Iz svega navedenog u ovom radu nameće se zaključak da je problematizovanje (nasilnog) ekstremizma... more Iz svega navedenog u ovom radu nameće se zaključak da je problematizovanje (nasilnog) ekstremizma u Sandžaku značajno preuveličano, posebno ako se sagledava u komparativnoj perspektivi. Glavni razlog za insistiranje na navodnom ekstremizmu u Sandžaku jeste to što je ova regija predominantno muslimanska, zbog čega se u atmosferi globalne sekuritizacije muslimana i sagledavanja islama kao bezbednosne pretnje, ali i rastuće islamofobije i jačanja desnih, konzervativnih, snaga na Zapadu, Sandžak po automatizmu stavlja u fokus istraživanja esktremističkih i radikalnih pojava, s prenebregavanjem istorijskog nasleđa, speicifčnosti regionalnih okolnosti i složenih savremenih političko-društvenih kretanja u Srbiji. Navedeni trend je posenno problematičan, jer navedenu globalnu islamofobičnu atmsoferu veoma vešto koriste srpski nacionalisti u daljoj ostrakizaciji muslimana u regionu.
Yearbook of Muslims in Europe Serbia Volume 15, 2024
Introduction
The year 2022 marked Serbia's general elections.2 Aleksandar Vučić secured his pre... more Introduction
The year 2022 marked Serbia's general elections.2 Aleksandar Vučić secured his presidential re-election with a 60% majority vote in the first round. His Srpska napredna stranka (Serbian Progressive Party - SPS), known for its populist and conservative policies, garnered 44% of the votes, or 120 mandates out of 250. Right-wing political parties and movements, including the clero-nationalist Serbian movement Dveri, the Serbian party Zavetnici, and the Demokratska stranka Srbije (Democratic Party of Serbia), achieved significant success, securing over 13% of the vote or 35 mandates.3 These election results highlight that a substantial number of voters support political parties with radical revisionist attitudes towards the genocide and ethnic cleansing of Muslims committed in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo during the 1990s, the glorification of convicted war criminals like Ratko Mladić and Radovan Karadžić, the denial of the national specificities of Bosniaks and Albanians, as well as Islamophobic, anti-immigrant, and xenophobic attitudes.This means that even after more than two decades since the end of the conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, the Muslims of Serbia still do not feel integrated into society or secure. The situation is particularly challenging for Albanians residing in the Preševo Valley, who remain a specific target of (radical) nationalist policies, particularly during the strained relations between Kosovo and Serbia, which have escalated to the brink of armed conflict on several occasions during 2022. During the latter half of the year, Serbia conducted a census of its citizens. The census was particularly significant given the boycott of the previous one in 2011 by members of the Albanian national minority and some Bosniaks. The boycott led to a considerable undercounting of the Albanian and Bosniak populations in Serbia, rendering their recognition by the State inadequate. To rectify the 2011 error, Albanian and Bosniak representatives in Serbia made efforts to mobilise their national minority members to participate in the census. In the case of Bosniaks, the Islamska zajednica u Srbiji (Islamic Community in Serbia - ICiS), headquartered in Novi Pazar, played a significant role in rallying Bosniaks residing in Serbia and abroad to participate in it. The efforts bore fruit, as can be seen from the results. Compared to the 2011 census, the number of Bosniaks increased from 145,278 to 153,801, and the number of Albanians from 5,809 to 61,686.5In 2022, divisions emerged in the Islamska zajednica Srbije (Islamic Community of Serbia - ICoS), pitting the Belgrade muftiate, led by the Jusufspahić family, against the Mešihat Sandžački. Meanwhile, tensions also surfaced in the ICiS following the death of its former leader and mufti, Muamer Zukorlić. A dispute over inheritance and financial assets erupted between the mufti's second wife, Elma Elfić, and his son Usama Zukorlić, who had assumed his father's position as the head of the Stranka pravde i pomirenja (Justice and Reconciliation Party - JRP). The rift between them extended beyond monetary concerns, as divergent views on the future and direction of the ICiS came to the fore. Similar disputes occurred in institutions where Mufti Zukorlić played an influential role, such as the Bosniak Academy of Arts and Sciences, the Bosniak National Foundation, and the International University of Novi Pazar. It is also worth noting that President Vučić and the Government have been actively pursuing deeper economic ties with predominantly Muslim countries, notably Turkey, the United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Iran. These efforts are part of a broader economic and political strategy initiated by President Vučić several years ago, aiming to diversify Serbia's economy and reduce its reliance on investments from EU member states.
У раду се на основу до сада необјављене архивске грађе Удружења Млади муслимани 1939, приватних а... more У раду се на основу до сада необјављене архивске грађе Удружења Млади муслимани 1939, приватних архива, Државног архива Србије, Војног архива, али и других релевант- них извора, анализира успостављање организације Млади мус- лимани, формиране у Сарајеву пред почетак Другог светског рата. Анализом се показују идентитет и идеационо усмерење организације, као и њен однос према босанскохерцеговачкој улеми, државности Босне и Херцеговине, националној идеји, усташкој идеологији, Комунистичком покрету, и другим идејним струјама присутним у доба настанка организације.
The paper analyzes the establishment of the Young Mus- lims organization, which was formed in Sarajevo at the dawn of World War II, based on previously unpublished archival materi- als from the association of Young Muslims 1939, private archives, The State Archives of Serbia, Military Archives, and other relevant sources. The analysis shows the identity and ideological direction of the organization as well as its relationship to the Bosnian ulema, the statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the idea of the nation, the Ustasha ideology, the Communist movement, and other ide- ological currents present in the time when the organization was founded.
Predmet ovog rada je komparativna analiza Muslimanske braće i el Nahde, dva islamska pokreta koja... more Predmet ovog rada je komparativna analiza Muslimanske braće i el Nahde, dva islamska pokreta koja su u Egiptu i Tunisu imala veoma značajnu ulogu u postrevolucionarnom periodu nakon završetka Arapskog proleća. Poseban fokus rada stavljen je na razumevanje ideoloških i praktičnih poteza ova dva pokreta koji su za rezultat imali veoma različite ishode. Takođe, u radu se sagledavaju i okolnosti u kojima se pokreti trenutno nalaze, kao i izgledi da oni u budućnosti uzmu učešće u uspostavljanju istinski pluralnih i otvorenih društava u Egiptu i Tunisu.
In this paper, we deal with a comparative analysis of the Muslim Brotherhood and al-Nahda, two Islamic movements that played a significant role in Egypt and Tunisia in the post-revolutionary period after the end of the Arab Spring. The work focuses on understanding the two movements’ ideological and practical moves, which resulted in very different outcomes. Also, the paper examines the circumstances in which the movements currently find themselves, as well as their prospects for the future and the possibility of them taking part in the establishment of plural and open societies in Egypt and Tunisia.
Armina Galijaš interviewed Ivan Ejub Kostić on several occasions in Belgrade during 2019. The top... more Armina Galijaš interviewed Ivan Ejub Kostić on several occasions in Belgrade during 2019. The topic of the interviews was the contemporary sociopolitical position, the history, and the daily life of Muslims in Serbia and in Belgrade, a subject on which Ivan Ejub Kostić is an expert. He was born in Belgrade in 1979 and has lived there ever since. Islam is an integral part of his life, not only as a religion that he embraced over 15 years ago but also as a field of scholarly and sociopolitical interest. His elaborate answer to the question, 'What is it like to be a Muslim in Belgrade?' offers insights into both Ivan's personal path and Muslim lives in Belgrade and in Serbia today.
Savremene akademske debate veoma često se bave pitanjem kompatibil nosti islama s liberalnim vred... more Savremene akademske debate veoma često se bave pitanjem kompatibil nosti islama s liberalnim vrednostima. Pitanja s kojima se najčešće susre ćemo u ovim debatama jesu kompatibilnost islama s principima sekulari zma, s demokratskim uređenjem i s ljudskim pravima. Definicija ljudskih prava u aktuelnim međunarodnim dokumentima obuhvata: položaj i status verskih manjina, slobodu verovanja, mišljenja i govora, položaj žene u dru štvu, prava deteta, prava ljudi s invaliditetom, kao i mnoga druga. Konkre t no, u ovom radu bavićemo se (su)odnosom islama i položaja žene u dru štvu, kao i teorijskom analizom najznačajnijih radova teoretičarki koje su se bavile islamskim feminizmom i reiščitavanjem Kurana iz pozicije žene. Takođe, nakon što u radu konstatujemo osnovne pretpostavke najznačajni jih radova ovih teoretičarki, ponudićemo kritički osvrt na njih.
Rad ima za cilj da približi život i misao Hasana al-Bane, osnivača i idejnog tvorca najvažnijeg s... more Rad ima za cilj da približi život i misao Hasana al-Bane, osnivača i idejnog tvorca najvažnijeg savremenog pokreta za islamski preporod – Muslimanske braće. Namera rada je bila da pokažemo kakve su okolnosti bile u Egiptu u vreme formativnog perioda misli Hasana al-Bane i osni- vanja pokreta Muslimanske braće kako bi se bolje shvatio višedimenzio- nalni karakter organizacije koja je danas, nakon skoro devedeset godina od osnivanja 1928. godine, prvi put došla na vlast u Egiptu. Takođe, rad se bavi i odnosom Hasana al-Bane prema kolonijalizmu, tradicionalnoj ulemi, nacionalizmu, komunizmu, demokratiji i tradicionalnim islam- skim vrednostima. Poseban naglasak u radu stavljen je na uticaj sufijske misli na Hasana al-Banu, koji je od rane mladosti bio duboko vezan za ha- safijski tarikat.
Iz svega navedenog u ovom radu nameće se zaključak da je problematizovanje (nasilnog) ekstremizma... more Iz svega navedenog u ovom radu nameće se zaključak da je problematizovanje (nasilnog) ekstremizma u Sandžaku značajno preuveličano, posebno ako se sagledava u komparativnoj perspektivi. Glavni razlog za insistiranje na navodnom ekstremizmu u Sandžaku jeste to što je ova regija predominantno muslimanska, zbog čega se u atmosferi globalne sekuritizacije muslimana i sagledavanja islama kao bezbednosne pretnje, ali i rastuće islamofobije i jačanja desnih, konzervativnih, snaga na Zapadu, Sandžak po automatizmu stavlja u fokus istraživanja esktremističkih i radikalnih pojava, s prenebregavanjem istorijskog nasleđa, speicifčnosti regionalnih okolnosti i složenih savremenih političko-društvenih kretanja u Srbiji. Navedeni trend je posenno problematičan, jer navedenu globalnu islamofobičnu atmsoferu veoma vešto koriste srpski nacionalisti u daljoj ostrakizaciji muslimana u regionu.
Yearbook of Muslims in Europe Serbia Volume 15, 2024
Introduction
The year 2022 marked Serbia's general elections.2 Aleksandar Vučić secured his pre... more Introduction
The year 2022 marked Serbia's general elections.2 Aleksandar Vučić secured his presidential re-election with a 60% majority vote in the first round. His Srpska napredna stranka (Serbian Progressive Party - SPS), known for its populist and conservative policies, garnered 44% of the votes, or 120 mandates out of 250. Right-wing political parties and movements, including the clero-nationalist Serbian movement Dveri, the Serbian party Zavetnici, and the Demokratska stranka Srbije (Democratic Party of Serbia), achieved significant success, securing over 13% of the vote or 35 mandates.3 These election results highlight that a substantial number of voters support political parties with radical revisionist attitudes towards the genocide and ethnic cleansing of Muslims committed in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo during the 1990s, the glorification of convicted war criminals like Ratko Mladić and Radovan Karadžić, the denial of the national specificities of Bosniaks and Albanians, as well as Islamophobic, anti-immigrant, and xenophobic attitudes.This means that even after more than two decades since the end of the conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, the Muslims of Serbia still do not feel integrated into society or secure. The situation is particularly challenging for Albanians residing in the Preševo Valley, who remain a specific target of (radical) nationalist policies, particularly during the strained relations between Kosovo and Serbia, which have escalated to the brink of armed conflict on several occasions during 2022. During the latter half of the year, Serbia conducted a census of its citizens. The census was particularly significant given the boycott of the previous one in 2011 by members of the Albanian national minority and some Bosniaks. The boycott led to a considerable undercounting of the Albanian and Bosniak populations in Serbia, rendering their recognition by the State inadequate. To rectify the 2011 error, Albanian and Bosniak representatives in Serbia made efforts to mobilise their national minority members to participate in the census. In the case of Bosniaks, the Islamska zajednica u Srbiji (Islamic Community in Serbia - ICiS), headquartered in Novi Pazar, played a significant role in rallying Bosniaks residing in Serbia and abroad to participate in it. The efforts bore fruit, as can be seen from the results. Compared to the 2011 census, the number of Bosniaks increased from 145,278 to 153,801, and the number of Albanians from 5,809 to 61,686.5In 2022, divisions emerged in the Islamska zajednica Srbije (Islamic Community of Serbia - ICoS), pitting the Belgrade muftiate, led by the Jusufspahić family, against the Mešihat Sandžački. Meanwhile, tensions also surfaced in the ICiS following the death of its former leader and mufti, Muamer Zukorlić. A dispute over inheritance and financial assets erupted between the mufti's second wife, Elma Elfić, and his son Usama Zukorlić, who had assumed his father's position as the head of the Stranka pravde i pomirenja (Justice and Reconciliation Party - JRP). The rift between them extended beyond monetary concerns, as divergent views on the future and direction of the ICiS came to the fore. Similar disputes occurred in institutions where Mufti Zukorlić played an influential role, such as the Bosniak Academy of Arts and Sciences, the Bosniak National Foundation, and the International University of Novi Pazar. It is also worth noting that President Vučić and the Government have been actively pursuing deeper economic ties with predominantly Muslim countries, notably Turkey, the United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Iran. These efforts are part of a broader economic and political strategy initiated by President Vučić several years ago, aiming to diversify Serbia's economy and reduce its reliance on investments from EU member states.
У раду се на основу до сада необјављене архивске грађе Удружења Млади муслимани 1939, приватних а... more У раду се на основу до сада необјављене архивске грађе Удружења Млади муслимани 1939, приватних архива, Државног архива Србије, Војног архива, али и других релевант- них извора, анализира успостављање организације Млади мус- лимани, формиране у Сарајеву пред почетак Другог светског рата. Анализом се показују идентитет и идеационо усмерење организације, као и њен однос према босанскохерцеговачкој улеми, државности Босне и Херцеговине, националној идеји, усташкој идеологији, Комунистичком покрету, и другим идејним струјама присутним у доба настанка организације.
The paper analyzes the establishment of the Young Mus- lims organization, which was formed in Sarajevo at the dawn of World War II, based on previously unpublished archival materi- als from the association of Young Muslims 1939, private archives, The State Archives of Serbia, Military Archives, and other relevant sources. The analysis shows the identity and ideological direction of the organization as well as its relationship to the Bosnian ulema, the statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the idea of the nation, the Ustasha ideology, the Communist movement, and other ide- ological currents present in the time when the organization was founded.
Predmet ovog rada je komparativna analiza Muslimanske braće i el Nahde, dva islamska pokreta koja... more Predmet ovog rada je komparativna analiza Muslimanske braće i el Nahde, dva islamska pokreta koja su u Egiptu i Tunisu imala veoma značajnu ulogu u postrevolucionarnom periodu nakon završetka Arapskog proleća. Poseban fokus rada stavljen je na razumevanje ideoloških i praktičnih poteza ova dva pokreta koji su za rezultat imali veoma različite ishode. Takođe, u radu se sagledavaju i okolnosti u kojima se pokreti trenutno nalaze, kao i izgledi da oni u budućnosti uzmu učešće u uspostavljanju istinski pluralnih i otvorenih društava u Egiptu i Tunisu.
In this paper, we deal with a comparative analysis of the Muslim Brotherhood and al-Nahda, two Islamic movements that played a significant role in Egypt and Tunisia in the post-revolutionary period after the end of the Arab Spring. The work focuses on understanding the two movements’ ideological and practical moves, which resulted in very different outcomes. Also, the paper examines the circumstances in which the movements currently find themselves, as well as their prospects for the future and the possibility of them taking part in the establishment of plural and open societies in Egypt and Tunisia.
Armina Galijaš interviewed Ivan Ejub Kostić on several occasions in Belgrade during 2019. The top... more Armina Galijaš interviewed Ivan Ejub Kostić on several occasions in Belgrade during 2019. The topic of the interviews was the contemporary sociopolitical position, the history, and the daily life of Muslims in Serbia and in Belgrade, a subject on which Ivan Ejub Kostić is an expert. He was born in Belgrade in 1979 and has lived there ever since. Islam is an integral part of his life, not only as a religion that he embraced over 15 years ago but also as a field of scholarly and sociopolitical interest. His elaborate answer to the question, 'What is it like to be a Muslim in Belgrade?' offers insights into both Ivan's personal path and Muslim lives in Belgrade and in Serbia today.
Savremene akademske debate veoma često se bave pitanjem kompatibil nosti islama s liberalnim vred... more Savremene akademske debate veoma često se bave pitanjem kompatibil nosti islama s liberalnim vrednostima. Pitanja s kojima se najčešće susre ćemo u ovim debatama jesu kompatibilnost islama s principima sekulari zma, s demokratskim uređenjem i s ljudskim pravima. Definicija ljudskih prava u aktuelnim međunarodnim dokumentima obuhvata: položaj i status verskih manjina, slobodu verovanja, mišljenja i govora, položaj žene u dru štvu, prava deteta, prava ljudi s invaliditetom, kao i mnoga druga. Konkre t no, u ovom radu bavićemo se (su)odnosom islama i položaja žene u dru štvu, kao i teorijskom analizom najznačajnijih radova teoretičarki koje su se bavile islamskim feminizmom i reiščitavanjem Kurana iz pozicije žene. Takođe, nakon što u radu konstatujemo osnovne pretpostavke najznačajni jih radova ovih teoretičarki, ponudićemo kritički osvrt na njih.
Rad ima za cilj da približi život i misao Hasana al-Bane, osnivača i idejnog tvorca najvažnijeg s... more Rad ima za cilj da približi život i misao Hasana al-Bane, osnivača i idejnog tvorca najvažnijeg savremenog pokreta za islamski preporod – Muslimanske braće. Namera rada je bila da pokažemo kakve su okolnosti bile u Egiptu u vreme formativnog perioda misli Hasana al-Bane i osni- vanja pokreta Muslimanske braće kako bi se bolje shvatio višedimenzio- nalni karakter organizacije koja je danas, nakon skoro devedeset godina od osnivanja 1928. godine, prvi put došla na vlast u Egiptu. Takođe, rad se bavi i odnosom Hasana al-Bane prema kolonijalizmu, tradicionalnoj ulemi, nacionalizmu, komunizmu, demokratiji i tradicionalnim islam- skim vrednostima. Poseban naglasak u radu stavljen je na uticaj sufijske misli na Hasana al-Banu, koji je od rane mladosti bio duboko vezan za ha- safijski tarikat.
Na portalu tačno.net, na Dan Republike Srpske, 9. januara, publikovan je tekst “Nacio- nalizam s ... more Na portalu tačno.net, na Dan Republike Srpske, 9. januara, publikovan je tekst “Nacio- nalizam s bošnjačkim predznakom” autora fra Drage Bojića. Na moje za- prepašćenje fra Bojić - koji je svakako osoba za poštovanje zbog njegovog vokalnog suprotstavljanja hrvatskom nacionalizmu -je u svom tekstu iznio iznimno smjelu tvrdnju da su svi naci- onalizmi “isti” i da im je svima “zajed- ničko da se vode mržnjom” i “željom da unište drugoga”. Teza da je (bez izuzetka) svim nacionalizmima zajed- nički imenitelj “mržnja spram Drugih” i želja za njihovim “uništenjem”, je ne samo opasna generalizacija već je iz perspektive studija nacionalizma i potpuno netačna.
Postojanje Tajne grupe A bila je tajna za sva lica koja nisu bila njeni članovi, uključujući i čl... more Postojanje Tajne grupe A bila je tajna za sva lica koja nisu bila njeni članovi, uključujući i članove omladinske sekcije El-Hidaje. U nju ulaze svi najgorljiviji članovi organizacije, poput Karađozovića, Granova, Šahovića, Šaćirbegovića, Čampare, Kozarića, Ismeta Serdarevića, ali i Halid Kajtaz i Hasan Biber, koji će nakon Drugog svjetskog rata biti glavni stubovi organizacije, a koje će komunistički režim pogubiti 1949. godine u montiranom kvazisudskom procesu.
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The year 2022 marked Serbia's general elections.2 Aleksandar Vučić secured his presidential re-election with a 60% majority vote in the first round. His Srpska napredna stranka (Serbian Progressive Party - SPS), known for its populist and conservative policies, garnered 44% of the votes, or 120 mandates out of 250. Right-wing political parties and movements, including the clero-nationalist Serbian movement Dveri, the Serbian party Zavetnici, and the Demokratska stranka Srbije (Democratic Party of Serbia), achieved significant success, securing over 13% of the vote or 35 mandates.3 These election results highlight that a substantial number of voters support political parties with radical revisionist attitudes towards the genocide and ethnic cleansing of Muslims committed in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo during the 1990s, the glorification of convicted war criminals like Ratko Mladić and Radovan Karadžić, the denial of the national specificities of Bosniaks and Albanians, as well as Islamophobic, anti-immigrant, and xenophobic attitudes.This means that even after more than two decades since the end of the conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, the Muslims of Serbia still do not feel integrated into society or secure. The situation is particularly challenging for Albanians residing in the Preševo Valley, who remain a specific target of (radical) nationalist policies, particularly during the strained relations between Kosovo and Serbia, which have escalated to the brink of armed conflict on several occasions during 2022. During the latter half of the year, Serbia conducted a census of its citizens. The census was particularly significant given the boycott of the previous one in 2011 by members of the Albanian national minority and some Bosniaks. The boycott led to a considerable undercounting of the Albanian and Bosniak populations in Serbia, rendering their recognition by the State inadequate. To rectify the 2011 error, Albanian and Bosniak representatives in Serbia made efforts to mobilise their national minority members to participate in the census. In the case of Bosniaks, the Islamska zajednica u Srbiji (Islamic Community in Serbia - ICiS), headquartered in Novi Pazar, played a significant role in rallying Bosniaks residing in Serbia and abroad to participate in it. The efforts bore fruit, as can be seen from the results. Compared to the 2011 census, the number of Bosniaks increased from 145,278 to 153,801, and the number of Albanians from 5,809 to 61,686.5In 2022, divisions emerged in the Islamska zajednica Srbije (Islamic Community of Serbia - ICoS), pitting the Belgrade muftiate, led by the Jusufspahić family, against the Mešihat Sandžački. Meanwhile, tensions also surfaced in the ICiS following the death of its former leader and mufti, Muamer Zukorlić. A dispute over inheritance and financial assets erupted between the mufti's second wife, Elma Elfić, and his son Usama Zukorlić, who had assumed his father's position as the head of the Stranka pravde i pomirenja (Justice and Reconciliation Party - JRP). The rift between them extended beyond monetary concerns, as divergent views on the future and direction of the ICiS came to the fore. Similar disputes occurred in institutions where Mufti Zukorlić played an influential role, such as the Bosniak Academy of Arts and Sciences, the Bosniak National Foundation, and the International University of Novi Pazar. It is also worth noting that President Vučić and the Government have been actively pursuing deeper economic ties with predominantly Muslim countries, notably Turkey, the United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Iran. These efforts are part of a broader economic and political strategy initiated by President Vučić several years ago, aiming to diversify Serbia's economy and reduce its reliance on investments from EU member states.
The paper analyzes the establishment of the Young Mus- lims organization, which was formed in Sarajevo at the dawn of World War II, based on previously unpublished archival materi- als from the association of Young Muslims 1939, private archives, The State Archives of Serbia, Military Archives, and other relevant sources. The analysis shows the identity and ideological direction of the organization as well as its relationship to the Bosnian ulema, the statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the idea of the nation, the Ustasha ideology, the Communist movement, and other ide- ological currents present in the time when the organization was founded.
In this paper, we deal with a comparative analysis of the Muslim Brotherhood and al-Nahda, two Islamic movements that played a significant role in Egypt and Tunisia in the post-revolutionary period after the end of the Arab Spring. The work focuses on understanding the two movements’ ideological and practical moves, which resulted in very different outcomes. Also, the paper examines the circumstances in which the movements currently find themselves, as well as their prospects for the future and the possibility of them taking part in the establishment of plural and open societies in Egypt and Tunisia.
The year 2022 marked Serbia's general elections.2 Aleksandar Vučić secured his presidential re-election with a 60% majority vote in the first round. His Srpska napredna stranka (Serbian Progressive Party - SPS), known for its populist and conservative policies, garnered 44% of the votes, or 120 mandates out of 250. Right-wing political parties and movements, including the clero-nationalist Serbian movement Dveri, the Serbian party Zavetnici, and the Demokratska stranka Srbije (Democratic Party of Serbia), achieved significant success, securing over 13% of the vote or 35 mandates.3 These election results highlight that a substantial number of voters support political parties with radical revisionist attitudes towards the genocide and ethnic cleansing of Muslims committed in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo during the 1990s, the glorification of convicted war criminals like Ratko Mladić and Radovan Karadžić, the denial of the national specificities of Bosniaks and Albanians, as well as Islamophobic, anti-immigrant, and xenophobic attitudes.This means that even after more than two decades since the end of the conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, the Muslims of Serbia still do not feel integrated into society or secure. The situation is particularly challenging for Albanians residing in the Preševo Valley, who remain a specific target of (radical) nationalist policies, particularly during the strained relations between Kosovo and Serbia, which have escalated to the brink of armed conflict on several occasions during 2022. During the latter half of the year, Serbia conducted a census of its citizens. The census was particularly significant given the boycott of the previous one in 2011 by members of the Albanian national minority and some Bosniaks. The boycott led to a considerable undercounting of the Albanian and Bosniak populations in Serbia, rendering their recognition by the State inadequate. To rectify the 2011 error, Albanian and Bosniak representatives in Serbia made efforts to mobilise their national minority members to participate in the census. In the case of Bosniaks, the Islamska zajednica u Srbiji (Islamic Community in Serbia - ICiS), headquartered in Novi Pazar, played a significant role in rallying Bosniaks residing in Serbia and abroad to participate in it. The efforts bore fruit, as can be seen from the results. Compared to the 2011 census, the number of Bosniaks increased from 145,278 to 153,801, and the number of Albanians from 5,809 to 61,686.5In 2022, divisions emerged in the Islamska zajednica Srbije (Islamic Community of Serbia - ICoS), pitting the Belgrade muftiate, led by the Jusufspahić family, against the Mešihat Sandžački. Meanwhile, tensions also surfaced in the ICiS following the death of its former leader and mufti, Muamer Zukorlić. A dispute over inheritance and financial assets erupted between the mufti's second wife, Elma Elfić, and his son Usama Zukorlić, who had assumed his father's position as the head of the Stranka pravde i pomirenja (Justice and Reconciliation Party - JRP). The rift between them extended beyond monetary concerns, as divergent views on the future and direction of the ICiS came to the fore. Similar disputes occurred in institutions where Mufti Zukorlić played an influential role, such as the Bosniak Academy of Arts and Sciences, the Bosniak National Foundation, and the International University of Novi Pazar. It is also worth noting that President Vučić and the Government have been actively pursuing deeper economic ties with predominantly Muslim countries, notably Turkey, the United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Iran. These efforts are part of a broader economic and political strategy initiated by President Vučić several years ago, aiming to diversify Serbia's economy and reduce its reliance on investments from EU member states.
The paper analyzes the establishment of the Young Mus- lims organization, which was formed in Sarajevo at the dawn of World War II, based on previously unpublished archival materi- als from the association of Young Muslims 1939, private archives, The State Archives of Serbia, Military Archives, and other relevant sources. The analysis shows the identity and ideological direction of the organization as well as its relationship to the Bosnian ulema, the statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the idea of the nation, the Ustasha ideology, the Communist movement, and other ide- ological currents present in the time when the organization was founded.
In this paper, we deal with a comparative analysis of the Muslim Brotherhood and al-Nahda, two Islamic movements that played a significant role in Egypt and Tunisia in the post-revolutionary period after the end of the Arab Spring. The work focuses on understanding the two movements’ ideological and practical moves, which resulted in very different outcomes. Also, the paper examines the circumstances in which the movements currently find themselves, as well as their prospects for the future and the possibility of them taking part in the establishment of plural and open societies in Egypt and Tunisia.