We analyze a network of 3,590 interpersonal credit ties among Renaissance Florentine elite househ... more We analyze a network of 3,590 interpersonal credit ties among Renaissance Florentine elite households to determine how Florentine personal credit was socially structured. We assess the network in light of various social and economic motivations Florentines might have had to exchange credit with each other. We explore the extent of participation by people from different categories, such as neighborhoods, factions, and guilds, and we determine whether loans flowed primarily within or between such groupings. We observe considerable homophily within families and neighborhoods, but also extensive circulation of credit among the most commercially and politically active Florentines. The overall connectivity of this network of interpersonal credit transactions resembles the social structure of other contemporaneous Florentine networks, such as marriage and business, suggesting that interpersonal credit was an important and distinct domain in which elite membership was confirmed and elite social solidarity achieved.
Inequality between groups is frequently maintained through the construction and legitimation of i... more Inequality between groups is frequently maintained through the construction and legitimation of inter-group cultural differences. I draw on Blau's multiform heterogeneity and complex contagion models to theorize and develop a relational mechanism that shows how inequality can be preserved when additional, new bases of differentiating between groups layer over existing ones. I investigate the conditions under which variations in the distribution of the population across stratified groups and homophily of social networks along the stratifying attribute interact in such a way that a belief/practice diffuses widely in one group but not the other—an outcome referred to as differential diffusion. I also analyze how size of ego networks and adoption thresholds affect differential diffusion. Using mathematical and agent-based models, I find a positive correlation between adoption thresholds and homophily: when social networks are highly homophilous (e.g., race and socioeconomic class), uneven diffusion of non-normative behavior reproduces inequality; inclusive networks (e.g., in diverse city schools), in contrast, reestablish inequality through differential diffusion of low-risk behavior. This suggests that cultivating diversity is likely to mitigate inequality preservation in conservative situations where adoption of new beliefs/practices needs considerable affirmation. Encouraging status-based solidarity is more appropriate in receptive contexts where adoption of new behaviors entails comparatively lower risk. The results also imply that analyses of diffusion need to be sensitive to contextual factors, including homophily, cultural institutionalization of the diffusing material, and population distribution. Finally, I extend Ridgeway's seminal work to show how relational structure can not only construct status hierarchies but also contribute to their symbolic maintenance.
A strong component is a subgraph in a directed network where, following the direction of ties, al... more A strong component is a subgraph in a directed network where, following the direction of ties, all nodes in the graph are reachable from one another. Mutual reachability implies that every node in the graph is theoretically able to send materials to and/or influence every other node suggesting that strong components are amongst the more egalitarian network structures. Despite this intriguing feature, they remain understudied. Using exponential random graph models (ERGM) for directed networks, we investigate the social and structural processes underlying the generation of strong components. We illustrate our argument using a network of 301 nodes and 703 personal lending ties from Renaissance Florence. ERGM shows that our strong component arises from triadic clustering alongside an absence of higher-order star structures. We contend that these processes produce a strong component with a hierarchical, rather than an egalitarian structure: while some nodes are deeply embedded in a dense network of exchange, the involvement of others is more tenuous. More generally, we argue that such tiered core-periphery strong components will predominate in networks where the social context creates conditions for an absence of preferential attachment alongside the presence of localized closure. Although disparate social processes can give rise to hierarchical strong components linked to these two structural mechanisms, in Florence they are associated with the presence of multiple dimensions of social status and the connectedness of participants across disparate network domains.
Accepting that a given type of tie in a network may have multiple meanings, we propose that this ... more Accepting that a given type of tie in a network may have multiple meanings, we propose that this heterogeneity of meaning leaves traces in the network's micro- and macrostructure. By analyzing the variegated structure of a historical network, along with multiple other ties connecting its participants, we infer how different available meanings of a given type of tie were dominant in different parts of the network and social space. In this way we make a methodological and empirical contribution to recent debates linking network structure and cultural meaning. Meaning diversity arises from actors’ differential exposure to distinctive social contexts, or “netdoms,” and differential embeddedness of their ties in other networks within a multiple-network social ecology. We illustrate our argument using a directed-tie network of 3590 personal loans involving 2223 actors in Renaissance Florence. Within the network, we find a strong component marked by complex microstructures of reciprocation and triangulation and actors’ frequent participation in business and civic administration. Outside the strong component, lending was sparser, unreciprocated, and frequently conducted within family, apparently according to traditional lending norms. We suggest ways in which our methodological approach to discerning variety in relational meaning using multiple-networks can be generalized to other cases.
In the midst of widespread fertility decline, I examine the relationship between sibling number a... more In the midst of widespread fertility decline, I examine the relationship between sibling number and support network composition using multilevel regression on data from 25 countries. A fundamental structural effect of having fewer siblings is that individuals have a smaller pool of available close-kin alters with whom to construct support networks. Consequently, networks of people with fewer siblings should be composed of different sorts of relations. Results confirm that such compositional adjustment occurs in systematic ways. Compared to those with three or more siblings, adults with none to two siblings (as separate categories) are more likely to expect support from parents, extended kin, and close friends but not more likely to do so from spouses/partners and children. Single children are also more likely to include neighbors and have smaller-sized and/or impersonal networks. These findings contradict the primacy of familial ties in social support networks. Moreover, adjustment of support networks towards nonsibling ties occurs in culturally expected ways. Those with fewer siblings are generally only more likely to turn to ties for the types of support typically associated with those relations—parents for instrumental and financial support and friends for emotional support. Single children, however, also violate institutionalized expectations of social support by turning to ties for a wider range of social support. The results suggest that continuing declines in fertility could bring about both reinforcement and rearticulation of the sociocultural framing of close personal relationships. Moreover, consistent with recent research, the results show that personal networks are influenced more by individual-level than country-level factors.
Previous research has characterized knowledge networks by diffuse connectivity and/or clusters an... more Previous research has characterized knowledge networks by diffuse connectivity and/or clusters and the absence of centrality. In contrast, exponential random graph models used in this article demonstrate that the uncertainty and centralized influence typical of an emerging area of research leads to the creation of a densely interconnecting core that acts to cohere the network. Moreover, eclecticism and innovativeness, also characteristic of a developing area, lead to a diffusely connected structure. The data, comprising 2200 authors and 76 papers have been manually coded from articles on the feminization of the labor force in Asia.
We analyze a network of 3,590 interpersonal credit ties among Renaissance Florentine elite househ... more We analyze a network of 3,590 interpersonal credit ties among Renaissance Florentine elite households to determine how Florentine personal credit was socially structured. We assess the network in light of various social and economic motivations Florentines might have had to exchange credit with each other. We explore the extent of participation by people from different categories, such as neighborhoods, factions, and guilds, and we determine whether loans flowed primarily within or between such groupings. We observe considerable homophily within families and neighborhoods, but also extensive circulation of credit among the most commercially and politically active Florentines. The overall connectivity of this network of interpersonal credit transactions resembles the social structure of other contemporaneous Florentine networks, such as marriage and business, suggesting that interpersonal credit was an important and distinct domain in which elite membership was confirmed and elite social solidarity achieved.
Inequality between groups is frequently maintained through the construction and legitimation of i... more Inequality between groups is frequently maintained through the construction and legitimation of inter-group cultural differences. I draw on Blau's multiform heterogeneity and complex contagion models to theorize and develop a relational mechanism that shows how inequality can be preserved when additional, new bases of differentiating between groups layer over existing ones. I investigate the conditions under which variations in the distribution of the population across stratified groups and homophily of social networks along the stratifying attribute interact in such a way that a belief/practice diffuses widely in one group but not the other—an outcome referred to as differential diffusion. I also analyze how size of ego networks and adoption thresholds affect differential diffusion. Using mathematical and agent-based models, I find a positive correlation between adoption thresholds and homophily: when social networks are highly homophilous (e.g., race and socioeconomic class), uneven diffusion of non-normative behavior reproduces inequality; inclusive networks (e.g., in diverse city schools), in contrast, reestablish inequality through differential diffusion of low-risk behavior. This suggests that cultivating diversity is likely to mitigate inequality preservation in conservative situations where adoption of new beliefs/practices needs considerable affirmation. Encouraging status-based solidarity is more appropriate in receptive contexts where adoption of new behaviors entails comparatively lower risk. The results also imply that analyses of diffusion need to be sensitive to contextual factors, including homophily, cultural institutionalization of the diffusing material, and population distribution. Finally, I extend Ridgeway's seminal work to show how relational structure can not only construct status hierarchies but also contribute to their symbolic maintenance.
A strong component is a subgraph in a directed network where, following the direction of ties, al... more A strong component is a subgraph in a directed network where, following the direction of ties, all nodes in the graph are reachable from one another. Mutual reachability implies that every node in the graph is theoretically able to send materials to and/or influence every other node suggesting that strong components are amongst the more egalitarian network structures. Despite this intriguing feature, they remain understudied. Using exponential random graph models (ERGM) for directed networks, we investigate the social and structural processes underlying the generation of strong components. We illustrate our argument using a network of 301 nodes and 703 personal lending ties from Renaissance Florence. ERGM shows that our strong component arises from triadic clustering alongside an absence of higher-order star structures. We contend that these processes produce a strong component with a hierarchical, rather than an egalitarian structure: while some nodes are deeply embedded in a dense network of exchange, the involvement of others is more tenuous. More generally, we argue that such tiered core-periphery strong components will predominate in networks where the social context creates conditions for an absence of preferential attachment alongside the presence of localized closure. Although disparate social processes can give rise to hierarchical strong components linked to these two structural mechanisms, in Florence they are associated with the presence of multiple dimensions of social status and the connectedness of participants across disparate network domains.
Accepting that a given type of tie in a network may have multiple meanings, we propose that this ... more Accepting that a given type of tie in a network may have multiple meanings, we propose that this heterogeneity of meaning leaves traces in the network's micro- and macrostructure. By analyzing the variegated structure of a historical network, along with multiple other ties connecting its participants, we infer how different available meanings of a given type of tie were dominant in different parts of the network and social space. In this way we make a methodological and empirical contribution to recent debates linking network structure and cultural meaning. Meaning diversity arises from actors’ differential exposure to distinctive social contexts, or “netdoms,” and differential embeddedness of their ties in other networks within a multiple-network social ecology. We illustrate our argument using a directed-tie network of 3590 personal loans involving 2223 actors in Renaissance Florence. Within the network, we find a strong component marked by complex microstructures of reciprocation and triangulation and actors’ frequent participation in business and civic administration. Outside the strong component, lending was sparser, unreciprocated, and frequently conducted within family, apparently according to traditional lending norms. We suggest ways in which our methodological approach to discerning variety in relational meaning using multiple-networks can be generalized to other cases.
In the midst of widespread fertility decline, I examine the relationship between sibling number a... more In the midst of widespread fertility decline, I examine the relationship between sibling number and support network composition using multilevel regression on data from 25 countries. A fundamental structural effect of having fewer siblings is that individuals have a smaller pool of available close-kin alters with whom to construct support networks. Consequently, networks of people with fewer siblings should be composed of different sorts of relations. Results confirm that such compositional adjustment occurs in systematic ways. Compared to those with three or more siblings, adults with none to two siblings (as separate categories) are more likely to expect support from parents, extended kin, and close friends but not more likely to do so from spouses/partners and children. Single children are also more likely to include neighbors and have smaller-sized and/or impersonal networks. These findings contradict the primacy of familial ties in social support networks. Moreover, adjustment of support networks towards nonsibling ties occurs in culturally expected ways. Those with fewer siblings are generally only more likely to turn to ties for the types of support typically associated with those relations—parents for instrumental and financial support and friends for emotional support. Single children, however, also violate institutionalized expectations of social support by turning to ties for a wider range of social support. The results suggest that continuing declines in fertility could bring about both reinforcement and rearticulation of the sociocultural framing of close personal relationships. Moreover, consistent with recent research, the results show that personal networks are influenced more by individual-level than country-level factors.
Previous research has characterized knowledge networks by diffuse connectivity and/or clusters an... more Previous research has characterized knowledge networks by diffuse connectivity and/or clusters and the absence of centrality. In contrast, exponential random graph models used in this article demonstrate that the uncertainty and centralized influence typical of an emerging area of research leads to the creation of a densely interconnecting core that acts to cohere the network. Moreover, eclecticism and innovativeness, also characteristic of a developing area, lead to a diffusely connected structure. The data, comprising 2200 authors and 76 papers have been manually coded from articles on the feminization of the labor force in Asia.
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