Adopting Lipset and Rokkan’s submissions which suggest, social cleavages as resulting from confli... more Adopting Lipset and Rokkan’s submissions which suggest, social cleavages as resulting from conflict groups based on perceptions of association in opposition to other such groupings among large segments of a population, the study argued that ethnicity is the single most important embodiment of social cleavages in Nigeria. The study relies on secondary methods of data collection; further stressed that in the absence of formidable class structures, ethnicity plays a crucial role in defining individual identity in relation to groups, derivative of norms, and intermediaries between the society and the state. Building on the pedestals of the ethnic competition model, we further argued that central to the mobilization of ethnicity is the presence of opposing groups and ethnic elites. Beyond the potency for conflictual group relations, the ethnic competition model was adopted to account for the widespread predisposition to compete along ethnic lines in socially diverse societies like Nigeri...
The study building on the pedestals of the governance theory sought to examine the place of tradi... more The study building on the pedestals of the governance theory sought to examine the place of traditional institutions in relation to power configuration in contemporary Northern Nigeria. In this regard, the role of the former Emir of Kano HRH Sanusi Lamido Sanusi in the build up to the February 2019 governorship election in Kano State is examined. Review of relevant literature shows the existence of a consensus across board on the purported political value of traditional institutions. It was duly observed by means of examining prior studies and gazette publications that the open support of the Emir of Kano for the opposition party almost cost the incumbent governor the election, one which he eventually won only after a re-run. To this end, the governor upon re-election initiated legislative amendments that reduced the jurisdiction of the Emir and subsequent deposition of the Emir. The actions of the Kano State government are herewith understood as steps taken checkmate the political ...
This study examines the incidence of electoral violence and its resultant effects on voter turnou... more This study examines the incidence of electoral violence and its resultant effects on voter turnout in the 2019 general elections in Nigeria, with the role of political parties as the focal point of discussion. A review of election data shows; voter turnout has been on the decline from 69% in 2003 to 35% in 2019. While a handful of factors could be responsible, the study ascribes its prevalence to the antic’s political parties (incumbent and opposition) and politicians who deliberately deploy violence as an electoral strategy. To account for the relationship between, political parties, electoral violence and voter turn-out, the study builds on theories of voter mobilization in and advanced and emerging democracies. Against this, it concludes in the absence of enduring party-voter relations in Nigeria, political parties and politicians alike, resort to vote buying, mobilization of political thugs and in other times deployment of state coercive apparatus to intimidate opponents all of ...
Against the backdrop of Nigeria's troubled history with implementing non-military strateg... more Against the backdrop of Nigeria's troubled history with implementing non-military strategies to counter armed groups, the study conducted a qualitative comparative analysis (QCA), and builds on the submissions of religious terrorist theorists to examine the prospects and challenges of Operation Safe Corridor (OSC). OSC is a home-grown prison-based deradicalization program for low-risk Boko Haram combatants. It represents a shift from pre-existing counterinsurgency frameworks that rely solely on military aggression. The logic behind the program derives from the need to afford a pathway for prospective defectors to undergo deradicalization. The program combines religious reorientation, counseling, capacity building, and payment of stipends at the point of recivilization. Compared to the Presidential Amnesty Program and those before it, the workings of the OSC remain shrouded in utmost secrecy. Besides claims by the National Security Adviser of the program's success in reintegrating thousands of ex-combatants, very little has been made public
Using qualitative secondary analysis, the research examine the effects of Operation Safe Corridor... more Using qualitative secondary analysis, the research examine the effects of Operation Safe Corridor (OSC), a home-grown prison-based deradicalization program targeted at low-risk Boko Haram combatants, and Yellow Ribbon Initiative, an education-based recivilization program designed for young adult women associated with Boko Haram. Together with pioneer countries like Saudi Arabia and Indonesia, the structural design and implementation of OSC remain shrouded in utmost secrecy. Even though it claims to have rehabilitated over 2,000 ex-Boko Haram combatants, there is no medium to independently ascertain these claims. Relatedly, the Yellow Ribbon Initiative also claimed to have successfully reintegrated thousands of women, with little to no means to validate their claims independently. Premised on the need to implement context-specific, inclusive and robust counterinsurgency programs, the research takes issues with both programs. Furthermore, the lack of accountability and transparency in...
The paper highlights the increasing inpracticability of post-conflict peace-building in the conte... more The paper highlights the increasing inpracticability of post-conflict peace-building in the context of emerging unconventional intra-state wars. It however ascertains the viability of a community-referent peace-building intervention as part of wider efforts to counter the influence of Boko Haram, while tending to humanitarian needs of affected communities. To do so, it employs textual analysis of qualitative secondary data, and builds on the submission of civil-military-relations theory as its framework for analysis. The result of the textual analysis of prior literature suggests counter insurgency operations in the northeast remain highly militarized, with inconsequential attention being paid to the humanitarian needs of affected communities. Despite its relevance, the use of military force has proven to be counterproductive given its state-referent orientation. Further to which sustained use of force has heightens the effect of the conflict on millions of civilians who have fled t...
Within the literature on ethnicity, the predisposition to amplify the conflictual dimensions of e... more Within the literature on ethnicity, the predisposition to amplify the conflictual dimensions of ethnicity at the expense of its competitive and cooperative properties has gained considerable audience. Often than not, heightened levels of ethnic consciousness are closely associated with the inability of indigenous ethnic groups in Nigerian to attain commendable level of integration. Given its centrifugal role in informing competition for resource, political power as well as its collective action properties, it is imperative to extend research on ethnicity beyond its potency for driving conflictual group relations. Building on the submissions of ethnic competition theorists, the study concludes; ethnic in its symbolic and instrumental dimensions, are not spontaneous, and as such insufficient in accounting for the prevalence of inter-group conflict. Rather, the research acknowledges the role of ethnic entrepreneurs who pursue their personal and in other times group aspirations by mobil...
Against the backdrop of Nigeria's troubled history with implementing non-military strategies ... more Against the backdrop of Nigeria's troubled history with implementing non-military strategies to counter armed groups, the study conducted a qualitative comparative analysis (QCA), and builds on the submissions of religious terrorist theorists to examine the prospects and challenges of Operation Safe Corridor (OSC). OSC is a home-grown prison-based deradicalization program for low-risk Boko Haram combatants. It represents a shift from pre-existing counterinsurgency frameworks that rely solely on military aggression. The logic behind the program derives from the need to afford a pathway for prospective defectors to undergo deradicalization. The program combines religious reorientation, counseling, capacity building, and payment of stipends at the point of recivilization. Compared to the Presidential Amnesty Program and those before it, the workings of the OSC remain shrouded in utmost secrecy. Besides claims by the National Security Adviser of the program's success in reintegr...
Employing qualitative content analysis and building on the submissions of coalition data theories... more Employing qualitative content analysis and building on the submissions of coalition data theories, the study ascertains the governability and extent to which Nigeria’s ruling coalition, the All Progressives Congress (APC) is able to effectively aggregate various political interests and deliver on its campaign promises. Within mainstream studies, there is a consensus on the uphill task of labelling political parties as office, or policy seeking, exclusively. Nonetheless, the study argues, despite running on key programs of fighting corruption, countering Boko Haram and diversifying the economy, the APC fits the description of an office-seeking coalition. Although the party attracted key regional power brokers from two main opposition parties, the Congress for Progressive Change and Action Congress, and aggrieved members of the former ruling party, now main opposition the then ruling People’s Democratic Party. Shortly after it took power in 2015, the APC could not reach a consensus on...
This study examines the incidence of electoral violence and its resultant effects on voter turnou... more This study examines the incidence of electoral violence and its resultant effects on voter turnout in the 2019 general elections in Nigeria, with the role of political parties as the focal point of discussion. A review of election data shows; voter turnout has been on the decline from 69% in 2003 to 35% in 2019. While a handful of factors could be responsible, the study ascribes its prevalence to the antic's political parties (incumbent and opposition) and politicians who deliberately deploy violence as an electoral strategy. To account for the relationship between, political parties, electoral violence and voter turnout , the study builds on theories of voter mobilization in and advanced and emerging democracies. Against this, it concludes in the absence of enduring party-voter relations in Nigeria, political parties and politicians alike, resort to vote buying, mobilization of political thugs and in other times deployment of state coercive apparatus to intimidate opponents all...
Within the literature on ethnicity, the predisposition to amplify the conflictual dimensions of e... more Within the literature on ethnicity, the predisposition to amplify the conflictual dimensions of ethnicity at the expense of its competitive and cooperative properties has gained considerable audience. Often than not, heightened levels of ethnic consciousness are closely associated with the inability of indigenous ethnic groups in Nigerian to attain commendable level of integration. Given its centrifugal role in informing competition for resource, political power as well as its collective action properties, it is imperative to extend research on ethnicity beyond its potency for driving conflictual group relations. Building on the submissions of ethnic competition theorists, the study concludes; ethnic in its symbolic and instrumental dimensions, are not spontaneous, and as such insufficient in accounting for the prevalence of inter-group conflict. Rather, the research acknowledges the role of ethnic entrepreneurs who pursue their personal and in other times group aspirations by mobilizing ethnic consciousness for conflictual ends. Resultantly, the study blames ethnic entrepreneurs and not ethnic consciousness for prevailing conflictual relations amongst ethnic groups. Moving on, the study advocates the need for objective analysis of ethnicity beyond its potency for mobilizing conflictual group relation.
The paper highlights the increasing inpracticability of post-conflict peace-building in the conte... more The paper highlights the increasing inpracticability of post-conflict peace-building in the context of emerging unconventional intra-state wars. It however ascertains the viability of a community-referent peace-building intervention as part of wider efforts to counter the influence of Boko Haram, while tending to humanitarian needs of affected communities. To do so, it employs textual analysis of qualitative secondary data, and builds on the submission of civil-military-relations theory as its framework for analysis. The result of the textual analysis of prior literature suggests counter insurgency operations in the northeast remain highly militarized, with inconsequential attention being paid to the humanitarian needs of affected communities. Despite its relevance, the use of military force has proven to be counterproductive given its state-referent orientation. Further to which sustained use of force has heightens the effect of the conflict on millions of civilians who have fled their communities in fear of Boko Haram and military highhandedness. To address the deficiencies of the pre-existing framework for countering insurgency, the paper proposes the implementation of a community centric, bottom-up approach which emphasizes the security, reconstruction and reintegration needs of civilians and defecting combatants. By prioritizing the inclusive needs of affected communities, the state is likely to win over the population, drawing on the combined expertise and resources of military and civilian actors. The implementation of such an approach will require in amongst others a reorientation of the military roles, a renewed relation of mutual assistance between civilian and military actors in the northeast.
Adopting Lipset and Rokkan's submissions which suggest, social cleavages as resulting from confli... more Adopting Lipset and Rokkan's submissions which suggest, social cleavages as resulting from conflict groups based on perceptions of association in opposition to other such groupings among large segments of a population, the study argued that ethnicity is the single most important embodiment of social cleavages in Nigeria. The study relies on secondary methods of data collection; further stressed that in the absence of formidable class structures, ethnicity plays a crucial role in defining individual identity in relation to groups, derivative of norms, and intermediaries between the society and the state. Building on the pedestals of the ethnic competition model, we further argued that central to the mobilization of ethnicity is the presence of opposing groups and ethnic elites. Beyond the potency for conflictual group relations, the ethnic competition model was adopted to account for the widespread predisposition to compete along ethnic lines in socially diverse societies like Nigeria. The study concludes by stating the very significance of ethnicity as a social capital in Nigeria, derives from its social acceptance and mobilizing properties.
Against the backdrop of Nigeria's troubled history with implementing non-military strategies to c... more Against the backdrop of Nigeria's troubled history with implementing non-military strategies to counter armed groups, the study conducted a qualitative comparative analysis (QCA), and builds on the submissions of religious terrorist theorists to examine the prospects and challenges of Operation Safe Corridor (OSC). OSC is a home-grown prison-based deradicalization program for low-risk Boko Haram combatants. It represents a shift from pre-existing counterinsurgency frameworks that rely solely on military aggression. The logic behind the program derives from the need to afford a pathway for prospective defectors to undergo deradicalization. The program combines religious reorientation, counseling, capacity building, and payment of stipends at the point of recivilization. Compared to the Presidential Amnesty Program and those before it, the workings of the OSC remain shrouded in utmost secrecy. Besides claims by the National Security Adviser of the program's success in reintegrating thousands of ex-combatants, very little has been made public
Using qualitative secondary analysis, the research examine the effects of Operation Safe Corridor... more Using qualitative secondary analysis, the research examine the effects of Operation Safe Corridor (OSC), a home-grown prison-based deradicalization program targeted at low-risk Boko Haram combatants, and Yellow Ribbon Initiative, an education-based recivilization program designed for young adult women associated with Boko Haram. Together with pioneer countries like Saudi Arabia and Indonesia, the structural design and implementation of OSC remain shrouded in utmost secrecy. Even though it claims to have rehabilitated over 2,000 ex-Boko Haram combatants, there is no medium to independently ascertain these claims. Relatedly, the Yellow Ribbon Initiative also claimed to have successfully reintegrated thousands of women, with little to no means to validate their claims independently. Premised on the need to implement context-specific, inclusive and robust counterinsurgency programs, the research takes issues with both programs. Furthermore, the lack of accountability and transparency in the operations of both programs put to question their credibility and objectiveness. Alternatively, the research suggests the need for a paradigm shift from deradicalization to counter-radicalization, as this will put the government on the offensive side against radicalization. If targeted at volatile communities, counter-radicalization could be designed to address underlying causalities such as unequal education opportunities and poor social infrastructure, which will in turn foster a sense of belongingness in deprived and impoverished youths in the Northeast.
The study building on the pedestals of the governance theory sought to examine the place of tradi... more The study building on the pedestals of the governance theory sought to examine the place of traditional institutions in relation to power configuration in contemporary Northern Nigeria. In this regard, the role of the former Emir of Kano HRH Sanusi Lamido Sanusi in the build up to the February 2019 governorship election in Kano State is examined. Review of relevant literature shows the existence of a consensus across board on the purported political value of traditional institutions. It was duly observed by means of examining prior studies and gazette publications that the open support of the Emir of Kano for the opposition party almost cost the incumbent governor the election, one which he eventually won only after a rerun. To this end, the governor upon re-election initiated legislative amendments that reduced the jurisdiction of the Emir and subsequent deposition of the Emir. The actions of the Kano State government are herewith understood as steps taken checkmate the political influence of the Emir. In lieu, the study recommends for the formal inclusion of traditional institutions as intermediaries between state and society in the event that the neutrality of such institutions can be guaranteed.
Adopting Lipset and Rokkan’s submissions which suggest, social cleavages as resulting from confli... more Adopting Lipset and Rokkan’s submissions which suggest, social cleavages as resulting from conflict groups based on perceptions of association in opposition to other such groupings among large segments of a population, the study argued that ethnicity is the single most important embodiment of social cleavages in Nigeria. The study relies on secondary methods of data collection; further stressed that in the absence of formidable class structures, ethnicity plays a crucial role in defining individual identity in relation to groups, derivative of norms, and intermediaries between the society and the state. Building on the pedestals of the ethnic competition model, we further argued that central to the mobilization of ethnicity is the presence of opposing groups and ethnic elites. Beyond the potency for conflictual group relations, the ethnic competition model was adopted to account for the widespread predisposition to compete along ethnic lines in socially diverse societies like Nigeri...
The study building on the pedestals of the governance theory sought to examine the place of tradi... more The study building on the pedestals of the governance theory sought to examine the place of traditional institutions in relation to power configuration in contemporary Northern Nigeria. In this regard, the role of the former Emir of Kano HRH Sanusi Lamido Sanusi in the build up to the February 2019 governorship election in Kano State is examined. Review of relevant literature shows the existence of a consensus across board on the purported political value of traditional institutions. It was duly observed by means of examining prior studies and gazette publications that the open support of the Emir of Kano for the opposition party almost cost the incumbent governor the election, one which he eventually won only after a re-run. To this end, the governor upon re-election initiated legislative amendments that reduced the jurisdiction of the Emir and subsequent deposition of the Emir. The actions of the Kano State government are herewith understood as steps taken checkmate the political ...
This study examines the incidence of electoral violence and its resultant effects on voter turnou... more This study examines the incidence of electoral violence and its resultant effects on voter turnout in the 2019 general elections in Nigeria, with the role of political parties as the focal point of discussion. A review of election data shows; voter turnout has been on the decline from 69% in 2003 to 35% in 2019. While a handful of factors could be responsible, the study ascribes its prevalence to the antic’s political parties (incumbent and opposition) and politicians who deliberately deploy violence as an electoral strategy. To account for the relationship between, political parties, electoral violence and voter turn-out, the study builds on theories of voter mobilization in and advanced and emerging democracies. Against this, it concludes in the absence of enduring party-voter relations in Nigeria, political parties and politicians alike, resort to vote buying, mobilization of political thugs and in other times deployment of state coercive apparatus to intimidate opponents all of ...
Against the backdrop of Nigeria's troubled history with implementing non-military strateg... more Against the backdrop of Nigeria's troubled history with implementing non-military strategies to counter armed groups, the study conducted a qualitative comparative analysis (QCA), and builds on the submissions of religious terrorist theorists to examine the prospects and challenges of Operation Safe Corridor (OSC). OSC is a home-grown prison-based deradicalization program for low-risk Boko Haram combatants. It represents a shift from pre-existing counterinsurgency frameworks that rely solely on military aggression. The logic behind the program derives from the need to afford a pathway for prospective defectors to undergo deradicalization. The program combines religious reorientation, counseling, capacity building, and payment of stipends at the point of recivilization. Compared to the Presidential Amnesty Program and those before it, the workings of the OSC remain shrouded in utmost secrecy. Besides claims by the National Security Adviser of the program's success in reintegrating thousands of ex-combatants, very little has been made public
Using qualitative secondary analysis, the research examine the effects of Operation Safe Corridor... more Using qualitative secondary analysis, the research examine the effects of Operation Safe Corridor (OSC), a home-grown prison-based deradicalization program targeted at low-risk Boko Haram combatants, and Yellow Ribbon Initiative, an education-based recivilization program designed for young adult women associated with Boko Haram. Together with pioneer countries like Saudi Arabia and Indonesia, the structural design and implementation of OSC remain shrouded in utmost secrecy. Even though it claims to have rehabilitated over 2,000 ex-Boko Haram combatants, there is no medium to independently ascertain these claims. Relatedly, the Yellow Ribbon Initiative also claimed to have successfully reintegrated thousands of women, with little to no means to validate their claims independently. Premised on the need to implement context-specific, inclusive and robust counterinsurgency programs, the research takes issues with both programs. Furthermore, the lack of accountability and transparency in...
The paper highlights the increasing inpracticability of post-conflict peace-building in the conte... more The paper highlights the increasing inpracticability of post-conflict peace-building in the context of emerging unconventional intra-state wars. It however ascertains the viability of a community-referent peace-building intervention as part of wider efforts to counter the influence of Boko Haram, while tending to humanitarian needs of affected communities. To do so, it employs textual analysis of qualitative secondary data, and builds on the submission of civil-military-relations theory as its framework for analysis. The result of the textual analysis of prior literature suggests counter insurgency operations in the northeast remain highly militarized, with inconsequential attention being paid to the humanitarian needs of affected communities. Despite its relevance, the use of military force has proven to be counterproductive given its state-referent orientation. Further to which sustained use of force has heightens the effect of the conflict on millions of civilians who have fled t...
Within the literature on ethnicity, the predisposition to amplify the conflictual dimensions of e... more Within the literature on ethnicity, the predisposition to amplify the conflictual dimensions of ethnicity at the expense of its competitive and cooperative properties has gained considerable audience. Often than not, heightened levels of ethnic consciousness are closely associated with the inability of indigenous ethnic groups in Nigerian to attain commendable level of integration. Given its centrifugal role in informing competition for resource, political power as well as its collective action properties, it is imperative to extend research on ethnicity beyond its potency for driving conflictual group relations. Building on the submissions of ethnic competition theorists, the study concludes; ethnic in its symbolic and instrumental dimensions, are not spontaneous, and as such insufficient in accounting for the prevalence of inter-group conflict. Rather, the research acknowledges the role of ethnic entrepreneurs who pursue their personal and in other times group aspirations by mobil...
Against the backdrop of Nigeria's troubled history with implementing non-military strategies ... more Against the backdrop of Nigeria's troubled history with implementing non-military strategies to counter armed groups, the study conducted a qualitative comparative analysis (QCA), and builds on the submissions of religious terrorist theorists to examine the prospects and challenges of Operation Safe Corridor (OSC). OSC is a home-grown prison-based deradicalization program for low-risk Boko Haram combatants. It represents a shift from pre-existing counterinsurgency frameworks that rely solely on military aggression. The logic behind the program derives from the need to afford a pathway for prospective defectors to undergo deradicalization. The program combines religious reorientation, counseling, capacity building, and payment of stipends at the point of recivilization. Compared to the Presidential Amnesty Program and those before it, the workings of the OSC remain shrouded in utmost secrecy. Besides claims by the National Security Adviser of the program's success in reintegr...
Employing qualitative content analysis and building on the submissions of coalition data theories... more Employing qualitative content analysis and building on the submissions of coalition data theories, the study ascertains the governability and extent to which Nigeria’s ruling coalition, the All Progressives Congress (APC) is able to effectively aggregate various political interests and deliver on its campaign promises. Within mainstream studies, there is a consensus on the uphill task of labelling political parties as office, or policy seeking, exclusively. Nonetheless, the study argues, despite running on key programs of fighting corruption, countering Boko Haram and diversifying the economy, the APC fits the description of an office-seeking coalition. Although the party attracted key regional power brokers from two main opposition parties, the Congress for Progressive Change and Action Congress, and aggrieved members of the former ruling party, now main opposition the then ruling People’s Democratic Party. Shortly after it took power in 2015, the APC could not reach a consensus on...
This study examines the incidence of electoral violence and its resultant effects on voter turnou... more This study examines the incidence of electoral violence and its resultant effects on voter turnout in the 2019 general elections in Nigeria, with the role of political parties as the focal point of discussion. A review of election data shows; voter turnout has been on the decline from 69% in 2003 to 35% in 2019. While a handful of factors could be responsible, the study ascribes its prevalence to the antic's political parties (incumbent and opposition) and politicians who deliberately deploy violence as an electoral strategy. To account for the relationship between, political parties, electoral violence and voter turnout , the study builds on theories of voter mobilization in and advanced and emerging democracies. Against this, it concludes in the absence of enduring party-voter relations in Nigeria, political parties and politicians alike, resort to vote buying, mobilization of political thugs and in other times deployment of state coercive apparatus to intimidate opponents all...
Within the literature on ethnicity, the predisposition to amplify the conflictual dimensions of e... more Within the literature on ethnicity, the predisposition to amplify the conflictual dimensions of ethnicity at the expense of its competitive and cooperative properties has gained considerable audience. Often than not, heightened levels of ethnic consciousness are closely associated with the inability of indigenous ethnic groups in Nigerian to attain commendable level of integration. Given its centrifugal role in informing competition for resource, political power as well as its collective action properties, it is imperative to extend research on ethnicity beyond its potency for driving conflictual group relations. Building on the submissions of ethnic competition theorists, the study concludes; ethnic in its symbolic and instrumental dimensions, are not spontaneous, and as such insufficient in accounting for the prevalence of inter-group conflict. Rather, the research acknowledges the role of ethnic entrepreneurs who pursue their personal and in other times group aspirations by mobilizing ethnic consciousness for conflictual ends. Resultantly, the study blames ethnic entrepreneurs and not ethnic consciousness for prevailing conflictual relations amongst ethnic groups. Moving on, the study advocates the need for objective analysis of ethnicity beyond its potency for mobilizing conflictual group relation.
The paper highlights the increasing inpracticability of post-conflict peace-building in the conte... more The paper highlights the increasing inpracticability of post-conflict peace-building in the context of emerging unconventional intra-state wars. It however ascertains the viability of a community-referent peace-building intervention as part of wider efforts to counter the influence of Boko Haram, while tending to humanitarian needs of affected communities. To do so, it employs textual analysis of qualitative secondary data, and builds on the submission of civil-military-relations theory as its framework for analysis. The result of the textual analysis of prior literature suggests counter insurgency operations in the northeast remain highly militarized, with inconsequential attention being paid to the humanitarian needs of affected communities. Despite its relevance, the use of military force has proven to be counterproductive given its state-referent orientation. Further to which sustained use of force has heightens the effect of the conflict on millions of civilians who have fled their communities in fear of Boko Haram and military highhandedness. To address the deficiencies of the pre-existing framework for countering insurgency, the paper proposes the implementation of a community centric, bottom-up approach which emphasizes the security, reconstruction and reintegration needs of civilians and defecting combatants. By prioritizing the inclusive needs of affected communities, the state is likely to win over the population, drawing on the combined expertise and resources of military and civilian actors. The implementation of such an approach will require in amongst others a reorientation of the military roles, a renewed relation of mutual assistance between civilian and military actors in the northeast.
Adopting Lipset and Rokkan's submissions which suggest, social cleavages as resulting from confli... more Adopting Lipset and Rokkan's submissions which suggest, social cleavages as resulting from conflict groups based on perceptions of association in opposition to other such groupings among large segments of a population, the study argued that ethnicity is the single most important embodiment of social cleavages in Nigeria. The study relies on secondary methods of data collection; further stressed that in the absence of formidable class structures, ethnicity plays a crucial role in defining individual identity in relation to groups, derivative of norms, and intermediaries between the society and the state. Building on the pedestals of the ethnic competition model, we further argued that central to the mobilization of ethnicity is the presence of opposing groups and ethnic elites. Beyond the potency for conflictual group relations, the ethnic competition model was adopted to account for the widespread predisposition to compete along ethnic lines in socially diverse societies like Nigeria. The study concludes by stating the very significance of ethnicity as a social capital in Nigeria, derives from its social acceptance and mobilizing properties.
Against the backdrop of Nigeria's troubled history with implementing non-military strategies to c... more Against the backdrop of Nigeria's troubled history with implementing non-military strategies to counter armed groups, the study conducted a qualitative comparative analysis (QCA), and builds on the submissions of religious terrorist theorists to examine the prospects and challenges of Operation Safe Corridor (OSC). OSC is a home-grown prison-based deradicalization program for low-risk Boko Haram combatants. It represents a shift from pre-existing counterinsurgency frameworks that rely solely on military aggression. The logic behind the program derives from the need to afford a pathway for prospective defectors to undergo deradicalization. The program combines religious reorientation, counseling, capacity building, and payment of stipends at the point of recivilization. Compared to the Presidential Amnesty Program and those before it, the workings of the OSC remain shrouded in utmost secrecy. Besides claims by the National Security Adviser of the program's success in reintegrating thousands of ex-combatants, very little has been made public
Using qualitative secondary analysis, the research examine the effects of Operation Safe Corridor... more Using qualitative secondary analysis, the research examine the effects of Operation Safe Corridor (OSC), a home-grown prison-based deradicalization program targeted at low-risk Boko Haram combatants, and Yellow Ribbon Initiative, an education-based recivilization program designed for young adult women associated with Boko Haram. Together with pioneer countries like Saudi Arabia and Indonesia, the structural design and implementation of OSC remain shrouded in utmost secrecy. Even though it claims to have rehabilitated over 2,000 ex-Boko Haram combatants, there is no medium to independently ascertain these claims. Relatedly, the Yellow Ribbon Initiative also claimed to have successfully reintegrated thousands of women, with little to no means to validate their claims independently. Premised on the need to implement context-specific, inclusive and robust counterinsurgency programs, the research takes issues with both programs. Furthermore, the lack of accountability and transparency in the operations of both programs put to question their credibility and objectiveness. Alternatively, the research suggests the need for a paradigm shift from deradicalization to counter-radicalization, as this will put the government on the offensive side against radicalization. If targeted at volatile communities, counter-radicalization could be designed to address underlying causalities such as unequal education opportunities and poor social infrastructure, which will in turn foster a sense of belongingness in deprived and impoverished youths in the Northeast.
The study building on the pedestals of the governance theory sought to examine the place of tradi... more The study building on the pedestals of the governance theory sought to examine the place of traditional institutions in relation to power configuration in contemporary Northern Nigeria. In this regard, the role of the former Emir of Kano HRH Sanusi Lamido Sanusi in the build up to the February 2019 governorship election in Kano State is examined. Review of relevant literature shows the existence of a consensus across board on the purported political value of traditional institutions. It was duly observed by means of examining prior studies and gazette publications that the open support of the Emir of Kano for the opposition party almost cost the incumbent governor the election, one which he eventually won only after a rerun. To this end, the governor upon re-election initiated legislative amendments that reduced the jurisdiction of the Emir and subsequent deposition of the Emir. The actions of the Kano State government are herewith understood as steps taken checkmate the political influence of the Emir. In lieu, the study recommends for the formal inclusion of traditional institutions as intermediaries between state and society in the event that the neutrality of such institutions can be guaranteed.
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