Světlo z Byzance : řecká studia v renesanční Itálii, 1360-1534 / The Light from Byzantium : Greek Studies in the Renaissance Italy. Červený Kostelec: Pavel Mervart, 2018, pp. 477. (in Czech), 2018
Outlining the patterns of ʽcontact situation' between Byzantine refugee savants and Italian schol... more Outlining the patterns of ʽcontact situation' between Byzantine refugee savants and Italian scholars, which had a deep impact on the origins of Italian humanism, creates a core of the book. Teachers and students, translators, philosophers and theologians, grammarians, copyists, editors, collectors, book-hunters – all of them played their own part in the revival of the Greek studies in the Renaissance Italy. Work brings the description of the transmission of ancient Greek heritage in the Renaissance and tries to delineate the extent of Byzantine (and post-Byzantine with consideration to Greek enclave in Italy until 1534) culture legacy within Italian humanism. The great impulse given to the Greek studies was caused, beside the influx of Greek scholars in Italy and voyages of Italian scholars to European Greek East, by the broadening knowledge of classical languages, the foundation of libraries both public and private, and invention of the printing. All these important aspects of this cultural transmission are discussed in the present book. Ancient Greek literature, philosophy, science, as well as a system of religious ideas, brought (post)-Byzantine intellectuals into close contact with Italian Renaissance scholars. They transmitted as well a large body of Eastern theological learning. Rich heritage of Hellenic learning together with specific, important elements of medieval contributions was bequeathed to the Westerners of early modern era. Inspiring relationship of the mingled ideas showed in relatively short span of time its fruitfulness not just for period of Renaissance, but for the whole next centuries up to our time.
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George Sarton (1884–1956), was to determine (according to George Sarton) the relations between history of science and other spheres of human spiritual and intellectual world (religion, technology, visual and decorative art) and between above mentioned discipline and civilization as such. Science as “systematized positive knowledge” – in Sarton’s view – has the power to be indefinitely open to changes as well as to be truly cumulative and progressive as the only human activity. Th erefore its place within the civilization is of high importance. According to that position a history of science is relevant as well. From this point of view fate of civilization is depended on the development of science or onto her stagnation or decline. History of science helps to understand the human position within the world and “to increase our part in the cosmic evolution”. Th is paper was focused also on Sarton’s concept of “new humanism” bridging the gap between the exact and natural sciences
on one side and humanities on the other one. Sarton’s aim was to make
a place for a mutual understanding and co-operation of diff erent scientific approaches. It is the history of science, which has a task to fulfill this mission.
Joseph ben Moses ha-Kilti, a mathematician and philosopher, who composed the Aristotelian Organon in the form of Hippocrates’ Aphorism. We can add to Judeo-Byzantine intellectual tradition also an astronomer and translator from Greek and Arabic into Hebrew, Solomon ben Elijah, who flourished in Salonica and Ephesus in the second half of the 14th century (respectively between c. 1378–1386). Another person, who could serve to Gennadios as a model for his legendary Elissaios, might be a Turkish Qaraite polymath Mordecai ben Eliezer Khomatiano (Comtino, 1402–1482), leading personality in Andrianople. We suppose that persona of mysterious Gemistos’ teacher, Ellisaios, is a compound mixture of different features of Jewish scholars of this time and Plethon’s own intellectual activities plus Gennadios’ fancy half-true elements.
Plethon’s inspirational philosophical impact occurred during the first phase of the current Council of Ferrara and Florence (1438–1439) concerning the union of churches. Plethon’s treatise On Difference between Plato and Aristotle triggered Plato-Aristotle controversy significant for the philosophical thought of the 15th century.
George Gemistos Plethon was the most original and influential thinker
of the Late Palaeologan Renaissance, which helped to introduce Platonic
philosophy in the Renaissance Italy, and thus indirectly to the whole Western thought. Potential inspirational influence of his “philosophical school” in Mistra is considered in relation to the establishment of Cosimo’s and Ficino’s Platonic Academy in Careggi.
presuppositions of Petrarch’s motives for reviving the knowledge of Greek language and literature. Leaving aside the Petrarch’s own meagre progress in learning Greek it is necessary to point out his inspirational influence on his
younger friend Giovanni Boccaccio (1313–1375) who was able to organize public lectures of Greek language in Florence around 1360 for another Calabrian, Leontios Pilatos (ca.1300–1366), former Barlaam’s pupil. Apart from the pedagogical work Pilato’s tasks included translations of selected ancient Greek classical texts: Homer’s poems Odyssey and Iliad, entering
parts of Euripides’ Hecube (Hecabe), fragments from Plutarch’s Lives, Pseudo-Aristotelean corpus De mirabilibus auscultationibus (On Marvelous Things Heard). Pilatos also tried to translate the Greek parts of the so-called Pandectae, the digest of Roman law promulgated by Justinian in 530–533.
Despite a short time span (from 1359 until 1362) Pilatos’ multiple Florentine activities, largely supported by both Petrarch and Boccaccio, were a turning point in the reception of the legacy of Ancient Greece within the intellectual Italian milieu of the Early Renaissance. Except for Giovanni Boccaccio and
Domenico Silvestri (ca. 1335–1411), identity of Pilatos’ other students (if there have been any) is surrounded by silence. Although the continuity of Greek studies was interrupted for another three decades, Pilatos’ pedagogical
and translation work laid the intellectual and mental groundwork for the cultural mission of Manuel Chrysoloras in 1397. As to the revival of Greek studies in Italy the concerned period (from 1358 until 1363) was fruitful, though timely limited, and raised interest among Italian humanists in
original texts of the period of Ancient Greece. Despite being clumsy and inadequate the word-for-word translations by Pilatos did not lack stimulating power and inspired the next generation of Italian humanists to produce more
proper Latin versions. Homeric poems were translated into Latin after many centuries of oblivion in Western Europe. Copies of Pilatos’ Latin translations (written by Donato Degli Albanzani or Giovanni Malpaghini da Ravenna) spread very quickly in a relatively short time span. This fact proves a high
degree of impatience with which Early Italian humanists expected translation of Homeric work. We can easily trace Pilatos’ influence in another earlier Latin version of Odyssey written by Francesco Zabarella (1360–1417), which
was created before the end of the 14th century (in 1398). Almost at the same time (about 1392) Coluccio Salutati (1331–1406) tried to persuade the poet Antonio Loschi (1365–1441) to use Pilatos’ prosaic version to transform the text into a more appropriate poetic version closer to Homeric poems. In
the next century Lorenzo Valla (1407–1457) probably secretly used Pilatos’ translation when composing his own prosaic version of Iliad (Books I–XVI) between 1442–1444.
Considering ancient Greek and Latin legacy Italian humanists were curious men. Nevertheless at the same time they were Catholic Christians. Beside the philosophical and literary approach there was also theological tendency ad fontes leading towards the roots of Christianity and from this view-point writings of Greek Holy Fathers represented valuable source of knowledge. Their works contained the rules of proper Christian conduct of life so much deserved in Traversari’s times facing the problems of the corrupted Church and Christian society in general. Christian humanism intended to pure the letters of Holy Fathers and Holy Scripture, disclosure them in their original version and create adequate Latin translations. Renaissance is still before all perceived as a revival of pagan ancient wisdom. This perception is of half-true value. It is important to be conscious of pervasive osmosis of different spiritual and cultural ideas at the Renaissance times. Pagan elements represent just lesser (but undoubtedly relevant) part of the whole Renaissance movement. Another part is represented by renewed Christian ideas. Humanists did not want to stand on the side of the pagan ideas and in the opposition to contemporary Christian society (not to mention that some of them prospered from an acquired clerical posts). However proponents of humanistic ideas strongly felt the necessity to be inspired by both ancient pagan writings and Early Christian sources. In this light it is helpful to perceive Italian humanists as a moralists of contemporary manners.
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George Sarton (1884–1956), was to determine (according to George Sarton) the relations between history of science and other spheres of human spiritual and intellectual world (religion, technology, visual and decorative art) and between above mentioned discipline and civilization as such. Science as “systematized positive knowledge” – in Sarton’s view – has the power to be indefinitely open to changes as well as to be truly cumulative and progressive as the only human activity. Th erefore its place within the civilization is of high importance. According to that position a history of science is relevant as well. From this point of view fate of civilization is depended on the development of science or onto her stagnation or decline. History of science helps to understand the human position within the world and “to increase our part in the cosmic evolution”. Th is paper was focused also on Sarton’s concept of “new humanism” bridging the gap between the exact and natural sciences
on one side and humanities on the other one. Sarton’s aim was to make
a place for a mutual understanding and co-operation of diff erent scientific approaches. It is the history of science, which has a task to fulfill this mission.
Joseph ben Moses ha-Kilti, a mathematician and philosopher, who composed the Aristotelian Organon in the form of Hippocrates’ Aphorism. We can add to Judeo-Byzantine intellectual tradition also an astronomer and translator from Greek and Arabic into Hebrew, Solomon ben Elijah, who flourished in Salonica and Ephesus in the second half of the 14th century (respectively between c. 1378–1386). Another person, who could serve to Gennadios as a model for his legendary Elissaios, might be a Turkish Qaraite polymath Mordecai ben Eliezer Khomatiano (Comtino, 1402–1482), leading personality in Andrianople. We suppose that persona of mysterious Gemistos’ teacher, Ellisaios, is a compound mixture of different features of Jewish scholars of this time and Plethon’s own intellectual activities plus Gennadios’ fancy half-true elements.
Plethon’s inspirational philosophical impact occurred during the first phase of the current Council of Ferrara and Florence (1438–1439) concerning the union of churches. Plethon’s treatise On Difference between Plato and Aristotle triggered Plato-Aristotle controversy significant for the philosophical thought of the 15th century.
George Gemistos Plethon was the most original and influential thinker
of the Late Palaeologan Renaissance, which helped to introduce Platonic
philosophy in the Renaissance Italy, and thus indirectly to the whole Western thought. Potential inspirational influence of his “philosophical school” in Mistra is considered in relation to the establishment of Cosimo’s and Ficino’s Platonic Academy in Careggi.
presuppositions of Petrarch’s motives for reviving the knowledge of Greek language and literature. Leaving aside the Petrarch’s own meagre progress in learning Greek it is necessary to point out his inspirational influence on his
younger friend Giovanni Boccaccio (1313–1375) who was able to organize public lectures of Greek language in Florence around 1360 for another Calabrian, Leontios Pilatos (ca.1300–1366), former Barlaam’s pupil. Apart from the pedagogical work Pilato’s tasks included translations of selected ancient Greek classical texts: Homer’s poems Odyssey and Iliad, entering
parts of Euripides’ Hecube (Hecabe), fragments from Plutarch’s Lives, Pseudo-Aristotelean corpus De mirabilibus auscultationibus (On Marvelous Things Heard). Pilatos also tried to translate the Greek parts of the so-called Pandectae, the digest of Roman law promulgated by Justinian in 530–533.
Despite a short time span (from 1359 until 1362) Pilatos’ multiple Florentine activities, largely supported by both Petrarch and Boccaccio, were a turning point in the reception of the legacy of Ancient Greece within the intellectual Italian milieu of the Early Renaissance. Except for Giovanni Boccaccio and
Domenico Silvestri (ca. 1335–1411), identity of Pilatos’ other students (if there have been any) is surrounded by silence. Although the continuity of Greek studies was interrupted for another three decades, Pilatos’ pedagogical
and translation work laid the intellectual and mental groundwork for the cultural mission of Manuel Chrysoloras in 1397. As to the revival of Greek studies in Italy the concerned period (from 1358 until 1363) was fruitful, though timely limited, and raised interest among Italian humanists in
original texts of the period of Ancient Greece. Despite being clumsy and inadequate the word-for-word translations by Pilatos did not lack stimulating power and inspired the next generation of Italian humanists to produce more
proper Latin versions. Homeric poems were translated into Latin after many centuries of oblivion in Western Europe. Copies of Pilatos’ Latin translations (written by Donato Degli Albanzani or Giovanni Malpaghini da Ravenna) spread very quickly in a relatively short time span. This fact proves a high
degree of impatience with which Early Italian humanists expected translation of Homeric work. We can easily trace Pilatos’ influence in another earlier Latin version of Odyssey written by Francesco Zabarella (1360–1417), which
was created before the end of the 14th century (in 1398). Almost at the same time (about 1392) Coluccio Salutati (1331–1406) tried to persuade the poet Antonio Loschi (1365–1441) to use Pilatos’ prosaic version to transform the text into a more appropriate poetic version closer to Homeric poems. In
the next century Lorenzo Valla (1407–1457) probably secretly used Pilatos’ translation when composing his own prosaic version of Iliad (Books I–XVI) between 1442–1444.
Considering ancient Greek and Latin legacy Italian humanists were curious men. Nevertheless at the same time they were Catholic Christians. Beside the philosophical and literary approach there was also theological tendency ad fontes leading towards the roots of Christianity and from this view-point writings of Greek Holy Fathers represented valuable source of knowledge. Their works contained the rules of proper Christian conduct of life so much deserved in Traversari’s times facing the problems of the corrupted Church and Christian society in general. Christian humanism intended to pure the letters of Holy Fathers and Holy Scripture, disclosure them in their original version and create adequate Latin translations. Renaissance is still before all perceived as a revival of pagan ancient wisdom. This perception is of half-true value. It is important to be conscious of pervasive osmosis of different spiritual and cultural ideas at the Renaissance times. Pagan elements represent just lesser (but undoubtedly relevant) part of the whole Renaissance movement. Another part is represented by renewed Christian ideas. Humanists did not want to stand on the side of the pagan ideas and in the opposition to contemporary Christian society (not to mention that some of them prospered from an acquired clerical posts). However proponents of humanistic ideas strongly felt the necessity to be inspired by both ancient pagan writings and Early Christian sources. In this light it is helpful to perceive Italian humanists as a moralists of contemporary manners.