Refereed Book Chapters by tavis D jules
Globalizing Minds: Rhetoric and Realities in International Schools, 2014
Re-reading Educational Policy and Practice in Small States, 2017
This volume is concerned with a topic that has only relatively recently started to attract the at... more This volume is concerned with a topic that has only relatively recently started to attract the attention it deserves: educational developments in small states. The volume is guided by the question (i) if and how small states deal with certain policy challenges to their education systems that research has identified as particularly important for their future development, and (ii) whether there is something like typical 'small state behavior' in educational matters. The volume seeks to contribute to a genuinely comparative approach to education in small states.
Education in the Arab World, 2017
Public administration and policy in the Caribbean, 2016
Child advocacy and early childhood education policies in the Caribbean, 2016
The new global educational policy environment in the fourth industrial revolution: Gated, regulated and governed, 2016
Today, the global education market is one of the faster growing sectors,
and it has attracted sev... more Today, the global education market is one of the faster growing sectors,
and it has attracted several new actors or what we call educational
brokers who are now responsible for shaping national agendas. The
newer actors in education are vastly different for the former players in
that whereas previous actors engrossed national educational systems
through the provision of technical assistance to meet international standards,
best practices, and benchmarks, these newer players are for-profit
entities that emphasize austerity, leanness, human resource maximization,
performance targets, and competition. Therefore, in this new educational
landscape, national governments are seen as “clients” who receive
“expert” advice from “external consultants” that have an assortment of
experiences across different sectors. Education governance is no longer a statist endowed but one that incubates in laborites of best practices resonates
with existing case studies and results driven based on Big Date collected.
We argue that educational brokers are responsible for the
emergence of a hybrid form of education governance that use business
and market techniques to reform strategies within the education sector.
We conclude by suggesting that collectively educational brokers are
using what we call “educational sub-prime mechanisms” -higher interest
rates, reduced quality collateral, and less advantageous terms to
counterweight higher credit risk - to manage educational portfolios and
newer forms of educational risk.
The new global educational policy environment in the fourth industrial revolution: Gated, regulated and governed, 2016
If you would like to write for this, or any other Emerald publication, then please use our Emeral... more If you would like to write for this, or any other Emerald publication, then please use our Emerald for Authors service information about how to choose which publication to write for and submission guidelines are available for all. Please visit www.emeraldinsight.com/authors for more information.
The Global Educational Policy Environment in the Fourth Industrial Revolution , 2016
This chapter presents a very broad synopsis of the intensification of
education governance. It op... more This chapter presents a very broad synopsis of the intensification of
education governance. It opens by narrating the multifaceted nature of
governance and in what way it has developed as the axiom for professed
policy problems that national educational systems are experiencing. The
chapter chronicles the amplification of education governance and it
explicates the metamorphosis and myriad typographies that “governance”
has taken in responding to perceived endogenous and exogenous
policy problems. It explains how managerialism and neo-corporate
reforms sought to destabilize the activities of education governance
and the results. In making this argument, it suggests that new public
management policy prescriptions in education were part of the earliest
form of disruptive innovation in education. It advances that educational
managerialism, in hollowing out national educational systems, has generated
the perfect breeding ground for the rise of newer modus operandi (or modes, styles, and arrangements) that governs and regulates education
systems through the use of different techniques and mechanisms.
The second half of the chapter discusses five different modus operandi
that are inchoate in the post-managerialist era and highlights that in education,
we have progressed beyond the movement from government to
governance across national education systems and these systems are now
employing additional modes of governance (vertical and horizontal)
across different scales. The chapter concludes by drawing on the concept
of a “Wicked Problem” (an unsolvable or difficult problematic, that is,
fluid, paradoxical, and unfinished) to insinuate that education governance
is an example of a wicked problem that has been and continues to
be shaped by the ideological contours of endogenous and exogenous
policy influences.
Public administration and policy in the Caribbean, 2016
Perspectives in transnational higher education
Annual Review of Comparative and International Education 2017, 2018
This chapter reviews the changing contours of education governance in
today’s global environment ... more This chapter reviews the changing contours of education governance in
today’s global environment in which governments participate in different
educational agreements across various levels (supranational and global)
or what is identified as the rise of “educational multistakeholderism.”
Methodologically it draws up discursive evidence from previous studies
in the form of a content analysis to show how the expansion of international regimes (institutions) into new issue areas, such as education, creates an overlap between the elemental (core) regime and other regimes. In exploring how regime theory has been applied to comparative andinternational education, this chapter draws attention to how new regimes and institutions arise and coexist alongside two or more classes (civil society, nongovernmental, intergovernmental, businesses, and state) of actors and its consequences for education governance. It suggests that regime complex(es) in education, which aims to facilitate educational cooperation and are composed of assemblages from several other regimes are responsible for governing, steering, and coordinating education governance activities through the use of agreements, treaties, global benchmarks, targets, and indicators. It concludes by suggesting that regimes and regime complex(es) in education are constituted by different types of multistakeholder governance.
The development of higher education in Africa: Prospects and challenges, 2013
This research examines higher education developments within transitory democratic spaces, using T... more This research examines higher education developments within transitory democratic spaces, using Tunisia as a case study. A document analysis of higher education policies in Tunisia shows a shift from an internal process of Tunisification to a focus on prescriptive global educational agendas. In examining higher education reforms during the past three decades in Tunisia, we attempt to understand the role of higher education in aiding and abiding the “Arab democracy deficit” through policies imposed upon the system through strict state intervention. We describe how higher education structures came to be, how policies were created, and detail how the issues and challenges stemming from higher education helped spread sentiments for the Tunisian Jasmine Revolution. Finally, we examine a lack of convergence, which enabled students to galvanize to overthrow a government criticized for its corruption and policy failures.
Public HIV/AIDS and Education Worldwide , Dec 2012
This chapter is an exploratory piece to comprehend how national policies react to regional policy... more This chapter is an exploratory piece to comprehend how national policies react to regional policy solutions designed to cope with the HIV/AIDS epidemic. It uses data from the national strategic plans for HIV/AIDS from 13 of 15 Caribbean Community (CARICOM) members to illustrate how they interpret the regional response to the pandemic. In drawing upon the existing literature on transfer, it focuses on what I term cooperative policy transfer – explore how policy concepts flow back and forth between the national and regional levels through cohesive harmonization – to understand how new policy trends emerge. A cross-sectional analysis based on a content analysis reveals the emergence of three new policy trends distinct to the region that guide HIV/AIDS education: (i) creating a multisectoral approach; (ii) setting international targets; and (iii) establishing regional benchmarks. These new trends are identified as what I call the rise of new mutualism in education. The chapter concludes that the national and regional policy responses to HIV/AIDS in CARICOM countries, centered on new mutualism, became a rallying cry based on the belief that the Caribbean Single Market and Economy (CSME) can only function if CARICOM countries combine their resources to reverse the effect of HIV/AIDS on national educational systems.
Post-socialism is not dead: (Re)reading the global in comparative education, Jan 1, 2010
The collapse of the Soviet Union had major ramifications for the small developing countries of th... more The collapse of the Soviet Union had major ramifications for the small developing countries of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) as three of the then 13 countries experimented with strands of socialism, festering political fragmentation/ideological pluralism regionally. As the rivets of the Iron Curtain came unfastened, the emerging markets of CARICOM were forced to rethink their geopolitical positions while reforming their national educational systems. This chapter examines how the dissolution of socialism in the former socialist countries of Southeast/Central Europe and the former Soviet Union created a reform atmosphere across CARICOM countries. CARICOM’s response to the impact of 1989 lies in how it spent the 1980s dealing with the 1973-74 oil crises, ideological pluralism, and the subsequent imposition of Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPs) under the World Bank and International Monetary Fund. The successive degeneration of ideological pluralism within CARICOM countries caused by the simultaneous collapse of cooperative socialism in Guyana, revolutionary socialism in Grenada, and democratic socialism in Jamaica paved the way for post-socialist transformations regionally. This chapter considers how the policy process of functional cooperation—the non-economic policy mechanism upon which CARICOM seeks to integrate its members—facilitates the policy tool of lesson-drawing to take place between member states while laying the foundation for post-socialist change across CARICOM. Using data from the educational policies of ten countries, this chapter illustrates how CARICOM members used the global policy alterations of 1989 as a reference point to reform their educational systems. Educational reforms occurred as member states drew lessons from each other—in the form of cross-national consultations—guided by the policy process of functional cooperation.
Refereed Articles by tavis D jules
Nordic Journal of Comparative and International Education
Global Education Review, 2018
This study uses a quantitative content analysis of learning competences-as described and prescrib... more This study uses a quantitative content analysis of learning competences-as described and prescribed in 21st century frameworks-and those competences evaluated by international assessments to explore the nexus between recommendation and reality. In drawing insights from the theoretical underpinnings of human capital theory we argue, with respect to creativity, that (i) there is a degree of alignment in the prescription and assessment of creativity as a learning competence and (ii) there is a divergence in the way the competence is discussed, which may account for the lack of acknowledgement as a key skill in preparing students for employment in the knowledge-based economy. These findings suggest a discrepancy between recommendation and reality in that the international frameworks consistently place creativity in the top five highest priority learning competences being prescribed while one of the two international assessments examined places it in the top five highest priority learning competences being assessed. Based on the discourse examined in the documents, we assert that schools need to adjust how and when creativity is discussed, ensuring it is included in every subject. This will ensure students link creativity and innovation in every subject area and, subsequently, every industry in the knowledge-based economy. By making this shift, schools will help students ensure long-term employability as the knowledge-based economy transforms into the intelligent economy.
FIRE: Forum for International Research in Education, 2018
This paper adds a different dimension to the educational borrowing, lending, and transfer literat... more This paper adds a different dimension to the educational borrowing, lending, and transfer literature by examining the consequences of educational reforms that are implemented under dictatorships and their lasting impacts. In using Tunisia as an example, we assess the effects of the 2008 Licence-Maitrise-Doctorat ([LMD] Bachelor-Master-PhD) reform under Tunisia's former dictator, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali (from 1987 to 2011). The use of coercive transfer and subsequent implementation of LMD reforms by Ben Ali's government were in response to the creation of the European Higher Education Area in 1999 under the Bologna Declaration, which was adopted by twenty-nine European countries. The justification for the indirect coercive transfer of the Bologna model was to ensure the quality of higher education, to encourage student and teacher mobility, to facilitate both the equivalence of diplomas and young people's integration into the labor market. In what follows, we seek to construct a typology of the consequence of wholesaling adopting a reform without tailoring it to the local needs. In this typology, we account for the processes of policy mobilization, local articulation and ownership, structural factors, and path dependency by discussing the power relations through which indirect coercive transfer occur. In doing this, methodologically, we use a comparative-historical approach to Tunisia's higher education policy discourse. Theoretically, we seek to advance the literature of indirect coercive transfer by concluding as to the different factors that should be considered in North-South policy borrowing and transfer.
Round Table: The Commonwealth Journal of International Relations, 2019
This article discusses the implication of soft diplomacy in education,
in the form of educational... more This article discusses the implication of soft diplomacy in education,
in the form of educational cooperation, for the governance of
regimes. In drawing upon regime theory, it suggests that the
Commonwealth should be viewed as a regime, and its survival is
partly dependent upon how it uses educational cooperation to
coordinate its functional areas, such as education. Moreover, educational
cooperation at the transnational level is different from
traditional South-South cooperation in that it is based on the
coordination of hierarchic mechanisms. In drawing lessons from
the experiences of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) project
and extending them to the Commonwealth project, it argues that
soft diplomacy, around perceived global norms, propels national
educational agenda-setting attitudes. From this it follows that
educational cooperation is the new order of things in an era
defined by educational multistakeholderism where new regimes
and institutions arise and coexist alongside other regimes. In other
words, the Commonwealth must now retool itself in an era driven
by regime complex(es) where it must coexist and compete with
issue-specific regimes as well as complex entities which are comprised
of more than one regime.
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Refereed Book Chapters by tavis D jules
and it has attracted several new actors or what we call educational
brokers who are now responsible for shaping national agendas. The
newer actors in education are vastly different for the former players in
that whereas previous actors engrossed national educational systems
through the provision of technical assistance to meet international standards,
best practices, and benchmarks, these newer players are for-profit
entities that emphasize austerity, leanness, human resource maximization,
performance targets, and competition. Therefore, in this new educational
landscape, national governments are seen as “clients” who receive
“expert” advice from “external consultants” that have an assortment of
experiences across different sectors. Education governance is no longer a statist endowed but one that incubates in laborites of best practices resonates
with existing case studies and results driven based on Big Date collected.
We argue that educational brokers are responsible for the
emergence of a hybrid form of education governance that use business
and market techniques to reform strategies within the education sector.
We conclude by suggesting that collectively educational brokers are
using what we call “educational sub-prime mechanisms” -higher interest
rates, reduced quality collateral, and less advantageous terms to
counterweight higher credit risk - to manage educational portfolios and
newer forms of educational risk.
education governance. It opens by narrating the multifaceted nature of
governance and in what way it has developed as the axiom for professed
policy problems that national educational systems are experiencing. The
chapter chronicles the amplification of education governance and it
explicates the metamorphosis and myriad typographies that “governance”
has taken in responding to perceived endogenous and exogenous
policy problems. It explains how managerialism and neo-corporate
reforms sought to destabilize the activities of education governance
and the results. In making this argument, it suggests that new public
management policy prescriptions in education were part of the earliest
form of disruptive innovation in education. It advances that educational
managerialism, in hollowing out national educational systems, has generated
the perfect breeding ground for the rise of newer modus operandi (or modes, styles, and arrangements) that governs and regulates education
systems through the use of different techniques and mechanisms.
The second half of the chapter discusses five different modus operandi
that are inchoate in the post-managerialist era and highlights that in education,
we have progressed beyond the movement from government to
governance across national education systems and these systems are now
employing additional modes of governance (vertical and horizontal)
across different scales. The chapter concludes by drawing on the concept
of a “Wicked Problem” (an unsolvable or difficult problematic, that is,
fluid, paradoxical, and unfinished) to insinuate that education governance
is an example of a wicked problem that has been and continues to
be shaped by the ideological contours of endogenous and exogenous
policy influences.
today’s global environment in which governments participate in different
educational agreements across various levels (supranational and global)
or what is identified as the rise of “educational multistakeholderism.”
Methodologically it draws up discursive evidence from previous studies
in the form of a content analysis to show how the expansion of international regimes (institutions) into new issue areas, such as education, creates an overlap between the elemental (core) regime and other regimes. In exploring how regime theory has been applied to comparative andinternational education, this chapter draws attention to how new regimes and institutions arise and coexist alongside two or more classes (civil society, nongovernmental, intergovernmental, businesses, and state) of actors and its consequences for education governance. It suggests that regime complex(es) in education, which aims to facilitate educational cooperation and are composed of assemblages from several other regimes are responsible for governing, steering, and coordinating education governance activities through the use of agreements, treaties, global benchmarks, targets, and indicators. It concludes by suggesting that regimes and regime complex(es) in education are constituted by different types of multistakeholder governance.
Refereed Articles by tavis D jules
in the form of educational cooperation, for the governance of
regimes. In drawing upon regime theory, it suggests that the
Commonwealth should be viewed as a regime, and its survival is
partly dependent upon how it uses educational cooperation to
coordinate its functional areas, such as education. Moreover, educational
cooperation at the transnational level is different from
traditional South-South cooperation in that it is based on the
coordination of hierarchic mechanisms. In drawing lessons from
the experiences of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) project
and extending them to the Commonwealth project, it argues that
soft diplomacy, around perceived global norms, propels national
educational agenda-setting attitudes. From this it follows that
educational cooperation is the new order of things in an era
defined by educational multistakeholderism where new regimes
and institutions arise and coexist alongside other regimes. In other
words, the Commonwealth must now retool itself in an era driven
by regime complex(es) where it must coexist and compete with
issue-specific regimes as well as complex entities which are comprised
of more than one regime.
and it has attracted several new actors or what we call educational
brokers who are now responsible for shaping national agendas. The
newer actors in education are vastly different for the former players in
that whereas previous actors engrossed national educational systems
through the provision of technical assistance to meet international standards,
best practices, and benchmarks, these newer players are for-profit
entities that emphasize austerity, leanness, human resource maximization,
performance targets, and competition. Therefore, in this new educational
landscape, national governments are seen as “clients” who receive
“expert” advice from “external consultants” that have an assortment of
experiences across different sectors. Education governance is no longer a statist endowed but one that incubates in laborites of best practices resonates
with existing case studies and results driven based on Big Date collected.
We argue that educational brokers are responsible for the
emergence of a hybrid form of education governance that use business
and market techniques to reform strategies within the education sector.
We conclude by suggesting that collectively educational brokers are
using what we call “educational sub-prime mechanisms” -higher interest
rates, reduced quality collateral, and less advantageous terms to
counterweight higher credit risk - to manage educational portfolios and
newer forms of educational risk.
education governance. It opens by narrating the multifaceted nature of
governance and in what way it has developed as the axiom for professed
policy problems that national educational systems are experiencing. The
chapter chronicles the amplification of education governance and it
explicates the metamorphosis and myriad typographies that “governance”
has taken in responding to perceived endogenous and exogenous
policy problems. It explains how managerialism and neo-corporate
reforms sought to destabilize the activities of education governance
and the results. In making this argument, it suggests that new public
management policy prescriptions in education were part of the earliest
form of disruptive innovation in education. It advances that educational
managerialism, in hollowing out national educational systems, has generated
the perfect breeding ground for the rise of newer modus operandi (or modes, styles, and arrangements) that governs and regulates education
systems through the use of different techniques and mechanisms.
The second half of the chapter discusses five different modus operandi
that are inchoate in the post-managerialist era and highlights that in education,
we have progressed beyond the movement from government to
governance across national education systems and these systems are now
employing additional modes of governance (vertical and horizontal)
across different scales. The chapter concludes by drawing on the concept
of a “Wicked Problem” (an unsolvable or difficult problematic, that is,
fluid, paradoxical, and unfinished) to insinuate that education governance
is an example of a wicked problem that has been and continues to
be shaped by the ideological contours of endogenous and exogenous
policy influences.
today’s global environment in which governments participate in different
educational agreements across various levels (supranational and global)
or what is identified as the rise of “educational multistakeholderism.”
Methodologically it draws up discursive evidence from previous studies
in the form of a content analysis to show how the expansion of international regimes (institutions) into new issue areas, such as education, creates an overlap between the elemental (core) regime and other regimes. In exploring how regime theory has been applied to comparative andinternational education, this chapter draws attention to how new regimes and institutions arise and coexist alongside two or more classes (civil society, nongovernmental, intergovernmental, businesses, and state) of actors and its consequences for education governance. It suggests that regime complex(es) in education, which aims to facilitate educational cooperation and are composed of assemblages from several other regimes are responsible for governing, steering, and coordinating education governance activities through the use of agreements, treaties, global benchmarks, targets, and indicators. It concludes by suggesting that regimes and regime complex(es) in education are constituted by different types of multistakeholder governance.
in the form of educational cooperation, for the governance of
regimes. In drawing upon regime theory, it suggests that the
Commonwealth should be viewed as a regime, and its survival is
partly dependent upon how it uses educational cooperation to
coordinate its functional areas, such as education. Moreover, educational
cooperation at the transnational level is different from
traditional South-South cooperation in that it is based on the
coordination of hierarchic mechanisms. In drawing lessons from
the experiences of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) project
and extending them to the Commonwealth project, it argues that
soft diplomacy, around perceived global norms, propels national
educational agenda-setting attitudes. From this it follows that
educational cooperation is the new order of things in an era
defined by educational multistakeholderism where new regimes
and institutions arise and coexist alongside other regimes. In other
words, the Commonwealth must now retool itself in an era driven
by regime complex(es) where it must coexist and compete with
issue-specific regimes as well as complex entities which are comprised
of more than one regime.
integration has generated a shift from ‘immature’ regionalism to a
‘mature’ form of regionalism. Thus, mature regionalism, a new
governance mechanism, in regulating the institutional and legal
framework of Caribbean Single Market and Economy is drastically
altering national education governance within the Caribbean
Community. In focusing on the functional aspects integration, this article
suggests that mature regionalism in education is built upon
collaborative governance and encompasses multipartner governance
arrangement – with the state, private sector, civil society, and the
community as well as hybrid public–private and private–social
partnerships and co-management regimes. It concludes that the
instrumentalisation of mature regionalism in education is giving way to
‘educational regionalism’ defined by the movement towards structured
institutional mechanisms, to facilitate the deepening of Caribbean
integration
integration in an era that is now classified as the Caribbean Educational Policy Space. The focus is on how key assumptions around labour productivity, and the lessons that can be
deduced from analysing historical and contemporary policy initiatives, present plausible applicability to an expanding Caribbean single market and the proposed creation of the Caribbean single economy. In focusing on the discursive elements of labour productivity, it is contextualized that
the free movement of skilled labour within CARICOM illustrates labour market dualism.
regulates education at the national level to explain how these policy tools and mechanisms have given rise to a very distinctive form of what I call educational regionalism that
frames the regional educational policy space in the Caribbean. The data show that CARICOM utilized the noneconomic process of functional cooperation, and the policy tools of lesson drawing, policy externalization, and policy transfer to respond to pressures of globalization across three different policy cycles and concludes by discussing the implications of such a policy maneuver for the integrative project of economic regionalism.
Grenada’s educational policy discourse and shows that, 30 years later, Grenada speaks three different policy languages (national, regional and international)—or what is termed policy trilingualism—to appease national development trends, regional aspirations and international mandates. This article sketches out how Grenada has sought to develop its human resource capacity in a post-revolutionary and post-ideological pluralist era by focusing on different policy audiences. Additionally, it is posited that educational reform in Grenada is shaped historically by the era of ideological pluralism, legally by the 2001 Revised Treaty of Chaguaramas, substantively by the enactment of the Caribbean Single Market in 2006 and functionally through functional cooperation. It is argued that 30 years later education reform within Grenada has moved from a gradualist development approach based on nationalism to an approach based on deeper regionalism.
– although not unrelated – answer could be the movement of small states from government to governance, driven by globalization and technology which call for innovation and inventiveness to partake in the knowledge economy. Indeed, globalization has changed the way small states are regulated since it creates both homogenization and new localisms as nation states are confined to particular spaces, topographies, and ecologies. Therefore, in a post-‘global financial crises’ era, this issue offers re-readings of the policies, performances, and practices of small states, and continues the resurgent discourse about what we can learn from them.
M.Ed.,Teachers College, Columbia University
The authors provide a detailed account of how Tunisia's robust education system shaped and sparked the conflict as educated youth became disgruntled with their economic conditions. Exploring themes such as radicalization, gender, activism and social media, the chapters map out the steps occurring during transitions from authoritarian rule to democracy.
Educational Transitions in Post-Revolutionary Spaces traces the origins of the conflict and revolution in societal issues, including unemployment, inequality and poverty, and explores how Islam and security influenced the transition. The book not only offers a thorough understanding of the role of youth in the revolution and how they were shaped by Tunisia's educational system. Crucially, it provides a comprehensive understating of theoretical and methodological insights needed to study educational transitions in other post-revolutionary contexts.