Supplemental material, APR808037_Online_Appendix_CLN for Working Mothers Represent: How Children ... more Supplemental material, APR808037_Online_Appendix_CLN for Working Mothers Represent: How Children Affect the Legislative Agenda of Women in Congress by Lisa A. Bryant and Julia Marin Hellwege in American Politics Research
Supplemental material, ESSympsium_APR_VoterConfidence_Experiment_RR2_Appendix for Seeing Is Belie... more Supplemental material, ESSympsium_APR_VoterConfidence_Experiment_RR2_Appendix for Seeing Is Believing: An Experiment on Absentee Ballots and Voter Confidence by Lisa A. Bryant in American Politics Research
This study explores the challenges of getting unlikely voters to the polls and mobilizing new cit... more This study explores the challenges of getting unlikely voters to the polls and mobilizing new citizens for participation in politics, focusing on racial and ethnic minorities, as well as naturalized citizens. Findings suggest that mobilization may not be a one-‐size-‐fits-‐all approach, as many campaigns assume, but rather that when engaging low-‐propensity voters, especially those who are unfamiliar with American political parties or the election process, additional factors such as co-‐ethnic contact and community may play a role. The findings are based on four field experiments conducted during the 2010 general election in four major urban areas in California. The field experiments were conducted using traditional mobilization techniques, including direct mailers, live phone calls and door-‐to-‐door canvassing; and utilized the same scripts in all locations and across minority groups. An examination of heterogeneity of treatment effects shows that mobilization is not equall...
In democratic societies there is a tension between maximizing ballot access and minimizing voter ... more In democratic societies there is a tension between maximizing ballot access and minimizing voter fraud. Since the 2000 presidential election, this tension has been central to discussions about election reform, at the national and local level. We examine this tension by focusing on the implementation of voter identification laws in one state that has experienced significant issues in recent elections, and that is now implementing significant attempts at election reform: New Mexico. We hypothesized that Hispanic voters were more likely to show some form of identification than other types of voters. Using a voter data set from New Mexico’s First Congressional District in the 2006 election, we find that Hispanic, male and Election Day voters were more likely to show some form of identification than non-Hispanic, female and early voters. In addition, using an overlapping study of Bernalillo County 2006 poll workers, we find no evidence that certain groups of poll workers were more likely...
Since the 2000 election, researchers have taken an interest in the role of voter confidence and i... more Since the 2000 election, researchers have taken an interest in the role of voter confidence and its importance as an assessment of public trust in electoral outcomes. Many factors may influence voter confidence including the way in which a voter casts their ballot. Previous research has found that absentee voters consistently report the lowest levels of confidence that their votes were counted correctly. This study uses an experiment to examine how voting method impacts voter confidence. Voters were randomly assigned to either an in-person or absentee voting condition. Participants assigned to the absentee condition expressed lower levels of confidence that their votes would be counted correctly than those assigned to the in-person voting condition. Voters who had to ask for assistance during the experiment also reported lower levels of confidence. This could have implications for voter confidence levels nationally as vote-by-mail continues to grow in popularity.
Issues and policies pertaining to children and families are often labeled “women’s issues” and as... more Issues and policies pertaining to children and families are often labeled “women’s issues” and assumed to be on the radar of all women, but we argue that they are more salient for mothers, particularly working mothers, than for other women. This study examines the role of motherhood as an identity for women in Congress by looking at the introduction of bills that affect children and families from 1973 through 2013. We define working mothers as women who have children below 18 years of age at home while they are in office, as opposed to those who have adult children or no children. Our findings show that Congressional working mothers are more likely to introduce legislation that address issues specific to parents and children. We also find that legislation specifically dealing with children’s health and welfare is more likely to be introduced by members with children than those without.
This chapter discusses the challenges that researchers face when conducting surveys on hard-to-su... more This chapter discusses the challenges that researchers face when conducting surveys on hard-to-survey populations. It begins with an overview of the various conditions that can make it difficult to include some populations in studies or surveys. This includes the population’s being hard to identify and locate or hard to persuade or interview and even difficulty in defining a sampling frame. The chapter then suggests various sampling approaches that may help researchers overcome challenges when studying hard-to-survey populations. It uses internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Nepal as an example of those who are hard to locate and discusses how the Nepal Forced Migration Survey used several of the techniques discussed to collect a representative sample from this population after the 1996–2006 Maoist insurgency. This chapter demonstrates that with careful planning and creative approaches, researchers can collect quality data from hard-to-survey populations.
ABSTRACT In democratic societies there is a tension between maximizing ballot access and minimizi... more ABSTRACT In democratic societies there is a tension between maximizing ballot access and minimizing voter fraud. Since the 2000 presidential election, this tension has been central to discussions about election reform, at the national and local level. We examine this tension by focusing on the implementation of voter identification laws in one state that has experienced significant issues in recent elections, and that is now implementing significant attempts at election reform: New Mexico. We hypothesized that Hispanic voters were more likely to show some form of identification than other types of voters. Using a voter data set from New Mexico’s First Congressional District in the 2006 election, we find that Hispanic, male and Election Day voters were more likely to show some form of identification than non-Hispanic, female and early voters. In addition, using an overlapping study of Bernalillo County 2006 poll workers, we find no evidence that certain groups of poll workers were more likely to ask for voter identification. Our findings suggest that broad voter identification laws, which may be applied unequally, may be perceived as discriminatory.
Supplemental material, APR808037_Online_Appendix_CLN for Working Mothers Represent: How Children ... more Supplemental material, APR808037_Online_Appendix_CLN for Working Mothers Represent: How Children Affect the Legislative Agenda of Women in Congress by Lisa A. Bryant and Julia Marin Hellwege in American Politics Research
Supplemental material, ESSympsium_APR_VoterConfidence_Experiment_RR2_Appendix for Seeing Is Belie... more Supplemental material, ESSympsium_APR_VoterConfidence_Experiment_RR2_Appendix for Seeing Is Believing: An Experiment on Absentee Ballots and Voter Confidence by Lisa A. Bryant in American Politics Research
This study explores the challenges of getting unlikely voters to the polls and mobilizing new cit... more This study explores the challenges of getting unlikely voters to the polls and mobilizing new citizens for participation in politics, focusing on racial and ethnic minorities, as well as naturalized citizens. Findings suggest that mobilization may not be a one-‐size-‐fits-‐all approach, as many campaigns assume, but rather that when engaging low-‐propensity voters, especially those who are unfamiliar with American political parties or the election process, additional factors such as co-‐ethnic contact and community may play a role. The findings are based on four field experiments conducted during the 2010 general election in four major urban areas in California. The field experiments were conducted using traditional mobilization techniques, including direct mailers, live phone calls and door-‐to-‐door canvassing; and utilized the same scripts in all locations and across minority groups. An examination of heterogeneity of treatment effects shows that mobilization is not equall...
In democratic societies there is a tension between maximizing ballot access and minimizing voter ... more In democratic societies there is a tension between maximizing ballot access and minimizing voter fraud. Since the 2000 presidential election, this tension has been central to discussions about election reform, at the national and local level. We examine this tension by focusing on the implementation of voter identification laws in one state that has experienced significant issues in recent elections, and that is now implementing significant attempts at election reform: New Mexico. We hypothesized that Hispanic voters were more likely to show some form of identification than other types of voters. Using a voter data set from New Mexico’s First Congressional District in the 2006 election, we find that Hispanic, male and Election Day voters were more likely to show some form of identification than non-Hispanic, female and early voters. In addition, using an overlapping study of Bernalillo County 2006 poll workers, we find no evidence that certain groups of poll workers were more likely...
Since the 2000 election, researchers have taken an interest in the role of voter confidence and i... more Since the 2000 election, researchers have taken an interest in the role of voter confidence and its importance as an assessment of public trust in electoral outcomes. Many factors may influence voter confidence including the way in which a voter casts their ballot. Previous research has found that absentee voters consistently report the lowest levels of confidence that their votes were counted correctly. This study uses an experiment to examine how voting method impacts voter confidence. Voters were randomly assigned to either an in-person or absentee voting condition. Participants assigned to the absentee condition expressed lower levels of confidence that their votes would be counted correctly than those assigned to the in-person voting condition. Voters who had to ask for assistance during the experiment also reported lower levels of confidence. This could have implications for voter confidence levels nationally as vote-by-mail continues to grow in popularity.
Issues and policies pertaining to children and families are often labeled “women’s issues” and as... more Issues and policies pertaining to children and families are often labeled “women’s issues” and assumed to be on the radar of all women, but we argue that they are more salient for mothers, particularly working mothers, than for other women. This study examines the role of motherhood as an identity for women in Congress by looking at the introduction of bills that affect children and families from 1973 through 2013. We define working mothers as women who have children below 18 years of age at home while they are in office, as opposed to those who have adult children or no children. Our findings show that Congressional working mothers are more likely to introduce legislation that address issues specific to parents and children. We also find that legislation specifically dealing with children’s health and welfare is more likely to be introduced by members with children than those without.
This chapter discusses the challenges that researchers face when conducting surveys on hard-to-su... more This chapter discusses the challenges that researchers face when conducting surveys on hard-to-survey populations. It begins with an overview of the various conditions that can make it difficult to include some populations in studies or surveys. This includes the population’s being hard to identify and locate or hard to persuade or interview and even difficulty in defining a sampling frame. The chapter then suggests various sampling approaches that may help researchers overcome challenges when studying hard-to-survey populations. It uses internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Nepal as an example of those who are hard to locate and discusses how the Nepal Forced Migration Survey used several of the techniques discussed to collect a representative sample from this population after the 1996–2006 Maoist insurgency. This chapter demonstrates that with careful planning and creative approaches, researchers can collect quality data from hard-to-survey populations.
ABSTRACT In democratic societies there is a tension between maximizing ballot access and minimizi... more ABSTRACT In democratic societies there is a tension between maximizing ballot access and minimizing voter fraud. Since the 2000 presidential election, this tension has been central to discussions about election reform, at the national and local level. We examine this tension by focusing on the implementation of voter identification laws in one state that has experienced significant issues in recent elections, and that is now implementing significant attempts at election reform: New Mexico. We hypothesized that Hispanic voters were more likely to show some form of identification than other types of voters. Using a voter data set from New Mexico’s First Congressional District in the 2006 election, we find that Hispanic, male and Election Day voters were more likely to show some form of identification than non-Hispanic, female and early voters. In addition, using an overlapping study of Bernalillo County 2006 poll workers, we find no evidence that certain groups of poll workers were more likely to ask for voter identification. Our findings suggest that broad voter identification laws, which may be applied unequally, may be perceived as discriminatory.
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