"My purpose is to explore and elucidate part of the global justice debate that concerns the idea ... more "My purpose is to explore and elucidate part of the global justice debate that concerns the idea of a global basic structure. Focusing on the basic structure as the subject of justice has tended to lead theorists to make a choice: either there is no global basic structure and therefore obligations of justice remain domestic only—the statist position—or there is sufficient institutional basis at the global level to warrant affirming a basic structure global in scope, meaning that duties of justice must also be global—the cosmopolitan position. Recent literature, however, has pointed out that this might be a false choice between denying and asserting the existence of a global basic structure. There are two main claims that I make in this paper. First, I claim that on a Rawlsian understanding of the basic structure, justice does not require one before its demands arise, but rather that under certain conditions, justice can require that a basic structure be established as an essential part of fulfilling its demands. This has the benefit of not restricting the scope of justice to the domestic sphere. Thus, the second claim is about determining, from a practice-dependent, non-ideal starting point what those “certain conditions” are. Specifically, I argue that when currently-existing global institutions begin impacting the freedom of individuals to interact against a fair backdrop and pervasively impact life chances, then the demands of justice will arise and we will need to establish a global basic structure. This paper, then, also has implications for the ideal/non-ideal theory debate, because I argue that the best way to globalize the basic structure is to begin from a non-ideal starting point.
Final paper for undergraduate philosophy capstone discussing the influence of Whitehead on Justic... more Final paper for undergraduate philosophy capstone discussing the influence of Whitehead on Justice Benjamin Cardozo and his rulings on tort cases
This project, inspired by two essays written for papers at Oxford University, discusses fixed ... more This project, inspired by two essays written for papers at Oxford University, discusses fixed and floating exchange rates and single/optimal currency areas. Drawing on examples from history, the project focuses on European countries and periods of history when these countries participated in fixed exchange rate policy, floating exchange rate policy, and most recently, with the instigation of the Eurozone, a single currency area. The paper discusses Mundell’s four criteria for optimal currency areas, and whether or not the European Monetary Union (EMU) is an optimal currency area, or if fixed or floating exchange rates were a better option for the European Nations. It then examines three different “classifications” of European nations not in the EMU. Fixed exchange rates and single currency areas work best among similarly economically developed countries (which is one reason why the EMU has been so successful over the past 15 years). First, I will discuss why Great Britain, a country as economically developed as the current EMU countries has not joined the EMU, and whether or not it would be beneficial for Britain to do so. In the next category, are the less economically developed countries of Eastern Europe. Within the past two to three years, a few Eastern European countries have either joined (e.g. Bulgaria) the EMU or have begun the process to join. These countries are drastically less developed than the major Western European countries. Thus, their individual success in the EMU will be uncertain, as will their affect on the EMU as a whole. I will discuss current EMU policy on allowing these countries to join (such as having these countries tie their currencies to the Euro—joining the ERM II, and ensuring that inflation remains extremely low within these countries for a number of years), and the effects of their entrance into the EMU. Lastly, I will discuss the allowance of Eurasian countries such as Turkey into the EMU. While Turkey is (partially) on the European continent, its economy effectively behaves more like an Asian country than a European one. Yet, it has begun the process to join the EMU in hopes of achieving not only economic growth, but also viability on the world stage.
"My purpose is to explore and elucidate part of the global justice debate that concerns the idea ... more "My purpose is to explore and elucidate part of the global justice debate that concerns the idea of a global basic structure. Focusing on the basic structure as the subject of justice has tended to lead theorists to make a choice: either there is no global basic structure and therefore obligations of justice remain domestic only—the statist position—or there is sufficient institutional basis at the global level to warrant affirming a basic structure global in scope, meaning that duties of justice must also be global—the cosmopolitan position. Recent literature, however, has pointed out that this might be a false choice between denying and asserting the existence of a global basic structure. There are two main claims that I make in this paper. First, I claim that on a Rawlsian understanding of the basic structure, justice does not require one before its demands arise, but rather that under certain conditions, justice can require that a basic structure be established as an essential part of fulfilling its demands. This has the benefit of not restricting the scope of justice to the domestic sphere. Thus, the second claim is about determining, from a practice-dependent, non-ideal starting point what those “certain conditions” are. Specifically, I argue that when currently-existing global institutions begin impacting the freedom of individuals to interact against a fair backdrop and pervasively impact life chances, then the demands of justice will arise and we will need to establish a global basic structure. This paper, then, also has implications for the ideal/non-ideal theory debate, because I argue that the best way to globalize the basic structure is to begin from a non-ideal starting point.
Final paper for undergraduate philosophy capstone discussing the influence of Whitehead on Justic... more Final paper for undergraduate philosophy capstone discussing the influence of Whitehead on Justice Benjamin Cardozo and his rulings on tort cases
This project, inspired by two essays written for papers at Oxford University, discusses fixed ... more This project, inspired by two essays written for papers at Oxford University, discusses fixed and floating exchange rates and single/optimal currency areas. Drawing on examples from history, the project focuses on European countries and periods of history when these countries participated in fixed exchange rate policy, floating exchange rate policy, and most recently, with the instigation of the Eurozone, a single currency area. The paper discusses Mundell’s four criteria for optimal currency areas, and whether or not the European Monetary Union (EMU) is an optimal currency area, or if fixed or floating exchange rates were a better option for the European Nations. It then examines three different “classifications” of European nations not in the EMU. Fixed exchange rates and single currency areas work best among similarly economically developed countries (which is one reason why the EMU has been so successful over the past 15 years). First, I will discuss why Great Britain, a country as economically developed as the current EMU countries has not joined the EMU, and whether or not it would be beneficial for Britain to do so. In the next category, are the less economically developed countries of Eastern Europe. Within the past two to three years, a few Eastern European countries have either joined (e.g. Bulgaria) the EMU or have begun the process to join. These countries are drastically less developed than the major Western European countries. Thus, their individual success in the EMU will be uncertain, as will their affect on the EMU as a whole. I will discuss current EMU policy on allowing these countries to join (such as having these countries tie their currencies to the Euro—joining the ERM II, and ensuring that inflation remains extremely low within these countries for a number of years), and the effects of their entrance into the EMU. Lastly, I will discuss the allowance of Eurasian countries such as Turkey into the EMU. While Turkey is (partially) on the European continent, its economy effectively behaves more like an Asian country than a European one. Yet, it has begun the process to join the EMU in hopes of achieving not only economic growth, but also viability on the world stage.
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Papers by Sabrina Martin
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It then examines three different “classifications” of European nations not in the EMU. Fixed exchange rates and single currency areas work best among similarly economically developed countries (which is one reason why the EMU has been so successful over the past 15 years). First, I will discuss why Great Britain, a country as economically developed as the current EMU countries has not joined the EMU, and whether or not it would be beneficial for Britain to do so. In the next category, are the less economically developed countries of Eastern Europe. Within the past two to three years, a few Eastern European countries have either joined (e.g. Bulgaria) the EMU or have begun the process to join. These countries are drastically less developed than the major Western European countries. Thus, their individual success in the EMU will be uncertain, as will their affect on the EMU as a whole. I will discuss current EMU policy on allowing these countries to join (such as having these countries tie their currencies to the Euro—joining the ERM II, and ensuring that inflation remains extremely low within these countries for a number of years), and the effects of their entrance into the EMU. Lastly, I will discuss the allowance of Eurasian countries such as Turkey into the EMU. While Turkey is (partially) on the European continent, its economy effectively behaves more like an Asian country than a European one. Yet, it has begun the process to join the EMU in hopes of achieving not only economic growth, but also viability on the world stage.
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It then examines three different “classifications” of European nations not in the EMU. Fixed exchange rates and single currency areas work best among similarly economically developed countries (which is one reason why the EMU has been so successful over the past 15 years). First, I will discuss why Great Britain, a country as economically developed as the current EMU countries has not joined the EMU, and whether or not it would be beneficial for Britain to do so. In the next category, are the less economically developed countries of Eastern Europe. Within the past two to three years, a few Eastern European countries have either joined (e.g. Bulgaria) the EMU or have begun the process to join. These countries are drastically less developed than the major Western European countries. Thus, their individual success in the EMU will be uncertain, as will their affect on the EMU as a whole. I will discuss current EMU policy on allowing these countries to join (such as having these countries tie their currencies to the Euro—joining the ERM II, and ensuring that inflation remains extremely low within these countries for a number of years), and the effects of their entrance into the EMU. Lastly, I will discuss the allowance of Eurasian countries such as Turkey into the EMU. While Turkey is (partially) on the European continent, its economy effectively behaves more like an Asian country than a European one. Yet, it has begun the process to join the EMU in hopes of achieving not only economic growth, but also viability on the world stage.