Genna Naccache
I am an Academic-Activist of Environmental Justice, writing on lives and struggle of Indigenous Peoples in Brazil. I finished a Masters in Understanding and Securing Human Rights in 2026 and I am a PhD Candidate at Institute of Commonwealth Studies, School of Advanced Study, University of London.
Supervisors: Dr Corinne Lennox and Dr Damien Short
Supervisors: Dr Corinne Lennox and Dr Damien Short
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These institutions mostly base their actions on self-centred interests alone, ignoring the implications ‘negative externalities’ have on the realisation of human rights. Their economic outcome does not take into consideration the cost of their careless actions imposed onto third parties, which are often either the environment, human beings or both in tandem. Therefore, it is fair to say, externalities are a major threat to the climate crisis as corporations irresponsibly and systematic continue to exploit the Earth’s resources, not only violating environmental rights, but human rights as well. Subsequently, these power seeking corporations operate in a business as usual manner, while all life in the planet is at stake (Bakan, 2003). This could be described as a form of genocide represented by the rapid and progressive environmental annihilation, as all ecosystems are slowly dying under the impact of anthropogenic climate change.
will then argue the IMF-World Bank structural adjustment program caused the deterioration of Rwanda’s economy as another cause, which has influenced the genocide. This will be followed by evidence showing the direct responsibility of the main actors of the international community with a focus on the U. S. and the UK support of the Rwandan Patriotic Front to secure a legal presence in Rwanda due to geopolitical interests in having access to the Congo’s mineral wealth. I will also argue the accuracy of the officially supported narrative of the genocide, presenting conclusive evidence towards the alternative narrative, which suggests the U.S. and its allies interests in overthrowing the Hutu-based Rwandan government. Finally this essay will briefly discuss post-genocide Rwanda and the crisis in the Congo, coming to the conclusion that mass human rights violations continue to be perpetrated in the Rwanda and neighbouring Congo due to main international actors’ overpowering geopolitical interests.
The central theme to this essay is the definition of genocide, a contested term since it was ‘originally conceived as a legal concept and crime in international law’. The term genocide was coined by the Polish-Jewish Lawyer and Philosopher Raphael Lemkin (Shaw, 2005) in an attempt to describe the ‘Nazi policies of systematic murder, including the destruction of the European Jews’ during World War II (1939-1945). Furthermore, Lemkin created the word genocide by combining the Greek word 'genos’ for race or tribe, with the Latin word ‘cide ’ for killing, described by himself as ‘a coordinated plan of different actions aiming at the destruction of essential foundations of the life of national groups, with the aim of annihilating the groups themselves’ (Ibid, 2005). Furthermore, the word genocide was ‘compounded by the definition’ (Palmer, 2010) of the Genocide Convention (1948), and it continues to be ‘the only international standard of genocide’ until this day (Ibid, 2010).
During the drafting process of the Genocide Convention, Lemkin proposed the inclusion of his perspective on ‘Cultural Genocide’ in a statement saying; ‘cultural genocide is the most important part of the Convention’ (Short). However, regardless of the fact that this was not taken on board and therefore not included within the
instrument, Lemkin ‘reluctantly approved its eventual omission to ensure the passage on the Convention’ (Ibid). In light of Lemkin’s fight for justice, by tirelessly raising awareness for the crime of genocide, his life long pursuit, this essay will argue the importance of this vital legacy not only to international human rights law, but to humanity, bringing light to major human rights violations, which otherwise might have remained in the dark, nameless and invisible for many more decades to come. Finally this essay will also present different perspectives on the highly contested
genocide debate.
These institutions mostly base their actions on self-centred interests alone, ignoring the implications ‘negative externalities’ have on the realisation of human rights. Their economic outcome does not take into consideration the cost of their careless actions imposed onto third parties, which are often either the environment, human beings or both in tandem. Therefore, it is fair to say, externalities are a major threat to the climate crisis as corporations irresponsibly and systematic continue to exploit the Earth’s resources, not only violating environmental rights, but human rights as well. Subsequently, these power seeking corporations operate in a business as usual manner, while all life in the planet is at stake (Bakan, 2003). This could be described as a form of genocide represented by the rapid and progressive environmental annihilation, as all ecosystems are slowly dying under the impact of anthropogenic climate change.
will then argue the IMF-World Bank structural adjustment program caused the deterioration of Rwanda’s economy as another cause, which has influenced the genocide. This will be followed by evidence showing the direct responsibility of the main actors of the international community with a focus on the U. S. and the UK support of the Rwandan Patriotic Front to secure a legal presence in Rwanda due to geopolitical interests in having access to the Congo’s mineral wealth. I will also argue the accuracy of the officially supported narrative of the genocide, presenting conclusive evidence towards the alternative narrative, which suggests the U.S. and its allies interests in overthrowing the Hutu-based Rwandan government. Finally this essay will briefly discuss post-genocide Rwanda and the crisis in the Congo, coming to the conclusion that mass human rights violations continue to be perpetrated in the Rwanda and neighbouring Congo due to main international actors’ overpowering geopolitical interests.
The central theme to this essay is the definition of genocide, a contested term since it was ‘originally conceived as a legal concept and crime in international law’. The term genocide was coined by the Polish-Jewish Lawyer and Philosopher Raphael Lemkin (Shaw, 2005) in an attempt to describe the ‘Nazi policies of systematic murder, including the destruction of the European Jews’ during World War II (1939-1945). Furthermore, Lemkin created the word genocide by combining the Greek word 'genos’ for race or tribe, with the Latin word ‘cide ’ for killing, described by himself as ‘a coordinated plan of different actions aiming at the destruction of essential foundations of the life of national groups, with the aim of annihilating the groups themselves’ (Ibid, 2005). Furthermore, the word genocide was ‘compounded by the definition’ (Palmer, 2010) of the Genocide Convention (1948), and it continues to be ‘the only international standard of genocide’ until this day (Ibid, 2010).
During the drafting process of the Genocide Convention, Lemkin proposed the inclusion of his perspective on ‘Cultural Genocide’ in a statement saying; ‘cultural genocide is the most important part of the Convention’ (Short). However, regardless of the fact that this was not taken on board and therefore not included within the
instrument, Lemkin ‘reluctantly approved its eventual omission to ensure the passage on the Convention’ (Ibid). In light of Lemkin’s fight for justice, by tirelessly raising awareness for the crime of genocide, his life long pursuit, this essay will argue the importance of this vital legacy not only to international human rights law, but to humanity, bringing light to major human rights violations, which otherwise might have remained in the dark, nameless and invisible for many more decades to come. Finally this essay will also present different perspectives on the highly contested
genocide debate.