Books
Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, Forschungen zum Alten Testament 164, 2023
In this study, Jürg Hutzli analyses all Priestly texts in Genesis-Exodus. He evaluates crucial qu... more In this study, Jürg Hutzli analyses all Priestly texts in Genesis-Exodus. He evaluates crucial questions concerning P, namely inner stratification, literary profile, historical setting, and relationship to the non-P »environment« separately for each Priestly unit or section. An important result of the author's study is the conclusion that the Priestly texts form a stratum that is more composite and less homogeneous than previously thought. Single units like Gen. 1, the Priestly flood story, and the Priestly Abraham narrative have their own distinct theologies that do not fit that of the comprehensive Priestly composition in every respect. Furthermore, as recent studies point out, the literary profile of P is not the same in every section (either a source or a redaction). The author evaluates these observations diachronically for an inner differentiation of the Priestly strand.
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Les chaires d’Assyriologie et des Milieux bibliques du College de France ont organise conjointeme... more Les chaires d’Assyriologie et des Milieux bibliques du College de France ont organise conjointement un colloque en avril 2010, afin d’examiner les informations archeologiques et documentaires sur la conduite des vivants envers leurs morts dans les societes du Proche-Orient Ancien. Comment ces dernieres ont-elles compris la realite de l’«apres-vie» et comment ont-elles entendu avoir des rapports avec ceux qui les avaient precedees? La relation entre les vivants et leurs morts posait, entre autres, pour la documentation cuneiforme la question de la commemoration de leurs defunts par ceux qui constituaient le groupe des vivants, et cela notamment via le rite du kispum dont la pratique et la signification exactes sont encore a elucider. La distance entre les deux documentations les plus representees a ce colloque, l’akkadienne et la biblique, est bien montree par la repugnance qu’affiche la tradition hebraique normative vis-a-vis de la depouille mortelle. Pour la pensee hebraique, telle...
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Philological problems; Hebrew and Aramaic
When the term >îr dawıd appears in the Books of Samuel and Kings, most
commentators and translat... more When the term >îr dawıd appears in the Books of Samuel and Kings, most
commentators and translators interpret it as referring to Jerusalem or a part
of it, i.e., the southeastern hill (cf. the common translation, ‘City of David’).
A few scholars (Yeivin 1948: 40–43; Knauf 2000: 79; Barkay 2006: 8; 2008:
54; Keel 2007: 63; Zevit 2008: 207), however, note parenthetically that the
term in Samuel and Kings sometimes or always (Keel) relates to a ‘fortress’,
a ‘citadel’ or ‘inner citadel’. This paper systematically re-examines the
occurrences of the term >îr dawıd in Samuel and Kings and ends in agreement
with the minority scholarly position. Since 2 Sam 5:7–9; 6:16; 1 Kings 3:1;
9:24 indicate that >îr dawıd served as a residence of David, Michal and the
Egyptian wife of Solomon, it may be argued that the burial formulae for the
Judahite kings that mention >îr dawıd may refer to a royal palace that also
functioned as a place of burial. The paper then presents several instances
in Samuel and Kings where the noun >îr (unspecified) probably designates
a stronghold or a tower rather than a town or a section of a town and thus
is consistent with the semantic meaning ‘fortress’ of the lexeme >r in Old
South Arabic.
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Comprehensive article in "Wissenschaftliches Bibellexikon" (WiBiLex).
Table of contents:
1. Ein... more Comprehensive article in "Wissenschaftliches Bibellexikon" (WiBiLex).
Table of contents:
1. Einführung
2. Sprachstufen des Aramäischen
2.1. Die frühesten Zeugnisse: Altaramäisch (9.-8. Jh. v.d.Z.)
2.2. Verwendung als lingua franca: Reichsaramäisch (ca. 700-200 v.d.Z.)
2.2.1. Inschriften und Dokumente aus neuassyrischer und neubabylonischer Zeit
2.2.2. Inschriften und Dokumente aus persischer und früh-nachpersischer Zeit
2.2.3. Kennzeichen des Reichsaramäischen
2.3. Lokale Fortentwicklungen: Mittelaramäisch (ca. 200 v.d.Z. - ca. 250 n.d.Z.)
2.4. Spätaramäisch (ca. 250-1200 n.d.Z.)
2.5. Neuaramäisch
3. Aramäisch im Tenach
3.1. Aramaismen
3.1.1. Gezielt verwendete Aramaismen
3.1.2. Aramaismen als Folge der fortwährenden Beeinflussung des Hebräischen durch das Aramäische
3.2. Die aramäischen Passagen in Esra, Daniel, Jeremia
3.2.1. Esr 4,8-6,18; 7,12-26
3.2.2. Daniel 2,4b-7,28
3.2.3. Jeremia 10,11
Literaturverzeichnis
1. Lexikonartikel
2. Textausgaben, Hilfsmittel und spezialisierte Literatur
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Materiality of biblical texts
Semitica, 2023
In a recent ZAW article, David Carr questions the extent to which the material conditions exist f... more In a recent ZAW article, David Carr questions the extent to which the material conditions exist for the hypothesis of successive redactions of the biblical text according to the models of Fortschreibung that dominate in particular European scholarship. For the reconstruction of the literary growth of biblical texts Carr proposes a "scroll approach," i.e., a method that focuses on the scroll and the process of its inscription. According to Carr, whose reflections are primarily based on the evidence of the Qumran scrolls, the simplest way to make changes to the text was for scribes (editors) to insert blocks of text at the end of a book into the space remaining at the end of the scroll. In the present study, while appreciating the methodological guiding principle of the "scroll approach," I will point out aspects that Carr did not mention. Scribes had more options to altering a transmitted text: replacing one word by another, inserting short sentences, or deleting a word. All of these practices are well documented in the Qumran scrolls. The aim of these interventions was often to correct scribal errors, but there are also several cases of deliberate modifications to the text's content. Seen from another angle, there are indeed indications that small, targeted content changes took place during the early period of transmission of the biblical text: certain differences in content between the biblical textual witnesses, on the one hand, and short, isolated phrases (found in all textual witnesses) that don't fit their context, on the other, are best explained as the result of subtle editorial changes and additions by scribes.
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Papers Pentateuch (and related topics)
« Noah’s Sons, Hebrew Bible/Old Testament », dans C. M. Furey et al. (éds), Encyclopedia of the Bible and its Reception, Volume 21, Berlin / Boston : De Gruyter, 2023, c. 590–596., 2023
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Theologische Revue 117, 2021
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in: J. Jeon, L. Jonker (eds), Chronicles and the Priestly Literature of the Hebrew Bible (BZAW 528), 2021
The essay aims first to elucidate the diverse activities of King David
related to the foundation ... more The essay aims first to elucidate the diverse activities of King David
related to the foundation of the first temple of Jerusalem and its cult. The second part of the paper will consider the question of how David’s striking equation with Moses, Israel’s cult founder par excellence, should be understood. Is he a second Moses? What is the status of the instructions compiled by him in comparison with that of the Torah?
This question seems to have attracted only little attention in scholarship. The importance of David in general is often explained with reference
to the Chronicler’s hope for a restauration of the Davidic monarchy in the late Persian or early Hellenistic era, or rather as an eschatological messianic expectation. However, if one or the other were the case, why, one should ask, would the author put such emphasis on David’s competence for the conceptualization and the establishment of the Jerusalemite cult. In view of this strong focus, one might imagine another main reason for the great importance assigned to David by the author: it might have less to do with his significance as dynasty founder and bearer of messianic hopes than with the high value given to the Jerusalemite temple and its foundation which necessitated an appropriate founder personality .David’s importance in the Book of Chronicles consists primarily in his role of founder of Israel’s unique sanctuary and the organization of its cult.
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in: Jaeyoung Jeon (ed.). Social Groups Behind the Pentateuch. AIL 44. Atlanta: SBL Press, 2021., 2021
The cardinal direction east appears often in the book of Genesis, much more so than in other bibl... more The cardinal direction east appears often in the book of Genesis, much more so than in other biblical books. 1 The east serves as a place of intrigue for the story in Gen 2:4b-3:24, the narrative of Jacob and Laban, and probably also the story of the tower of Babel. Furthermore, the east often appears as the position of a main protagonist: the cherubim and the fiery ever-turning sword guarding the tree of life are situated at the east of the garden of Eden, and Cain, too, lives east of Eden. Lot chooses the region of the plain and the city of Sodom, located in the east, as a place to live. Finally, Abraham sends all of his sons borne by concubines to the east, away from his favorite son, Isaac. How can one explain this concentration of references to the cardinal direction east in the book of Genesis? Analysis of all these texts will reveal different if not contradictory images and appraisals of the east. One reason for the great number of texts mentioning the east seems to be the disagreement between the biblical authors on this point. This article seeks to clarify what is at stake in this disagreement and the role the latter played in the process of the formation of the primeval history and the Abraham narrative.
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in: J.-M. Durand, M. Guichard et Th. Römer (éds), Tabou et transgressions (Orbis Biblicus et Orie... more in: J.-M. Durand, M. Guichard et Th. Römer (éds), Tabou et transgressions (Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis 274), Fribourg (Suisse) : Academic Press /Göttingen : Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2015, p. 113-133.
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in J.-M. Durand, L. Marti et Th. Römer (éds), Colères et repentirs divins : actes du colloque org... more in J.-M. Durand, L. Marti et Th. Römer (éds), Colères et repentirs divins : actes du colloque organisé par le Collège de France, Paris, les 24 et 25 avril 2013 (Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis 274), Fribourg (Suisse) : Academic Press /Göttingen : Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2015, p. 177-199
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In the beginning of the 20th century several scholars (B. Stade, F. Schwally, J. Morgenstern) arg... more In the beginning of the 20th century several scholars (B. Stade, F. Schwally, J. Morgenstern) argued that Gen 1:1–2:4a consists of two different layers: one containing a “Tatbericht” (account of the divine act) and the other consisting of a “Wortbericht” (account of the creative divine word). This view became dominant in scholarship. However, the detailed study of O.H. Steck (1975) arguing for the literary unity of the story marked an important turning-point, the impact of which continues to be felt strongly today. This article critically examines the arguments of Steck, especially his interpretation of the “ ויהי כן -formula” ("and it was so"). This is followed by observations of important differences of specific motifs and particularities of language between the "divine-word"-statements and "divine-act"-statements. For example, in the "word-account" God collaborates with other entities such as the firmament, sea, earth, but the "act-account" attributes creative activity to God alone. The analysis leads to the conclusion that the "word-account" represents the older “skeleton” of Gen 1, while the "act-layer" consists of later additions that refine the earlier account with their own theological accents. Since the vocabulary and the theological view of the later "act-statements" can be associated with the priestly document (Pg), the early "divine word account" should be taken as another sign (in addition to, for instance, Gen 5)that P is based on – at least to some extent – identifiable sources.
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Im vorliegenden Aufsatz wird die Aussage von Gen 1,9, wonach die Wasser unter der Himmelsfeste si... more Im vorliegenden Aufsatz wird die Aussage von Gen 1,9, wonach die Wasser unter der Himmelsfeste sich an einem Ort sammeln und zum "Meer" werden, näher untersucht. Die sich ergebende Diskrepanz zur erfahrbaren Wirklichkeit (die biblischen Autoren kannten mehrere Meere) wird auf zwei verschiedene Weisen erklärt:
Der Verfasser von Gen 1 entwirft eine Welt mit utopischen Zügen: So erscheint das vom altorientalischen Menschen gefürchtete Meer in seiner Macht begrenzter, als es in Wirklichkeit ist. Ähnlich wie der nach Gen 1 in Gottes Schöpfung nicht vorgesehene Fleischgenuss kann die Vielzahl der Meere als eine spätere Entwicklung, evt. als Folge der Sintflut, gesehen werden.
Möglicherweise spielt der Autor mit der Aussage ebenfalls auf das "gegossene Meer" im salomonischen Tempel an. Zwischen der Vorstellung von Gen 1,9f und der Gestaltung des Beckens ist eine grosse Nähe spürbar. Auch bei dieser scheint der Gedanke von der friedlichen Eingrenzung der Meeresmacht wirksam gewesen zu sein (die Wasser werden von zwölf Rindern in Schranken gehalten).
Überlegungen zum Wert und symbolischen Gehalt der Aussage runden die Erörterung ab.
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résumé / summary
Une description précise du ciel, c’est-à-dire de son apparence, son matériau... more résumé / summary
Une description précise du ciel, c’est-à-dire de son apparence, son matériau et sa fonction, se trouve dans le récit de création de Genèse 1 qui forme l’ouverture du texte sacerdotal (« P »). On y trouve également un passage portant sur la formation des luminaires au ciel qui donne des brèves indications concernant et leurs significations et fonctions. Dans le deuxième récit majeur de la tradition sacerdotale, celui du déluge (Genèse 6-9), le ciel joue également un rôle important. Sa description se distingue légèrement de celle de Gn 1, une différence qui semble bien significatif pour le concept de P.
Le présent article portera avant tout sur ces deux récits et met en relation leur conception du ciel avec les notions d’autres traditions du Proche-Orient ancien (Égypte, Mésopotamie, Ougarit) et de la Bible hébraïque.
At its beginning, in the creation story (Gen 1), the Priestly tradition (“P”) presents a detailed description of the sky, i.e. its appearance, its material and its functions. This text contains also a passage dealing with the creation of the luminaries; it offers information about their signification and functions. In the second major story of the priestly tradition, in the one of the flood, the sky also plays an important role. Here its description differs slightly from that of Genesis 1, a difference which seems significant in the concept of P.
The present article focuses on these two stories and compares the perception of the sky with other traditions of the ancient Near East (Egypt, Mesopotamian, Ugarit) and the Hebrew Bible.
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Papers Former Prophets
, The Books of Samuel. Stories – History – Reception History , 2016
Several texts of the books of Samuel hint at the importance of ancestors
in ancient Israelite soc... more Several texts of the books of Samuel hint at the importance of ancestors
in ancient Israelite society. Certain motifs like family sacrifices ( זבח
1 ,משׁפחה Sam 20,6.29) and necromancy (1Sam 28,3-25) have attracted
the attention of scholars interested in this question (cf. E. Bloch-Smith,
K. van der Toorn; R. Hallote). Besides these two themes there are other
motifs related to ancestors that are scattered through the two books: Burials in domestic houses (living area, cf. 1Sam 25,1; 1Kgs 2,34), “Teraphim”- figurines (1Sam 19,13-16), the invocation of the name of a diseased patriarch by his relatives (2Sam 18,18), the record of long genealogical chains (1Sam 1,1; 9,1), and certain personal names – all these are possible sources of information about an ancestor cult. --
The present contribution summarizes the evidence found in the
various texts and to describe the role ancestors played in the society of
Ancient Israel as it is reflected in 1–2Sam. What was the attitude of the
Israelites towards the ancestors? Were they only respected or also consulted and even venerated? The evidence from the texts is compared with known practices from ancient Israel’s neighboring civilizations.
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Several stories in 1-2 Samuel describe cult activities in different sanctuaries such as Shiloh, G... more Several stories in 1-2 Samuel describe cult activities in different sanctuaries such as Shiloh, Gilgal, Nob and Hebron. The present article gives an overview of customs reported in the texts and the cultic prescriptions presupposed by them as well. The analysis takes into account some relevant differences between the textual witnesses. Certain aspects of the described cultic activities and customs seem to be obscured or corrected towards the Pentateuchal legal texts by scribes of all main textual traditions of 1-2 Samuel (MT, Qumran scroll 4QSama, Septuagint). The assessment will allow answering questions concerning the age of the discussed stories in the books of Samuel and the historicity of certain cult activities as well. The fact that certain reported details are in dissent with stipulations found in the Pentateuch disfavours the idea that the stories simply were invented in Persian or Hellenistic period; rather they stem from circles which preserved narrative traditions originating in pre-exilic period.
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chapter in: M. Oeming and P. Slama (eds), A King like all the Nations ? Kingdoms of Israel and Judah in the Bible and History (Beiträge zum Verstehen der Bibel 28), Vienna / Zurich : LIT Verlag, , 2015
Most reports of the kings of Israel and Judah end with an epilogue containing formulaic statement... more Most reports of the kings of Israel and Judah end with an epilogue containing formulaic statements about the death of the king and his succession. Typically, the epilogue formula is introduced by the phrase: 'Now the rest of the acts of PN 1 , are they not written in the Book of the Chronicles of the Kings of Judah (of the Chronicles of the Kings of Israel)?' and consists of three elements: 1. Dynastic notice ('PN 1 slept with his fathers'); 2. Statement of burial; 3. Statement of succession. Sometimes one, two or all three of these elements are altered or lacking. The epilogue formulae of the Judean kings are more consistent than those of the Israelite kings; the latter often lacks a burial notice. Interestingly, the accounts of the deported (arrested) kings (Hoshea, Jehoahaz, Zedekiah and Jehoiachin) do not contain an epilogue at all, nor the accounts of the reigns of Ahaziah and Athaliah which mark an episode of disruption in the history of the Davidic kingdom. For all these kings even the phrase 'Now the rest of the acts of PN 1 , are they not written in the Book of the Chronicles of... ?' is lacking. The absence of an epilogue in these cases is probably due to the fact that the king’s succession (cf. element 3) is considered a constitutive and indispensable component of the epilogue. -- In the first instance, the approach of this study is descriptive and philological; it aims to contribute to the understanding of the notices. Secondly, the study addresses the question how the irregularities and variations within the formulae are to be explained. In particular, the study will pay attention to differences between the epilogue formulae concerning the kings of Israel and those concerning the Judean kings. At the end, questions concerning the epilogues formula’s provenance and its formation date and concerning further redactional developments will be considered.
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Books
Philological problems; Hebrew and Aramaic
commentators and translators interpret it as referring to Jerusalem or a part
of it, i.e., the southeastern hill (cf. the common translation, ‘City of David’).
A few scholars (Yeivin 1948: 40–43; Knauf 2000: 79; Barkay 2006: 8; 2008:
54; Keel 2007: 63; Zevit 2008: 207), however, note parenthetically that the
term in Samuel and Kings sometimes or always (Keel) relates to a ‘fortress’,
a ‘citadel’ or ‘inner citadel’. This paper systematically re-examines the
occurrences of the term >îr dawıd in Samuel and Kings and ends in agreement
with the minority scholarly position. Since 2 Sam 5:7–9; 6:16; 1 Kings 3:1;
9:24 indicate that >îr dawıd served as a residence of David, Michal and the
Egyptian wife of Solomon, it may be argued that the burial formulae for the
Judahite kings that mention >îr dawıd may refer to a royal palace that also
functioned as a place of burial. The paper then presents several instances
in Samuel and Kings where the noun >îr (unspecified) probably designates
a stronghold or a tower rather than a town or a section of a town and thus
is consistent with the semantic meaning ‘fortress’ of the lexeme >r in Old
South Arabic.
Table of contents:
1. Einführung
2. Sprachstufen des Aramäischen
2.1. Die frühesten Zeugnisse: Altaramäisch (9.-8. Jh. v.d.Z.)
2.2. Verwendung als lingua franca: Reichsaramäisch (ca. 700-200 v.d.Z.)
2.2.1. Inschriften und Dokumente aus neuassyrischer und neubabylonischer Zeit
2.2.2. Inschriften und Dokumente aus persischer und früh-nachpersischer Zeit
2.2.3. Kennzeichen des Reichsaramäischen
2.3. Lokale Fortentwicklungen: Mittelaramäisch (ca. 200 v.d.Z. - ca. 250 n.d.Z.)
2.4. Spätaramäisch (ca. 250-1200 n.d.Z.)
2.5. Neuaramäisch
3. Aramäisch im Tenach
3.1. Aramaismen
3.1.1. Gezielt verwendete Aramaismen
3.1.2. Aramaismen als Folge der fortwährenden Beeinflussung des Hebräischen durch das Aramäische
3.2. Die aramäischen Passagen in Esra, Daniel, Jeremia
3.2.1. Esr 4,8-6,18; 7,12-26
3.2.2. Daniel 2,4b-7,28
3.2.3. Jeremia 10,11
Literaturverzeichnis
1. Lexikonartikel
2. Textausgaben, Hilfsmittel und spezialisierte Literatur
Materiality of biblical texts
Papers Pentateuch (and related topics)
related to the foundation of the first temple of Jerusalem and its cult. The second part of the paper will consider the question of how David’s striking equation with Moses, Israel’s cult founder par excellence, should be understood. Is he a second Moses? What is the status of the instructions compiled by him in comparison with that of the Torah?
This question seems to have attracted only little attention in scholarship. The importance of David in general is often explained with reference
to the Chronicler’s hope for a restauration of the Davidic monarchy in the late Persian or early Hellenistic era, or rather as an eschatological messianic expectation. However, if one or the other were the case, why, one should ask, would the author put such emphasis on David’s competence for the conceptualization and the establishment of the Jerusalemite cult. In view of this strong focus, one might imagine another main reason for the great importance assigned to David by the author: it might have less to do with his significance as dynasty founder and bearer of messianic hopes than with the high value given to the Jerusalemite temple and its foundation which necessitated an appropriate founder personality .David’s importance in the Book of Chronicles consists primarily in his role of founder of Israel’s unique sanctuary and the organization of its cult.
Der Verfasser von Gen 1 entwirft eine Welt mit utopischen Zügen: So erscheint das vom altorientalischen Menschen gefürchtete Meer in seiner Macht begrenzter, als es in Wirklichkeit ist. Ähnlich wie der nach Gen 1 in Gottes Schöpfung nicht vorgesehene Fleischgenuss kann die Vielzahl der Meere als eine spätere Entwicklung, evt. als Folge der Sintflut, gesehen werden.
Möglicherweise spielt der Autor mit der Aussage ebenfalls auf das "gegossene Meer" im salomonischen Tempel an. Zwischen der Vorstellung von Gen 1,9f und der Gestaltung des Beckens ist eine grosse Nähe spürbar. Auch bei dieser scheint der Gedanke von der friedlichen Eingrenzung der Meeresmacht wirksam gewesen zu sein (die Wasser werden von zwölf Rindern in Schranken gehalten).
Überlegungen zum Wert und symbolischen Gehalt der Aussage runden die Erörterung ab.
Une description précise du ciel, c’est-à-dire de son apparence, son matériau et sa fonction, se trouve dans le récit de création de Genèse 1 qui forme l’ouverture du texte sacerdotal (« P »). On y trouve également un passage portant sur la formation des luminaires au ciel qui donne des brèves indications concernant et leurs significations et fonctions. Dans le deuxième récit majeur de la tradition sacerdotale, celui du déluge (Genèse 6-9), le ciel joue également un rôle important. Sa description se distingue légèrement de celle de Gn 1, une différence qui semble bien significatif pour le concept de P.
Le présent article portera avant tout sur ces deux récits et met en relation leur conception du ciel avec les notions d’autres traditions du Proche-Orient ancien (Égypte, Mésopotamie, Ougarit) et de la Bible hébraïque.
At its beginning, in the creation story (Gen 1), the Priestly tradition (“P”) presents a detailed description of the sky, i.e. its appearance, its material and its functions. This text contains also a passage dealing with the creation of the luminaries; it offers information about their signification and functions. In the second major story of the priestly tradition, in the one of the flood, the sky also plays an important role. Here its description differs slightly from that of Genesis 1, a difference which seems significant in the concept of P.
The present article focuses on these two stories and compares the perception of the sky with other traditions of the ancient Near East (Egypt, Mesopotamian, Ugarit) and the Hebrew Bible.
Papers Former Prophets
in ancient Israelite society. Certain motifs like family sacrifices ( זבח
1 ,משׁפחה Sam 20,6.29) and necromancy (1Sam 28,3-25) have attracted
the attention of scholars interested in this question (cf. E. Bloch-Smith,
K. van der Toorn; R. Hallote). Besides these two themes there are other
motifs related to ancestors that are scattered through the two books: Burials in domestic houses (living area, cf. 1Sam 25,1; 1Kgs 2,34), “Teraphim”- figurines (1Sam 19,13-16), the invocation of the name of a diseased patriarch by his relatives (2Sam 18,18), the record of long genealogical chains (1Sam 1,1; 9,1), and certain personal names – all these are possible sources of information about an ancestor cult. --
The present contribution summarizes the evidence found in the
various texts and to describe the role ancestors played in the society of
Ancient Israel as it is reflected in 1–2Sam. What was the attitude of the
Israelites towards the ancestors? Were they only respected or also consulted and even venerated? The evidence from the texts is compared with known practices from ancient Israel’s neighboring civilizations.
commentators and translators interpret it as referring to Jerusalem or a part
of it, i.e., the southeastern hill (cf. the common translation, ‘City of David’).
A few scholars (Yeivin 1948: 40–43; Knauf 2000: 79; Barkay 2006: 8; 2008:
54; Keel 2007: 63; Zevit 2008: 207), however, note parenthetically that the
term in Samuel and Kings sometimes or always (Keel) relates to a ‘fortress’,
a ‘citadel’ or ‘inner citadel’. This paper systematically re-examines the
occurrences of the term >îr dawıd in Samuel and Kings and ends in agreement
with the minority scholarly position. Since 2 Sam 5:7–9; 6:16; 1 Kings 3:1;
9:24 indicate that >îr dawıd served as a residence of David, Michal and the
Egyptian wife of Solomon, it may be argued that the burial formulae for the
Judahite kings that mention >îr dawıd may refer to a royal palace that also
functioned as a place of burial. The paper then presents several instances
in Samuel and Kings where the noun >îr (unspecified) probably designates
a stronghold or a tower rather than a town or a section of a town and thus
is consistent with the semantic meaning ‘fortress’ of the lexeme >r in Old
South Arabic.
Table of contents:
1. Einführung
2. Sprachstufen des Aramäischen
2.1. Die frühesten Zeugnisse: Altaramäisch (9.-8. Jh. v.d.Z.)
2.2. Verwendung als lingua franca: Reichsaramäisch (ca. 700-200 v.d.Z.)
2.2.1. Inschriften und Dokumente aus neuassyrischer und neubabylonischer Zeit
2.2.2. Inschriften und Dokumente aus persischer und früh-nachpersischer Zeit
2.2.3. Kennzeichen des Reichsaramäischen
2.3. Lokale Fortentwicklungen: Mittelaramäisch (ca. 200 v.d.Z. - ca. 250 n.d.Z.)
2.4. Spätaramäisch (ca. 250-1200 n.d.Z.)
2.5. Neuaramäisch
3. Aramäisch im Tenach
3.1. Aramaismen
3.1.1. Gezielt verwendete Aramaismen
3.1.2. Aramaismen als Folge der fortwährenden Beeinflussung des Hebräischen durch das Aramäische
3.2. Die aramäischen Passagen in Esra, Daniel, Jeremia
3.2.1. Esr 4,8-6,18; 7,12-26
3.2.2. Daniel 2,4b-7,28
3.2.3. Jeremia 10,11
Literaturverzeichnis
1. Lexikonartikel
2. Textausgaben, Hilfsmittel und spezialisierte Literatur
related to the foundation of the first temple of Jerusalem and its cult. The second part of the paper will consider the question of how David’s striking equation with Moses, Israel’s cult founder par excellence, should be understood. Is he a second Moses? What is the status of the instructions compiled by him in comparison with that of the Torah?
This question seems to have attracted only little attention in scholarship. The importance of David in general is often explained with reference
to the Chronicler’s hope for a restauration of the Davidic monarchy in the late Persian or early Hellenistic era, or rather as an eschatological messianic expectation. However, if one or the other were the case, why, one should ask, would the author put such emphasis on David’s competence for the conceptualization and the establishment of the Jerusalemite cult. In view of this strong focus, one might imagine another main reason for the great importance assigned to David by the author: it might have less to do with his significance as dynasty founder and bearer of messianic hopes than with the high value given to the Jerusalemite temple and its foundation which necessitated an appropriate founder personality .David’s importance in the Book of Chronicles consists primarily in his role of founder of Israel’s unique sanctuary and the organization of its cult.
Der Verfasser von Gen 1 entwirft eine Welt mit utopischen Zügen: So erscheint das vom altorientalischen Menschen gefürchtete Meer in seiner Macht begrenzter, als es in Wirklichkeit ist. Ähnlich wie der nach Gen 1 in Gottes Schöpfung nicht vorgesehene Fleischgenuss kann die Vielzahl der Meere als eine spätere Entwicklung, evt. als Folge der Sintflut, gesehen werden.
Möglicherweise spielt der Autor mit der Aussage ebenfalls auf das "gegossene Meer" im salomonischen Tempel an. Zwischen der Vorstellung von Gen 1,9f und der Gestaltung des Beckens ist eine grosse Nähe spürbar. Auch bei dieser scheint der Gedanke von der friedlichen Eingrenzung der Meeresmacht wirksam gewesen zu sein (die Wasser werden von zwölf Rindern in Schranken gehalten).
Überlegungen zum Wert und symbolischen Gehalt der Aussage runden die Erörterung ab.
Une description précise du ciel, c’est-à-dire de son apparence, son matériau et sa fonction, se trouve dans le récit de création de Genèse 1 qui forme l’ouverture du texte sacerdotal (« P »). On y trouve également un passage portant sur la formation des luminaires au ciel qui donne des brèves indications concernant et leurs significations et fonctions. Dans le deuxième récit majeur de la tradition sacerdotale, celui du déluge (Genèse 6-9), le ciel joue également un rôle important. Sa description se distingue légèrement de celle de Gn 1, une différence qui semble bien significatif pour le concept de P.
Le présent article portera avant tout sur ces deux récits et met en relation leur conception du ciel avec les notions d’autres traditions du Proche-Orient ancien (Égypte, Mésopotamie, Ougarit) et de la Bible hébraïque.
At its beginning, in the creation story (Gen 1), the Priestly tradition (“P”) presents a detailed description of the sky, i.e. its appearance, its material and its functions. This text contains also a passage dealing with the creation of the luminaries; it offers information about their signification and functions. In the second major story of the priestly tradition, in the one of the flood, the sky also plays an important role. Here its description differs slightly from that of Genesis 1, a difference which seems significant in the concept of P.
The present article focuses on these two stories and compares the perception of the sky with other traditions of the ancient Near East (Egypt, Mesopotamian, Ugarit) and the Hebrew Bible.
in ancient Israelite society. Certain motifs like family sacrifices ( זבח
1 ,משׁפחה Sam 20,6.29) and necromancy (1Sam 28,3-25) have attracted
the attention of scholars interested in this question (cf. E. Bloch-Smith,
K. van der Toorn; R. Hallote). Besides these two themes there are other
motifs related to ancestors that are scattered through the two books: Burials in domestic houses (living area, cf. 1Sam 25,1; 1Kgs 2,34), “Teraphim”- figurines (1Sam 19,13-16), the invocation of the name of a diseased patriarch by his relatives (2Sam 18,18), the record of long genealogical chains (1Sam 1,1; 9,1), and certain personal names – all these are possible sources of information about an ancestor cult. --
The present contribution summarizes the evidence found in the
various texts and to describe the role ancestors played in the society of
Ancient Israel as it is reflected in 1–2Sam. What was the attitude of the
Israelites towards the ancestors? Were they only respected or also consulted and even venerated? The evidence from the texts is compared with known practices from ancient Israel’s neighboring civilizations.
I Sam 22,6–23 relates the massacre of the priests of Nob; II Sam 21,1–14 is about
the execution of seven descendents of Saul, as atonement for Saul’s attempt to
exterminate the Gibeonites. Most researchers consider both stories or at least
certain parts of them old.1 For both stories few verses are regarded as secondary.
In this paper I try to reassess the analysis of these stories and will point to
indices favoring a late date of origin for both of them. They concern the language
in use, intertextual connections and particular motifs. A further indication consists
in the fact that the reported events of the stories lack significant resonance in the
corpus of the Hebrew Bible. There are only two texts, I Sam 2,33 and Ps 52,2,
which allude or refer to I Sam 22,6–23.With regard to the importance of the related
events and acts this silence in the Biblical context is astonishing. Interestingly,
also in the Book of Chronicles one does not find any allusions to these stories.
This raises the question whether the latter were composed after the formation of
the book of Chronicles.
first deuteronomistic history-book consisting of I Sam – II Reg. While the argument for a Dtr
history book relating to the kingdoms of Israel and Judah seems sound, the assessment that
the bulk of I–II Sam (and I Reg 1–2) was an integral part of this work presents several difficulties.
C. Westermann puts emphasis on the different genres: While I–II Sam above all includes
stories, I–II Reg consists mainly of historical accounts. In addition to this observation,
the important theological divergences between the two books should also be taken into consideration.
Certain tendencies of the stories of Samuel – the positive interest for various cultplaces
(i.e. Shilo, Rama, Bethel, Gilgal, Nob, Hebron), the drawing of a very ambiguous
image of David – are in a strong tension to the main principles of the authors of I–II Reg: essential
for their judging of Israelite and Judean kings is the strict observance of the command
of cult centralization and the imitation of a king David who in I–II Reg is seen in an entirely
positive way. The purpose of the present article is to lay out the evidence for several discrepancies
between I–II Sam and I–II Reg as well as to reassess the literary-historical relationship
between the two unities.
link:
http://www.bibelwissenschaft.de/stichwort/20156/