Political Science prof since 1968. Many years at Indiana University-Purdue University at Indianapolis. Since 1996, at Berklee College of Music in Boston. Former Managing editor of Socialism and Democracy.
Socialist Practice: Histories and Theories [London: Palgrave Macmillan], 2020
The “lesser evil” is an aspect of all strategic thinking, but frequently takes the form of delibe... more The “lesser evil” is an aspect of all strategic thinking, but frequently takes the form of deliberation, by revolutionaries, on when to offer conditional support to an arm of the ruling class and when to focus exclusively on building up their own forces. This dilemma already confronted Marx and Engels. It again faced the Russian revolutionary leadership, both before and after their accession to power. In constitutional regimes, “lesser evil” calculations are central to electoral activity. Finally, the question arises of how one can move from the Lesser Evil to the Greater Good. The lesser-evil argument has recently been used to defend capitalist regimes by ascribing an agenda of terrorism to any force that would challenge them.
Socialist Practice: Histories and Theories [book published by Palgrave Macmillan], 2020
The major revolutions of the twentieth century all included initiatives on the part of workers to... more The major revolutions of the twentieth century all included initiatives on the part of workers to take direct control of the production process. How does this worker-control dimension relate in practice to the transfer of state power? Detailed analyses are presented of (1) Russia 1917–18, (2) Italy 1919–20, (3) Spain during the Civil War period (1936–39), and (4) Chile during the presidency of Salvador Allende (1970–73). Discussion then addresses various possible patterns in the relationship between revolutionary political parties and enterprise-level working-class initiatives, looking also at the cases of Cuba and Venezuela. Neither worker-control nor the conquest of state power suffices on its own to bring the desired and needed transformation. The two dimensions must be integrally combined from the start.
This chapter discusses the centrality of song in working-class and popular movements. Songs may h... more This chapter discusses the centrality of song in working-class and popular movements. Songs may have deeper impact than arguments, not only because they are more easily remembered and communicated, but also because they address underlying moral issues in the struggle. Embodying a common culture, they outlast particular campaigns and thereby help lay the basis for an enduring organization. Here, we focus on the evolution of working-class songs in the US, taking into account regional and ethnic differences. We also look at efforts to commodify expressions of protest, and we examine the continuing struggle, in the face of such practice, to maintain artistic integrity and class loyalty while at the same time reaching a mass audience.
... Nagel 16. Socialism and Technology: A Sectoral Overview 347 Victor Wallis 17. Social Justice ... more ... Nagel 16. Socialism and Technology: A Sectoral Overview 347 Victor Wallis 17. Social Justice as an Environmental Issue 365 Serenella lovino 18. Capitalism, Sustainability and Climate Change 387 Richard Smith 19. Marxism ...
This essay, written in 1989–90 as the Soviet Union was collapsing, challenges the triumphalism of... more This essay, written in 1989–90 as the Soviet Union was collapsing, challenges the triumphalism of capitalism’s defenders. It characterizes the 1917–89 period not as “the” epoch of socialism but only as its “first epoch.” The form of socialism that evolved in the Soviet Union, under conditions of widespread poverty and under pressure of external attacks and threats, was one that failed to develop democratic structures. While this much is widely recognized, what is often forgotten is how the global presence of the Soviet “pole,” despite its negative aspects, facilitated progressive developments elsewhere. The dialectics of transformation are discussed, and the position of an isolated anti-capitalist regime is compared to that of a dissident and besieged working class.
I recall that in the first classroom lecture I gave, in September 1968, I referred to capitalism ... more I recall that in the first classroom lecture I gave, in September 1968, I referred to capitalism as being in crisis. I have never stopped saying this, year after year. But doesn‘t such repetition vitiate the meaning of “crisis”? How can a crisis be more than a transitory episode? If the condition is chronic, are we not then speaking no longer of a historically specific moment but rather of an enduring structure? My answer is that there is no incompatibility between these two assertions. The crisis is indeed historically specific, but it is also enduring. Cutting across both these observations is the evident fact that all the components of the crisis of capitalism are now intensifying. The crisis is thus at once historical and structural. Crisis, as Marx and Engels pointed out, is inherent in the capitalist cycle of boom and bust. But, as they also noted, the cumulative impact of such routine crises is to engender a series of bigger crises, which it becomes increasingly difficult – a...
This chapter consists mostly of an essay from 1991 that foreshadows later debates on intersection... more This chapter consists mostly of an essay from 1991 that foreshadows later debates on intersectionality. A Marxist approach is posed against the practice, popular among social justice activists, of condemning in moral terms the various forms of social oppression (notably, those based on class, “race,” and gender) while rejecting the analytic understanding that asserts the strategic centrality of class. Class, unlike the other dimensions of difference, is inherently grounded in a relationship of domination. The chapter ends with a discussion of the methodological basis (in dialectics) for affirming at once the centrality of class and the importance of cross-class forms of oppression.
Perspectives on Global Development and Technology, 2021
Ecosocialist technology is technology guided by universal human need and by concern for the healt... more Ecosocialist technology is technology guided by universal human need and by concern for the health of the natural environment. It contrasts with capitalist technology, which is driven above all by the imperatives of cost-reduction and profit-maximization within a market whose contours are shaped by the owners or state agents of capital. The contrast between ecosocialist and capitalist technology appears across all sectors of production and services. Following a theoretical overview, we examine the sectors of transport, housing, and food production and reflect on the newest technologies of communication, surveillance, and artificial intelligence. I argue that devices and infrastructures that would transform the conditions of life should in all cases be subject, at the planning stage, to full disclosure, informed public debate, and democratic resolution.
Free Public Transit: And Why We Don't Pay to Ride Elevators, edited by Judith Dellheim and Ja... more Free Public Transit: And Why We Don't Pay to Ride Elevators, edited by Judith Dellheim and Jason Prince, gives readers a distinctive blend of the visionary and the practical. It surprises us with rarely publicized instances in which quite sweeping societal transformations have been carried out. The matter-of-fact narratives, covering a wide span of national settings, allow us to envision new angles from which to confront some of the key issues of our time, from employment to civility to the rescue of the natural environment.
Abstract In this essay, I explore the structural distinctiveness of class domination as compared ... more Abstract In this essay, I explore the structural distinctiveness of class domination as compared with intersecting structures of oppression framed by race, gender, sexuality, or other criteria. Social classes are not simply demographic groupings; they are (actual or potential) agents of history. The dominant class, in a given period, shapes the main contours of social existence in every dimension. Thus, members of all oppressed groups have an interest in unifying with each other—against the dominant class—on a common class basis. I discuss how the current awareness of such a common class interest has been obstructed by state repression, by identity politics, and by the ideology of postmodernism.
Howard Zinn would have loved to see you all here today, and to have been part of this historical ... more Howard Zinn would have loved to see you all here today, and to have been part of this historical moment. He believed that we should each do the right thing regardless of whether or not it has a visible impact. When a positive impact materializes, it then comes as a pleasant surprise. But it wouldn’t happen without all the seemingly thankless work that came before. What the Occupy movement recognizes is that the problems facing the 99% are systemic in nature. They won’t be cured by putting one or other of the two capitalist parties in office. The systemic contradictions have been around for a long time, but the popular response in the US is unlike anything since the 1930s. And now, there is the added urgency posed by environmental breakdown, which requires us to question previously unchallenged assumptions about the desirability of growth. The 1930s experience remains important to us, however, for what it shows both about what a government can do and about what it needed to do more of. On the positive side, it proved that the government can directly create jobs that are at once socially useful and well paying. Such programs are not even being considered at present, when all the debate is about ways of subsidizing private capital to create jobs – an approach that costs more and does less good than public works programs. On the negative side, the New Deal of the 1930s didn’t take social power away from private capital. It weakened capital slightly, but not enough to stop it from later returning with a vengeance, with the bipartisan dismantling of welfare protections and banking regulations. The problem, then, is capitalism. The Occupy movement understands this in broad outline, but still has to meet practical challenges.
Socialist Practice: Histories and Theories [London: Palgrave Macmillan], 2020
The “lesser evil” is an aspect of all strategic thinking, but frequently takes the form of delibe... more The “lesser evil” is an aspect of all strategic thinking, but frequently takes the form of deliberation, by revolutionaries, on when to offer conditional support to an arm of the ruling class and when to focus exclusively on building up their own forces. This dilemma already confronted Marx and Engels. It again faced the Russian revolutionary leadership, both before and after their accession to power. In constitutional regimes, “lesser evil” calculations are central to electoral activity. Finally, the question arises of how one can move from the Lesser Evil to the Greater Good. The lesser-evil argument has recently been used to defend capitalist regimes by ascribing an agenda of terrorism to any force that would challenge them.
Socialist Practice: Histories and Theories [book published by Palgrave Macmillan], 2020
The major revolutions of the twentieth century all included initiatives on the part of workers to... more The major revolutions of the twentieth century all included initiatives on the part of workers to take direct control of the production process. How does this worker-control dimension relate in practice to the transfer of state power? Detailed analyses are presented of (1) Russia 1917–18, (2) Italy 1919–20, (3) Spain during the Civil War period (1936–39), and (4) Chile during the presidency of Salvador Allende (1970–73). Discussion then addresses various possible patterns in the relationship between revolutionary political parties and enterprise-level working-class initiatives, looking also at the cases of Cuba and Venezuela. Neither worker-control nor the conquest of state power suffices on its own to bring the desired and needed transformation. The two dimensions must be integrally combined from the start.
This chapter discusses the centrality of song in working-class and popular movements. Songs may h... more This chapter discusses the centrality of song in working-class and popular movements. Songs may have deeper impact than arguments, not only because they are more easily remembered and communicated, but also because they address underlying moral issues in the struggle. Embodying a common culture, they outlast particular campaigns and thereby help lay the basis for an enduring organization. Here, we focus on the evolution of working-class songs in the US, taking into account regional and ethnic differences. We also look at efforts to commodify expressions of protest, and we examine the continuing struggle, in the face of such practice, to maintain artistic integrity and class loyalty while at the same time reaching a mass audience.
... Nagel 16. Socialism and Technology: A Sectoral Overview 347 Victor Wallis 17. Social Justice ... more ... Nagel 16. Socialism and Technology: A Sectoral Overview 347 Victor Wallis 17. Social Justice as an Environmental Issue 365 Serenella lovino 18. Capitalism, Sustainability and Climate Change 387 Richard Smith 19. Marxism ...
This essay, written in 1989–90 as the Soviet Union was collapsing, challenges the triumphalism of... more This essay, written in 1989–90 as the Soviet Union was collapsing, challenges the triumphalism of capitalism’s defenders. It characterizes the 1917–89 period not as “the” epoch of socialism but only as its “first epoch.” The form of socialism that evolved in the Soviet Union, under conditions of widespread poverty and under pressure of external attacks and threats, was one that failed to develop democratic structures. While this much is widely recognized, what is often forgotten is how the global presence of the Soviet “pole,” despite its negative aspects, facilitated progressive developments elsewhere. The dialectics of transformation are discussed, and the position of an isolated anti-capitalist regime is compared to that of a dissident and besieged working class.
I recall that in the first classroom lecture I gave, in September 1968, I referred to capitalism ... more I recall that in the first classroom lecture I gave, in September 1968, I referred to capitalism as being in crisis. I have never stopped saying this, year after year. But doesn‘t such repetition vitiate the meaning of “crisis”? How can a crisis be more than a transitory episode? If the condition is chronic, are we not then speaking no longer of a historically specific moment but rather of an enduring structure? My answer is that there is no incompatibility between these two assertions. The crisis is indeed historically specific, but it is also enduring. Cutting across both these observations is the evident fact that all the components of the crisis of capitalism are now intensifying. The crisis is thus at once historical and structural. Crisis, as Marx and Engels pointed out, is inherent in the capitalist cycle of boom and bust. But, as they also noted, the cumulative impact of such routine crises is to engender a series of bigger crises, which it becomes increasingly difficult – a...
This chapter consists mostly of an essay from 1991 that foreshadows later debates on intersection... more This chapter consists mostly of an essay from 1991 that foreshadows later debates on intersectionality. A Marxist approach is posed against the practice, popular among social justice activists, of condemning in moral terms the various forms of social oppression (notably, those based on class, “race,” and gender) while rejecting the analytic understanding that asserts the strategic centrality of class. Class, unlike the other dimensions of difference, is inherently grounded in a relationship of domination. The chapter ends with a discussion of the methodological basis (in dialectics) for affirming at once the centrality of class and the importance of cross-class forms of oppression.
Perspectives on Global Development and Technology, 2021
Ecosocialist technology is technology guided by universal human need and by concern for the healt... more Ecosocialist technology is technology guided by universal human need and by concern for the health of the natural environment. It contrasts with capitalist technology, which is driven above all by the imperatives of cost-reduction and profit-maximization within a market whose contours are shaped by the owners or state agents of capital. The contrast between ecosocialist and capitalist technology appears across all sectors of production and services. Following a theoretical overview, we examine the sectors of transport, housing, and food production and reflect on the newest technologies of communication, surveillance, and artificial intelligence. I argue that devices and infrastructures that would transform the conditions of life should in all cases be subject, at the planning stage, to full disclosure, informed public debate, and democratic resolution.
Free Public Transit: And Why We Don't Pay to Ride Elevators, edited by Judith Dellheim and Ja... more Free Public Transit: And Why We Don't Pay to Ride Elevators, edited by Judith Dellheim and Jason Prince, gives readers a distinctive blend of the visionary and the practical. It surprises us with rarely publicized instances in which quite sweeping societal transformations have been carried out. The matter-of-fact narratives, covering a wide span of national settings, allow us to envision new angles from which to confront some of the key issues of our time, from employment to civility to the rescue of the natural environment.
Abstract In this essay, I explore the structural distinctiveness of class domination as compared ... more Abstract In this essay, I explore the structural distinctiveness of class domination as compared with intersecting structures of oppression framed by race, gender, sexuality, or other criteria. Social classes are not simply demographic groupings; they are (actual or potential) agents of history. The dominant class, in a given period, shapes the main contours of social existence in every dimension. Thus, members of all oppressed groups have an interest in unifying with each other—against the dominant class—on a common class basis. I discuss how the current awareness of such a common class interest has been obstructed by state repression, by identity politics, and by the ideology of postmodernism.
Howard Zinn would have loved to see you all here today, and to have been part of this historical ... more Howard Zinn would have loved to see you all here today, and to have been part of this historical moment. He believed that we should each do the right thing regardless of whether or not it has a visible impact. When a positive impact materializes, it then comes as a pleasant surprise. But it wouldn’t happen without all the seemingly thankless work that came before. What the Occupy movement recognizes is that the problems facing the 99% are systemic in nature. They won’t be cured by putting one or other of the two capitalist parties in office. The systemic contradictions have been around for a long time, but the popular response in the US is unlike anything since the 1930s. And now, there is the added urgency posed by environmental breakdown, which requires us to question previously unchallenged assumptions about the desirability of growth. The 1930s experience remains important to us, however, for what it shows both about what a government can do and about what it needed to do more of. On the positive side, it proved that the government can directly create jobs that are at once socially useful and well paying. Such programs are not even being considered at present, when all the debate is about ways of subsidizing private capital to create jobs – an approach that costs more and does less good than public works programs. On the negative side, the New Deal of the 1930s didn’t take social power away from private capital. It weakened capital slightly, but not enough to stop it from later returning with a vengeance, with the bipartisan dismantling of welfare protections and banking regulations. The problem, then, is capitalism. The Occupy movement understands this in broad outline, but still has to meet practical challenges.
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