is a total of 20 wild birds (MNI) – hunting birds and their prey as well as decoys. Identified species are goshawk (Accipiter gentilis), sparrowhawk (Accipiter nisus), eagle-owl (Bubo bubo), snowy owl (Bubo scandiacus), peregrine falcon (Falco peregrinus), merlin (Falco columbarius), capercaillie (Tetrao urogallus), black grouse (Lyrurus tetrix), hazel grouse (Tetrastes bonasia), crane (Grus grus), and duck (Anatidae).10 Including geese as potential wild birds, the MNI would be 31. Then again, this number is confusing since these animals originate from only six graves (corresponding to 7.22 %), all of which are high-status burials that contain an abundance of both wild and domestic species’ remains. Thus, the occurrence of wild birds in graves is, in fact, not much higher than that of bears.11 These interrelations show that faunal remains from domestic animals are much more common in Upplandic graves than faunal remains from wild animals. Except for wild birds, brown bear remains appear more often than other wild animals in these burial contexts, but are still underrepresented compared to domestic animals. In the following, we take a closer look at the four bear-related contexts. If the faunal remains of Ursus arctos do not occur as frequently as other animal-related depositions, do these graves have anything in common? Were there only certain people buried with bear furs? The four case studies containing bear claws are two cremation and two inhumation graves. The sites in question are Valsgärde, Gamla Uppsala, and Tuna in Alsike, which are well-known burial sites situated in close vicinity to today’s city of Uppsala. These cemeteries, which contain a number of burials with elaborate grave constructions as well as rich grave furnishings, are all part of the Vendel Period and Viking Age upper class boat-grave tradition. 6 Due to the absence of animal depositions and grave goods, such graves from the Late Viking Age can be interpreted as early Christian and thus express a different burial tradition. 7 The Minimum Number of Individuals (MNI) constitutes the least number of individuals of a certain species that occurs in one context. It is a purely anatomical count, in which the appearance of the same bone several times indicates the number of individuals. This number is a minimum, since it cannot be excluded that two different bones that only appear once in the context might actually originate from two different individuals. The absolute number of individuals might only be determined by genetic analyses. 8 Graves 7 and 110 from Odenslunda (cf. Sigvallius 2005), and grave 729 from Inhåleskullen (cf. Ohlsson 2012). 9 Graves 4425 and 4060 from Ultuna (cf. Sjöling/Bäckström 2014). 10 Ducks are here listed among wild animals, but it cannot be ruled out that domesticated ducks are among them. 11 Both wild and domestic birds are probably underrepresented regarding species determination in comparison to bear claws, due to high fragmentation in cremation burials and a lack of sieving, especially on early excavations. A similar source-critical problem exists with the preservation and determination of fish remains. 419 Grave 65 in Valsgärde is an urn grave with a cremation layer, dating to Vet 2–3 (620/30–700/710 CE) and containing the remains of two human individuals (Ljungkvist 2008). Osteological analyses revealed that the bones belong to a male adult and to a younger, probably juvenile, individual whose sex could not be determined (Bäckström 2001, 9–10). The identification of at least one male individual is supported by the archaeological material: an iron strap mount, a fire steel, a strike-a-light flint, a comb, and melted glass. The osteological report further shows that an MNI of at least five individual animals is present in the grave: one sheep/goat (Ovis aries/Capra hircus), one chicken (Galliformes), one dog (Canis familiaris), one pike (Esox lucius), and bear claws (n = 5, Ursus arctos; ibid., 10–13). In addition, unburnt long bones (fleshy parts) of an undetermined mammal indicate the presence of a sixth animal species. Except for the bear, pike, and the undetermined mammal, the other animals were deposited as complete carcasses in the grave, and all of them were burnt (ibid.).12 Due to the relatively sparse grave furnishing, it cannot be classified as a high-status burial. Nevertheless, the damaged status of this context leaves the possibility that the original grave furnishing was somewhat different. The other cremation from Valsgärde is grave 82, dating to Vet 1 (560/70–620/30 CE), which makes it slightly older than grave 65 (Ljungkvist 2008). This context is a non-concentrated thin find layer, which was found undisturbed. As in the case of grave 65, it contained the remains of an adult. The burial is stratigraphically related to a ship setting, but it is not certain whether burial and ship are related. The bones from this grave have, so far, only been briefly examined by Niels-Gustaf Gejvall,13 who identified the bones of a human, preliminarily recognised as female,14 as well as bones from a horse, dogs, sheep, and poultry. However, the grave inventory, consisting of a probable copper-alloy sword sheath mount, a spear rivet, a comb, and a strike-a-light flint, suggests that the deceased was a male. Furthermore, an assembly of iron rivets and nails indicate a metal-bound wooden vessel (Ljungkvist et al. in press). In addition to these finds, the grave also contained bear claws (n = 11, Ursus arctos; Bäckström 2001, 18). The above-mentioned finds in this context make a reconstruction as a weapon grave possible. The deceased was most likely buried with a spatha or seax, indicated by the sheath mount. Other occurring objects are pottery and an iron rod as well as an assembly of small iron rivets and nails. The latter indicate the former existence of a metal-bound wooden vessel. In combination with the weapons and the number of bear claws (11), which strongly suggest the remains of a bear fur, this gives the deceased a fairly high status. The number of animals in the burial has not been determined, but the weight of the bones is c. 3,600 g, which is high but not remarkable. It is roughly equivalent of what is expected from a burial with a horse and a few smaller animals from this period (e.g. Prata et al. 2017, tab. 1). Merovingian Period cremation burials with amounts of animals that correspond with the Valsgärde boat burials contain a considerably higher number of bones (cf. Hennius et al. 2016, 85; Hed Jakobsson et al. 2019, 353–363). Grave 1 from Gamla Uppsala is a Viking Age inhumation burial and boat-grave that has been subject to considerable damage. It held a 35–45-year-old adult whose sex has been osteologically classified as male. The distorted posture of the dead, the accumulation of grave goods, and the skeletons of two dogs placed on top of each other outside the boat give reason to suppose that the grave was reopened and looted not too long after the burial. Thus, the absence of weapons – which should be expected in such a boat-burial – is most likely a consequence of the ancient reopening. After the reopening, the burial still contained an iron knife, 10 arrowheads, a wooden vessel, pottery, horse 12 This is an important observation since unburnt bones would indicate a more complex action in which the unburnt material must have come into the grave after the cremation. 13 Unpublished material by N.-G. Gejvall, Uppsala Universitets Museum för Nordiska Fornsaker (UMF). 14 According to Bäckström’s (2001, 18) osteological analysis the sex of the human cannot be determined. 420 equipment (spikes [to prevent horses from slipping], a bit, trace-hooks [used on horses that pull carts; cf. Nordahl 2001, 26, fig. 23]), a comb, gaming pieces made of bone, a strike-a-light, a piece of flint, a hammer, and a Thor’s hammer amulet. Interestingly, this context includes a relatively high number of animal deposits: the MNI of individual animals is nine, representing two complete dogs (Canis familiaris), one complete horse (Equus caballus), five claws of a bear (Ursus arctos), cranial parts and long bones of sheep (Ovis aries) with marrow split, pig (Sus domesticus), and cattle (Bos taurus), which is an indication of consumption. Furthermore, an undetermined bird (Aves) and a fish (Pisces) were among the bone material. In the publication of the boat-graves from Gamla Uppsala, Else Nordahl states that the claws were placed in pairs on the port and starboard sides of the boat (Nordahl 2001, 16). However, the position of the fifth claw is not clear from the publication, and, in the drawing of the excavated grave, the claws (no. 77, no. 305) are depicted on the portside and in the middle of the boat, but not on the starboard side (ibid., pl. 1). According to Nordahl (2001) the deceased person was originally placed on a bear fur, but was then moved to the side in the course of the grave disturbance. However, the degree of disturbance of this grave, in combination with the small number of bear claws that appear to be scattered in the grave rather than in an anatomical position, does not allow for a confident interpretation as a bear fur. The burial of the deceased in a boat in combination with a high number of animal offerings classifies it as a high-status burial. South of Uppsala lies a cemetery with high-status burials dating to the Viking Age. Grave Alsike II is a much disturbed context with scattered finds and animal bones, but no human remains have been preserved. According to Arne (1934, 25), this context was regarded as originally belonging to grave I in Alsike, an inhumation boat-grave for a deceased male. However, the undisturbed nature of Alsike I, and the fact that the grave goods indicate a chronological deviation of 200 years between the two burials, gives reason to regard Alsike II as a separate construction, dating to the early 9th century (personal communication, John Ljungkvist; cf. Arne 1934, 70–71). Due to the unburnt state of the faunal remains, this context is here regarded as the very disturbed remnants of a former inhumation grave in which the human body was either not preserved or was removed during reopening.15 The archaeological remains found at Alsike II are a horse bridle, a double-edged iron sword broken into several parts, an iron whip handle fitting, a gaming piece made of glass, an iron chain from a kettle, a green clay bead, spikes, and other iron fragments. The faunal remains are represented by seven bear claws, the back half of a horse as well as the tibia (shin) and metatarsus (foot bone) of another horse, and the back half of a dog. Five of the bear phalanges are still anatomically connected (Fig. 4), despite the high degree of disturbance of this grave. This indicates that the disruption happened when the organic decomposition of the bear remains was not yet advanced. And, more importantly, it supports the idea of a bear paw and possibly an entire fur in the grave. Discussion What these burials have in common is their placement in three boat-grave cemeteries that are tied to economic wealth and political power. So far, women are underrepresented among these graves with ursine remains, which correlates with a study of Migration Period burials from mid-eastern Sweden (Bennett 1987, tab. 81). Other studies, however, mention equal numbers of female graves with bear claws (Petré 1980; Klos 2007; Grimm 2013, 291; Gustavsson/Ljungkvist, this volume; 15 The absence of human remains in Vendel Period and Viking Age inhumation graves, as well as the comparatively bad preservation of faunal remains in close proximity to the estimated original placement of the deceased human, are also known from the cemeteries at Vendel and Valsgärde in Uppland (cf. e.g. Stolpe/Arne 1912; Arwidsson 1977). 421 Jordahl et al., this volume). Their affiliation to important cemeteries makes them seem to be part of the same burial tradition, yet the graves themselves show striking differences: there are two inhumation boat-graves and two cremation graves, and the number of animal depositions varies from an MNI of three (Alsike II) to an MNI of nine (Gamla Uppsala 1). Even though the two cremation burials containing bear claws (graves 65 and 82 from Valsgärde) cannot be regarded as high-status graves on the basis of the remaining grave goods, the fact that they are situated right next to some of the most elaborate boat-graves in Sweden gives reason for reconsidering this classification. One could argue that there might have been an affiliation to the aristocracy, otherwise they would not have been buried in such close proximity. The number of deposited animals and the species representation are common for graves of both higher and lower social status in Vendel Period Uppland (cf. Strehlau 2018). Considering the effort and danger of hunting and killing a life-threatening predator like the brown bear, it appears logical that the possession of a bear fur created a certain reputation in a hunting society (cf. Oehrl 2013). At the same time, it most likely had a high value on an economic scale and was thus regarded as a status symbol in the densely populated Uppsala region, where large wild mammals, including bears, were probably already very rare or even extinct (cf. Lindholm/Ljungkvist 2016). However, horses are commonly regarded as status symbols as well, but they occur in 50 out of 83 graves (60.24 %) in the study, which is a much higher number compared to the occurrence of bear claws. There is an even higher number of dogs, which occur in 63 out of 83 graves (75.90 %), but they were probably not seen as status symbols. Looking beyond this study, it appears that six out of 95 graves in Valsgärde contain bear claws (Tab. 1), of which five are cremations and one is a Late Roman Iron Age chamber grave with an inhumation (cf. Ljungkvist 2008). This corresponds to 6.31 %. In Valsgärde, there are four inhumation graves from the Pre-Roman Iron Age (c. 500 BCE–0), 29 inhumation graves dating from the Roman Iron Age (c. 0–400 CE) to the Viking Age, and 62 cremation graves from the Late Iron Age. None of the boat-graves in Valsgärde held any faunal remains of brown bear, and it seems to be the same situation in Vendel. Admittedly, the cemetery in Vendel was excavated at the end of the 19th century, and osteological analyses might not have been up to today’s standards. However, if it was possible to determine the claws of different types of birds of prey, it seems unlikely that bear phalanges would have been missed (cf. Stolpe/Arne 1912). Cremation graves from the Migration Period to the Viking Age from Vendel contained bear claws in 15 out of 191 cases, which corresponds to 7.85 % (cf. Seiler 2001). Seven out of 135 osteologically analysed graves in Gamla Uppsala contain bear claws (Tab. 1). This burial area includes the three so-called king’s mounds, four boat-graves and seven cremation graves in Prästgården, a grave field located northwest of the royal mounds. Bear claws appeared in the east and west mounds (the middle mound remains unexcavated to date; cf. Sten/Vretemark 1999), in Grave 1, which is mentioned above, and in cremation grave 24 (cf. Nordahl 2001). The remaining three bear-related burials derive from a Late Iron Age cemetery, situated in the village area with 122 excavated cremation graves (cf. Prata et al. 2017). Seven out of 135 graves correspond to a percentage of 5.18 %. In the Viking Age cemetery of Tuna in Alsike, one grave (discussed above) contained bear claws (7.69 %). With the exception of two burials (XIII, XIV), the excavated graves from this site date to the Viking Age, with some of these dating to the 11th century (Arne 1934). Burials from this time often follow early Christian practices, which would explain the absence of both faunal remains and grave goods. Moreover, Lindholm/Ljungkvist (2016) have shown that the number of bear-related graves started to decrease in the late 7th century. Similar observations exist concerning the Iron Age cemetery of Spånga in Stockholm County. Of the 488 cremation burials, 29 contained phalanges 3 of Ursus arctos (5.9 %), with a peak during the Migration Period and a decline in the Late Iron Age 422 (Sigvallius 1994, 74–75). The lowest number of graves with bear claws was documented on the island of Adelsö in Birka; only eight out of 1,000 graves with remains of Ursus arctos were found here (Swedish History Museum, Digital Archive, accessed online, August 05, 2020). In total, there are 1,922 burials in the six cemeteries mentioned above, of which 66 contain bear claws (3.43 %; Tab. 1). This matches largely with the results of the study on the 83 graves in Uppland (cf. Strehlau 2018). The slightly higher percentage among the material of that study (4.81 %) can be explained by the more substantial proportion of high-status graves. The comparably rare frequency of bear-related graves and their connection to an upper social class can be compared to the occurrence of animal depositions that are related to falconry. Swedish archaeologist Ann-Sophie Gräslund regards the combination of large dogs (greyhounds), horses, and birds of prey in burials as an indication for falconry (Gräslund 2014, 37). Based on their osteological studies, Sten/Vretemark (1988) note that birds of prey often occur in graves together with other wild birds that are interpreted as decoys and prey. These species typically occur in high-status graves, for instance, in the boat-graves in Vendel and Valsgärde, in the chamber graves from Tuna in Alsike, and also in the richly furnished cremation graves at Rickeby and Gnista in Uppland. In this study, bear furs do not appear in graves that show indications for falconry or contain remains of other wild mammals, but the simultaneous occurrence of the two is known from other very richly equipped cremation graves (cf. ibid.). Moreover, there is a dominance of male individuals both in burials with bear claws and in those with indications for falconry. This largely matches with other contexts outside this study (ibid.). A difference between falconry and the bear claw burials, however, is the deposition type. While Ursus arctos is only represented by phalanges 3, animals that are connected to falconry, including dogs and horses, are typically deposited as complete carcasses. Complete animals deposited in burial contexts are normally interpreted as sacrifices (e.g. Kaliff 2004, 28; Mansrud 2004, 94–95; Vretemark 2013, 381). Incomplete depositions, to which bear claws belong, are open to much more varied interpretations. They can represent the remains of a funeral feast, food gifts for the deceased, objects such as furs, amulets, or other symbolic depositions (cf. Russell 2012). The deposition of bear, and also lynx claws is neither the sacrifice of a complete animal nor can it be interpreted as the remains of feasting or food offerings. Assuming that the claws are the remains of furs, these finds, in fact, need to be regarded as a product, a crafted item, possibly tied to social status, rather than an animal deposition, which indicates certain actions in the burial ritual, like feasting or the killing of an animal as a potential sacrifice and as a symbol in itself. The different frequencies of bear remains compared to those of dogs and horses might be explained by their meaning in the burial ritual. The high number of complete dogs and horses deposited in Upplandic graves suggests that they played an important role in the burial ritual, regardless of the social status of the deceased (Strehlau 2018). Bear furs, on the other hand, seem to have been in the possession of a much smaller number of people in the Late Iron Age, i.e. the Vendel Period and Viking Age. At the least, the rather rare occurrence of bear claws in graves suggests that bear furs should be regarded as an unusual object and grave good rather than as an animal that played an important part in the burial ritual. The differences between the graves containing bear claws indicate that, possibly, social status during the Vendel Period and Viking Age cannot be explained solely on the basis of the burial type or the grave goods that remain visible in the archaeological record today. Likewise, it is possible that those buried with a bear fur were part of a sort of allegiance, who, although they acquired a certain social status, never gained the level of wealth and power that could have been reflected in a lavish burial with a monumental mound or a boat-grave. 423 Conclusion The study presented here has shown that the faunal remains of Ursus arctos appear with relatively low frequency in the analysed graves of the Vendel Period and Viking Age. The vast majority of faunal remains are those of domestic animals. However, in comparison with other wild mammals, including fur-bearing animals, brown bear remains occur more often in burial contexts. Wild birds appear with a similar frequency in graves, but are often deposited as complete animals in graves with a higher MNI. In addition, bear claws representing bear furs should be considered as grave goods rather than animal depositions. But, even if the total number of graves with ursine evidence is low in several cemeteries, it is striking that, in Vendel and Viking Period central Uppland, they are clearly present in burial places that are strongly connected to the Upplandic upper class. The absence of bear claw finds in boat-graves from Vendel and Valsgärde might be explained by poor preservation conditions and plundering. At the same time, the highest number of graves with bear claws, compared to the total number of graves in a cemetery, is reached in cremation burials in the Vendel cemetery. Its location, 35 km north of Uppsala, and the character of some burials were most recently discussed as being influenced by the northern Swedish regions, which were the brown bear’s home and also the area where it was hunted (Ljungkvist/Hennius 2020). It seems that the affiliation to a certain place or group of people was more important than the burial type. Likewise, it is possible that it was easier to get possession of a bear fur in an environment of intensive trade and production and of economic wealth. As is evident from the case studies, social status and reputation might not solely be explained by the sheer quantity of animal depositions, grave goods, and an elaborate burial. Acknowledgements This paper was written within “The Viking Phenomenon” project, funded by the Swedish Research Council (grant 2015-00466), and “The Bear in the Grave” project, both Uppsala University. Bibliography Arne 1934 T. J. Arne, Das Bootsgräberfeld von Tuna in Alsike, Uppland. KVHAA Arch. Monogr. 20 (Stockholm 1934). Arrhenius 1983: B. Arrhenius, The chronology of the Vendel graves. In: J. P. Lamm/H.-Å. Nordström (eds.), Vendel Period Studies. Transactions of the Boat-grave symposium in Stockholm, February 2–3, 1981 (Stockholm 1983) 39–70. Arwidsson 1977: G. Arwidsson, Valsgärde 7. AMASRUU 5 = Gräberfunde Valsgärde 3 (Uppsala, Stockholm 1977). 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Sites that appear in Table 1 are marked in red, other cemeteries that were part of the study are marked in grey. 90 80 77.1 Percentage share of graves 70 61.44 60 50 40 39.75 43.37 40.96 30 20 10 19.27 9.63 3.61 7.22 4.81 1.2 2.4 1.2 1.2 0 Animals Fig. 2. Percentages of graves from Uppland, middle-eastern Sweden, that contain remains of certain animals. Amounts of domestic animals are displayed with dark blue, those of wild animals with yellow bars. 427 100 90 Percentage share of graves 80 70 60 50 86.74 40 30 20 25.3 10 0 Domestic animals Wild animals Animals Fig. 3. Percentages of domestic (dark blue) and wild (yellow) animals found among the 83 graves from Uppland in middle-eastern Sweden. Wild animals only occur in combination with domestic animals. Fig. 4. Grave II from Tuna in Alsike in middle-eastern Sweden, 9 th century, with position of bear claws marked by red circle (modified after Arne 1934, pl. 23). Table 1. The frequencies of graves containing bear claws compared to the total number of analysed graves from a certain cemetery or area during the Late Iron Age in Uppland, middleeastern Sweden. Cemetery/area of study Vendel Tuna in Alsike Valsgärde Spånga 428 Graves containing bear claws Total number Percentages of bear claws of graves in graves (in %) 15 191 7.85 1 13 7.69 6 95 6.31 29 488 5.9 5.18 Gamla Uppsala 7 135 Birka 8 1,000 0.8 Total 66 1,922 3.43