I study this conflict as one coercive diplomacy exchange because the international coalition kept... more I study this conflict as one coercive diplomacy exchange because the international coalition kept escalating its threats on a continuous basis until coercive diplomacy finally failed and the land war was initiated. The air war launched in January 1991 is part of the coercive diplomacy strategy since the reliance on air power left it up to Saddam Hussein to decide whether he wanted to withdraw or not.1 The ultimatum issued by the United States (US) on 22 February thus presented Hussein with a final chance to withdraw before the start of the land war. Washington gave him 24 hours to initiate an immediate and unconditional withdrawal from Kuwait. When he failed to comply, the land campaign was started.
Chapter 2 found the existing theories useful. But it also demonstrated the need for a new theoret... more Chapter 2 found the existing theories useful. But it also demonstrated the need for a new theoretical framework to address the puzzles raised by the Western use of coercive diplomacy against military aggressors after the Cold War. This is the task I take up in this chapter. The challenge is to construct a framework that can provide more powerful explanations of why coercive diplomacy succeeds or fails when it is employed against aggressors, identify the conditions under which coercive diplomacy is most likely to be employed effectively and finally help us decide whether the need to act collectively and coordinate policy in international organizations makes it easier or harder to implement an effective policy.
Executive summary This paper analyses the emerging ESDP capacity for civilian crisis management t... more Executive summary This paper analyses the emerging ESDP capacity for civilian crisis management to determine how much support the UN can expect from the EU in this field in the near future. The analysis is guided by the following three questions: ... 1) How far has the EU come with respect to establishing its civilian rapid reaction capacity? ... 2) What do the lessons learned from the two ongoing EU civilian operations tell us about the emerging EU capacity? ... 3) What is the state of EU-UN cooperation and how it is likely to evolve in the near future?
De Forende Nationer (FN) udgjorde kernen i Danmarks udenrigspolitiske aktivisme fra slutningen af... more De Forende Nationer (FN) udgjorde kernen i Danmarks udenrigspolitiske aktivisme fra slutningen af 1950’erne og frem til midten af 1990’erne. Siden da er FN blevet marginaliseret. Dansk udenrigspolitisk aktivisme udfoldes i dag primært i rammerne af den Europæiske Union (EU), den Nordatlantiske Traktat Organisation (NATO) og amerikansk-ledede koalitioner. De store skift i den danske FN-aktivisme i perioden 1945-2016 analyseres i tre domæner: diplomati, økonomi og militær ved hjælp af fire indikatorer: frivillighed, initiativrigdom, risikovillighed og ressourceforbrug. FN-aktivismens storhed og fald var resultatet af et samspil mellem skiftende internationale rammebetingelser (trusler, normer, international efterspørgsel og samarbejdsmuligheder) og beslutningstagernes bestræbelser på at fremme danske interesser og værdier/altruisme. FN mistede sin hovedrolle i dansk udenrigspolitik, fordi organisationen ikke viste sig velegnet til at fremme vestlige og danske interesser og værdier i p...
Denmark’s comprehensive whole-of-government approach (WGA) concept was introduced in 2004 as part... more Denmark’s comprehensive whole-of-government approach (WGA) concept was introduced in 2004 as part of the 2005–2009 Defence Agreement in order to improve cooperation between Danish humanitarian organisations and the Danish military and to thereby enhance the effectiveness and visibility of all related efforts. The concept was launched in response to various problems encountered in Iraq, where the civil-military cooperation (CIMIC) model established during NATO’s KFOR operation in Kosovo proved unworkable due to the nonpermissive environment, which made it impossible to get civilian experts and organisations to support the work of the Danish military contingent. After similar problems were encountered in Afghanistan, Denmark decided to formulate WGA strategies to help shape its efforts there. The lessons learned in Iraq and Afghanistan – in addition to inspiration from the United Kingdom, with whom Denmark cooperated closely in the field in both countries – resulted in the establishme...
The attempts by the international community to coerce the military regime in Haiti to step down a... more The attempts by the international community to coerce the military regime in Haiti to step down and allow President Aristide to return to power fall in three distinct rounds. A half-hearted attempt to use a combination of diplomatic and economic coercion characterizes the first round. Then follows a round in which the Clinton administration employs economic coercion more effectively. In the third round, effective use of economic sanctions is complemented by military coercion meeting idealpolicy requirements. Implementation of the idealpolicy brings the crisis to a peaceful conclusion.
I study this conflict as one coercive diplomacy exchange because the international coalition kept... more I study this conflict as one coercive diplomacy exchange because the international coalition kept escalating its threats on a continuous basis until coercive diplomacy finally failed and the land war was initiated. The air war launched in January 1991 is part of the coercive diplomacy strategy since the reliance on air power left it up to Saddam Hussein to decide whether he wanted to withdraw or not.1 The ultimatum issued by the United States (US) on 22 February thus presented Hussein with a final chance to withdraw before the start of the land war. Washington gave him 24 hours to initiate an immediate and unconditional withdrawal from Kuwait. When he failed to comply, the land campaign was started.
Chapter 2 found the existing theories useful. But it also demonstrated the need for a new theoret... more Chapter 2 found the existing theories useful. But it also demonstrated the need for a new theoretical framework to address the puzzles raised by the Western use of coercive diplomacy against military aggressors after the Cold War. This is the task I take up in this chapter. The challenge is to construct a framework that can provide more powerful explanations of why coercive diplomacy succeeds or fails when it is employed against aggressors, identify the conditions under which coercive diplomacy is most likely to be employed effectively and finally help us decide whether the need to act collectively and coordinate policy in international organizations makes it easier or harder to implement an effective policy.
Executive summary This paper analyses the emerging ESDP capacity for civilian crisis management t... more Executive summary This paper analyses the emerging ESDP capacity for civilian crisis management to determine how much support the UN can expect from the EU in this field in the near future. The analysis is guided by the following three questions: ... 1) How far has the EU come with respect to establishing its civilian rapid reaction capacity? ... 2) What do the lessons learned from the two ongoing EU civilian operations tell us about the emerging EU capacity? ... 3) What is the state of EU-UN cooperation and how it is likely to evolve in the near future?
De Forende Nationer (FN) udgjorde kernen i Danmarks udenrigspolitiske aktivisme fra slutningen af... more De Forende Nationer (FN) udgjorde kernen i Danmarks udenrigspolitiske aktivisme fra slutningen af 1950’erne og frem til midten af 1990’erne. Siden da er FN blevet marginaliseret. Dansk udenrigspolitisk aktivisme udfoldes i dag primært i rammerne af den Europæiske Union (EU), den Nordatlantiske Traktat Organisation (NATO) og amerikansk-ledede koalitioner. De store skift i den danske FN-aktivisme i perioden 1945-2016 analyseres i tre domæner: diplomati, økonomi og militær ved hjælp af fire indikatorer: frivillighed, initiativrigdom, risikovillighed og ressourceforbrug. FN-aktivismens storhed og fald var resultatet af et samspil mellem skiftende internationale rammebetingelser (trusler, normer, international efterspørgsel og samarbejdsmuligheder) og beslutningstagernes bestræbelser på at fremme danske interesser og værdier/altruisme. FN mistede sin hovedrolle i dansk udenrigspolitik, fordi organisationen ikke viste sig velegnet til at fremme vestlige og danske interesser og værdier i p...
Denmark’s comprehensive whole-of-government approach (WGA) concept was introduced in 2004 as part... more Denmark’s comprehensive whole-of-government approach (WGA) concept was introduced in 2004 as part of the 2005–2009 Defence Agreement in order to improve cooperation between Danish humanitarian organisations and the Danish military and to thereby enhance the effectiveness and visibility of all related efforts. The concept was launched in response to various problems encountered in Iraq, where the civil-military cooperation (CIMIC) model established during NATO’s KFOR operation in Kosovo proved unworkable due to the nonpermissive environment, which made it impossible to get civilian experts and organisations to support the work of the Danish military contingent. After similar problems were encountered in Afghanistan, Denmark decided to formulate WGA strategies to help shape its efforts there. The lessons learned in Iraq and Afghanistan – in addition to inspiration from the United Kingdom, with whom Denmark cooperated closely in the field in both countries – resulted in the establishme...
The attempts by the international community to coerce the military regime in Haiti to step down a... more The attempts by the international community to coerce the military regime in Haiti to step down and allow President Aristide to return to power fall in three distinct rounds. A half-hearted attempt to use a combination of diplomatic and economic coercion characterizes the first round. Then follows a round in which the Clinton administration employs economic coercion more effectively. In the third round, effective use of economic sanctions is complemented by military coercion meeting idealpolicy requirements. Implementation of the idealpolicy brings the crisis to a peaceful conclusion.
A new examination of Nordic approaches to peace operations after the Cold War. It shows how the N... more A new examination of Nordic approaches to peace operations after the Cold War. It shows how the Nordic countries (Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden) remain relevant for the study and practice of post-Cold War peace operations.
This unique study is structured around eleven success conditions derived from an analysis of the lessons learned since the early 1990s, ensuring that the results of the case studies are directly comparable. These case studies are supplemented by an analysis of Nordics’ collective efforts to replace their old Cold War peacekeeping model with a new one that meets the requirements of the new era. The overall conclusion is that the Nordics have succeeded in meeting the post-Cold War requirements for success, both individually and collectively, and that a new effective model is in the making.
This book makes several important contributions to the literature on peace operations. First, it demolishes the widely held view that the Nordic countries remain a bastion of traditional Cold War peacekeeping with little relevance for contemporary operations. Second, it constitutes the first systematic overview of the reforms undertaken by the four Nordic countries since the end of the Cold War. Third, it fills a "historical" gap by providing a comprehensive analysis of the celebrated old Nordic Cold War model, explaining how and why it developed and how it functioned. Finally, the analytical framework is a general tool which can be used to evaluate the approaches to peace operations employed by countries around the world.
This book fills a gap in the literature on coercion and assesses the usefulness of coercive diplo... more This book fills a gap in the literature on coercion and assesses the usefulness of coercive diplomacy in the post-Cold war era. The theoretical framework explains why coercive diplomacy politics succeed or fail, identifies the conditions under which Western states will be willing to back coercive strategies with use of limited force, and highlights how the need for collective action affects the use of coercion. The framework is tested empirically in analyses of the Gulf crisis, the Yugoslav wars and the Haiti crisis.
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This unique study is structured around eleven success conditions derived from an analysis of the lessons learned since the early 1990s, ensuring that the results of the case studies are directly comparable. These case studies are supplemented by an analysis of Nordics’ collective efforts to replace their old Cold War peacekeeping model with a new one that meets the requirements of the new era. The overall conclusion is that the Nordics have succeeded in meeting the post-Cold War requirements for success, both individually and collectively, and that a new effective model is in the making.
This book makes several important contributions to the literature on peace operations. First, it demolishes the widely held view that the Nordic countries remain a bastion of traditional Cold War peacekeeping with little relevance for contemporary operations. Second, it constitutes the first systematic overview of the reforms undertaken by the four Nordic countries since the end of the Cold War. Third, it fills a "historical" gap by providing a comprehensive analysis of the celebrated old Nordic Cold War model, explaining how and why it developed and how it functioned. Finally, the analytical framework is a general tool which can be used to evaluate the approaches to peace operations employed by countries around the world.