Le relazioni tra Turchia e Stato ebraico non riescono a uscire
dal circolo vizioso ‘crisi-riavvic... more Le relazioni tra Turchia e Stato ebraico non riescono a uscire dal circolo vizioso ‘crisi-riavvicinamento-normalizzazione e poi un’altra crisi’. La competizione con Teheran è sempre più serrata. La stabilità regionale dipende dal sangue freddo di Erdoãan.
İsrail’in İran’a yönelik
bir konvansiyonel savaşı kışkırtma stratejisi,
devlet dışı aktörlerin gü... more İsrail’in İran’a yönelik bir konvansiyonel savaşı kışkırtma stratejisi, devlet dışı aktörlerin güç kaynaklarını zayıflatmayı amaçlayan dolaylı bir mücadele taktiği olarak değerlendirilebilir. Ancak İran yönetimi, İsrail’in son provokasyonlarını “kendini misilleme yapmak zorunda bırakarak” savaşa çekmek için bir “tuzak” olarak değerlendirmekte ve istemsiz bir savaşa sürüklenmemek için gereken dikkati göstermektedir.
Content of this publication is copyrighted to ORSAM. Except reasonable and partial quotation and ... more Content of this publication is copyrighted to ORSAM. Except reasonable and partial quotation and use under the Act No. 5846, Law on Intellectual and Artistic Works, via proper citation, the content may not be used or re-published without prior permission by ORSAM. The views expressed in this publication reflect only the opinions of its authors and do not represent the institutional opinion of ORSAM.
The aim of this study is to analyze the role of Kurds in the US foreign policy towards the Middle... more The aim of this study is to analyze the role of Kurds in the US foreign policy towards the Middle East. This paper presents an alternative approach that pays attention to the role of non-state actors in the US foreign policy and interactions between the state and non-state actors. Our study claims that it is possible to investigate the impact of Kurdish opposition movements on US foreign policy by understanding how the foreign policy of Kurdish opposition movements as non-state actors is produced in interaction with the international system, local system / order, identity and power relations. In this context, it is of particular importance to examine the nature, parameters and limits of the relationship between the Kurds and the US, the most influential state on the Kurds. As a result, it has been observed that ethnic opposition movements try to legitimize their actions against state power with their relations and discourses developed at an international level. On the other hand, it is argued that these movements are used as a leverage and implementer by the global powers.
This study argues that France has recently sought to reassert itself as a power in the Middle Eas... more This study argues that France has recently sought to reassert itself as a power in the Middle East, North Africa and the Eastern Mediterranean (MENA), especially in its former colonies. In this context, France's quest for "Pax Mediterranea" under the leadership of Emmanuel Macron, which has intensified its political-military initiatives in the MENA region, is analyzed through the rivalry between Paris and Tehran in Lebanon, Iraq and Syria, which are considered as Iran's spheres of influence in the Middle East. In this context, it is possible to explain the ups and downs of France-Iran relations from a realist perspective based on geopolitical competition, concrete threat perceptions and military-economic factors. Within the framework of neo-realist theory, which emphasizes the need to prevent the rise of regional hegemonic powers, this study argues that France's concern about Iran's growing influence in the region, the conflict of interests they face at the regional level and Iran's efforts to acquire nuclear weapons are the most important reasons for the unfriendly relations between the two countries.
As Gencer has pointed out, in different worlds divided into "West" and "Islamic", the process of ... more As Gencer has pointed out, in different worlds divided into "West" and "Islamic", the process of ideologicalization of religion, generally called secularization, is followed by a different pattern of religious character and modernization process. In this respect, the ideological forms of religions can be fully understood only by comparing the course of the character and modernization process of different religions, and even of different religious sects. Similarly, Iranian-Shia secularization, like Islamic Modernism, cannot be understood without considering Western modernity and Western acculturation. Modernism is the project of building the "here and now" by, as Marx put it, accelerating the history, instead of waiting for the world that Christ will create ‘there and then’ in the end of times. Hence, the connection between modernism and secularism is evident here, which means that the road to the modern world passes through secularism. Secularism refers to the project of establishing "here and now" without waiting for the way to the ultimate goal of the new world order, the future earthly paradise. Thus, secularism is perceived as a way of overcoming the eschatological mentality where history was put aside. Iranian-Shia secularization, under the influence of Western ideas and political waves, also heavily carries the historical and identity features of Iran- a strong civilization. These characteristics may be evident in all aspects of Iranian-Shia secularization. In the analysis based on Sayyid Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī (1838-1897), Mohammad Hossein Naini (1860-1936) and Ruhollah Khomeini (1902-1989 ) three points will be identified: i) the implicit secularization of the belief in the "Messiah/Mahdi" in Iran as it is in the West, ii) ideologicalization of Islam, iii) the secularization of fiqh caused by the dilemma of Shia "sharia and law". The Iranian-Shiite secularization process will be analyzed in line with the above-mentioned general and abstract framework.
Le relazioni tra Turchia e Stato ebraico non riescono a uscire
dal circolo vizioso ‘crisi-riavvic... more Le relazioni tra Turchia e Stato ebraico non riescono a uscire dal circolo vizioso ‘crisi-riavvicinamento-normalizzazione e poi un’altra crisi’. La competizione con Teheran è sempre più serrata. La stabilità regionale dipende dal sangue freddo di Erdoãan.
İsrail’in İran’a yönelik
bir konvansiyonel savaşı kışkırtma stratejisi,
devlet dışı aktörlerin gü... more İsrail’in İran’a yönelik bir konvansiyonel savaşı kışkırtma stratejisi, devlet dışı aktörlerin güç kaynaklarını zayıflatmayı amaçlayan dolaylı bir mücadele taktiği olarak değerlendirilebilir. Ancak İran yönetimi, İsrail’in son provokasyonlarını “kendini misilleme yapmak zorunda bırakarak” savaşa çekmek için bir “tuzak” olarak değerlendirmekte ve istemsiz bir savaşa sürüklenmemek için gereken dikkati göstermektedir.
Content of this publication is copyrighted to ORSAM. Except reasonable and partial quotation and ... more Content of this publication is copyrighted to ORSAM. Except reasonable and partial quotation and use under the Act No. 5846, Law on Intellectual and Artistic Works, via proper citation, the content may not be used or re-published without prior permission by ORSAM. The views expressed in this publication reflect only the opinions of its authors and do not represent the institutional opinion of ORSAM.
The aim of this study is to analyze the role of Kurds in the US foreign policy towards the Middle... more The aim of this study is to analyze the role of Kurds in the US foreign policy towards the Middle East. This paper presents an alternative approach that pays attention to the role of non-state actors in the US foreign policy and interactions between the state and non-state actors. Our study claims that it is possible to investigate the impact of Kurdish opposition movements on US foreign policy by understanding how the foreign policy of Kurdish opposition movements as non-state actors is produced in interaction with the international system, local system / order, identity and power relations. In this context, it is of particular importance to examine the nature, parameters and limits of the relationship between the Kurds and the US, the most influential state on the Kurds. As a result, it has been observed that ethnic opposition movements try to legitimize their actions against state power with their relations and discourses developed at an international level. On the other hand, it is argued that these movements are used as a leverage and implementer by the global powers.
This study argues that France has recently sought to reassert itself as a power in the Middle Eas... more This study argues that France has recently sought to reassert itself as a power in the Middle East, North Africa and the Eastern Mediterranean (MENA), especially in its former colonies. In this context, France's quest for "Pax Mediterranea" under the leadership of Emmanuel Macron, which has intensified its political-military initiatives in the MENA region, is analyzed through the rivalry between Paris and Tehran in Lebanon, Iraq and Syria, which are considered as Iran's spheres of influence in the Middle East. In this context, it is possible to explain the ups and downs of France-Iran relations from a realist perspective based on geopolitical competition, concrete threat perceptions and military-economic factors. Within the framework of neo-realist theory, which emphasizes the need to prevent the rise of regional hegemonic powers, this study argues that France's concern about Iran's growing influence in the region, the conflict of interests they face at the regional level and Iran's efforts to acquire nuclear weapons are the most important reasons for the unfriendly relations between the two countries.
As Gencer has pointed out, in different worlds divided into "West" and "Islamic", the process of ... more As Gencer has pointed out, in different worlds divided into "West" and "Islamic", the process of ideologicalization of religion, generally called secularization, is followed by a different pattern of religious character and modernization process. In this respect, the ideological forms of religions can be fully understood only by comparing the course of the character and modernization process of different religions, and even of different religious sects. Similarly, Iranian-Shia secularization, like Islamic Modernism, cannot be understood without considering Western modernity and Western acculturation. Modernism is the project of building the "here and now" by, as Marx put it, accelerating the history, instead of waiting for the world that Christ will create ‘there and then’ in the end of times. Hence, the connection between modernism and secularism is evident here, which means that the road to the modern world passes through secularism. Secularism refers to the project of establishing "here and now" without waiting for the way to the ultimate goal of the new world order, the future earthly paradise. Thus, secularism is perceived as a way of overcoming the eschatological mentality where history was put aside. Iranian-Shia secularization, under the influence of Western ideas and political waves, also heavily carries the historical and identity features of Iran- a strong civilization. These characteristics may be evident in all aspects of Iranian-Shia secularization. In the analysis based on Sayyid Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī (1838-1897), Mohammad Hossein Naini (1860-1936) and Ruhollah Khomeini (1902-1989 ) three points will be identified: i) the implicit secularization of the belief in the "Messiah/Mahdi" in Iran as it is in the West, ii) ideologicalization of Islam, iii) the secularization of fiqh caused by the dilemma of Shia "sharia and law". The Iranian-Shiite secularization process will be analyzed in line with the above-mentioned general and abstract framework.
1979’dan bu yana bölgede revizyon arayışında olan ve bu nedenle “İslâmî uyanış” olarak nitelediğ... more 1979’dan bu yana bölgede revizyon arayışında olan ve bu nedenle “İslâmî uyanış” olarak nitelediği Arap Baharını destekleyen İran, Suriye söz konusu olunca bu ülkede “statükonun” sürdürülmesinden yana olmuştur. Ayaklanmaların Suriye’ye sıçraması ve Türkiye ile Suudi Arabistan gibi bölgesel rakiplerinin bölgedeki yegâne müttefiki olan Esad yönetimine karşı cephe alması ve muhalifleri desteklemesi, İran’ın stratejik çıkarlarına tehdit olarak değerlendirilmiş, hatta daha öteye giderek asıl hedefin İran olduğu endişelerine yol açmıştır.
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Papers by İsmail Sarı
dal circolo vizioso ‘crisi-riavvicinamento-normalizzazione e poi
un’altra crisi’. La competizione con Teheran è sempre più serrata.
La stabilità regionale dipende dal sangue freddo di Erdoãan.
bir konvansiyonel savaşı kışkırtma stratejisi,
devlet dışı aktörlerin güç kaynaklarını zayıflatmayı amaçlayan dolaylı bir mücadele taktiği olarak değerlendirilebilir. Ancak İran yönetimi, İsrail’in son provokasyonlarını “kendini misilleme yapmak zorunda bırakarak” savaşa çekmek için bir “tuzak” olarak değerlendirmekte ve istemsiz bir savaşa sürüklenmemek için gereken dikkati göstermektedir.
dal circolo vizioso ‘crisi-riavvicinamento-normalizzazione e poi
un’altra crisi’. La competizione con Teheran è sempre più serrata.
La stabilità regionale dipende dal sangue freddo di Erdoãan.
bir konvansiyonel savaşı kışkırtma stratejisi,
devlet dışı aktörlerin güç kaynaklarını zayıflatmayı amaçlayan dolaylı bir mücadele taktiği olarak değerlendirilebilir. Ancak İran yönetimi, İsrail’in son provokasyonlarını “kendini misilleme yapmak zorunda bırakarak” savaşa çekmek için bir “tuzak” olarak değerlendirmekte ve istemsiz bir savaşa sürüklenmemek için gereken dikkati göstermektedir.
destekleyen İran, Suriye söz konusu olunca bu ülkede “statükonun” sürdürülmesinden yana olmuştur. Ayaklanmaların Suriye’ye
sıçraması ve Türkiye ile Suudi Arabistan gibi bölgesel rakiplerinin bölgedeki yegâne müttefiki olan Esad yönetimine karşı cephe
alması ve muhalifleri desteklemesi, İran’ın stratejik çıkarlarına tehdit olarak değerlendirilmiş, hatta daha öteye giderek asıl
hedefin İran olduğu endişelerine yol açmıştır.